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Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www. tandfonline. com/action/journal Information?journal Code=rcoj20 Contemporary Japan ISSN: 1869-2729 (Print) 1869-2737 (Online) Journal homepage: www. tandfonline. com/journals/rcoj20 Becoming Purikyua : Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls ' franchises Anya C. Benson To cite this article: Anya C. Benson (2019) Becoming Purikyua : Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls ' franchises, Contemporary Japan, 31:1, 61-78, DOI: 10. 1080/18692729. 2018. 1558023 To link to this article: https://doi. org/10. 1080/18692729. 2018. 1558023 Published online: 23 Dec 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1167 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 2 View citing articles	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Becoming Purikyua : Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls 'franchises Anya C. Benson Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University, Tokyo, Japan ABSTRACT The didactic elements of Japanese children 's media texts have assumed new forms alongside recent developments in franchising strategies. This paper argues that space-based franchising in Purikyua, a popular girls 'transmedia text, exempli ﬁes a trend towards creating Japanese girls 'texts that use participatory activ-ities to create environments that emphasise the potentially acces-sible nature of idealised gendered and commercialised identities. The instructive elements of girls 'transmedia texts ﬁnd their fullest realisation in the creation of text-based spaces where girls are encouraged to enter the text and practise a Purikyua lifestyle. This article analyses the structure of three such text-based spaces, outlining their role in building a media system that seeks to guide children 's movements through the spaces of contemporary Japan. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 14 April 2018 Accepted 8 December 2018 KEYWORDS Media spaces; girls 'media; children 's media; franchising; merchandising Introduction In February 2016, the Purikyua Toy Website urged children to provide photographic evidence of their adventures 'on an outing together with your Mofurun '. 1The webpage displays a photo of a young girl outdoors, surrounded by blurred green shapes that suggest grass and trees (ABC & Toei Animation, 2016 ). The girl is smiling, and her cheek rests against a teddy bear wearing a pink bow. The girl 's photo is positioned next to a large arrow that points to an illustration of a glittering purple toy jewel. On the other side of the toy, an anime-style image shows a girl carrying the same teddy bear in her purse. 'Your Mofurun 'refers to the photographed teddy bear, the toy version of a fairy character in the television show Mah ōTsukai Purikyua-which aired its ﬁrst episode one day after the photo campaign 's starting date. The new show, however, was far from an unknown entity. Mah ōTsukai Purikyua was the thirteenth season of the Purikyua series, a transmedia work that spans across television, ﬁlm, video games, comics, online media, and a never-ending constellation of toys. The 'Outing 'campaign o ﬀered young children (those in elementary school and younger, the small print speci ﬁes) a chance to CONTACT Anya C. Benson abenson. 01h@g. chuo-u. ac. jp Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University, 742-1 Higashinakano, Hachioji-shi, Tokyo 192-0393, Japan 1All discussions of children 's media texts and their transmedia networks (including website content and advertise-ments) in this article are based on the Japanese-language versions, and all translations are my own. Translations of other works are noted as such. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 2019, VOL. 31, NO. 1, 61-78 https://doi. org/10. 1080/18692729. 2018. 1558023 © 2018 German Institute for Japanese Studies	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
win the jewel toy in the centre of the image. As the webpage explains: 'If you submit a photo taken while on an outing together with your purchased “Talking Transforming Mofurun ”to the Purikyua Toy Website, you can receive a “Diamond Jewel ~Cure Magical~ ”!'Children were asked to send photos that clearly exhibited their outing destination; parks were recommended. Photos in which the location was unclear, or those taken inside homes, did not qualify. Under a drawing of a smiling face, the webpage suggests: 'Let's go on an outing outdoors ♪'. Several actions are implied by that simple suggestion. Previous material consumption (of the already-purchased bear) is required, and the desire for subsequent material consumption (of the jewel toy) is assumed. Material consumption is tied to narrative consumption, given the positioning of the illustrated character and coordination with the show 's release. Participation in online media is necessary, as one must submit the photo to the website. This neat loop of media/toy consumption does not, however, fully encapsulate the reach of the 'Outing 'campaign. In an immersive strategy that reaches beyond media or merchandise and into public spaces, children are asked to play out-doors-in other words, to enact that most pervasive image of nostalgic childhood. Staying indoors and, for example, watching the Mah ōTsukai Purikyua television show is here de-emphasised in favour of behavioural practices that align more closely to broad social ideals of childhood, and particularly the sentimentalised vision of the shōjo(girl) as associated with 'emotion, nurturance, nature, and nostalgia '(Yano, 2004, p. 64). Within the campaign 's system of merchandise/media coherence, it may seem odd to encourage actions contrary to children 's consumption of the media narrative. Such encouragement becomes clearer if one understands the series not only as a vehicle to sell media and merchandise, but also behavioural practices and forms of engagement with the spaces of contemporary Japan. This article will use developments in the marketing of Purikyua as an example of emerging trends that build an environment where an accessible and idealised form of girlhood can be 'practised 'through the performance of participatory activities in com-mercialised spaces. 2Purikyua represents a useful case study due to its clear exhibition of many of the same marketing and merchandising strategies that are becoming standard throughout girls 'media in Japan. Furthermore, its 'renewal system 'allows for constant reﬁnement that brings e ﬀective strategies to the fore. The article begins by describing the Purikyua series and its merchandising system, focusing on Purikyua 's replicability and the increased articulation of 'becoming Purikyua 'as an accessible goal. I then discuss how the suggested goal of 'becoming Purikyua 'is made achievable in a set of three spaces, all of which utilise participatory activities based on allowing (and enjoining) young girls to replicate the Purikyua lifestyle. This article draws on Henry Jenkins 'admission of the need for closer examination of the precise workings of media participation: '... [I]t it is time to pull back from both utopian and dystopian rhetoric and o ﬀer a more nuanced account of the di ﬀerent mechanisms for participation being proposed '(2014, p. 273). In the speci ﬁc context of girls 'media mix works in contemporary Japan, participation is formulated as a didactic 2Children will of course respond to these promoted lifestyles in a variety of ways; this article does not seek to discuss how children use Purikyua media content and merchandise as individuals or in groups, but rather the emphases of Purikyua 's marketing strategies. 62 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
tool through marketing strategies that blend media content and merchandise with girls ' movements through and in promoted locations. The information in this article is based on research on Purikyua 's many media forms conducted primarily in Tokyo, Osaka, and Fukuoka from 2010 to 2018. Producing cures Due to its integration of and dispersal across multiple media forms, Purikyua (translated variously as 'Precure 'or'Pretty Cure ') is an example of a Japanese 'media mix 'series (Ahn, 2002 ; Ito, 2005 ; Steinberg, 2012 ). The series began as a television show in February 2004 with the season Futari wa Purikyua (The Two of Us are Purikyua ) and is created collectively by Toei Animation, Asahi Broadcasting Corporation, and the entertainment company Bandai Namco. Kodansha (which publishes magazines, comics, and books featuring Purikyua content) and Sony Music play a lesser role. The series is formed through collaboration between the three main players, operating as a system roughly equivalent to the seisaku iinkai ('production committees ') commonly used to produce ﬁlms. In Rayna Denison 's discussion of the production committee system, she explains their role in ﬁlm production: 'These production committees usually have a central conglomerate at their heart, working in partnership with other companies to manage the whole life span of aﬁlm by preplanning its production, promotion, release in cinemas, and its “long tail ”of distribution on DVD and television, as well as arranging merchandising licenses '(2016, p. 68). In such systems, a primary measure of e ﬀectiveness is the possibility for expansion. The system is 'multimedia in its orientation and more interested in the creation of successful transmedia franchises than in ﬁlmmaking per se '(Denison, 2016, p. 68). As described in Noguchi Tomoo 's 2010 article detailing Purikyua 's committee system, and reiterated in Hartzheim 's2016 article on Toei Animation 's role in the series 'produc-tion (pp. 1067-1073), Bandai is particularly crucial in the formation of Purikyua. Bandai frequently suggests basic concepts or themes for the series based on their extensive market research. As Noguchi ( 2010 ) describes, Bandai employees meet with Toei Animation employees as frequently as once a week, playing a part in every stage of the series 'development and regularly exchanging strategies to ensure that the series will continually bene ﬁtall companies involved. Perhaps due to that deeply collaborative production system, changes to Purikyua have been signi ﬁcant and swift. Not satis ﬁed to simply continue the structure that gave phenomenal success to its ﬁrst two seasons, in 2006 Purikyua began to mimic the structure of such long-running series as Kamen Rider (1971-ongoing) or Super Sentai (1975-ongoing) by employing a 'renewal system '-in other words, the programme is essentially released as a wholly new series approximately each year, with only the general narrative premise remaining the same (Allison, 2006 ). 3In the case of Purikyua, that narrative premise ﬁtsﬁrmly into the tradition of the mah ōshōjo('magical girl ') anime/manga genre. At least two junior high school student girls are approached by fairies from another world who provide them with magical accessories. The girls use 3As the entirety of Purikyua is typically referred to as 'Purikyua shir īzu', this article uses 'series 'to refer to the Purikyua media mix as a whole. I believe that 'season ', while misleading due to its connotations of continuity, is the best word to use to di ﬀerentiate between the broader Purikyua series and the multiple sub-series that comprise it. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 63	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
those accessories to transform into 'Cures ', which involves a change in clothing and hairstyle, as well as the acquisition of magical powers and combat skills. They employ their new powers to ﬁght monsters sent to Earth by the servants of an evil villain from another realm. The plot alternates between the girls 'everyday lives and their battles as Cures. Within this framework, most elements of the narrative change depending on the season: the characters themselves and the relationships between them, the fairies and their relationships with the characters, the types of monsters they ﬁght, the goals of the evil villains, the other realms from which the fairies and villains come, the relative signiﬁcance of the other realms, the number of Cures, the thematic emphases of the series, and even the visual style. Purikyua-related goods totalled 6. 7 billion yen in the 2016 ﬁscal year-less than in previous years, but 8th of all Bandai Namco series, and well ahead of any other Bandai Namco series targeted to girls (Bandai Namco Holdings, 2017, p. 2). 4As early as 2010, Bandai Namco 'sﬁnancial reports referred to Purikyua as a 'teiban kyarakut ā'('staple character ') alongside Kamen Rider (Bandai Namco Holdings, 2010, p. 3). The positioning of a relative newcomer beside such a long-running series is striking, but it is hardly coincidental. Purikyua forms something of a 'team 'with Kamen Rider and Super Sentai, all of which are Asahi, Toei, and Bandai Namco properties that air in direct succession on Asahi TV 's Sunday morning superhero lineup. 5As of August 2018, there have been 15 Purikyua seasons, and the series has undergone 13 complete renewals. In Purikyua 's always-renewable environment, new ideas are easily played with and abandoned. Villainous characters reformed and became Cures, before fairies turning into Cures were deemed a better plot twist; magical realms have come to play a gradually larger role in the seasons; varying out ﬁts rather than a single Cure transformation quickly became standard. As the narrative content has evolved, so too has the series 'marketing style-by using coordination and integration to pull the text into an ever-increasing number of arenas of children 's lives. Replicable worlds Gendered replicability The gendering of Purikyua is hard to overlook, and forms a crucial pillar of its lifestyle-based marketing. Purikyua is outwardly and unabashedly 'girly '. Such 'girliness 'is pri-marily aesthetic, with bows, hearts, jewels, and other stereotypically feminine motifs covering Purikyua merchandise, advertisements and media content. Colours are bright or pastel, with a glaring predominance of pink. The Super Sentai standard of a red-clad leader is given a makeover in Purikyua, with seasons from 2007 onwards featuring a decisively pink-clad leader. Each season is themed, and themes trend towards the overtly feminine, including ﬂowers, princesses, and cooking. Fashion is a constant ﬁxa-tion. In terms of content, the Purikyua television series focuses on the wishes of and 4Purikyua 's top competition amongst Bandai Namco 's girls 'series is Aikatsu!, a media mix predicated on the collection of fashion-based cards that can be used to play an electronic game in Bandai Namco 's Data Carddass arcade machines. Aikatsu! earned 4. 6 billion yen in 2016 (Bandai Namco Holdings, 2017, p. 2). 5Sailor Moon is also a frequent point of comparison with Purikyua, and may be seen as its precursor. Like Purikyua, Sailor Moon was also a series by Bandai Namco, Asahi Broadcasting Corporation and Toei Animation, with a manga serialised in Kodansha 's Nakayoshi. 64 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
conﬂicts faced by girl characters, as well as their relationships with other girls and women. By routinely deploying a kawaii (cute) style, Purikyua draws on associations of Japanese kawaii with elaborately performative femininity (Kinsella, 1995 ), allowing the series to be easily read as targeted to girls in a Japanese context. Positioning a series as kawaii further links the work to notions of ceaseless conspicuous consumption and feminine-coded lifestyle patterns (such as eating sweets, dressing in ornate styles, and engaging in nostalgia-based activities with female friends), suggesting a consumable subjectivity in which both wanting 'cuteness 'and aspiring to personally embody 'cuteness 'can be interpreted as elements of girlhood (Kinsella, 1995, p. 237; see also Yano, 2004, pp. 62-64). 6In other words, kawaii aesthetics designate the series as consumerist and also tied to girls 'identity formation, a hub of items that can be used to illustrate and perform normative girlhood. The exact contours of such kawaii aesthetics are too broad-and, as Brian Mc Veigh describes, 'multivocal '-to be clearly de ﬁned ( 1996, p. 295). In his 1996 discussion of cuteness in Japan, Mc Veigh analyses the ubiquity of Japanese cute, arguing that the very ordinariness and expansiveness of what can be considered kawaii distin-guishes the concept from a singular aesthetic. Rather, 'cute images 'are better understood as a 'part of the everyday embellishments that form a pervasive background of mundane existence '(Mc Veigh, 1996, p. 296)-a background that can reinforce gendered hierarchical social structures. In later works, Mc Veigh complicates that original analysis to include potentially subversive usages of kawaii, noting that the term can be applied to a variety of sometimes contradictory styles, from the gently innocent to the gleefully dark (Mc Veigh, 2000a, p. 135; see also, Mc Veigh, 2000b ). A recognition of the subversive usages of kawaii echoes Kinsella 's conclusions ( 1995 ) and has more recently been used by Masafumi Monden ( 2014 ) and Larissa Hjorth ( 2005 ). Yet even as the precise nature of 'kawaii 'remains elusive, the concept of Japanese kawaii continues to be employed to brand products, organisations, and arguably the nation itself. Christine Yano 's2009 work on Hello Kitty looked beyond the domestic usages of kawaii to examine the 'pinkﬂows 'that have allowed the a ﬀective escapism of consumerist cuteness to spread across the globe, informing and being informed by girls ' and women 's styles outside of Japan. Recent governmental appropriation of cuteness as an element of the 'Cool Japan 'strategy represents one signi ﬁcant shift in its transna-tional cultural presence; however nebulous the term itself may be, kawaii of one particular variety-a'version of sanitized frilly Japanese girlhood endow[ed]... with innocence and gendered essentialism '-is currently being deployed to promote the national image and economy (Miller, 2011, p. 24). In this sense, it is important to approach the topic of Purikyua and kawaii with caution, as any heavy focus on kawaii risks reducing the complexity of girls 'cultures in Japan to the stereotypes familiar to English-speaking audiences (Aoyama, 2008, p. 286). 'Kawaii 'as a word is di ﬃcult to write about without relying on subjective impressions ﬁltered through common stereotypes, and Purikyua is a work that is both obviously gendered through cuteness and resistant to some of the norms of such gendering. 6That the fairies require the girls 'loving attention and care in mothering roles adds to the multivalent cute 'gaze 'of the series (Yano, 2009, pp. 56-57). Girl participants in Purikyua are asked to see themselves as both child and mother-simultaneously desiring to become the cute and care for the cute-two separate mentalities linked by the shared requirement of consumption (Merish, 1996, pp. 186-187). CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 65	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
As an example, we may consider Honda Masuko 's pivotal 1982 work on shōjoculture, which characterises shōjoaesthetics through the word 'hirahira '(2010 ). 'Hirahira 'sug-gests that which is light, uncertain and ﬂuttering. As a mode, hirahira is'absolutely alogical and otherworldly ';i t'blurs the boundary between ordinary reality and the world of the imagination ', comprising an apolitical retreat from reality in ambivalent or fearful anticipation of maturity (Honda, 2010, pp. 35-36). Applying Honda 's poetical ode to shōjoaesthetics to the busy glitter of Purikyua is a lesson in contradictions. While Purikyua 's ribbon-laden merchandise and gentle episodic stories may be described as 'hirahira ', the series adopts more forceful, rigid superhero narratives in overall plot arcs andﬁlms-narratives remarkably similar in style to Honda 's description of boys 'manga (2010, pp. 25-27). Purikyua 's gendering can thus be seen as a negotiation, drawing on shōjoand kawaii modes alongside boy-oriented media standards. Purikyua may be 'cute 'in that it employs certain 'cute 'stylistic markers, particularly of the fanciful, emotive, and accessorized variety that allow average consumers to identify the series as intended for girls. Yet Purikyua also rejects some of the tropes of that very style of 'cuteness '. Its characters and plot develop in much the same way as Kamen Rider and Super Sentai. It regularly portrays physical ﬁghting, a feature more commonly found in boys 'media. Characters are clearly de ﬁned, change little, and rarely engage in the existential pondering of classical shōjoheroines (and if they do, it is as a plot point soon to be resolved). Far from the determined smallness and individualism of kawaii, Purikyua 's battles are global (or even universal) in their consequences. Indeed, through its usage of magic-based narratives, literally sparkling settings, and decorated bodies, the gendering of Purikyua also closely resembles Mary Celeste Kearney 's articulation of 'sparkle 'as a common variety of postfeminist American media ( 2015 ). Purikyua is thus ﬁrmly gendered, although in an arguably transnational and multigenerational form that is diﬃcult to consider a simple extension of any one preexisting mode. Purikyua 's gendered target audience is not only a reasonable inference from its aesthetics and content, but also bluntly stated by the series 'creators. Bandai Namco press releases typically refer to the series as 'targeted to young girls '('joji-muke '), speciﬁcally girls of preschool age. On Toei Animation 's website for the 2010 Heartcatch Purikyua! ﬁlm, the series is explicitly stated to be 'targeted to young girls aged 4-6'; the website further brags that there is no girl who does not know the Purikyua series. Purikyua is also largely perceived as a girls 'series, as shown by Fujita Yumiko 's study of elementary school students, in which an impressive 90% of the girls interviewed said they liked Purikyua-a noticeable contrast to the 57. 1% of boys who professed to dislike the series ( 2009, p. 82). Bandai 's publicly available internal research ﬁnds similar gender segregation in the show 's appeal (Bandai Namco Group, 2011a, pp. 6-8). Purikyua is both produced and received as a series for girls, at least amongst children, and the forms of didactic instruction it employs are inseparable from its gendering. 7The relationship between gendered lifestyle imperatives and mah ōshōjoworks has been taken up by Murase Hiromi, who draws parallels between the fantastical/everyday and the mah ōshōjo's transformation/girls 'development into women ( 2008, pp. 143-145). 7Adult, predominantly male otaku audiences are also avid consumers of Purikyua. While the series originally attempted to evade otaku interest by not overtly sexualising the characters (Noguchi, 2010 ), Bandai does release alternative merchandise, such as high-end ﬁgurines, to cater to the otaku market. 66 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Sugawa-Shimada Akiko has examined at length the gendered subjectivities promoted bymah ōshōjoworks ( 2013 ), and of particular interest here, notes that constructions of femininity are embedded even in the mah ōshōjo's profoundly gendered and purcha-sable 'items '(which, as in the 1969-1970 Himitsu no Akko-chan series, are in Purikyua often modeled on makeup cases, perfume bottles, or fashion accessories) (Sugawa-Shimada, 2008, p. 201; see also 2013, p. 5). The mah ōshōjo, then, formulates a uniquely gendered and consumerist subject position for its predominantly girl audi-ences. I would like to suggest that space-based franchising intensi ﬁes and makes more explicit the mah ōshōjo's'teaching 'of gendered subjectivity. Beyond exhibiting 'ideal ' gender performance in a moralistic, spectacular and/or desirable fashion, Purikyua asks girls to physically practise that 'ideal 'gender performance as an element of textual consumption. The Purikyua system A glance at the girls 'section of any of the massive toy stores dotting Tokyo immediately indicates the vast merchandising empire that is Purikyua. Shelves laden with pink plastic and glittering rhinestones suggest a simple, even quaint merchandising style. Colouring books, dolls, school supplies and household items covered with the characters 'images, and candy packaged with the smiling faces of the latest Cures are easily located in toy stores, convenience stores, bookstores, and supermarkets throughout Japan. Such 'char-acter goods ', or goods decorated with pictures of the characters, constitute what Christine Yano describes as logos that 'can “mark ”their territory endlessly, increasing the number and variety of goods for sale '(2009, p. 62). The nonstop proliferation of character goods has resulted in an incredible amount of Purikyua-ised items blanketing contemporary urban and suburban Japan, but they do not reveal the full extent of Purikyua merchandise. The series 'hallmark-and most aggressively marketed-toys are those that work together, forming complex systems that require not only many expen-sive, sold-separately pieces, but sometimes also active participation on the part of the child audience to collect them. As I will discuss in the following section, Purikyua merchandise is guided by positioning the Purikyua world as accessible across multiple arenas of girls 'lives. As one might expect, the signi ﬁcant in ﬂuence of Bandai in the production of Purikyua has resulted in stories that ﬁxate intensively on merchandisable items. The frequent and ﬂagrant display of merchandise in the Purikyua television show (Hartzheim, 2016, pp. 1078-1080) is less remarkable than the re ﬁnement of the series 'merchandising style, which has seen the gradual development of merchandisable components that are increasingly more connected, mutually dependent, and immersive. From 2010 onwards, Purikyua seasonal systems have involved two main elements: a series of small collectible items, the accumulation of which drives the narrative; and a variety of large (and signiﬁcantly more expensive) pieces of merchandise that require the collectibles for full functionality. The collectible items in 2016 's Mah ōTsukai Purikyua are small plastic jewels referred to as 'Linkle Stones '. As the name implies, the Linkle Stones are heavily 'linked '-to the narrative, which involves characters tracking down numerous Linkle Stones, as well as to the toy teddy bear fairy Mofurun, Linkle Stick, Linkle Smartphone, Linkle Smartphone DX, and Flower Echo Wand. Attaching one of the over a dozen Linkle CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 67	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Stones to any of the aforementioned toys allows the child to play in a di ﬀerent way with that piece of merchandise. For example, the Linkle Smartphone opens to display a pixelated image of the fairy Haa-chan, who acts as a portable electronic companion similar to the Tamagocchi that were popular in the 1990s. When Linkle Stones are attached to the smartphone, the young Purikyua devotee can provide Haa-chan with various electronic food items and out ﬁts-as well as further the child 's own education through activities such as practising writing hiragana. When Haa-chan in the narrative developed into a Cure herself, the DX version of the Linkle Smartphone was released, featuring elements that corresponded to the transformation routine of the newly introduced Cure Felice. Di ﬀerent Linkle Stones also correlate to out ﬁts, encouraging children to [ask their parents to] purchase more than one Cure out ﬁt. Elaborate animation sequences portraying characters using animated 'henshin '('trans-formation ') items have long been the focus of mah ōshōjoand Super Sentai series (Allison, 2001,p. 2 4 3 ). Purikyua seasons, however, have gradually made the items more prominent in the animation, more interconnected with one another, and more frequently predicated on eﬀects that are replicable by child audiences. For example, henshin items in the narrative of 2009 's Fresh! Purikyua onwards display their magical power by lighting up or making sounds, and the animated characters trigger such e ﬀects by pressing a button, spinning a barrel, or inserting another henshin item into a slot. The merchandise works in an identical fashion, meaning that children can almost perfectly enact the transformation sequences (minus the elaborate backdrops or changes in hairstyle). Recent seasons have gone so far as to include sequences that blend animation with computer-generated images of the toys available for purchase, creating uncanny images that mix heavily stylised fantastical char-acters with realistic exhibitions of the plastic merchandise. The usage of the merchandise by the animated characters in the show blends indistinguishably from the possible usage of the merchandise by living children. The transmedia text as an attainable lifestyle The merging of merchandise and character in ways that are replicable by the child reveal the potential of the transmedia text to promote fantastical yet attainable lifestyle practices. Play routines, communication with friends, and even schoolwork can be performed in a predetermined Purikyua way, and therefore become elements of textual participation. That the show rarely positions the Purikyua lifestyle as something natural to the characters, but rather as something acquired-through using items, engaging in activities such as crafts and dance, and moving through certain spaces-reinforces its attainable image. The ﬁctional characters function as exhibitors of the merchandise, and as part of this role, they are frequently shown marvelling at the items 'functions, aesthetics and signi ﬁcance. Print and television advertisements for the merchandise helpfully instruct children in the 'proper ' usage of the toys, usually by showing a girl dressed as a Cure 'transforming 'by using the toys in the same way as the animated characters; print advertisements often give numbered step-by-step illustrations, complete with speech bubbles indicating the words the child should say when performing the actions. Transformation is shown not as a general ideal but as a highly speci ﬁc set of achievable practices. The transmedia system functions here not to expand the fantasy world of the work but to bind it, to tie the work ever more completely to the behavioural practices possible for children in contemporary Japan. 68 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Transformation-based Purikyua merchandise/media content is joined by a variety of other content and events designed to encourage bodily participation in the Purikyua experience. The Cures themselves appear in numerous events, represented by actresses in full-body out ﬁts. In the live-action shows, it is common for the Cures to speak directly to the audience, or indirectly involve the audience in the narrative. The ending theme of each season shows the animated characters dancing, using moves that are conspicuous in their ability to be easily replicated by even very young children. As if to highlight that replicability, events that involve 'dancing with the Cures '-in other words, events in which children are led in dance moves to the season 's theme song-are common. In the 2017 season, each episode ended with a live-action segment showing how to create sweets like those introduced in the episode, or a photograph of the already-made sweet. 8Recipes were posted online simultaneously. The integration of live-action, non-fantastical activities into Purikyua media and merchandise creates increasingly hazy distinctions between what the characters do, what children can do, and what children can buy. While consumption of a media/merchandise system may occur primarily in the space of the home, the inclusion of bodily movement as a demand of textual participation lays the groundwork to structure participation around guided usage of public spaces. Complete participation in Purikyua 's action-inclusive merchandise/narrative system also requires children 's movement to particular spaces, and may thus induce children to move to or through those places. This strategy is most clearly shown by the existence of event-speci ﬁc pieces. Some of the collectible pieces can only be acquired if the child views the latest Purikyua ﬁlm in the cinema or attends a Purikyua event. The broader system also includes components that can be more easily integrated into the daily activities of normative child audiences: pieces accessible through Bandai 's trademark Gashapon (toy vending machines) or Shokugan (toys sold with candies). New compo-nents are released as the show progresses, resulting in a slow drip of merchandise/ media content that injects a sense of immediacy and signi ﬁcance into both. A child visiting a candy store may ﬁnd a Shokugan containing the collectible item shown in that week 's television show; that collectible item would add a new function to her henshin item, connecting the places visited by the child to her engagement with the narrative and toys. The 2017 season attempted to form an atmosphere of constant hype for its merchandise/media system by advertising on television, online and in magazines when and where various components would be sold before they were introduced in the series. In other words, full participation in Purikyua involves not only media consumption and item ownership but actions: performing set activities and moving through set spaces. The lifestyle-text Given its blatant promotion of merchandise, Purikyua ﬁts easily into the model of a show that exists to sell toys-in other words, a ﬁctional narrative that functions primarily as an advertisement for merchandise. This idea is stated explicitly by Hartzheim ( 2016,p. 1 0 5 9 ), 8The live-action sequence associated with an animated episode was new to the 2017 season of Purikyua, but was used regularly in the girls 'series Gokuj ō! Mecha Mote Iinch ō(2009-2011) and Pretty Rhythm (2011-2014), both of which directly attempted to relate the episode to actions or clothing styles that girl audiences could replicate. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 69	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
and he is not the ﬁrst to view Purikyua in that light. In a 2010 Mainichi Shimbun piece about Purikyua 's success, cultural critic Hori Takahiro laments that 'anime is nothing more than a promotional video for toys '(quoted in Yamamoto, 2010 ; my translation), and unfavourably compares series like Purikyua to the simple wooden toys of Germany. 9Purikyua can easily be seen as an advertisement for toys, especially given Bandai 's penchant for releasing videos claiming to reveal the 'secrets 'of the show-which turn out to be nothing more than 10-min advertisements for its toys. Nevertheless, the claim that Purikyua acts as an advertisement, while perhaps accurate for similar earlier series, cannot fully explain the comprehensive system of Purikyua merchandise/media. The increasing emphasis on behaviours and experi-ences in Purikyua 's marketing ask us to question that neat coordination. Purikyua surpasses the use of narrative consumption to encourage merchandise consumption, and instead uses both narrative and merchandise to form the possibility of an idealised consumption-based identity. Purikyua 's intensely immersive system seeks to both promote multilayered engage-ment with an expansive text and con ﬁne that engagement to one pro ﬁtable form of lifestyle integration. Children may use the transmedia text in complex and diverse ways-indeed, many of the merchandise components even highlight varying usages in their design, such as toy wands that are shown also functioning as toy microphones-and any engagement suggested by the marketing may not re ﬂect a child participant 's actual engagement. The immersive systems of Purikyua, however, facilitate particular forms of participation, creating opportunities to make girls 'imaginative play of 'being ' a Cure align as closely as possible with the 'actual 'Cures. The coherency of the system makes engagement in all of Purikyua 's forms an increasing prerequisite for engagement with any one of those forms. The fantasy element of the Purikyua narrative is limited by its possibility for integration into children 's lives (as, for example, dance moves are restricted to ones easily performable by child participants). Simultaneously, children are encouraged to enact the text throughout their lives: go on an outing with their Mofurun, make beaded jewellery, and cook elaborate sweets as shown by the Cures. 'Becoming Purikyua 'involves developing a branded subjectivity through consuming a variety of media content, performing speci ﬁed activities, memorising pieces of infor-mation, and traveling to commercialised sites. The resulting system of consumption, knowledge and action creates a lifestyle-text, a set of ﬁctional media works that are synonymous with the lifestyle practices they promote. Participation in the lifestyle-text is didactic in function, exhibiting a lifestyle coded as desirable and providing explicit instructions on how to achieve it. Experiential play spaces further expand the didactic media/merchandise/behavioural system by allowing girls to imagine-and practise-that lifestyle. Becoming a Cure As the marketing of Purikyua focuses on expansion across disparate spaces of girls' lives, it increasingly emphasises girls 'engagement through activity as well as narrative and 9Hori 's statement ironically re ﬂects Purikyua 's own often nostalgic portrayal of a 'natural 'childhood, reinforced by narratives in which the characters typically eschew high-tech gadgets or materialist consumption to instead play with a single beloved stu ﬀed toy, spend afternoons in the park or the nearby woods, or engage in hands-on activities such as baking or sewing. 70 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
merchandise consumption. The formulation of Purikyua as a lifestyle made to be fully replicable by girls in the context of their daily lives has found its clearest articulation in spaces that allow the child to 'enter 'the Purikyua world and 'completely become 'Cures. Purikyua-themed establishments combine participatory activities, narrative-appropriate décor, and merchandise to create the possibility of becoming a Cure in the bounded, commercialised spaces of shopping malls. Whether in stores, exhibitions or miniature theme parks, Purikyua spaces integrate the Purikyua lifestyle into the real-world urban and suburban spaces of contemporary Japan, positioning its lifestyle as attainable through consumerism and gendered activities. In the following sections, I will describe three Purikyua spaces to illustrate their creation of environments in which girls can practise and ultimately embody the lifestyle-text. Purikyua Pretty Stores Following in the footsteps of the Moomins, Snoopy, and a host of other characters popular enough to sustain their own shopping experiences, Purikyua Pretty Stores are constructed to sell merchandise in an exclusively Purikyua-themed environment. At the time of writing, three are in operation: the ﬂagship store in Osaka, as well as stores in Fukuoka and Tokyo. All are small shops buried inside large malls. Distinct from the immersive experiences of large theme parks such as Disney world-where visitors can eat, drink, and even spend the night in a media-based location-the position of the stores inside the commercialised space of the mall integrates the Purikyua experience into the daily activities of the child and parent. Through its participatory activities, aesthetics, and rigorous blending of the merchandise and narrative, the stores position Purikyua as an accessible reality that can be superimposed onto the spaces of urban Japan. The décor of the Osaka store is part of the Purikyua-ised experience it seeks to form. 10 At the time of research, the main Purikyua store was located in an easy-to-miss corner of Osaka 's Hankyu Sanbangai shopping centre, occupying approximately the same amount of space as other stores in its vicinity. Taking a page out of the Disney playbook, where blandly 'magical 'décor is frequently used to create a sense of entering the Disney vision, the Purikyua Pretty Store highlights the 'girly 'aesthetics of the series. Life-size cardboard cut-outs of every past and present Cure welcome the visitor as they enter the store. The pastel multi-coloured tiled ﬂoor is almost lost amidst the bright pink that explodes across the walls, shelves, and even ceiling. Star, heart, and jewel motifs cover all surfaces. Pastel columns surround the counter, making it appear more like a fairy-tale palace than a place to exchange money for goods. If there were any doubts about the 'leader 'status of the pink Cures, they will be assuaged by the main display: a collection of life-size plastic models of the pink Cures of every season. Purikyua 'sﬁrst Cure, Cure Black of 2004 's Futari wa Purikyua, does not fully ﬁt the pink model that would later become standard; she has been unceremoniously relegated to a corner, angled behind her more appropriately pink comrades. 10This section focuses on the Osaka ﬂagship store because it is the main store, and the most frequently promoted in other Purikyua content. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 71	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
The Osaka ﬂagship store hosts various Purikyua events, such as chances to 'meet 'the Cures (or actresses in full Cure costumes). Incentive to visit the store is created through limited merchandise only available at Purikyua Pretty Stores. Apart from buying toys, a number of participatory activities allow children to engage with the Purikyua space. Play is promoted, with baskets containing components of the merchandise system positioned near cushioned mats. Less obviously coercive is the neat square of pastel desks and chairs where children are encouraged to draw pictures of their favourite Cures or fairies (drawn pictures are displayed on a bulletin board above the play-space). A small photo booth is available for visitors to purchase photos decorated with Purikyua characters and motifs. The most immersive experience is also related to photography: children are encouraged to dress up as a Cure and have their photo taken against either a pastel pink or blue background, both saturated with images of jewels, sparkles, and rainbows. The consumption of goods in the Purikyua Pretty Store is perpetually tied back to the ﬁctional narrative through television screens that line the walls. On these screens, select clips from multiple seasons of the series are spliced with toy advertisements and videos of actresses dancing in costume as Cures. These three forms of engagement-narrative consumption, merchandise consumption, and lifestyle activity-are shown side-by-side, one after another. The distinctions between the three are both visibly clear (after all, some are live-action and some are animated) and obscured by their equal positioning and seamless ﬂow. Some toy advertisements contain animation, and the anime-style masks of the live-action Cures show even the stylised animation uni ﬁed with the human body. Narrative, merchandise and human actions are displayed as equivalent compo-nents of the broader Purikyua system. The Purikyua Miracle Magical World The 2016 Purikyua Miracle Magical World was an event-speci ﬁc site associated with Mah ōTsukai Purikyua. It was not permanent or semi-permanent, but a temporary experiential display erected in an exhibition space. The exhibition space was again located in a mall (Ikebukuro Sunshine City in Tokyo, a common host for anime-related content). The Miracle Magical World also focused on play activities alongside mer-chandise displays, but in this space, the concept of 'entering 'a fantastical world without leaving urban Japan was explicitly highlighted. 11Again in contrast to Disney-and making an interesting parallel to Toyoda Yukio 's work on Tokyo Disney Resort, which he describes as a place that provides 'immersion in a“managed non-ordinariness ”'(2014, p. 208)-this Purikyua event featured entrance into non-ordinariness in a decidedly limited and restricted form. While Toyoda attri-butes the appeal of Tokyo Disney Resort to its creation of 'a“double fantasy ” removed in both time and space from Japanese society '(2014, p. 224), the Purikyua Miracle Magical World was markedly contemporary (highlighting that year 's Cures and themes), held for an approximately 1-month period (a limitation clearly not conducive 11The 2017 version, Purikyua Kira Kira Patisserie, was held in the same space, and was similarly focused on participatory activities. Purikyua Kira Kira Patisserie, however, focused less on entrance into the textual world and more on replicating the lifestyle of the text. 72 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
to frequent repeat customers) and located adjacent to the countless other semi-ordinary consumerist experiences available in a large shopping mall. The event both echoed and reversed the immersive fantasy of Tokyo Disney Resort, attempting to replicate the non-everyday nature of a themed experience while remaining ﬁrmly embedded within Japanese children 'se v e r y d a ys p a c e s. To enter the Miracle Magical World, ticket holders had to walk through a tunnel meant to connect this world and the magic world. The colourful, asymmetrical design ushered the participant towards a large screen displaying animated Cures. The entrance replicated the narrative, in which the Cures themselves regularly enter the magical world via a visually similar train. The tunnel entrance was stressed in advertisements for the event: 'When you go through the tunnel connecting the non-magical world to the magical world, you too can become a magician '. On the other side of the tunnel, the décor reinforced your newfound identity as a magician. With fake brick walls, stained-glass windows, multi-coloured doors and heavy drapes positioned throughout, the space was designed to mimic a magic castle. Inside, a variety of experiential activities were on o ﬀer, including dance lessons, oppor-tunities for children to dress up as a Cure and have their photos taken, crafts, and karaoke to the season 's theme song. These activities were supplemented with additional photo sites, ample exhibitions of every imaginable type of merchandise, and perfor-mances by actresses dressed as Cures. The hourly Cure performances were both the most hyped of the activities on o ﬀer and the most antithetical to the exhibition 's emphasis on experiential play. As actresses appeared on the stage in costume as Cures, an assistant introduced them with a call reminding children to study hard for school. 'Becoming Purikyua 'was at that moment positioned as both a fantastical ideal and an almost mundanely attainable possibility. Seated in front of actresses representing the 'real'Cures, children were implicitly prompted to not see their own transformations as quite as 'real'as those of the adults on stage. At the same time, 'becoming a Purikyua 'was explicitly and directly connected to the everyday lives of girls. To become a Cure is not just to dress a certain way and own certain toys; it is also to enact certain societally acceptable norms of behaviour, in this case by studying. The Miracle Magical World did not only encourage engagement in the media/mer-chandise system, but also forms a part of it. Limited-edition 'Data Carddass ', which allow the girl to dress an avatar in out ﬁts on Bandai Data Carddass machines, were made available to participants. The participating girl, then, must visit the Miracle Magical World to receive her limited-edition card before visiting an arcade, toy store, or other commercialised location to use that card. The more fully a girl engages in the series, the more time she must spend in Bandai Namco spaces. In this immersive media environ-ment, girls 'consumption of media and merchandise becomes intertwined with their movement through urban and suburban spaces. Purikyua Narikiri Studios While the Purikyua Pretty Store uses participatory activities and narrative to ful ﬁl the primary goal of selling merchandise, and the Purikyua Miracle Magical World used participatory activities and merchandise to construct the space of the narrative, the CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 73	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
division between the three becomes further muddied in the Purikyua Narikiri Studio. Labelled a 'character experience establishment '('kyarakut ātaiken shisetsu ')o r 'character packaged-play establishment '('kyarakut āpakk ēji-gata y ūgi shisetsu '), the Purikyua Narikiri Studio is one example of Namco 's recent place-based entertainment advance-ments. Namco released its ﬁrst'character packaged-play establishments 'in 2010, using such long-standing popular series as Ultraman, Tamagocchi, and Kamen Rider. Purikyua was integrated into the system in 2011, with the studios changing to match each new season. Bandai Namco 'soﬃcial press release for the 2011 studio boasts that the child-oriented establishments 'made the most of the Bandai Namco Group 's know-how ' (Bandai Namco Group, 2011b, p. 1). The Narikiri Studio focuses on constructing a space where children can engage in Purikyua lifestyle play activities. In reality, these spaces are not too di ﬀerent from the Purikyua Pretty Stores or the Miracle Magical World. Despite the label of 'studio ', the establishments are small shop-like spaces located in large malls around Japan-although unlike the stores 'locations in the heart of large cities, the studios are typically in residential suburban hubs. There are approximately three Narikiri Studios in operation at any given time, with locations changing periodically. Limited-edition collectibles or Data Carddass are made available at the studios, meaning that complete engagement with the media mix requires a visit to one of these locations. The array of activities on o ﬀer at the Purikyua Narikiri Studios should by now seem familiar. The 2011 Suite Purikyua ♪studio involved activities including dressing up and having one 's photo taken as a Cure, drawing pictures, playing with Purikyua toys and dancing to the theme song. The 2016 Mah ōTsukai Purikyua version promised a more lifestyle-based 'magician 's experience '('mah ōtsukai taiken '). The activities involved were almost identical, although given a magic theme. The décor was identical to the other Purikyua spaces, switching between varied bright colours and a preponderance of pink. Purikyua-approved motifs of hearts, jewels, sparkles, and bows prevailed throughout. The not-quite-store, not-quite-theme-park space of the Purikyua Narikiri Studio physi-cally replicates the spaces shown in the narrative-for example, the sweets shop frequented by the characters in Suite Purikyua ♪was visually replicated in the Narikiri Studio as a space to play with merchandise and do crafts. Children are thus able to physically enter the media/merchandise system, performing Purikyua rather than simply consuming it. The desirability of inhabiting a Cure 's identity is the assumption on which these spaces are based. The Purikyua Narikiri Studio is similar to Namco 's other 'character packaged-play establishments '. The characters used switch regularly, but the activities are often the same across establishments. Indeed, despite the self-conscious gendered nature of Purikyua, the boy-oriented establishments involve almost exactly the same activities. Even the focus on dressing up and having one 's photo taken, which may be seen to correlate to the series 'themes of fashion and appearance, is not limited by gender. For example, the boy-oriented Ultraman Battle Studio was also advertised as a space in which participants could dress up and have their photo taken (Namco, 2011, p. 2). Gender is rigorously coded into these spaces, but like the series of Purikyua, which is almost identical in content to the boy-oriented superhero shows, that coding is primarily aesthetic rather than ideological. 74 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Space, identity, and the Purikyua lifestyle Children are encouraged to participate in Purikyua by performing its proposed life-style. The Purikyua lifestyle as suggested by its marketing is neither limited to nor separable from the media narrative, as it rigidly ties other Purikyua f o r m si n t ot h e television show whenever possible-for example, through the coordinated release of merchandise, the use of the television show to illustrate the toy 'si n t e n d e du s a g e, and the integration of other lifestyle practices (such as dancing, crafts, or cooking) into the narrative. To 'become Purikyua ', a child needs a great deal of merchandise, but merchandise alone will not su ﬃce. The child is asked to know which words to say, which buttons to press, which dance moves to perform. She is asked to accept certain values (such as studying, valuing fr iends, and playing outdoors) as desirable, and even alter her own movements in accordance with Purikyua 's merchandise, media, and morals. The Purikyua system uses all its elements in conjunction with one another in a loop of pedagogical display: media content exhibits ideal goods and actions, while participatory activitie sa l l o wg i r l st oe x p e r i e n c ea n dp r a c t i s et h e lifestyle exhibited. Advertisements, events, online content, and live-action videos mediate between the two, instructing children in the 'proper 'way to perform the Purikyua identity. The Purikyua lifestyle is heavily gendered, yet also curiously free from gendered ideals. Purikyua 's explicitly 'girly 'aesthetic-coupled with its evident similarity to large franchises for boys-positions gender as simultaneously inseparable from its identity construction and largely irrelevant. As there is no one way to be 'kawaii ', and indeed kawaii can be derived from the act of individualisation (Mc Veigh, 2000b, p. 235; Hjorth, 2005, p. 52), there are many varieties of girlhood presented as desirable in Purikyua. There are gentle, passive Cures; pro-active, fun-loving Cures; fashionable, individualistic Cures; and even masculine-coded Cures. All, however, bodily enact the Purikyua lifestyle, and so too can the child participant. A Purikyua identity is a girly identity, but it is girly due to its ribbons, jewels, and copious amounts of pink. Purikyua activities and values are often not gendered, but most frequently become gendered when there is detailed instruction involved. Boys too are encouraged to develop closer ties to their friends, but they are not encouraged to bake cute sweets. The didactic exhibition of lifestyle here positions gender as largely a function of lifestyle-text consumption, wherein becoming an ideal woman is much like becoming a member of Purikyua : a set of aesthetics, ideals and actions that a child can easily replicate, so long as she has the appropriate Bandai merchandise. C h i l d r e na r eb e s ta b l et op r a c t i s et h e Purikyua lifestyle in speci ﬁcf o c a lp o i n t s designed with the totality of the Purikyua system in mind. The stores, 'studios ',a n d constructed 'worlds 'that allow the child to enact the Purikyua lifestyle focus not only on merchandise consumption but a variety of activities that encourage the child to see the Cure identity as both desirable and achievable. Such spaces allow the child to'completely become Purikyua ', and that goal involves the child consuming mer-chandise, performing set actions (such as dance moves), agreeing with social mores (such as the importance of studying), and dis playing familiarity with the narrative. All these spaces are inherently commercialised-not only due to their promotion of merchandise, but also by their physical placement within shopping malls. Rather CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 75	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
than simply bringing the 'fantasy world 'into the 'real world ', the overwriting of 'real world 'spaces with the text makes the two hope lessly intertwined. The text is both expanded and con ﬁned by its ability to be mapped onto physical spaces. Using the transmedia text to construct gendered and consumerist lifestyles is a trend not limited to Purikyua. Bandai Namco 's other lucrative girls 'series, Aikatsu!, requires girls to travel to shopping malls, arcades, and other locations that host their Data Carddass machines. More recently, the 2017 series Coco Tama has attempted to integrate social media into its mix of space, toy and narrative. Predicated on the concept of small collectible animal-like toys that are meant to represent the spirits of objects-and can be found anywhere throughout the child 's home and daily life-Coco Tama integrated its television and toy content with its Instagram account, which published photographs of the toys in everyday sites. The toys may be seen hiding in grass, at a train station, or around a postal box, little reminders of the media mix that imbue the everyday with Bandai-branded signi ﬁcance. The merchandise/narrative sys-tem has found yet another way to superimpose itself onto the spaces of contemporary Japan. Whether by practising hiragana, participating in dance lessons or decorating cakes, Purikyua prioritises pedagogical play that positions 'becoming 'an ideal subject as a skill attainable through the performance of speci ﬁed, learnable actions. Movement through the spaces of a child 's everyday life-the park, the supermarket, the shopping mall-become coded through the demands of textual participation, constructing the text as inclusive of physical actions. In the experiential play spaces that now dot Japan 's urban and suburban landscapes, this impulse is taken a step further, as girls are asked to replicate the text 's model of ideal subjectivity. Text-based spaces thus add an emerging requirement of bodily movement to the broader merchandising/media systems through which Japanese children 's franchises are formed. This bodily movement reaches beyond the spectacle of on-screen transformation to function as practise of the text as lifestyle. The lifestyle-text seeks not only display but management; it supplements consumerist enticement with the instructive potential of action. The gendered fantasy of 'becoming Purikyua ' refuses to remain politely in the realm of dress-up games, but instead twirls into a new formation-that of a promise for future identity, a promise that may be fulﬁlled only by the child 's enactment of a text-based vision. Acknowledgments This article is based on a paper presented at the 2nd EAJS Japan Conference in 2016. This article partially stems from doctoral research conducted at the University of York, and I would like to thank the White Rose University Consortium and the Mixed Cinema Network for providing funding for that research. Funding Thisﬁeldwork conducted in Japan in 2011 was made possible by funding from the Japan Foundation Endowment Committee under Grant [JF 467 1110] and the Great Britain Sasakawa Foundation under Grant [3927]. 76 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
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APPLIED COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGYAppl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)Published online 31 October 2005 in Wiley Inter Science(www. interscience. wiley. com) DOI: 10. 1002/acp. 1178Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespectiveof Necessity: Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly DANIEL M. OPPENHEIMERPrinceton University, USASUMMARYMost texts on writing style encourage authors to avoid overly-complex words. However, a majorityof undergraduates admit to deliberately increasing the complexity of their vocabulary so as to givethe impression of intelligence. This paper explores the extent to which this strategy is effective. Experiments 1-3 manipulate complexity of texts and ﬁnd a negative relationship between complex-ity and judged intelligence. This relationship held regardless of the quality of the original essay, andirrespective of the participants' prior expectations of essay quality. The negative impact ofcomplexity was mediated by processing ﬂuency. Experiment 4 directly manipulated ﬂuency andfound that texts in hard to read fonts are judged to come from less intelligent authors. Experiment 5investigated discounting of ﬂuency. When obvious causes for low ﬂuency exist that are not relevantto the judgement at hand, people reduce their reliance on ﬂuency as a cue; in fact, in an effort not tobe inﬂuenced by the irrelevant source of ﬂuency, they over-compensate and are biased in the oppositedirection. Implications and applications are discussed. Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. When it comes to writing, most experts agree that clarity, simplicity and parsimony areideals that authors should strive for. In their classic manual of style, Strunk and White(1979) encourage authors to 'omit needless words. ' Daryl Bem's (1995) guidelines forsubmission to Psychological Bulletinadvise, 'the ﬁrst step towards clarity is writingsimply. ' Even the APA publication manual (1996) recommends, 'direct, declarativesentences with simple common words are usually best. 'However, most of us can likely recall having read papers, either by colleagues orstudents, in which the author appears to be deliberately using overly complex words. Experience suggests that the experts' advice contrasts with prevailing wisdom on how tosound more intelligent as a writer. In fact, when 110 Stanford undergraduates were polledabout their writing habits, most of them admitted that they had made their writing morecomplex in order to appear smarter. For example, when asked, 'Have you ever changed thewords in an academic essay to make the essay sound more valid or intelligent by usingcomplicated language?' 86. 4% of the sample admitted to having done so. Nearly two-thirds answered yes to the question, 'When you write an essay, do you turn to the thesaurusto choose words that are more complex to give the impression that the content is morevalid or intelligent?'Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Correspondence to: D. M. Oppenheimer, Department of Psychology, Princeton University, Green Hall Room2-S-8, Princeton, NJ 08540, USA. E-mail: doppenhe@princeton. edu	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
There are many plausible reasons that the use of million-dollar words would leadreaders to believe that an author is smart. Intelligence and large vocabularies are positivelycorrelated (Spearman, 1904). Therefore, by displaying a large vocabulary, one may beproviding cues that he or she is intelligent as well. Secondly, writers are assumed to beconforming to the Gricean maxim of manner, 'avoid obscurity of expression' (Grice,1975). If authors are believed to be writing as simply as possible, but a text is nonethelesscomplex, a reader might believe that the ideas expressed in that text are also complex,defying all attempts to simplify the language. Further, individuals forced to strugglethrough a complex text might experience dissonance if they believe that the ideas beingconveyed are simple (Festinger, 1957). Thus, individuals might be motivated to perceive adifﬁcult text as being more worthwhile, thereby justifying the effort of processing. Indeed, there is some evidence that complex vocabulary can be indicative of a moreintelligent author. For example, Pennebaker and King (1999) have shown that thepercentage of long words used in class assignments positively correlates with SATscores and exam grades on both multiple choice and essay tests. However it is difﬁcultto draw conclusions about the effectivenessof a strategy of complexity from this data. The study did not look at how readers of the texts containing the long words perceivedthe authors' intelligence. Thus, it is possible that although students using complexvocabularies are objectively very knowledgeable, they might nonetheless be perceivedas being less so. Why might we believe that the experts might be correct in recommending simplicity inwriting? One theory that predicts the effectiveness of straightforward writing is that ofprocessing ﬂuency. Simpler writing is easier to process, and studies have demonstratedthat processing ﬂuency is associated with a variety of positive dimensions. Fluency leadsto higher judgements of truth (Reber & Schwarz, 1999), conﬁdence (Norwick & Epley,2002), frequency (Tversky & Kahneman, 1973), fame (Jacoby, Kelley, Brown, &Jasechko, 1989), and even liking (Reber, Winkielman, & Schwarz, 1998). Furthermore,the effects of ﬂuency are strongest when the ﬂuency is discrepant—when the amount ofexperienced ﬂuency is surprising (Whittlesea & Williams, 2001a, 2001b). As such, itwould not be surprising if the lower ﬂuency of overly complex texts caused readers to havenegative evaluations of those texts and the associated authors, especially if the complexitywas unnecessary and thus surprising readers with the relative disﬂuency of the text. Both the experts and prevailing wisdom present plausible views, but which (if either) iscorrect? The present paper provides an empirical investigation of the strategy of complex-ity, and ﬁnds such a strategy to be unsuccessful. Five studies demonstrate that the loss ofﬂuency due to needless complexity in a text negatively impacts raters' assessments of thetext's authors. EXPERIMENT 1Experiment 1 aimed to answer several simple questions. First, does increasing thecomplexity of text succeed in making the author appear more intelligent? Second, towhat extent does the success of this strategy depend on the quality of the original, simplerwriting? Finally, if the strategy is unsuccessful, is the failure of the strategy due to loss ofﬂuency? To answer these questions, graduate school admission essays were made morecomplex by substituting some of the original words with their longest applicable thesaurusentries. 140D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
While word length is not perfectly interchangeable with sentence complexity—forexample, complexity can come from grammatical structure or infrequent words aswell—it is a useful proxy. Using length as a manipulation of complexity allows for asimple, easily replicable word replacement algorithm. By keeping content constant andvarying the complexity of vocabulary, it was possible to investigate the effectiveness ofcomplexity. Participants and procedure Seventy-one Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class, and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Stimuli and design Six personal statements for admissions to graduate studies in English Literature weredownloaded from writing improvement websites. The essays varied greatly both in contentand quality of writing. Logical excerpts ranging from 138 to 253 words in length were thentaken from each essay. A 'highly complex' version of each excerpt was prepared byreplacing every noun, verb and adjective with its longest entry in the Microsoft Word 2000thesaurus. Words that were longer than any thesaurus entry, were not listed in thethesaurus, or for which there was no entry with the same linguistic sense were notreplaced. If two entries were of the same length, the replacement was chosen alphabe-tically. When necessary, minor modiﬁcations were made to the essay to maintain thegrammatical structure of a sentence (e. g. replacing 'an' with 'a' for replacement wordsbeginning with consonants). A 'moderately complex' version of each excerpt was createdusing the same algorithm as above, except replacing only every third applicable word. Examples of the stimuli can be found in the appendix. Each participant received only one excerpt. Participants were informed that the excerptcame from a personal statement for graduate study in the Stanford English department. They were instructed to read the passage, decide whether or not to accept the applicant,and rate their conﬁdence in their decision on a 7-point scale. 1They were then asked howdifﬁcult the passage was to understand, also on a seven-point scale. Results The data of one participant was discarded due to an illegible answer. Analysis of themanipulation check showed that more complex texts were more difﬁcult to read. (x¼2. 9,4. 0 and 4. 3 for simple, moderately complex and highly complex, respectively). Thesedifferences were reliable,F(2, 68)¼4. 46,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 18. For other analyses,acceptance ratings (þ1 for accept,/C01 for reject) were multiplied by conﬁdence ratings tocreate a/C07 to 7 scale of admission conﬁdence. Level of complexity had a reliableinﬂuence on admission conﬁdence ratings,F(2, 70)¼2. 46,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 12. 1With the exception of the dichotomous admissions decision, all dependent measures reported in this paper areseven point scales ranging from 1¼'not at all' to 7¼'very'. Problems with long words141 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Highly complex essays (mean¼/C02. 1) were rated more negatively than moderatelycomplex essays (mean¼/C00. 17), which in turn were rated more negatively than theoriginal essays (x¼0. 67). 2These differences are summarized in Figure 1. Additionally,the excerpts reliably varied in quality; average admissions conﬁdence ratings rangedfrom—3. 1 to 1. 8F(5, 70)¼2. 2,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 12. However, there was noreliable interaction between the quality of the initial excerpt and the level of complexity F(10, 70)¼1. 4,p>0. 10, Cohen'sf¼0. 07. To determine if the negative inﬂuence of complexity on admissions ratings was due todifferences in ﬂuency, a mediation analysis was run using difﬁculty of comprehension as amediator. Level of complexity was reliably correlated with acceptance ratings,r(69)¼/C00. 24,p<0. 05 and difﬁculty of comprehensionr(69)¼0. 32,p<0. 05. However,when controlling for difﬁculty of comprehension, the relationship between complexity andacceptance was drastically reducedr(69)¼/C00. 14,p>0. 1, while controlling for complex-ity did not remove the relationship between difﬁculty and acceptancer(69)¼/C00. 25,p<0. 05. A Sobel test demonstrated this mediation to be reliable,z¼2. 1,p<0. 05. Theseresults are summarized in Figure 2. Discussion The results of Experiment 1 suggest that contrary to prevailing wisdom, increasing thecomplexity of a text does not cause an essay's author to seem more intelligent. In fact, theopposite appears to be true. Complex texts were less likely than clear texts to lead toacceptance decisions in a simulated admissions review. Simple texts were given higherratings than moderately complex texts, which were, in turn, given better ratings thanhighly complex texts. Additionally, this trend was found regardless of the quality of theoriginal essay. Complexity neither disguised the shortcomings of poor essays, norenhanced the appeal of high-quality essays. The mediation analysis suggests that the Figure 1. Acceptance ratings (on a/C07 to 7 scale) for each level of complexity 2Post-hoc analysis revealed that the 'moderate complexity' condition was not reliably different from either the'highly complexity' or control conditions. 142D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
reason that simple texts are viewed more positively than complex texts was due to ﬂuency. Complex texts are difﬁcult to read, which in turn leads to lower ratings. Even though Experiment 1 is suggestive, there are several problems that need to beresolved before any conclusions can be drawn. First, it is possible that the reason thatcomplexity was unsuccessful was that words were misused. In an effort to preventexperimenter biases from inﬂuencing the data, the word replacement process wasalgorithmic, and left little room for human judgement. Although only synonyms of theappropriate linguistic sense were included, and grammatical editing took place, it isnonetheless possible that some of the replacement words were used slightly out of context,or led to awkward sounding sentences. Secondly, the domain of college application essays may lead to biases against thestrategy of complexity. Participants likely are aware of the widespread use of thestrategy—especially in admissions essays—and may be actively discounting the use ofcomplex words. Finally, it could be the case that complexity is differentially successful asa strategy depending upon a reader's prior expectation of the author's intelligence. In Experiment 1, the readers had no reason to think that the authors were particularlyintelligent; maybe if the readers had believed the authors to be brilliant at the outset of theexperiment, the presence of complex vocabulary would have reinforced such a belief andled to higher ratings. As such, a second experiment was run to control for the confounds in Experiment 1 andinvestigate the impact of prior beliefs. EXPERIMENT 2If actively replacing words in an essay may impair the quality of the text, then to test theeffects of complex words we need a more natural set of stimuli. Therefore, for Experiment2 it was necessary to ﬁnd two essays of identical content, but using different vocabulary, inwhich the experimenters did not inﬂuence word selection. Many texts in foreign languageshave multiple translations, which conform to the original meaning of the text, but usedifferent words and grammatical construction. This provides the perfect domain for testingwhether complex phrasing and vocabulary hurts perceptions of a text. Figure 2. Mediation analysis in Experiment 1Problems with long words143 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Participants and procedure Thirty-nine Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Stimuli and design Translations of the ﬁrst paragraph of Rene Descartes Meditation IVwere sought untiltwo renditions of comparable word counts, but contrasting complexity were found. Heffernan's (1990) 98-word translation was judged by two independent raters to beconsiderably more complex than Tweyman's (1993) 82-word version. The exact stimulican be found in the appendix. Each translation was read by half of the participants. Additionally, to manipulate priorexpectations of author intelligence, half of the participants were told that the passage camefrom Descartes, while the rest were told that it came from an anonymous author. 3Participants were instructed to read the passage and rate the intelligence of the authoron a 7-point scale. They were then asked how difﬁcult the passage was to understand, alsoon a 7-point scale; this question served both as a measure of ﬂuency, and as a manipulationcheck to verify the difference in complexity of the translations. Results Analysis of the manipulation check showed that the Heffernan (1990) translation (meancomplexity rating¼5. 4) was indeed perceived as more complex than the Tweyman (1993)translation (mean complexity rating¼4. 5),t(37)¼1. 77,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 58. There were reliable main effects for both complexity,F(1, 39)¼3. 65,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 18, and prior belief,F(1, 39)¼17. 36,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 45; participants whoread the simpler translation and attributed it to Descartes rated the author as moreintelligent (mean¼6. 5) than those reading the complex translation attributed to Descartes(mean¼5. 6). Those who were given no source for the passage also rated the author asmore intelligent in the simple version (mean¼4. 7) than the complex version(mean¼4. 0). However, there was no reliable interaction between prior belief and levelof complexity,F(1, 39)¼0. 08,p>0. 10, Cohen'sf¼0. 00. The results are summarized in Figure 3. To determine if the negative inﬂuence of complexity on intelligence ratings was due todifferences in ﬂuency, a mediation analysis was run using difﬁculty of comprehension as amediator. 4Complexity was reliably correlated negatively with intelligence ratings,r(37)¼/C00. 30,p<0. 05, and positively with difﬁculty of comprehension,r(37)¼0. 33,p<0. 05. However, when controlling for difﬁculty of comprehension, the relationshipbetween complexity and intelligence ratings was reduced, although still marginallysigniﬁcant,r(37)¼/C00. 24, 0. 05>p<0. 1, while controlling for complexity did notremove the relationship between difﬁculty and intelligence ratings,r(37)¼/C00. 28,3Participants would all know who Descartes was, as they had all read his work (although not Meditation IV) in theintroduction to humanities class that all Stanford students are required to take. 4Level of prior belief was statistically controlled for in all correlations reported here. 144D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
p<0. 05. While these results are in the right direction and suggest a mediation effect, theydo not achieve statistical signiﬁcance when analysed by a Sobel test,z¼1. 2,p>0. 05. Theresults are summarized in Figure 4. Discussion The results of Experiment 2 support those of Experiment 1. Once again, complexitynegatively inﬂuenced raters' assessments of texts. This relationship was found regardlessof the raters' prior expectations of the author's intelligence. While the data suggest that theprocess may be mediated by ﬂuency, the failure to reach statistical signiﬁcance means thatit is difﬁcult to draw strong conclusions. However, in light of the fact that the mediationanalysiswasreliable in Experiment 1, and was in the predicted direction for Experiment 2,normatively one should have increased conﬁdence in the reliability of the effect (Tversky& Kahneman, 1971). This is especially true in light of the fact that Sobel tests have beenshown to be overly conservative estimators of statistical signiﬁcance (Mackinnon, Lock-wood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). Figure 3. Intelligence ratings of the authors of two different translations of Descartes Meditation IV,when attributed either to Descartes or to an anonymous author Figure 4. Mediation analysis in Experiment 2Problems with long words145 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
However, aside from the mediation analysis, there are other challenges in interpretingthis experiment. Some translators are better than others. A less accomplished translatormight create a less ﬂuent text for reasons completely unrelated to word complexity. Itseems possible that the reason that the more complex text was judged to have come from aless intelligent author was simply because the translation was not as skillful. Thus, results from the ﬁrst two experiments could be due to the fact that the complexessays were in actuality worse papers. As such, it was important to run a third study to tryand ensure that the lower ratings are due to the use of complex vocabulary instead ofinferior quality papers. EXPERIMENT 3The word replacement paradigm used in Experiment 1 was problematic because using analgorithmic approach to word replacement leads to the possibility of including imprecisesynonyms, impairing ﬂow and generally making the essay less coherent. If it were indeedthe case that algorithmic word replacement leads to poorer essays, then one wouldexpect that the process should also harm an essay modiﬁed to use simpler vocabulary. However the ﬂuency account leads to the opposite prediction; less complex essays shouldbe rated as coming from more intelligent authors. To test these contrasting predictions Experiment 3 used the same procedure as Experiment 1 but systematically simpliﬁed text. Participants and procedure Thirty-ﬁve Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. Surveys were included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnairesthat were ﬁlled out in a one-hour lab session. An additional 50 Stanford Universityundergraduates were recruited outside of dining halls and ﬁlled out only the relevantsurvey. Stimuli and design Twenty-ﬁve randomly chosen dissertation abstractsfrom the Stanford Universitysociology department were examined, and the abstract with the highest proportion ofwords of nine letters or longer was chosen (Chang, 1993). The ﬁrst two paragraphs (144words) were taken from the abstract. A 'simpliﬁed' version of each the excerpt wasprepared by replacing every word of nine ormore letters with its second shortest entryin the Microsoft Word 2000 thesaurus. Words that were shorter than any thesaurusentry, were not listed in the thesaurus, or for which there was no entry with the samelinguistic sense were not replaced. If two entries were of the same length, thereplacement was chosen alphabetically. When necessary, minor modiﬁcations weremade to the essay to maintain the grammatical structure of a sentence (e. g. replacing'an' with 'a' for replacement words beginning with consonants). Excerpts from thestimuli can be found in the appendix. Participants were informed that the excerpt came from a sociology dissertation abstract. Participants were instructed to read the passage and rate the intelligence of the author on a7-point scale. They were then asked how difﬁcult the passage was to understand, also on a7-point scale. 146D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Results Analysis of the manipulation check showed that the 'simpliﬁed' version was indeedperceived as less complex (mean complexity rating¼4. 9) than the original excerpt (meancomplexity rating¼5. 6),t(83)¼2. 327,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 53. There was also areliable effect of complexity on intelligence judgements; participants who read the'simpliﬁed' version rated the author as more intelligent (mean¼4. 80) than those readingthe original version (mean¼4. 26),t(83)¼1. 988,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 44. To determine if the negative inﬂuence of complexity on intelligence judgements wasdue to differences in ﬂuency, a mediation analysis was run using difﬁculty of comprehen-sion as a mediator. Complexity was reliably correlated with intelligence ratings,r(85)¼/C00. 213,p<0. 05, and difﬁculty of comprehension,r(85)¼/C00. 247,p<0. 05. However, when controlling for difﬁculty of comprehension, the relationship betweencomplexity and intelligence ratings was reduced, although still marginally signiﬁcant,r(85)¼/C00. 196, 0. 05>p<0. 1. While these results are in the right direction and suggest amediation effect, they do not achieve statistical signiﬁcance when analyzed by a Sobel test,z¼0. 75,p>0. 05. Discussion The results of Experiment 3 further support the notion that the use of overly complexwords leads to lower evaluations of a text's author. While in Experiment 1 it could beargued that the replacement of words leads to stilted sounding text, in Experiment 3 theword-replacement condition actually increased judgements of intelligence. Further, giventhe fact that the replacement process was algorithmic, it seems unlikely that theimprovements in the essays could be due to editing or experimenter bias. It is the useof overly complex words—not the word replacement process—that leads to decreasedratings of intelligence. Additionally, in all three experiments the result appears to be at least partially mediatedby ﬂuency. In all experiments the data conforms to the pattern that one would expect ifﬂuency were a mediator, and in Experiment 1 this pattern is demonstrated to be reliable. This ﬁts well into Kahneman and Frederick's (2002) notion of attribute substitution;rating a person's intelligence or suitability for graduate admission is difﬁcult, so peoplemight use ﬂuency as a proxy for these judgements. However, it is difﬁcult to concludethat ﬂuency is necessarily responsible for the effect because there was no directmanipulation of ﬂuency in the ﬁrst three experiments. Further, the lack of statisticalreliability in the mediation analyses from Experiments 2 and 3 led to questions aboutwhether the lowered evaluations of the complex text were due to ﬂuency at all. Thus, itseems worthwhile to further explore the mechanism behind why added complexity lowersratings of intelligence. EXPERIMENT 4If the ﬂuency hypothesis is correct, then any manipulation that substantially reducesﬂuency should also reduce intelligence ratings. One method that has proven to be effectivein reducing ﬂuency is presenting the text in a font that is difﬁcult to read (Norwick &Problems with long words147 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Epley, 2002). By manipulating font, it was possible to examine whether ﬂuency caninﬂuence intelligence ratings directly, or whether there was an unmeasured variabledriving the mediation effects in Experiments 1-3. Participants and procedure Fifty-one Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class, and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Stimuli and design The unedited version of the highest quality essay from Experiment 1 (163 words) wasused. A 'non-ﬂuent' version of the excerpt was prepared by converting the documentinto italicized 'Juice ITC' font. The original version was in normal 'Times New Roman'font. Both versions used 12-point typeset. For an illustration of each of fonts, please see Figure 5. Each participant received only one excerpt. Participants were informed that the excerptcame from a personal statement for graduate study in the Stanford English Department. They were instructed to read the passage, and rate the author's intelligence on a 7-pointscale. To prevent participants from believing that the author of the text had chosen that font(as font selection could be cue about intelligence) the instructions and rating scales werealso written in the corresponding font. Thus, participants would attribute font selection tothe experimenter instead of the text's author. Results Post-experimental interviews of randomly selected participants (n¼5) conﬁrmed thatparticipants attributed the font selection to the experimenter rather than to the author of theessay. There was a reliable effect of font on intelligence judgements; participants who readthe 'non-ﬂuent' version rated the author as less intelligent (mean¼4. 04) than thosereading the original version (mean¼4. 50),t(49)¼1. 69,p<0. 05 one-tailed, Cohen'sd¼0. 48. Discussion Experiment 4 directly manipulated ﬂuency, and found that ﬂuency impacted intelligenceratings. When texts were written in a font that was difﬁcult to read, the author of the textwas judged to be less intelligent. Taken in conjunction with the mediation analyses in Figure 5. Illustrations of the fonts in both the ﬂuent and non-ﬂuent versions of the questionnaire148D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Experiments 1-3, this strongly suggests that complex vocabulary makes texts harder toread, which in turn lowers judgements of an author's intelligence. If, as Experiments 1-4 suggest, ﬂuency is the driving factor behind these effects, thenone ought to be able to reverse the direction of the effect by making people aware that thesource of the low ﬂuency is irrelevant to judgement. People tend to attribute events to asingle cause, rather than multiple causes (Einhorn & Hogarth, 1986; Kelley, 1973). Thus,when one cause is known to have occurred, people think that other causes are less likely tohave also occurred. This phenomenon applies to the metacognitive experience of ﬂuency(Oppenheimer, 2004; Schwarz, 2004; Whittlesea & Williams, 1998). When obviouscauses for low ﬂuency exist that are not relevant to the judgement that is being made,people reduce their reliance on ﬂuency as a cue; in fact, in an effort not to be inﬂuenced bythe irrelevant source of ﬂuency, they overcompensate and are biased in the oppositedirection (see Wilson & Brekke, 1994 for a review of overcompensation effects). For example, Oppenheimer (2004) asked people to make judgements about surnamefrequency, a task for which people typically use ﬂuency as a cue (Tversky & Kahneman,1973). In a series of experiments, he showed that in the presence of obvious causes forﬂuency that had no bearing on frequency—such as personal relevance, or a famousindividual associated with that name—people no longer used ﬂuency in making theirjudgement. In fact, they tended to rate the ﬂuent name as less frequent rather than morefrequent when a salient cause for ﬂuency was available. Spontaneous discounting of ﬂuency suggests that conscious awareness of the source oflow ﬂuency should undermine the effectiveness of the ﬂuency manipulation. In fact, ifthere is an obvious cause for lack of ﬂuency the trends might actually reverse as peopleovercompensate in their attempt not to be inﬂuenced by ﬂuency. Experiment 5 investigatesthis possibility. EXPERIMENT 5One method for lowering ﬂuency and making the source of the decreased ﬂuency obvious,is the 'low toner' paradigm (Oppenheimer & Frank, under review). Documents printedfrom a printer that is low in toner are hard to read because the text is not as dark on thepage as usual, and the text has streaks running through it. However, the cause of the lack ofﬂuency is immediately obvious to anybody who has ever observed a low toner document. Because the reason for the low ﬂuency will be obvious to participants, a ﬂuency accountwould predict that people would discount their lack of ﬂuency. In an effort not to beinﬂuenced by the irrelevant ﬂuency information, people are likely to overcompensate, andhave their judgements skewed in the other direction (Oppenheimer, 2004). Method Participants and procedure Twenty-seven Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class, and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Problems with long words149 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Stimuli and design The unedited version of a randomly chosen essay from Experiment 1 was used. Bothconditions were prepared using standard 12 point 'Times New Roman' font. The 'non-ﬂuent' version of the excerpt was created by waiting until the departmental printer was lowon toner, and printing the surveys out while the toner was low. For a scanned image of thestimuli, please see Figure 6. Each participant received the excerpt either in normal or low-toner font. Participantswere informed that the excerpt came from a personal statement for graduate study in the Stanford English Department. They were instructed to read the passage, decide whether ornot to accept the applicant, and rate their conﬁdence in their decision on a 7-point scale (asin Experiment 1). They were also asked to rate the author's intelligence on a 7-point scale(as in Experiments 2 and 3). Figure 6. Scanned images of the low toner version of the excerpt, and the original excerpt that wereused in Experiment 5150D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Results As in Experiment 1, acceptance ratings (þ1 for accept,/C01 for reject) were multiplied byconﬁdence ratings to create a/C07 to 7 scale of admission conﬁdence. As predicted,participants in the low toner condition were more likely to recommend acceptance for theapplicant (mean¼2. 0) than those in the normal font condition (mean¼/C01. 8). Thisdifference was reliable,t(25)¼2. 15,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 86. Additionally, partici-pants in the low toner conditions reliably rated the author as more intelligent (mean¼5. 0)than those in the normal condition (mean¼4. 0),t(25)¼2. 72,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼1. 09. Discussion As predicted by the ﬂuency account, when an obvious source for the lack of ﬂuency ispresent, people discount that lack of ﬂuency when making their judgement. They do so tosuch an extent that they end up biasing their judgement in the opposite direction! Thistrend can not be explained by unpleasant mood lowering ratings across the board. Instead,the effect seems to be constrained by the manner in which ﬂuency is processed; when thereis no obvious source of ﬂuency (Experiment 4) then intelligence judgements are lowered,but in the presence of an obvious source of ﬂuency (Experiment 5) intelligence judgementsincrease. 5GENERAL DISCUSSIONIn the ﬁrst three experiments, the negative consequences of needless complexity wereshown in widely disparate domains (personal statements, sociology dissertation abstractsand philosophical essays), across different types of judgements (acceptance decisions andintelligence ratings), and using distinct paradigms (active word replacement and transla-tion differences). The effect was demonstrated regardless of the quality of the originalessay or prior beliefs about a text's quality. All in all, the effect is extremely robust:needless complexity leads to negative evaluations. The results further suggest that this effect is due to lowered processing ﬂuency. Experiment 4 shows that directly reducing ﬂuency through a standard font manipulation(e. g. Norwick & Epley, 2002) leads to lowerintelligence judgements. Further, Experi-ment 5 demonstrated that if the source ofreduced ﬂuency becomes obvious, partici-pants will discount their lack of ﬂuency, which reverses the direction of the effect. Mediation analyses in Experiments 1-3 suggest a similar process is occurring withcomplex vocabulary. However, it is worth noting that although Experiment 1 and Experiment 3 were conceptually very similar, the results of the mediation analysesvaried in regard to their reliability. This suggests that while ﬂuency clearly inﬂuencesintelligence judgements, there are most certainly other factors in play as well. For5One question that arises from this study is what sources are 'obvious' enough to elicit spontaneous discounting. A challenge that arises in answering this question, is that how 'obvious' the source needs to be varies dependingon the situation; sources need to be much more salient to elicit discounting when time constraints are imposed,and need be much less so when participants are highly motivated to thoroughly think through their judgements(Oppenheimer & Monin, in prep). Further investigation in this area is clearly important, although well beyond thescope of the current paper. Problems with long words151 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
example, attributions of author intent or expectations about standard complexity in agiven domain (e. g. the belief that dissertations should be more complex than admissionsessays) might very well play a role as well. While it is undoubtedly worthwhile toidentify and empirically investigate theseother factors, doing so is beyond the scope ofthis paper. At this point, however, one can conclude that ﬂuency clearly is at leastpartially responsible for the effect, and since longer words lower ﬂuency they can havea negative impact on intelligence judgements. However, one cannot conclude from these results that using long words is alwaysproblematic. For one thing, the population tested in these studies is extremely limited. Stanford students are both well educated and motivated; it is possible that this pattern ofresults was found only because participants were able to understand the complexvocabulary, and made the effort to muddle through to the content beneath. Similarly,one could imagine that experts in a given ﬁeld (who are more familiar with the jargon)would react differently to simpliﬁed essays than novices. For one, the experts would ﬁndthe jargon a great deal more ﬂuent than non-experts. Additionally, a lack of jargon mightbe a signal that the author is not an in-group member of the ﬁeld; this could lead tosimpliﬁed writing being negatively associated with intelligence. Thus, further research isnecessary to determine if these results generalize to the population as a whole. Another limitation is that these studies exclusively examined written text; it is unclearwhether the same effects would apply to oral conversation as well. Finally, there are manytimes when a long word is appropriate, because it is more precise or concise. These studiesprimarily investigated the use of needless complexity in writing. When a long word isactually the best word for the occasion, it very well may be that using it will lead topositive appraisals. Indeed, these studies can not rule out the possibility that in somesituations judicious use of a thesaurus will improve the quality of writing. A thesauruscould be used to help select the most appropriate word for a given argument such thatdecreases in ﬂuency are overridden by increases by other positive attributes of a givenword substitution. It is also worth examining potential boundary conditions of the effect. While the presentstudies have primarily investigated the impact of complexity on intelligence judgements, itseems possible that other dimensions such as liking, sociability or trustworthiness could beimpacted as well. Likely, the extent to which other dimensions are impacted will be relatedto people's naı¨ve theories of how ﬂuency is related to those dimensions (Schwarz, 2004). If people tend to believe that ﬂuency is positively correlated with sociability, thenincreasing complexity of a text should lead to lower judgements of the author's sociability. Alternatively, if people tend to believe that ﬂuency is negatively correlated withsociability, then ﬂuency would have the opposite effect on judgement. This leads to theintriguing possibility that if participants could somehow be primed to think that disﬂuenttext tended to come from more intelligent authors, one would expect the results from thisset of studies to reverse. However, it seems that people's naı¨ve theories of ﬂuency tend to lead them to negativelyassociate complexity and intelligence. This has some interesting ramiﬁcations. The moststraightforward of these is that authors should avoid needless complexity. As reported inthe introduction of this paper, a vast majority of Stanford students use a strategy ofcomplexity when writing papers and this is undoubtedly true at campuses and businessesacross the country. However, this research shows that such strategies tend to backﬁre. Thisﬁnding could be broadly applied to help people improve their writing, and receive morepositive evaluations of their work. 152D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Secondly, there are some exciting potential applications that become apparent byexamining when people are more likely to complicate their writing. Pennebaker and Lay(2002) have shown that people are more likely to use big words when they are feeling themost insecure. One can imagine that a minority student under stereotype threat (Steele,1997) might be inclined to increase complexity in his/her writing which would backﬁreand cause teachers to have lower opinions of the student's intelligence. Likewise leadersfacing crucial decisions might use more complex vocabulary and end up underminingothers' conﬁdence in their leadership ability. Thus it may be worthwhile to investigateways of either preventing the tendency to use needless complexity, or look at ways thatﬂuency biases might be overcome. In the interim, we can conclude one thing. The pundits are likely right: write clearly andsimply if you can, and you'll be more likely to be thought of as intelligent. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis material is based on work supported under a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship. The author thanks Chip Heath, Michelle Keller, Joel Allan, Busayo Ojumu, Jessica Laughlin, Norbert Schwarz, Bruce Whittlesea, Colleen Kelley, Stephen Lindsay, James Pennebaker, Benoit Monin, Herb Clark and the SLUGs, and severalanonymous reviewers for advice and support. REFERENCESBem, D. J. (1995). Writing a review article for Psychological Bulletin. Psychological Bulletin, 118,172-177. Chang, P. M. Y. (1993). An institutional analysis of the evolution of the denominational system in American Protestantism, 1790-1980. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Stanford University. Descartes, R. (1990). Meditations on ﬁrst philosophy(G. Heffernan, Trans. ). London: University of Notre Dame Press. (Original work published 1641). Descartes, R. (1993). Meditations on First Philosophy(S. Tweyman, Trans. ). London: Routledge. (Original work published 1641). Einhorn, H., & Hogarth, R. (1986). Judging probable cause. Psychological Bulletin, 99, 3-19. Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Grice, H. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole, & J. L. Morgan (Eds. ),Syntax and semantics 3:Speech acts(pp. 41-58). New York: Academic Press. Jacoby, L. L., Kelley, C. M., Brown, J., & Jasechko, J. (1989). Becoming famous overnight: limits onthe ability to avoid unconscious inﬂuences of the past. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56, 326-338. Kahneman, D., & Frederick, S. (2002). Representativeness revisited: attribute substitution inintuitive judgment. In T. Gilovich, D. Grifﬁn, & D. Kahneman (Eds. ),Heuristics and biases. New York: Cambridge Press. Kelley, H. H. (1973). The process of causal attribution. American Psychologist, 28, 107-128. Mac Kinnon, D. P., Lockwood, C. M., Hoffman, J. M., West, S. G., & Sheets, V. (2002). Acomparison of methods to test mediation and other intervening variable effects. Psychological Methods, 7(1), 83-104. Norwick, R. J., & Epley, N. (November, 2002). Conﬁdence as inference from subjective experience. Talk presented at the meeting of the Society for Judgment and Decision Making, Kansas City,MO. Oppenheimer, D. M. (2004). Spontaneous discounting of availability in frequency judgment tasks. Psychological Science, 15(2), 100-105. Problems with long words153 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Oppenheimer, D. M., & Frank, M. C. (submitted). A rose in any other font wouldn't smell as sweet:ﬂuency effects in categorization. Oppenheimer, D. M., & Monin, B. (in prep). Factors inﬂuencing spontaneous discounting of ﬂuencyin frequency judgment. Pennebaker, J. W., & King, L. A. (1999). Linguistic styles: language use as an individual difference. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 1296-1312. Pennebaker, J. W., & Lay, T. C. (2002). Language use and personality during crises: analysisof Mayor Rudolph Giuliani's press conferences. Journal of Research in Personality, 36271-282. Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association(4th ed. ). (1996). Washington, D. C. :American Psychological Association. Reber, R., & Schwarz, N. (1999). Effects of perceptual ﬂuency on judgments of truth. Consciousnessand Cognition, 8, 338-342. Reber, R., Winkielman, P., & Schwarz, N. (1998). Effects of perceptual ﬂuency on affectivejudgments. Psychological Science, 9, 45-48. Schwarz, N. (2004). Meta-cognitive experiences in consumer decision making. Journal of Consumer Research, 14(4), 332-348. Spearman, C. (1904). General intelligence, objective determined and measured. American Journal of Psychology, 15, 201-293. Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: how stereotypes shape the intellectual identities andperformance of women and African-Americans. American Psychologist, 52, 613-629. Strunk, W., Jr., & White, E. B. (1979). The elements of style(3rd ed. ). New York: Macmillan. Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1971). Belief in the law of small numbers. Psychological Bulletin, 76,105-110. Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1973). Availability: a heuristic for judging frequency and probability. Cognitive Psychology, 5(2), 207-232. Whittlesea, B. W. A., & Williams, L. D. (1998). Why do strangers feel familiar, but friends don't?The unexpected basis of feelings of familiarity. Acta Psychologica, 98, 141-166. Whittlesea, B. W. A., & Williams, L. D. (2001a). The discrepancy-attribution hypothesis I: theheuristic basis of feelings of familiarity. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory,and Cognition, 27(1), 3-13. Whittlesea, B. W. A., & Williams, L. D. (2001b). The discrepancy-attribution hypothesis II:expectation, uncertainty, surprise and feelings of familiarity. Journal of Experimental Psychology:Learning, Memory and Cognition, 27, 14-33. Wilson, T. D., & Brekke, N. C. (1994). Mental contamination and mental correction: unwantedinﬂuences on judgments and evaluations. Psychological Bulletin, 116, 117-142. APPENDIX: EXAMPLES OF EXCERPTS USED AS STIMULIExcerpts from graduate admissions essay (Experiment 1)Original1) I want to go to Graduate School so that I can learn to know literature well. I want toexplore the shape and the meaning of the novel and its literary antecedents. I want tounderstand what the novel has meant in different literary periods, and what is likelyto become. I want to explore its different forms, realism, naturalism and other modes,and the Victorian and Modernist consciousness as they are revealed. 2) Gold is not always a shifting, malleable metal; it is hardened by alloying withother metals, increasing its strength. I hope to go through a corresponding process at Stanford. I want to become a more solid citizen through exposure to other viewpointsand cultures, and by offering my own. I will mix with new perspectives; I will alloywith my fellow students, with my professors, and with the learning that both groupsimpart in order to become stronger academically, socially, and culturally. 154D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Moderate complexity (every 3rd applicable word lengthened)1) I want to go to Graduate School so that I can learn to recognize literature well. I want toexplore the character and the meaning of the novel and its literary antecedents. I desireto understand what the novel has represented in different literary periods, and what islikely to become. I desire to explore its different manners, realism, naturalism and othermodes, and the Victorian and Modernist consciousness as they are revealed. 2) Gold is not always a shifting, malleable metal; it is consolidated by alloying with othermetals, increasing its strength. I hope to go through a corresponding development at Stanford. I want to become a ﬁrmer solid citizen through exposure to other perspectivesand cultures, and by offering my own. I will mix with novel perspectives; I will alloywith my fellow students, with my professors, and with the knowledge that both groupsimpart in order to become stronger academically, communally, and culturally. High complexity (every applicable word lengthened)1) I desire to go to Graduate School so that I can learn to recognize literature satisfactorily. I want to investigate the character and the connotation of the narrative and its literaryantecedents. I desire to comprehend what the narrative has represented in numerousliterary periods, and what it is expected to become. I desire to investigate its numerousmanners, realism, naturalism, and other approaches, and the Victorian and Modernistconsciousness as they are discovered. 2) Gold is not constantly a changing, malleable metal; it is consolidated by alloying withadditional metals, increasing its strength. I anticipate to go through a correspondingdevelopment at Stanford. I yearn to develop into a ﬁrmer substantial citizen throughintroduction to other perspectives and cultures, and by contributing with my own. I willcombine it with novel perspectives; I will alloy with my associate scholars, with myprofessors, and with the knowledge that both groupings communicate in order tobecome stronger academically, communally and culturally. EXCERPT OF DIFFERENT TRANSLATIONS OF DESCARTES MEDITATIONIV (EXPERIMENT 2)From Tweyman's (1993) translation'Many other matters respecting the attributes of God and my own nature or mind remainfor consideration; but I shall possibly on another occasion resume the investigation ofthese. Now (after ﬁrst noting what must be done or avoided in order to arrive at aknowledge of the truth) my principal task is to endeavor to emerge from the state of doubtinto which I have these last days fallen, and to see whether nothing certain can be knownregarding material things'. From Heffernan's (1990) translation'There remain to be investigated by me many things concerning the attributes of God, andmany things concerning me myself or the nature of my mind. But I shall perhaps resumethese things at another time, and now nothing seems to be more urgent (after I have noticedagainst what were to be cautioned and what were to be done in order to reach the truth)Problems with long words155 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
than that I might try to emerge from the doubts into which I have gone in the pervious daysand that I might see whether something certain concerning material things could be had'. DISSERTATION ABSTRACT EXCERPTS (EXPERIMENT 3)Original This dissertation presents a historical study of the institutional development of the American religious sector. Through the lens of institutionalist perspectives developed inorganizational sociology I focus on the co-evolution of the modern denominational formand the denominational system in the United States from 1790 to 1980. Through anempirical study of American Protestant denominations I build arguments which advancethree theoretical issues within institutional theory. Simpliﬁed This thesis presents a historical study of the societal advance of the American religioussector. Through the lens of social institution views developed in organizational sociology Ifocus on the co-evolution of the modern denominational form and the denominationalsystem in the Unites States from 1790 to 1980. Through an empirical study of American Protestant denominations I build arguments which advance three theoretical issues withinsocial theory. 156D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
See discussions, st ats, and author pr ofiles f or this public ation at : https://www. researchgate. ne t/public ation/267842958 Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction: An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portra yals Article in Journal of Eur omark eting · Oct ober 2014 DOI: 10. 9768/0023. 03. 035 CITATIONS 22READS 4,750 2 author s: Yorgos Z otos Cyprus Univ ersity of T echnolog y 130 PUBLICA TIONS 2,663 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Tsichla Eirini Anat olia Colle ge-Americ an Colle ge of Thessaloniki 26 PUBLICA TIONS 228 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE All c ontent f ollo wing this p age was uplo aded b y Yorgos Z otos on 09 F ebruar y 2016. The user has r equest ed enhanc ement of the do wnlo aded file.	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING EDITOR-IN-CHIEF ERDENER KAYNAK Pennsylvania State University at Harrisburg EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD MEMBERS J. SCOTT ARMSTRONG University of Pennsylvania SØREN ASKEGAARD The University of Southern Denmark, Denmark GEORGE BALABANIS City University, United Kingdom J. ENRIQUE BIGNE ALCANIZ University of Valencia, Spain DAVID J. CARSON University of Ulster at Jordanstown, Northern Ireland F. JAVIER RONDAN CATALUNA University of Seville, Spain CHISLAINE CESTRE University of Lausanne, Switzerland LEO PAUL DANA University of Canterbury, New Zealand SRINIVAS DURVASULA Marquette University YVONNE VAN EVERDINGEN RSM Erasmus University, Netherlands PERVEZ N. GHAURI King's College, United Kingdom KJELL GRONHAUG Norwegian School of Economics and Bu siness Administration, Norway KLAUS GRUNERT Aarhus University, Denmark NEIL HERNDON South China University of Technology, China KARIN HOLSTIUS Turku School of Economics and Bu siness Administration, Finland HARTMUT H. HOLZMUELLER University of Dortmund, Germany FREDERIC JALLAT Paris Graduate School of Business (ESCP-EAP), France MILAN JURSE University of Maribor, Slovenia JORMA LARIMO University of Vaasa, Finland TOMMI LAUKKANEN University of Eastern Finland, Finland STEVEN LYSONSKI Marquette University MARIN MARINOV University of Gloucestershire, United Kingdom RITA MARTENSON University of Gothenburg, Sweden LUIZ MOUTINHO University of Glasgow, United Kingdom DAVID MCHARDY REID Seattle University DOMINIQUE ROUZIES Groupe HEC, France ARNOLD SCHUH Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration, Austria BRUNO SERGI University of Messina, Italy D. DEO SHARMA Stockholm School of Economics, Sweden KENNETH SIMMONDS London Business School, United Kingdom NITISH SINGH Saint Louis University GREGORY SULLIVAN Advanced Marketing Systems Indexed and/or Abstracted in: EBSCOhost Products; Emerald Manage ment Reviews; Gale Cengage; Busi ness ASAP, Cabell's Directory, The Standard Periodicals Directory, ASOS Journal of Euromarketing (ISSN:1049-6483) is published quarterly by IMDA Press, 1201 Stonegate Road, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. US Postmaster: Please send address changes to Journal of Euromarketi ng, c/o IMDA Press, 1201 Stonegate Road, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. Annual Subscription, Volume 23, 2014 Print ISSN: 1049-6483, Online ISSN: 1528-6967 Institutional subscribers: $600, Personal s ubscribers: $125. Institutiona l and individual subscriptions include access to the o nline version of the journal. Production and Advertising Office: 1201 Stonegate Road, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. Tel: 717-566-3054, Fax: 717-566-1191. Subscription Office: IMDA Press, 1201 Stonegate Ro ad, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. Tel: 717-566-3054, Fax: 717-566-1191. For a complete guide to IMDA Press' journal a nd book publishing programs, visit our Web site: http:// www. imda. cc Copyright © 2014 IMDA Press. All rights reserved. No part of this publication ma y be reproduced, stored, transmitted, or disseminated in any form or by any means without prior permission from IMDA Press. IMDA Press grants author ization for individuals to photoc opy copyright material for private research use on the sole basis that requests for such use are re ferred directly to the requeste r's local Reproduction Rights Organization (RRO), such as the Copyright Clearance Center (www. copyright. com) in the USA or the Copyright Licensing Agency (www. cla. co. uk) in the United Kingdom This author ization does not extend to any ot her kind of copying by any m eans, in any form, and for any purpose other than private research use. The publisher assu mes no responsibility for any statements of fact or opinion expressed in the published papers. Th e appearance of advertising in this jour nal does not constitute an endorsement or approval by the publisher, the editor-in-chief, or th e editorial board of the quality or value of the product/s ervice advertised or of t he claims made for it by its manufacturer. Permissions: For further information, please visit http://j ournals. sfu. ca/je/index. php/ euromarketing/index September 2014ASSOCIATE EDITOR SVETLA MARINOVA Aalborg University TECHNOLOGY AND E-COMMERCE EDITOR KIP BECKER Boston University BOOK REVIEW EDITOR SHAUKAT ALI University of Wolverhampton PRODUCTION EDITOR TALHA DOGAN HARCAR Pennsylvania State University at Beaver	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Volume 23, Numbers 3, 2014 CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 Erdener Kaynak ARTICLES Business-Related Ethical Attitudes of Future Business Executives and Leaders in the European Union Gerald Albaum and Robert A. Peterson 4 Sex in Advertising: Do Women Care Anymore? Paul Edwin Ketelaar, Doeschka Anschutz, and Suzanne van Hemmen 17 Snapshots of Men and Women in Interactio n: An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals Yorgos Zotos and Eirini Tsichla 35 Global Consumer Culture Positioning: The Use of Global Consumer Culture Positioning Appeals Across Four European Countries Barbara Czarnecka and Serap Keles 59 BOOK REVIEW 68 E-Negotiations: Networking and Cross-cultural Business Transactions by Harkiolakis, Nicholas with Halkias, Daphene a nd Abadir, Sam (2012). Gower Publishing, Surrey, UK, 228 pages. ISBN: 978-1-4094-0196-4. List price £ 65. (hardcover). Reviewed by Claude Cellich, In ternational University in Geneva, Switzerland	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 1-3, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online 1 EDITORIAL The study by Albaum and Peterson measures business-related ethical attitudes of future business managers in 12 countries in the European Union using the six-item Scale of Ethicality, and examines the effects of na-tionality, gender, and relig iosity on such atti-tudes. Ethical attitude s have an impact on the formation and successful implementation of strategic alliances. Clearly, the likelihood that strategic alliances will be successful increases if the parties involved share similar ethical values. The research results show that although the 12 EU countries may be related economi-cally and politically, future managers in these countries do not share th e same ethical values, although there is some overlap. That is, na-tionality had some effect on ethical attitudes. Moreover, in some European countries males reported significantly hi gher levels of ethicali-ty than did females, a finding that was not ex-pected as previous research studies typically reported that females had higher levels. Inter-estingly, overall religiosity did not have a sig-nificant effect. One interpretation is that levels of ethicali-ty reported herein are what one can expect to find when these future managers are, in fact, managers. However, since future managers are university undergraduate students, they can, over time, easily change their views as they take courses in business ethics and inter-act with current business managers during their studies. Less than one-half of the countries com-prising the European Union are included in the present study. Even s o, there is no reason to believe the ethicality attitudes observed in the present study will diffe r significantly in other EU countries, although cultures of EU coun-tries differ. However, it would be prudent for a manger from one country when interacting with a manager in another country to assume, at the outset, ethical difference until similarity is proven. The replication study by Ketelaar et al. determined the attitude of young women to-wards ads that contain sexually objectifying images of female models. A web survey among 250 female students shows that they do find sexually objectifying ads unethical and offensive, resulting in a lower attitude towards the ad. Providing broader evidence than the initial study, exposure to these ads does not harm purchase intentions or company image. The study shows that advertisers should be careful when using higher levels of sexual ob-jectification in ads, because women do not appreciate those ads. Concerning recommen-dations to the advertis ing industry, the mes-sage is that “sex sells,” but excess should be avoided. Although our re sults suggest that there are not many disadvantages for compa-nies in the use of sex objects in a dvertising, it seems that there are nevertheless limits with regard to the apprec iation by women of sex objects in advertising. While young women generally have no problems with sexual objec-tification in advertising, there may be negative effects on appreciation when shown extremely objectifying advertising. The authors there-fore recommend care to be taken with extreme sexual objectification if women are a part of the target audience. Finally, it is possible that there is an increased tolerance as a result of the ubiquitous use of se xual appeals, but this assumption requires further research. Even though the feminist thought mobi-lised a strong academic interest in female ste-reotypical depictions in advertisements, the examination of relations hips between men and women in advertising is a particularly under-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
2 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING explored area. Considering that gender stereo-typing is nowadays regarded to be less obvi-ous than the past, the paper by Zotos and Tsichla employs Goffman's (1979) method-ology which is designed to capture subtle ste-reotyping transcribed to advertising semiotic cues. The study analysed exclusively adver-tisements picturing at least one male and one female together, drawing a sample of 335 Cypriot magazine advertisements and the cod-ing of 670 characters. The findings of the study highlight pat-terns that failed to be elucidated in research that co-examined single models and joint rep-resentations. Contrary to prior findings (Umiker-Sebeok 1996; Kang, 1997; Mager & Helgeson, 2011), when females are portrayed with males, advertisements tend to emphasize the relative size of men and women with the latter occupying less space in the advertise-ment. Further, the category of “Function Ranking” is commonly found, highlighting differences in status: Men are displayed oc-cupying executive roles and women tend to perform subordinate roles. On the contrary, when accompanied by men, females tend to be somewhat prevented from displaying naked parts of their body. Still, their naked represen-tations outnumber male's nude displays. Women were mostly displayed touching ob-jects in a non-utilitar ian fashion, adopting pos-tures that signal subordination and withdraw-ing from the current situation more often than men. Men's and women's magazines show a similar pattern of gender stereotyping but gen-eral audience magazines display fewer gender clichéd depictions. A relationship between endorsed product and role stereotypes was al-so noted, as advertisem ents for hedonic prod-ucts tend to present females in a more stereo-typical fashion than males. Research findings of the study yield inter-esting insights that raise key public policy concerns. The diffusion of gender stereotypes is associated with various negative conse-quences particularly for women. Idealized body images and impossible beauty standards are omnipresent in advertisements, threatening women's well-being, self-confidence and self-esteem (Jones 1993; Barlett et al., 2005). A relationship between stereotypes and body dissatisfaction has also been demonstrated (Lavine, Sweeny, & Wagner, 1999). In this light, public authorities should prioritize the safeguard of gender equal opportunities. The persistence of female stereotypes in society, even conveyed through an indirect way by subtle cues transcribed in the advertising visu-als, still manage to si gnal women's inferiority and hazard their pers onal welfare, social standing, and career potential. Towards this end, social entities like educational and wel-fare organizations could play an active role regarding the deconstruction of idealized beauty and body standards and the develop-ment of individuals'—es pecially teenagers'— confidence and se lf-esteem. Further, as exposure to advertisements that convey stereotypical port rayals is associated with scepticism and dissatisfaction (e. g. Lammers & Wilkinson, 1980), advertising practitioners should be ve ry careful not to al-ienate their target markets. Females tend to be more critical of advertisements that are incon-sistent with their role or ientation (Ford et al., 1991; 1997). As a result, advertising cam-paigns targeting female consumers should avoid cues that signify women's inferiority and subordination. Furthermore, consumers' preference and engagement for advertising campaigns that challeng e traditional gender stereotypes should be se riously considered by marketing practitioners who wish to achieve a contemporary, unique, and ethical positioning for their brands. Global advertisers are often faced with a question of how to position global brands when targeting consumers in different coun-tries. One of the available positioning strate-gies is the Global Consumer Culture Position-ing (GCCP) strategy, wh ich associates the brand with a widely understood and recog-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
EDITORIAL 3 nised set of symbols and values believed to constitute global consumer culture. In GCCP, the brand may be purchased by consumers mainly because of reinforcing their member-ship in that segment. One of the tools to in-troduce this strategy is advertising and the use of appropriate advertisin g appeals. This paper examined the use of Global Consumer Culture Positioning appeals in print advertising by comparing 847 advertisements for durable and non-durable goods from four European coun-tries: Poland, Hungary, Ireland, and the UK. Results revealed that GCCP appeals were more often used in advertisements for non-durable goods than durable goods. The study confirmed the expectation that GCCP appeals would be more frequently used in advertising in less developed markets than in more devel-oped markets. The proposed framework of GCCP appeals may be us eful to practitioners wishing to use this positioning strategy in ad-vertisements targeted at global consumers across. Advertising practitioners may wish to explore the use of GCCP appeals for durable goods as they may be mo re effective than for non-durable goods. REFERENCES Barlett, C., Harris, R., Smith, S., & Bonds Raacke, J. (2005). Action figures and men. Sex Roles, 53(11-12), 877-885. Ford, J. B. ; La Tour M., & Lundstrom, W. J., (1991). Contemporary women's evalua tion of female role portrayals in advertis ing, Journal of Consumer Marketing, 8(1), 15-28. Ford, J. B., La Tour, M., & Honeycutt, E. D. (1997). An examination of cross-cultural female response to offensive sex role por trayals in advertising. International Mar keting Review, 14(6), 409-423. Goffman, E. (1979). Gender advertisements. New York: Harper and Row Publishers. Jones, A. R. (1993). Writing the body: To ward an understanding of l' ecriture femi nine. In R. R. Warhol and D. P. Hermdl (Eds. ), Feminism, an anthology of literary theory and criticism. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick (NJ), 357=370. Kang, M. (1997). The po rtrayals of women's images in magazine advertisements: Goffman's gender analysis revisited, Sex Roles, 37(11-12), 979-997. Lammers, H. B. and Wilkinson, M. L. (1980). Attitudes toward women and satisfaction with sex roles in advertisements. Psycho logical Reports, 46(3), 280-284. Levine, H., Sveneeny, D., & Wagner, S. H. (1999). Depicting wo man as sex objects in television advertising: Effects on body dissatisfaction. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25(8), 1049-1058. Mager, J. & Helgeson, J. G. (2011). Fifty years of advertising images: Some chang ing perspectives on role portrayals along with enduring consistencies, Sex Roles, 64(3-4), 238-252. Umiker-Sebeok, J. (1996). Power and con struction of gendered spaces. Internation al Review of Sociology, 6(3), 389-404. Erdener Kaynak Editor in Chief	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 4-16, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online Gerarld Albaum, Ph D. is Research Professor at the Robert O. Anderson School of Management at The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico, USA Robert A. Peterson, Ph. D. is Associate Vice-President for Research at The University of Te xas at Austin and holds the Stuart Chair in the Mc Combs School of Business, Austi, Texas, USA Address correspondence to Dr. Gerald Albaum, Re search Professor, Anderson School of Manage-ment, MSCO5 3090, 1 University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131-0001, USA, E-mail: al-baum@unm. edu 4 ARTICLES Business-Related Ethical Attitudes of Future Business Execu-tives and Leaders in the European Union Gerald Albaum Robert A. Peterson ABSTRACT. The purpose of this paper is to examine business-related ethical attitudes of future business leaders in 12 countries in the European Union, and to assess the effects of nationality, gen-der, and religiosity. Data were collected from university unde rgraduate business students in an in-class-setting in each country. Ethical attitudes were measured by a six-item scale of Ethicality devel-oped in a non-European country. Factor analysis a nd analysis-of-variance were used in the analysis. The factor analyses results supported the use of the scale of Ethicality in the EU countries. Nationali-ty had an effect on ethicality, but religiosity did not. Gender had an effect, but in a direction opposite that reported in most of the literature. That is, ma les reported significantly higher levels of ethicality than did females in some countries. Internal cons istency reliability of the scale was at the margin, but acceptable. This was probably due to the small number of scale items. KEYWORDS. Business-related ethicality, future business le aders, European Union, effects of na-tionality, gender, and religiosity. INTRODUCTION Successful enduring re lationships between parties are built and sustained on trust be-tween, and ethical behavi ors of, the parties. While true in general and in business relation-ships between people, it is especially true for transnational relationships (such as those found in international marketing) wherein val-ues, including et hical attitudes and values (i. e., ethicality), may differ between the parties. While important in all types of international marketing relationships, trust and ethical be-liefs and behaviors are especially important in the formation and ultimate running and suc-cess of strategic alliances such as licensing, contracting, joint ventures, and cross-marketing agreements. A recent comprehen-sive review of research on strategic alliances is provided by Gomes, Barnes, and	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 5 Mahmoood (2014). According to the then presidents of Ford and Mazda ( Business Week, 1992), one of the major pr inciples to follow to ensure that an alliance will be successful is to anticipate cultural differences. These may be corporate or national. All parties should be flexible, and should try to place culturally sen-sitive managers in key posts. On a more gen-eral level, the consensus of the findings of lit-erature reviews by Ford and Richardson (1994); Loe, Ferrell, and Mansfield (2000); and O'Fallon and Butterfi eld (2005) is that culture influences ethical decision making. The primary purpose of this paper is to explore similarities an d differences in busi-ness-related ethical attitudes of future business leaders, operationalized as university/college undergraduate business students in 12 coun-tries in the EU: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Malta, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Much of the published research on national differences in business ethical atti-tudes and values of business students has dealt with examining differences between the Unit-ed States and other co untries (see Peterson, Albaum, Merunka, Muneura, & Smith, 2010, p. 575), and have found that United States students had higher levels of ethical attitudinal values than did non-Unite d States students. More recent studies have also found this result (Crittenden, Hanna, & Peterson, 2009; Peter-son et al., 2010), although the Peterson, Al-baum, Merunka, Muneura, and Smith (2010) finding was qualified in the sense that alt-hough statistically signifi cant, the absolute or practical difference was not large. A different type of study in Western Euro-pean countries is that by Arnold, Bernardi, Neidermeyer, and Schmee (2007). This re-search examined the eff ect of a country's cul-ture on the implementation of a code of con-duct in a European context. Unlike the re-search cited above, the population studied was non-students, specifically accountants in eight Western European countries. The present study goes beyond just na-tionality effects. We also look at the extent to which differences are moderated by gender and religiosity. Gender has been demonstrat-ed to explain differences in ethics attitudes and behaviors. Meta-a nalyses (e. g., Roxas & Stoneback 2004) have shown that females tend to have higher ethical standards than males, and that this di fference exists across a number of countries. A nother variable of in-terest in the study of business-related ethics attitudes is religiosity. The most common conclusion regarding th e relationship between religiosity and business et hics is that a “high degree of religiosity is generally associated with higher ethical attitudes” (Conroy & Em-erson, 2004, p. 384). BACKGROUND Nationality and Ethicality The reason for differences in business eth-ics may well relate to differences in cultures since culture affects moral orientations such as idealism and relativism (e. g., Srnka, 2004; Swaidan, Rawwas, & Vitell, 2008). In the context of cross-cultural differences, Iyer (2001) discussed ethical dimensions of ex-change and major ethical principles that emerge as possible explanations of cross-cultural differences generally: sovereignty, justice, and integrity. Curtis, Conover, and Chui (2012) examine the impact of national culture on ethical deci sion making in four countries: China, Japan, Mexico, and the U. S. These researchers found th at country of origin (nationality), justice perceptions, power dis-tance perception, and gende r all are related to ethical decision making. Buller, Kohls, and Anderson (1991) wondered rhetorically whether there is a common business ethics core across cultures but whether, beyond this core, widespread differences exist in the levels of ethical standards. From a theoretical per-spective, researchers have attempted to apply	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
6 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Hofstede's (2001) cultural constructs of indi-vidualism and collectivism in cross-cultural models of ethical decision-making in business (e. g., Husted & Allen, 2008), and his con-structs individualism and uncertainty avoid-ance to social desirability response bias (e. g., Bernardi, 2006), as well as Kohlberg's (1984) levels of moral deve lopment to explaining cross-cultural differences in business ethics (e. g., Kini, Ramakrishna, & Vijayaraman, 2004). Looking more deeply into Hofstede's (2001, p. 500, 502) schema, we see how cul-ture differs among the 12 countries of the Eu-ropean Union of this study. Power Distance varies from 11 in Austria to 68 in France; Un-certainty Avoidance ranges from 23 in Den-mark to 112 in Greece; Individual-ism/Collectivism ranges from 20 in Spain to 89 in the United Kingdom; Masculini-ty/femininity varies from 14 in The Nether-lands to 88 in Hungary; and Long/Short-Term orientation ranges from 19 in Spain to 50 in Hungary. Clearly, there is no uniform single culture in the EU. Gender and Ethicality A majority of studies have concluded that females exhibit higher ethical standards and behaviors than do males. Borkowski and Ugras (1998) conducted a meta-analysis of 47 empirical studies published in the period 1985-1994 that investigated the relationship between gender and ethics. Only studies that contained data on United States business stu-dents were included in the meta-analysis. Of the 47 studies, 29 “reported that females (males) exhibited more (less) ethical atti-tudes/behavior than their counterparts” (Borkowski & Ugras, 1998, p. 1124). Similarly, Franke, Crown, and Spake (1997) conducted a meta-analysis of more than 20,000 survey partic ipants in 66 samples to investigate the role that gender played in perceptions of ethical decision making. Using social role theory to explain how gender dif-ferences in perceptions are affected by work experience, they found that gender differences observed in pre-career (student) samples (women have higher et hical standards than men) decline as work experience increases. Further, following a qualitative review of the literature, Kennedy and Lawton (1996) con-cluded that while some studies “have shown little or no difference between males and fe-males... none have found higher standards for males than females” (p. 904). A few studies comparing non-United States samples have reported that males re-ported higher levels of business ethics than did females (Phau & Kea 2007; Stevenson & Bodkin 1998). Religiosity and Ethicality There has been less concern in the litera-ture on studying the infl uence of religiosity on business-related ethics than on studying the effect of nationality and gender. What has been reported is summarized by Peterson et al. (2010, p. 576-577). In general, the relation-ship between religiosity and business-related ethicality has generally been found to be posi-tive. Yet, there have been mixed findings as well, and reported results varied by the meas-ure of religiosity use d. For example, a study of both adults working in and around Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, and undergraduate busi-ness students of a private university in Malay-sia conducted by Kum-Lung and Teck-Chai (2010) used a scale to measure religiosity that provides measures for two dimensions of re-ligiosity: interpersonal and intrapersonal. Re-sults showed that intrapersonal religiosity was a significant determinant to attitude toward business ethics, but inte rpersonal religiosity was not. In addition, a recent study in more than 70 countries has found that religiosity is strongly associated with corruption in business (Yeganeh & Sauers, 2013).	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS Based on the discussion above, three re-search questions underlie the present study: RQ1: Do the future business leaders (i. e., stu-dents) of the countries within the European Union possess different levels of business-related ethicality? RQ2: Are such differences moderated by gen-der and religiosity? RQ3: Are the joint effects of nationality, gen-der, and religiosity on business-related ethical-ity significant? METHODOLOGY Data Collection The primary rationale for studying busi-ness students in cross-cultural or cross-national research is that they are “prospective managers” (Preble & Reichel, 1988), “tomor-row's business professionals” (Stevenson & Bodkin, 1998), “future business executives” (Jones & Gautschi, 1988), or “future business leaders” (Albaum & Peterson, 2006). Given that these characterizations are correct, study-ing business students may lead to predictions of the future ethical climate in business, espe-cially as a global business economy emerges. At the same time, though, it is important to recognize that business students are not, by definition, business managers, and therefore may not provide genera lizable inferences about current business managers, and that stu-dents' ethicality may change as they are ex-posed to a country's et hical climate in busi-ness as well as studying business ethics at their university. A two-stage sampling design was em-ployed in data collection. The first stage con-sisted of identifying judgmentally representa-tive universities/colle ges having an under-graduate business program in each of the 12 countries to be studied with particular empha-sis on institutions where the present authors had some type of personal or professional re-lationship with one or more colleagues. The 12 countries were all the European Union countries in a larger worldwide study (refer-ence to be provided). The second stage in-volved obtaining a cluster sample of business students in each of the stage-one institutions selected by contacting professors in business schools in the 12 countrie s and asking if their research or teaching assistant would adminis-ter about 50 very short questionnaires to un-dergraduate business students. The assistant would receive a small monetary “honorarium” as a token of appreciation. The obtained sam-ple sizes for each country ranged from 26 in Hungary to 242 in Germany. The final total sample size is 1,100 (see Table 1). Table 1: Sample Size* Austria (1, 50) Belgium (1, 52) Denmark (1, 75) France (2, 150) Germany (2, 242) Greece (1, 49) Hungary (1, 26) Ireland (1, 38) M a l t a ( 1, 4 9 ) The Netherlands (1, 47) Spain (2, 174) United Kingdom (4, 148) All countries (18, 1,100) *Numbers in parentheses are nu mber of universities/colleges sampled and number of survey participants in that country with complete data. There is a possible limitation to this ap-proach to obtaining a sample of students. Some of the universities may have foreign students studying business. For the present study this is not a problem as the research de-sign was such that all student respondents were native and citize ns of the country in which they were studying. Measurement The questionnaire used the Ethicality scale (Albaum & Peterson, 2006), which consists of six Likert-type scale items designed to meas-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
8 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING ure business-related ethicality (i. e., ethical at-titudes), three demographic questions (age, gender, religiosity), and two questions (aca-demic classification, major field of study) to screen potential survey participants to ensure that the sample was limited to only under-graduate business students from the respective countries. Each of the Likert-type items consisted of a declarative statement and a six-category “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree” rating scale; only the endpoints of the rating scaled were labeled. Scale categories were labeled numerically from 1 (“Strongly Agree”) to 6 (“Strongly Disagree”). This scale format is a balanced scale without a neutral point or cate-gory. The specific scale items of the Ethicali-ty scale are shown in Table 2. The range of possible total scores for Ethicality is 6 to 36 with the higher the score (after reverse scoring of four items) the grea ter the amount of busi-ness-related ethicality. Table 2: Scale Items of Ethicality Scale 1. Top business executives should state in no uncertain terms that unethical behaviors in their companies will not be tolerated. * 2. If a manager in a company is discovered to have en-gaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in personal gain (rather than corporate gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. * 3. If a manager in a company is discovered to have en-gaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in corporate gain (rather than personal gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. * 4. Business behavior that is legal is ethical. 5. Within a business firm, the ends justify the means. 6. It is important that ethical considerations be taken into account when designing company policies. * *Reverse scored. The questionnaire was originally devel-oped in English and pre-tested with a sample of United States business students to obtain a qualitative evaluation of the understandability and an assessment of ad ministrative ease. It was subsequently translated into French, German, and Spanish by professors in the countries where data were collected. Because many of the survey participants were from English-speaking countries or were enrolled in educational institutions where English was the language of instruction, there was no need to translate into other languages. One might question whether the Ethicality scale is culturally relativ e, or a cultural emic. The nature of the wording used in each scale item is such that we feel the Ethicality scale can be used in many cu ltures and possesses at the very least imposed etic validity (Berry, 1980, p. 19) wherein universals in a system are present (Berry, 1969, p. 124) or may even be a cultural etic (Berry, 1980, p. 11). Nationality (12 valu es) and gender (male or female) were measured in obvious ways. Religiosity was measured with a single item; survey participants were asked “Do you con-sider yourself to be 'very religious,' 'some-what religious,' or ' not very religious'?” Whereas Churchill (197 9); Peter (1979); and Diamantopoulos, Sarstedt, Fuchs, Wilczynski, and Kaiser (2012) argued that attributes of marketing constructs ar e better measured with multi-item measures than with single-item measures, other research suggests that if the attribute can be conceptualized as concrete, it does not require multiple items (Rossiter, 2002; Bergkvist & Ross iter, 2007; Drolet & Morrison, 2001). In the present study, religi-osity is considered concrete, and thus a single-item measure is appropriate. This scale of re-ligiosity is quite straightforward, unambigu-ous, and easy to respond to. For religiosity, the decision was made to use a psychological measure rather than a be-havioral measure such as attendance at reli-gious services (Gorsu ch, 1988). The reason for this decision was threefold. First, in many regions of the world attendance at religious services is irrelevant in that people who attend are not necessarily more religious than those who do not attend. Sec ond, personal belief in religiosity was consider ed a strong influence on other beliefs and beha vior than a behavior-al measure. Third, the measure we used is es-sentially the same as that used in the General	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 9 Table 3. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents (% distribution) Country Gender Female Male N Age 20 and 21-25 26 and below above N Religiosity Very Somewhat Not so N Religious Major of Filed Study Marketing Business Other N Years of Study 1 2 3 4 + N Austria 36. 7 63. 3 49 42. 0 40. 0 18. 0 50 8. 2 61. 2 30. 6 49 0 33 0 33 29 14 4 3 50 Belgium 40. 0 60. 0 50 94. 1 3. 9 2. 0 51 19. 0 39. 7 41. 4 59 0 50 0 50 27 20 3 2 52 Denmark 39. 2 60. 8 74 0. 0 20. 0 80. 0 75 1. 3 14. 7 84. 0 75 62 10 0 72 3 26 28 18 75 France 58. 4 41. 6 149 0. 0 98. 7 1. 3 150 9. 4 30. 9 59. 7 149 94 55 1 150 0 0 10 140 150 Germany 48. 1 51. 9 239 10. 4 79. 7 9. 9 241 7. 5 58. 2 34. 3 239 38 1 98 6 242 96 64 45 35 240 Greece 72. 9 27. 1 48 83. 7 16. 3 0. 0 49 19. 1 66. 0 14. 9 47 35 11 0 46 29 11 6 2 48 Hungary 48. 0 52. 0 25 26. 9 69. 2 3. 8 26 12. 0 32. 0 56. 0 25 9 15 0 24 7 0 5 14 26 Ireland 60. 6 39. 4 33 26. 3 71. 1 2. 1 38 6. 9 69. 0 24. 1 29 20 18 0 38 11 10 8 4 33 Malta 61. 2 38. 8 49 79. 6 12. 2 8. 2 49 12. 2 57. 1 30. 6 49 0 49 0 49 46 3 0 0 49 Spain 52. 7 47. 3 169 6. 4 83. 2 10. 4 173 11. 7 44. 4 43. 9 171 32 142 0 174 1 8 18 145 172 The Netherlands 31. 9 68. 1 47 78. 7 21. 3 0. 0 47 17. 0 23. 4 59. 6 47 0 45 0 45 11 30 3 3 47 United Kingdom 58. 8 41. 2 148 43. 2 53. 4 3. 4 148 8. 1 32. 4 59. 5 148 9 136 0 145 12 55 59 22 148 All Countries 51. 6 48. 4 1,080 27. 6 61. 0 11. 4 1,095 9. 1 42. 8 48. 1 1,080 299 762 7 1,068 272 241 189 388 1,090 Table 4. Rotated Factor Load ings for Ethicality Scale It ems for all Countries Studied Behavior Philosophy Top business executives should state in no uncerta in terms that unethical behaviors in their companies will not be tolerated. . 745 . 006 If a manager in a company is discovered to have engaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in personal gain (rather than corporate gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. . 704 . 018 If a manager in a company is discovered to have engaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in corporate gain (rather than personal gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. . 720 . 100 It is important that ethical considerations be taken into account when designing company policies. -. 477 -. 339 Business behavior that is legal is ethical. -. 124 . 833 Within a business firm, the ends justify the means. . 251 . 688 Percent Variance Explained 33. 570 19. 17 4	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
10 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Social Survey of the National Opinion Re-search Center (NORC) during the period 1972-2006 (Davis & Smith, 1996; GSS News, 2014). RESULTS Demographic Characteristics A profile of the 12 samples is shown in Table 3. As shown, the distributions of all demographic characteristics differ among the 12 countries. Only survey participants who responded to all ethicality items are included in the analysis. Scale Analysis The six ethicality scale items were sub-jected to separate factor analysis within each of the 12 subsamples. Overall, for all 12 countries combined, two factors emerged ex-plaining 52. 74% of the variance. The two fac-tors are behavioral ethicality and philosophi-cal ethicality, measured by the scale items shown in Table 4. Th is is the same scale structure reported in the studies by Albaum & Peterson (2006) and Peterson et al. (2010). For the individual countries, as shown in Ta-ble 5, two factors emerged in all countries ex-cept Denmark, Greece, and Malta, where three factors emerged. The amount of variance ex-plained ranges from 75. 19% (for three factors) in Denmark to 50. 75% (f or two factors) in Germany. These result s support the position that the European Union has differences in values. Also shown in Table 5 is Coefficient The-ta, which is generally viewed as a special case of Cronbach's Alpha measure of internal con-sistency in which Alpha is a maximum. Theta is “the alpha coefficient for a scale in which the weighting factor has been chosen as as to make alpha a maximum” (Carmines & Zeller, 1979, p. 61). It is useful for analyzing a multi-dimensional scale with heterogeneous rela-tionships among the scale items such as the Ethicality scale (Beatty, Jeon, Albaum & Murphy, 1994). As shown in Table 5, the values for Theta, which range from. 540 for Greece to. 732 for the United Kingdom, seem reasonable since the number of items is small. Research has shown that small numbers of items generate low Coefficient Alphas (Cortina, 1993; Duhach ek & Iacobucci, 2004; Peterson, 1994). Table 5. Results of Factor Analyses and Coefficient Theta of Ethicality Scale Items Country # Factors % Variance Theta N Austria 2 57. 41 0. 612 50 Belgium 2 54. 67 0. 552 52 Denmark 3 75. 19 0. 588 75 France 2 57. 78 0. 684 150 Germany 2 50. 75 0. 600 242 Greece 3 66. 39 0. 540 49 Hungary 2 61. 65 0. 696 26 Ireland 2 64. 03 0. 612 38 Malta 3 67. 13 0. 576 49 Spain 2 54. 63 0. 636 174 The Neth-erlands 2 57. 55 0. 684 47 United Kingdom 2 59. 36 0. 732 148 All coun-tries 2 52. 74 0. 660 1,100 Three additional independent samples of undergraduate business students from France, Spain, and the United States were used to evaluate the longitudinal stability (test-retest reliability) of the Ethicality scale. The median (2 weeks and 1 month) test-retest correlation measuring the longitudina l stability of the Eth-icality scale was an acceptable 0. 62. Finally, an investigat ion of potential ex-treme response bias and yea-saying/nay-saying was undertaken. In general, the results of the preliminary analyses suggested that any risk that measurement problems existed when measuring Ethicality with the same scale	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 11 across countries that may have different con-cepts of ethics was minimal. Overall Results Mean values for the Ethicality scale for the 12 countries are shown in Table 6. There are statistically significant differences among the 12 countries ( p<. 001). Ethicality levels for all countries were mostly above the middle of the scale, which could range from 6 to 36, sug-gesting a moderately positive level of ethicali-ty. No patterns emerged for any country sub-groupings. Table 6. Mean Values of Ethicality a Country Ethicality N Austria 21. 32 50 Belgium 22. 23 52 Denmark 24. 22 75 France 22. 62 150 Germany 22. 62 242 Greece 22. 45 49 Hungary 22. 08 26 Ireland 22. 32 38 Malta 22. 78 49 Spain 23. 17 174 The Netherlands 23. 40 47 United Kingdom 23. 61 148 F 2. 85 P . 001 a The greater the score, the higher the level of ethicality. Scores could range from 6 to 36. Analysis of variance was used to evaluate differences in Ethicality due to key demo-graphic characteristics. Table 7 presents the summary results of a four-way analysis with nationality, gender, religiosity, and age as the independent variables and Ethicality as the dependent variable. Although not a variable of specific interest in the study, age was in-cluded to assess whether there were any inter-action effects. Nationa lity and the interaction of nationality and age ar e the only effects that are marginally statistically significant ( p<. 10). The finding regarding nationality supports that reported in Table 5. In terestingly, gender was not significant, a main effect finding that was unexpected. Table 7. Analysis of Variance Results for Ethicality in the European Union Variable F p A g e 1. 0 5 5 . 3 9 3 G e n d e r . 6 0 6 . 4 3 7 Religiosity ,689 . 502 C o u n t r y 1. 6 3 4 . 0 8 5 A g e * G e n d e r . 7 4 5 . 7 1 9 AgeReligiosity . 928 . 500 AgeCountry 1. 281 . 060 GenderReligiosity 2. 112 . 122 GenderCountry 1. 203 . 280 ReligiosityCountry 1. 097 . 346 AgeGenderReligiosity . 586 . 887 AgeGenderCountry 1. 204 . 213 AgeReligiosityCountry 1. 037 . 410 GenderReligiosity*Country 1. 327 . 185 Nationality, Gender, Age, and Religiosity Ef-fects The means of Ethicality by gender, age, and religiosity for each of the 12 countries are shown in Table 8. For gender, an interesting finding is that differences in Ethicality are statistically signif-icant ( p<. 05) in Ireland, Spain, Greece, and Hungary, and marginally significant ( p<. 10) in Denmark. In these five countries, females reported being more ethical than males in only two countries—Denmark and Spain. This finding is not consistent with general findings reported in the literature. Looking at age, marginally significant dif-ferences ( p<. 10) in Ethicality were found in Greece, Hungary, and Belgium. In general, in these countries level of Ethicality increased with age. Regarding religiosity, no clear relationship between one's level of religiosity and level of ethicality was found. No significant differ-ences ( p<. 05) exist. In some of the coun-tries—Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, and Hungary—the most ethical respondents were “very religious. ” In contrast, the highest level of Ethicality was repo rted by those “not so	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
12 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Table 8. Mean Values of Ethicality in the 12 EU Nations by Gender, Age, and Religiosity The United Characteristic Austria Belgium Denmark France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Malta Spain Netherlands Kingdo m ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Gender Female 21. 11 22. 15 25. 14 22. 92 22. 76 21. 89 20. 33 22. 05 22. 47 23. 94 22. 67 23. 83 Male 21. 48 22. 20 23. 73 22. 16 22. 52 24. 23 23. 15 24. 23 23. 26 22. 25 2 3. 75 23. 31 F . 117 . 002 2. 833 1. 129 . 313 4. 253 5. 044 5. 396 . 499 8. 127 . 803 . 508 p . 734 . 961 . 097 . 290 . 576 . 045 . 035 . 027 . 483 . 005 . 375 . 477 Age 20 and below 21. 09 22. 27 --- --- 22. 96 21. 83 20. 43 21. 50 22. 77 22. 7 3 23. 16 23. 70 21-25 22. 40 26. 00 24. 67 22. 63 22. 59 25. 63 22. 33 22. 48 21. 33 23. 08 24. 30 23. 87 26 and above 19. 44 11. 00 24. 12 22. 00 22. 50 --- 29. 00 26. 00 25. 00 24. 11 --- 20. 60 F 2. 252 8. 364 . 284 . 042 . 153 8. 525 3. 040 1. 121 1. 107 . 611 . 681 1. 369 p. 116 . 001 . 596 . 838 . 858 . 005 . 067 . 337 . 339 . 544 . 413 . 260 Religiosity Very religious 19. 50 21. 00 20. 00 22. 50 23. 33 22. 56 23. 67 25. 50 24. 00 22. 35 25. 00 23. 42 Somewhat Religious 20. 80 21. 00 25. 09 21. 93 22. 65 22. 58 21. 63 22. 40 21. 79 23. 54 23. 73 22. 79 Not so Religious 22. 87 22. 73 24. 14 22. 97 22. 22 22. 43 21. 50 22. 57 24. 13 23. 2 9 22. 82 24. 09 F 2. 256 1. 374 1. 049 . 878 . 998 . 005 . 498 1. 051 2. 309 . 749 1. 047 1. 420 p . 116 . 263 . 356 . 418 . 370 . 995 . 614 . 364 . 111 . 474 . 360 . 245 ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 13 religious” in the United Kingdom, France, Malta, Austria, and Belgium. In most cases, the absolute differences in Ethicality between respondents reporting different levels of relig-iosity are miniscule. Clearly, there is no generalization we can make regarding the effect s of gender, age, and religiosity in the European Union countries studied. Looking at al l 12 countries, correla-tion analyses were conducted between each demographic variable and Ethicality. Results are as follows: Ethicality/age r=. 046, p<. 13 Ethicality/gender r=. 037, p<. 23 Ethicality/religiosity r=. 053, p<. 09 Religiosity is the one characteristic that is marginally significant. The magnitude of this correlation is so small that while it is signifi-cantly different from zero at p<10, the corre-sponding Coefficient of Determination ( r 2), or variance explained, is le ss than 1%. In addi-tion, the sample size was large (1,100) and Mohr (1990) has reported that “almost any small relationship will still be statistically sig-nificant with very large samples” (p. 74). DISCUSSION There always is a risk in generalizability. Can the results of the present study be gener-alized to the entire European Union? The best we can say is “probably. ” Even though rela-tively large numbers of survey participants and countries were used in the study in aggre-gate, certain study characte ristics, such as the specific ethicality scale used, the fact that the survey participants were undergraduate busi-ness students, the distributions of colleges and universities from which data were collected, and the relatively small sample sizes for some of the colleges and unive rsities serve to condi-tion the feasible inferences. Additionally, it is always necessary to keep in mind that atti-tudes, especially self-reported ones, do not necessarily lead to consistently predictable behaviors, and business students are not al-ways perfect surrogates for business manag-ers. Over time, people do change! In the introduction s ection of this paper, we discussed briefly the relationship between ethical values and stra tegic alliance formation and implementation in the context that alli-ance management or operations should run more smoothly and be more successful if the parties involved shared similar ethical values. The present study shows that one cannot nec-essarily assume similar ethical values in coun-tries that are related economically and politi-cally. There is need to know the ethical and other relevant cultural va lues of those in the countries where such al liances and other types of business and personal relationships are to be formed. In this study, we have used one scale to measure ethical values, the scale of Ethicality developed by Albaum and Peterson (2006). There are other scales that can be used. The scale of Ethicality is short—six items—and easy to use. Where it has been used, it has been shown to have acceptable psychometric properties. One cannot assume these proper-ties will exist in other applications without measuring them. In short, it is best to operate on the premise of assuming difference until similarity is proven (Adler, 1991, p. 67). CONCLUSIONS The results of this st udy confirm that from an ethical values perspective, the European Union is not a single market area, at least for the 12 countries studied, and for university undergraduate business stude nts. There is no reason to believe that th e situation is any dif-ferent in the 15 other co untries. Overall, alt-hough there is a significant difference among the 12 countries in the mean Ethicality scores, the absolute magnitude of such differences is not large. Consequently, some overlap be-tween countries exists. In all countries, the level of Ethicality tended to be positive, alt-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
14 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING hough it was near to the midpoint dividing negative and positive. From a research ques-tion perspective, this means that the answer to RQ1 is yes, and that the future business lead-ers within the EU have di fferent levels of ethi-cality. When demographic characteristics of gen-der, religiosity, and age are considered, one surprise emerged. In three of the five coun-tries where Ethicality scores are significantly different, males reported being more ethical than females. As expected, nationality had an effect on Ethicality scores, as mentioned above, and the interaction of nationality and age was statistically significant. The main effects of gender, religio sity, and age were not significant. The answer to RQ2, therefore, is no. Similarly, since the only interaction effect that was significant is that of nationality and age, the answer to RQ3 also is no. REFERENCES Adler, N. J. (1991). International dimensions of organizational behavior (2nd ed. ). Bos ton: PWS-Kent. Albaum, G. & Peterson, R. A. (2006). Ethical attitudes of future business leaders: Do they vary by gender and religiosity? Busi ness and Society, 45(2), 300-321. Arnold, D. F., Bernardi, R. A., Neidermeyer, P. E., & Schmee, J. (2007). The effect of country and culture on perceptions of ap propriate ethical act ions prescribed by codes of conduct: A Western European perspective among accountants. Journal of Business Ethics, 70(4), 327-340. Beatty, S. E., Jeon, J. G., Albaum, G., & Mur phy, B. (1994). A cross-national study of leisure activities. Journal of Cross-Cul tural Psychology, 25(3), 409-422. Bergkvist, L. & Rossiter, J. R. (2007). The predictive validity of multiple-item versus single-item measures of the same con struct. Journal of Marketing Research, 44(May), 175-184. Bernardi, R. (2006). Associations between Hofstede's cultural constructs and social desirability bias. Journal of Business Eth ics, 65(1), 43-53. Berry, J. W. (1969). Human ecology and cog nitive style: Comparative studies in cul tural and psychological adaptation. Bev erly Hills, CA: Sage/Halsted. Berry, J. W. (1980). Introduction to method ology. In H. C. Triandis and J. W. Berry (Eds. ), Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psy chology—Methodology, Vol. 2, (pp. 1-28), Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc. Borkowski, S. C. & Ugras, Y. J. (1998). Business students and ethics: A meta analysis. Journal of Business Ethics, 17(11), 1117-1127. Buller, P. F., Kohls, J. J., & Anderson, K. S. 1991. The challenge of global ethics. Journal of Business Ethics, 10(10), 767- 775. Business Week (1992). The partners. February 10, 102-107. Carmines, E. G. & Zeller, R. A. (1979). Reli ability and validity assessment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Churchill, G. A. (1979). A paradigm for de veloping better measures of marketing constructs. Journal of Marketing Re search, 16(February), 64-73. Conroy, S. J. & Emerson, T. L. N. (2004). Business ethics and re ligion religiosity as a predictor of ethical awareness among students. Journal of Business Ethics, 50(4), 383-396. Cortina, J. M. (1993). What is coefficient al pha? An examination of theory and applications. Journal of Applied Psychol ogy, 78(1), 98-104. Crittenden, V. L., Hanna, R. C., & Peterson, R. A. (2009). Busine ss students' attitudes toward unethical behavior. Marketing Let ters, 20(1), 1-14. Curtis, M. B., Conover, T. L., & Chui, L. C. (2012). A cross-cu ltural study of the in fluence of country of origin, justice, power	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
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16 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING practices. Journal of Marketing Research, 16(February), 6-17. Peterson, R. A. (1994). A meta-analysis of Cronbach's Coefficient Alpha. Journal of Consumer Research, 21(2), 381-391. Peterson, R. A., Albaum, G., Merunka, D., Muneura, J. L., & Smith, S. M. (2010). Effects of nationality, gender, and religios ity on business-rela ted ethicality. Journal of Business Ethics, 96(4), 573-587. Phau, I. & Kea, G. (2007). Attitudes of uni versity students toward business ethics: A cross-national investigation of Australia, Singapore and Hong Kong. Journal of Business Ethics, 72(1), 61-75. Preble, J. F. & Reichel, A. (1988). Attitudes towards business ethics of future managers in the U. S. and Israel. Journal of Business Ethics, 7(12), 941-949. Rossiter, J. R. (2002). The C-OAR-SE proce dure for scale development in marketing. International Journal for Research in Marketing, 19(December), 305-335. Roxas, M. L. & Stoneback, J. Y. (2004). The importance of gender across cultures in ethical decision-making. Journal of Busi ness Ethics, 50(2), 149-165. Srnka, K. J. (2004). Culture's role in market ers' ethical decision making: An integrat ed theoretical framework. Academy of Marketing Science Review. Retrieved from http://www. amsreview. org/articles/ srnka01-2004. pdf Stevenson, T. H. & Bodkin, C. D. (1998). A cross-national comparison of university students' perceptions regarding the ethics and acceptability of sales practices. Jour nal of Business Ethics, 17(1), 45-55. Swaiden, Z., Rawwas, M. Y. A., & Vitell, S. J. (2008). Culture and moral ideologies of African Americans. Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice, 16(2), 127-137. Yeganeh, H. & Sauers, D. (2013). A cross-national investigation into the effects of religiosity on the pervasiveness of corrup-tion. Journal of East-West Business, 19(3), 155-180.	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 17-35, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online Paul E. Ketelaar, Ph. D. is Senior Assistant Pr ofessor and Doeschka Anschutz, Ph. D. is Assistant Pro-fessor at Communication Science & Behavioral Sc ience Institute, Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands. Suzanne van Hemmen, MSc. is Recrui tment Consultant at Er gon Recruitment bvba, Brus-sels, Belgium. Address correspondence to Dr. Paul E. Ketelaar, Co mmunication Science and Behavioral Science In-stitute, Radboud University, P. O. Box 9104, P. O. Box 9104, 6500 HE, Nijmegen, The Netherlands, E-mail: p. ketelaar@ru. nl 17 Sex in Advertising: Do Women Care Anymore? Paul Edwin Ketelaar Doeschka Anschutz Suzanne van Hemmen ABSTRACT. This replication study determined the attitude of young women towards ads that contain sexually objectifying images of fema le models. A web survey among 250 female stu-dents shows that they do find sexually objec tifying ads unethical and offensive resulting in a lower attitude towards the ad. Providing broader evidence than the initial st udy, exposure to these ads does not harm purchase intentions or company image. Th is study shows that advertis-ers should be careful when using higher levels of sexual objectification in ads, because women do not appreciate those ads. Concerning recomme ndations to the advertising industry, the mes-sage is that 'sex sells', but excess should be avoi ded. Although the study re sults suggest that there are not many disadvantages for companies in the use of sex objects in advertising, it seems that there are nevertheless limits with regard to the appreciation by wome n of sex objects in ad-vertising. While young women genera lly have no problems with se xual objectification in adver-tising, there may be negative effects on appreciation when s hown extremely objectifying adver-tising. The authors therefore recommend care to be taken with extreme sexual objectification if women are a part of the target audien ce. Finally, it is possible that there is an increased tolerance as a result of the obiquitous use of se xual appeals, but this as sumption requires further research. KEYWORDS. Sexual objectification, adve rtisements, young women, att itude towards the ad, purchase intentions, company image INTRODUCTION One method that advertisers use to tackle the problem of ad clutter and advertising avoidance and to attract consumers' attention is the use of simple emotional appeals such as sex (De Pelsmacker, Geuens & Van den Bergh, 2010). 'Sex sells' is a well-known marketing cliché. The increase in sexual ap-peals in advertising is evidence that advertis-ers deem it effective (R eichert & Carpenter, 2004; Carpenter & Edison, 2005). Sexual appeals in advertising are usually associated with sexual objectification of wom-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
18 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING en. Sexual objectification is the portrayal of a woman as an object of lu st, reducing her to an instrument of sexual pleasure for another per-son (Bartky, 1990, Lem on Check, 1997). In advertising, specificall y, we speak of sexual objectification of women when a woman's sexuality or her body is used to sell a product (Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008). The use of women as sex objects is the most common type of sexual appeal in advertising (Monk-Turner, Wren, Mc Gill, Matthiae, Brown, & Brooks, 2008; Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008; Reichert & Carpenter, 2004; Carpenter & Edi-son, 2005). The trend towards increasingly explicit sexual content in adver tising seems to be a reflection of a general trend in the media. Analyses show that women are also being sexually objectified in numerous other media such as television, musi c videos, movies and video games (Krassas, Blue Camp & Wes-selink, 2003; Gruber & Grube, 2000; Media Report to Women, 2001; Lambiase & Reichert, 2006; APA Task Force on the Sexu-alization of Girls, 2007). Research shows that women's negative attitude towards sexually objectifying adver-tising reduces the effect iveness of advertising and thus undermines th e objectives of the ad-vertiser (Ford, La Tour & Lundstrom, 1991; Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Jones & Reid, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hellemont, 2009). In addition to perception, a second requirement is effectiveness, so that advertising contributes positively to the objectives of the advertiser. Research shows that women generally do not appreciate advertising that portrays them as sex objects (Ford, La Tour, & Lundstrom, 1991; Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Jones & Reid, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hellemont, 2009). Therefore, advert ising that succeeds in drawing attention through the use of sexual objectification, but simu ltaneously gets nega-tive reactions from its female target audience, will impair its effectiveness. Only the recent study of Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) contradi cts the previous re-sults showing that women don't like sexually objectifying advertisements. These researchers found that young, highly educated women find sexual advertising less offensive than they did in 1991 (Ford, La Tour, & Lundstrom, 1991) and that their overall purchase intents are barely affected by sexual advertising. How-ever, weaknesses in their research demand replication, to verify their conclusions. The results of their study are in fact less clear than they conclude. In ex plaining their results, Zimmerman and Dahlberg point to, on the one hand, an increased tolerance because of the increasing exposure to sex in the media, re-sulting in less offence taken with sexual objec-tification. On the other hand, they point to the rise of post-feminism. This study's objective is to replicate the study of Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) in Flanders (Belgium) to provide broader evi-dence than the initial study and to overcome a number of its weaknesses. Are Zimmerman and Dahlberg right in concluding that the cur-rent generation of young, highly educated women tend to be indiffere nt to sexual objecti-fication in advertising? And does the rise of post-feminism play a role in this changed atti-tude? THEORY Women's Attitude towards Sex in Advertising Recent studies show that women do not appreciate advertisem ents with high sexual content (Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Dahl, Sengupta & Vohs, 2009). Sex succeeds in drawing attention, but it often has a negative effect on memory, attitudes, company image, and purchase intentions (Ford, La Tour & Lundstrom, 1991; La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Jones & Reid, 2010). When ads are inappro-priate and too sexually e xplicit, advertisers run the risk of women perceiving them as manipu-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 19 lative and unethical (Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Sengupta & Dahl, 2008). In comparison with men, women generally have a more negative attitude to sex in adver-tising (La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Jones & Reid, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hel-lemont, 2009), unless they have liberal atti-tudes with respect to sex (La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Mittal & Lassar, 2000). Women especially do not seem to appreciate se x in advertising if the advertised product has nothing to do with sex (Peterson & Kerin, 1977; Miller, 1992; Simp-son, Horton, & Brown, 1996). Some re-searchers only use non-product-related sexual appeals in their research design and thereby implicitly assume that women are especially unappreciative of these ads (Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Dahl, Sengupta, & Vohs, 2009). Van Den Bulck and Van Hellemont (2009) only consider an ad to contain a sex object in ad-vertisements for products that “have nothing to do with the sex or eroticism shown in the ad. ” (p. 339). The study by Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) specifically ad dressed attitudes to-wards sexual objectifica tion in advertising. The results of this st udy are surprising. Zim-merman and Dahlberg surveyed female uni-versity students in the U. S., using a Gillette advertisement as a stimulus (See. Figure 1, Image 2). The advertisement used scored high on Pingree, Hawkins, Butler, and Paisley's (1976) “Scale of Sexism. ” They concluded that young, highly educated women from the Unit-ed States recognize sexu al objectification in advertising and that th ey find it interesting, and not offensive, not irritating and not uneth-ical. Moreover, the female students do not develop a negative attitude towards the adver-tiser and they will continue to buy its prod-ucts. This is contrary to the findings of a simi-lar study by Ford, La Tour, and Lundstrom in 1991. The New Feminism Zimmerman and Dahlberg point to post-feminism as a possible explanation for the milder attitude of women towards sexual ob-jectification. Since the nineties, there has been a rise in “third-wave feminism” or post-feminism, in which individual choice and sex as a source of power for women are central notions. It distances its elf somewhat from the traditional feminism by stating that its goals have largely been achieved (Rockler, 2006). Being an emancipated woman in post-feminism is all about feeling good and having the power to make individual choices (Shugart, Waggoner, & Hallstein, 2001). Emancipation is also more and more about sex: women are considered to be the domi-nant sex because they can exercise power over men using their looks a nd sexuality (Paglia, 1992). Cato and Carp entier (2010) call the idea of sex as a source of power sexual em-powerment. In their research, they developed a sexual empowerment scale to determine to what extent the women surveyed endorsed this idea. Postfeminist discussion is now part of our media culture. A rapid increase in the dis-cussion of sex and sexuality and the shift from women as sex objects to women as sexual subjects is typical in this: women themselves choose to be sex objects. Some excellent ex-amples of well-known post-feminist media products are Ally Mc Beal, Sex & The City, the Spice Girls, Madonna, and Lady Gaga (Labi, 1998; Bella Fante, 1998; Gill, 2007). If young women nowadays do indeed confirm the idea of sex as a source of power and do see the woman as a sexual subject, this could explain why Zimmerman and Dahlberg noticed a milder attitude towards sexual objectification in contrast to earlier studies. Problems with the me thodology of Zimmer-man & Dahlberg's study Firstly, there are problems with the re-search design of Zimmerman and Dahlberg's	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
20 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING study. One problem is that their research fo-cuses on young, highly educated women, as-suming they would have the most critical atti-tude towards sexual obj ectification (Ford, La Tour & Lundstrom, 1991; Sciglimpaglia & Lundstrom, 1977). There are, however, rea-sons to believe that this group is no longer the most critical. Van Den Bulck and Van Hel-lemont (2009) showed a negative correlation between age and tolerance of sexual objectifi-cation in advertising. The fact that younger women are more tolerant with regard to sexual objectification in advertising could be ex-plained by the fact that they did not experi-ence the era of traditional feminism and that they grew up with an abundance of sexual im-ages in the media. A second problem in the study is that Zimmerma n and Dahlberg indi-cate in the title of their article that their re-search is about sexua l objectification. How-ever, with the exception of a single question, the content of the study examines only the use of sex in itself, which is a much broader con-cept than sexual objectification. A third im-portant point of criticism with regard to the methodology is the use of only one advertise-ment as a stimulus. Zimmerman and Dahl-berg showed their respondents only one ad, for Gillette Satin Care shaving gel with green tea perfume for women. The advertisement shows a naked woman lying in a pile of tea leaves (see Figure 1, Image 2). There is a risk that the conclusions depend too much on the nature of the advertisement, which is meant for a specific group of women, a specific product, a specific brand. Zimmerman and Dahlberg judged that this ad was extremely sexist on the basis of the “Scale of Sexism” which, however, dates back to the seventies (Pingree, et al., 1976). Improvements to Zimmerman & Dahlberg's study We argue that the Gillette Satin Care Shave ad is only moderately sexually objecti-fying, a statement Zimmerman and Dahlberg also make. If the erotic appeal of the ad is re-lated to the product—which is the case in the Gillette advertisement as the product is meant to make the naked female body more attrac-tive—it is expected that female sexual objecti-fication will be accepted more easily by wom-en and that they will not see the ad as sexually objectifying (De Pelsmacker, Geuens, & Van den Bergh, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hel-lemont, 2009). We argue that it is interesting to use mul-tiple ads with varying degrees of sexual objec-tification in the st udy, because women may respond differently to an ad with little sexual objectification than to an ad with an extremely sexually objectified model. From the view-point of the study of Zimmerman and Dahl-berg, however, it is assu med that the degree of sexual objectification makes no difference. Problems with the Results of Zimmerman & Dahlberg The results of Zimmerman and Dahlberg's study can be criticized. They studied a part of the results using absolute values for individual items. For example, on the basis of the ques-tions about the Gillette-stimulus ad, they con-clude that “young, highly educated women from the United States recognize sexual objec-tification in advertising and find it interesting, not offensive, not irritating, and not unethi-cal. ” This was not, however, supported by any statistical test. The attitudes towards the Gillette ad were almost neutral. The seven-point items never deviated more than one half scale point from the neutral middle of the scale, with the exception of the item “cultural-ly acceptable. ” The impression is also given that the hypotheses and conclusions of the Zimmerman and Dahlberg study regarding the attitude towards the Gillette advertisement were based on an ex-post selection of individ-ual items. From the averages obtained for the general questions about attitudes towards sex in the media, it can be deduced that women	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf

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