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Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www. tandfonline. com/action/journal Information?journal Code=rcoj20 Contemporary Japan ISSN: 1869-2729 (Print) 1869-2737 (Online) Journal homepage: www. tandfonline. com/journals/rcoj20 Becoming Purikyua : Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls ' franchises Anya C. Benson To cite this article: Anya C. Benson (2019) Becoming Purikyua : Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls ' franchises, Contemporary Japan, 31:1, 61-78, DOI: 10. 1080/18692729. 2018. 1558023 To link to this article: https://doi. org/10. 1080/18692729. 2018. 1558023 Published online: 23 Dec 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1167 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 2 View citing articles	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Becoming Purikyua : Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls 'franchises Anya C. Benson Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University, Tokyo, Japan ABSTRACT The didactic elements of Japanese children 's media texts have assumed new forms alongside recent developments in franchising strategies. This paper argues that space-based franchising in Purikyua, a popular girls 'transmedia text, exempli ﬁes a trend towards creating Japanese girls 'texts that use participatory activ-ities to create environments that emphasise the potentially acces-sible nature of idealised gendered and commercialised identities. The instructive elements of girls 'transmedia texts ﬁnd their fullest realisation in the creation of text-based spaces where girls are encouraged to enter the text and practise a Purikyua lifestyle. This article analyses the structure of three such text-based spaces, outlining their role in building a media system that seeks to guide children 's movements through the spaces of contemporary Japan. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 14 April 2018 Accepted 8 December 2018 KEYWORDS Media spaces; girls 'media; children 's media; franchising; merchandising Introduction In February 2016, the Purikyua Toy Website urged children to provide photographic evidence of their adventures 'on an outing together with your Mofurun '. 1The webpage displays a photo of a young girl outdoors, surrounded by blurred green shapes that suggest grass and trees (ABC & Toei Animation, 2016 ). The girl is smiling, and her cheek rests against a teddy bear wearing a pink bow. The girl 's photo is positioned next to a large arrow that points to an illustration of a glittering purple toy jewel. On the other side of the toy, an anime-style image shows a girl carrying the same teddy bear in her purse. 'Your Mofurun 'refers to the photographed teddy bear, the toy version of a fairy character in the television show Mah ōTsukai Purikyua-which aired its ﬁrst episode one day after the photo campaign 's starting date. The new show, however, was far from an unknown entity. Mah ōTsukai Purikyua was the thirteenth season of the Purikyua series, a transmedia work that spans across television, ﬁlm, video games, comics, online media, and a never-ending constellation of toys. The 'Outing 'campaign o ﬀered young children (those in elementary school and younger, the small print speci ﬁes) a chance to CONTACT Anya C. Benson abenson. 01h@g. chuo-u. ac. jp Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University, 742-1 Higashinakano, Hachioji-shi, Tokyo 192-0393, Japan 1All discussions of children 's media texts and their transmedia networks (including website content and advertise-ments) in this article are based on the Japanese-language versions, and all translations are my own. Translations of other works are noted as such. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 2019, VOL. 31, NO. 1, 61-78 https://doi. org/10. 1080/18692729. 2018. 1558023 © 2018 German Institute for Japanese Studies	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
win the jewel toy in the centre of the image. As the webpage explains: 'If you submit a photo taken while on an outing together with your purchased “Talking Transforming Mofurun ”to the Purikyua Toy Website, you can receive a “Diamond Jewel ~Cure Magical~ ”!'Children were asked to send photos that clearly exhibited their outing destination; parks were recommended. Photos in which the location was unclear, or those taken inside homes, did not qualify. Under a drawing of a smiling face, the webpage suggests: 'Let's go on an outing outdoors ♪'. Several actions are implied by that simple suggestion. Previous material consumption (of the already-purchased bear) is required, and the desire for subsequent material consumption (of the jewel toy) is assumed. Material consumption is tied to narrative consumption, given the positioning of the illustrated character and coordination with the show 's release. Participation in online media is necessary, as one must submit the photo to the website. This neat loop of media/toy consumption does not, however, fully encapsulate the reach of the 'Outing 'campaign. In an immersive strategy that reaches beyond media or merchandise and into public spaces, children are asked to play out-doors-in other words, to enact that most pervasive image of nostalgic childhood. Staying indoors and, for example, watching the Mah ōTsukai Purikyua television show is here de-emphasised in favour of behavioural practices that align more closely to broad social ideals of childhood, and particularly the sentimentalised vision of the shōjo(girl) as associated with 'emotion, nurturance, nature, and nostalgia '(Yano, 2004, p. 64). Within the campaign 's system of merchandise/media coherence, it may seem odd to encourage actions contrary to children 's consumption of the media narrative. Such encouragement becomes clearer if one understands the series not only as a vehicle to sell media and merchandise, but also behavioural practices and forms of engagement with the spaces of contemporary Japan. This article will use developments in the marketing of Purikyua as an example of emerging trends that build an environment where an accessible and idealised form of girlhood can be 'practised 'through the performance of participatory activities in com-mercialised spaces. 2Purikyua represents a useful case study due to its clear exhibition of many of the same marketing and merchandising strategies that are becoming standard throughout girls 'media in Japan. Furthermore, its 'renewal system 'allows for constant reﬁnement that brings e ﬀective strategies to the fore. The article begins by describing the Purikyua series and its merchandising system, focusing on Purikyua 's replicability and the increased articulation of 'becoming Purikyua 'as an accessible goal. I then discuss how the suggested goal of 'becoming Purikyua 'is made achievable in a set of three spaces, all of which utilise participatory activities based on allowing (and enjoining) young girls to replicate the Purikyua lifestyle. This article draws on Henry Jenkins 'admission of the need for closer examination of the precise workings of media participation: '... [I]t it is time to pull back from both utopian and dystopian rhetoric and o ﬀer a more nuanced account of the di ﬀerent mechanisms for participation being proposed '(2014, p. 273). In the speci ﬁc context of girls 'media mix works in contemporary Japan, participation is formulated as a didactic 2Children will of course respond to these promoted lifestyles in a variety of ways; this article does not seek to discuss how children use Purikyua media content and merchandise as individuals or in groups, but rather the emphases of Purikyua 's marketing strategies. 62 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
tool through marketing strategies that blend media content and merchandise with girls ' movements through and in promoted locations. The information in this article is based on research on Purikyua 's many media forms conducted primarily in Tokyo, Osaka, and Fukuoka from 2010 to 2018. Producing cures Due to its integration of and dispersal across multiple media forms, Purikyua (translated variously as 'Precure 'or'Pretty Cure ') is an example of a Japanese 'media mix 'series (Ahn, 2002 ; Ito, 2005 ; Steinberg, 2012 ). The series began as a television show in February 2004 with the season Futari wa Purikyua (The Two of Us are Purikyua ) and is created collectively by Toei Animation, Asahi Broadcasting Corporation, and the entertainment company Bandai Namco. Kodansha (which publishes magazines, comics, and books featuring Purikyua content) and Sony Music play a lesser role. The series is formed through collaboration between the three main players, operating as a system roughly equivalent to the seisaku iinkai ('production committees ') commonly used to produce ﬁlms. In Rayna Denison 's discussion of the production committee system, she explains their role in ﬁlm production: 'These production committees usually have a central conglomerate at their heart, working in partnership with other companies to manage the whole life span of aﬁlm by preplanning its production, promotion, release in cinemas, and its “long tail ”of distribution on DVD and television, as well as arranging merchandising licenses '(2016, p. 68). In such systems, a primary measure of e ﬀectiveness is the possibility for expansion. The system is 'multimedia in its orientation and more interested in the creation of successful transmedia franchises than in ﬁlmmaking per se '(Denison, 2016, p. 68). As described in Noguchi Tomoo 's 2010 article detailing Purikyua 's committee system, and reiterated in Hartzheim 's2016 article on Toei Animation 's role in the series 'produc-tion (pp. 1067-1073), Bandai is particularly crucial in the formation of Purikyua. Bandai frequently suggests basic concepts or themes for the series based on their extensive market research. As Noguchi ( 2010 ) describes, Bandai employees meet with Toei Animation employees as frequently as once a week, playing a part in every stage of the series 'development and regularly exchanging strategies to ensure that the series will continually bene ﬁtall companies involved. Perhaps due to that deeply collaborative production system, changes to Purikyua have been signi ﬁcant and swift. Not satis ﬁed to simply continue the structure that gave phenomenal success to its ﬁrst two seasons, in 2006 Purikyua began to mimic the structure of such long-running series as Kamen Rider (1971-ongoing) or Super Sentai (1975-ongoing) by employing a 'renewal system '-in other words, the programme is essentially released as a wholly new series approximately each year, with only the general narrative premise remaining the same (Allison, 2006 ). 3In the case of Purikyua, that narrative premise ﬁtsﬁrmly into the tradition of the mah ōshōjo('magical girl ') anime/manga genre. At least two junior high school student girls are approached by fairies from another world who provide them with magical accessories. The girls use 3As the entirety of Purikyua is typically referred to as 'Purikyua shir īzu', this article uses 'series 'to refer to the Purikyua media mix as a whole. I believe that 'season ', while misleading due to its connotations of continuity, is the best word to use to di ﬀerentiate between the broader Purikyua series and the multiple sub-series that comprise it. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 63	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
those accessories to transform into 'Cures ', which involves a change in clothing and hairstyle, as well as the acquisition of magical powers and combat skills. They employ their new powers to ﬁght monsters sent to Earth by the servants of an evil villain from another realm. The plot alternates between the girls 'everyday lives and their battles as Cures. Within this framework, most elements of the narrative change depending on the season: the characters themselves and the relationships between them, the fairies and their relationships with the characters, the types of monsters they ﬁght, the goals of the evil villains, the other realms from which the fairies and villains come, the relative signiﬁcance of the other realms, the number of Cures, the thematic emphases of the series, and even the visual style. Purikyua-related goods totalled 6. 7 billion yen in the 2016 ﬁscal year-less than in previous years, but 8th of all Bandai Namco series, and well ahead of any other Bandai Namco series targeted to girls (Bandai Namco Holdings, 2017, p. 2). 4As early as 2010, Bandai Namco 'sﬁnancial reports referred to Purikyua as a 'teiban kyarakut ā'('staple character ') alongside Kamen Rider (Bandai Namco Holdings, 2010, p. 3). The positioning of a relative newcomer beside such a long-running series is striking, but it is hardly coincidental. Purikyua forms something of a 'team 'with Kamen Rider and Super Sentai, all of which are Asahi, Toei, and Bandai Namco properties that air in direct succession on Asahi TV 's Sunday morning superhero lineup. 5As of August 2018, there have been 15 Purikyua seasons, and the series has undergone 13 complete renewals. In Purikyua 's always-renewable environment, new ideas are easily played with and abandoned. Villainous characters reformed and became Cures, before fairies turning into Cures were deemed a better plot twist; magical realms have come to play a gradually larger role in the seasons; varying out ﬁts rather than a single Cure transformation quickly became standard. As the narrative content has evolved, so too has the series 'marketing style-by using coordination and integration to pull the text into an ever-increasing number of arenas of children 's lives. Replicable worlds Gendered replicability The gendering of Purikyua is hard to overlook, and forms a crucial pillar of its lifestyle-based marketing. Purikyua is outwardly and unabashedly 'girly '. Such 'girliness 'is pri-marily aesthetic, with bows, hearts, jewels, and other stereotypically feminine motifs covering Purikyua merchandise, advertisements and media content. Colours are bright or pastel, with a glaring predominance of pink. The Super Sentai standard of a red-clad leader is given a makeover in Purikyua, with seasons from 2007 onwards featuring a decisively pink-clad leader. Each season is themed, and themes trend towards the overtly feminine, including ﬂowers, princesses, and cooking. Fashion is a constant ﬁxa-tion. In terms of content, the Purikyua television series focuses on the wishes of and 4Purikyua 's top competition amongst Bandai Namco 's girls 'series is Aikatsu!, a media mix predicated on the collection of fashion-based cards that can be used to play an electronic game in Bandai Namco 's Data Carddass arcade machines. Aikatsu! earned 4. 6 billion yen in 2016 (Bandai Namco Holdings, 2017, p. 2). 5Sailor Moon is also a frequent point of comparison with Purikyua, and may be seen as its precursor. Like Purikyua, Sailor Moon was also a series by Bandai Namco, Asahi Broadcasting Corporation and Toei Animation, with a manga serialised in Kodansha 's Nakayoshi. 64 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
conﬂicts faced by girl characters, as well as their relationships with other girls and women. By routinely deploying a kawaii (cute) style, Purikyua draws on associations of Japanese kawaii with elaborately performative femininity (Kinsella, 1995 ), allowing the series to be easily read as targeted to girls in a Japanese context. Positioning a series as kawaii further links the work to notions of ceaseless conspicuous consumption and feminine-coded lifestyle patterns (such as eating sweets, dressing in ornate styles, and engaging in nostalgia-based activities with female friends), suggesting a consumable subjectivity in which both wanting 'cuteness 'and aspiring to personally embody 'cuteness 'can be interpreted as elements of girlhood (Kinsella, 1995, p. 237; see also Yano, 2004, pp. 62-64). 6In other words, kawaii aesthetics designate the series as consumerist and also tied to girls 'identity formation, a hub of items that can be used to illustrate and perform normative girlhood. The exact contours of such kawaii aesthetics are too broad-and, as Brian Mc Veigh describes, 'multivocal '-to be clearly de ﬁned ( 1996, p. 295). In his 1996 discussion of cuteness in Japan, Mc Veigh analyses the ubiquity of Japanese cute, arguing that the very ordinariness and expansiveness of what can be considered kawaii distin-guishes the concept from a singular aesthetic. Rather, 'cute images 'are better understood as a 'part of the everyday embellishments that form a pervasive background of mundane existence '(Mc Veigh, 1996, p. 296)-a background that can reinforce gendered hierarchical social structures. In later works, Mc Veigh complicates that original analysis to include potentially subversive usages of kawaii, noting that the term can be applied to a variety of sometimes contradictory styles, from the gently innocent to the gleefully dark (Mc Veigh, 2000a, p. 135; see also, Mc Veigh, 2000b ). A recognition of the subversive usages of kawaii echoes Kinsella 's conclusions ( 1995 ) and has more recently been used by Masafumi Monden ( 2014 ) and Larissa Hjorth ( 2005 ). Yet even as the precise nature of 'kawaii 'remains elusive, the concept of Japanese kawaii continues to be employed to brand products, organisations, and arguably the nation itself. Christine Yano 's2009 work on Hello Kitty looked beyond the domestic usages of kawaii to examine the 'pinkﬂows 'that have allowed the a ﬀective escapism of consumerist cuteness to spread across the globe, informing and being informed by girls ' and women 's styles outside of Japan. Recent governmental appropriation of cuteness as an element of the 'Cool Japan 'strategy represents one signi ﬁcant shift in its transna-tional cultural presence; however nebulous the term itself may be, kawaii of one particular variety-a'version of sanitized frilly Japanese girlhood endow[ed]... with innocence and gendered essentialism '-is currently being deployed to promote the national image and economy (Miller, 2011, p. 24). In this sense, it is important to approach the topic of Purikyua and kawaii with caution, as any heavy focus on kawaii risks reducing the complexity of girls 'cultures in Japan to the stereotypes familiar to English-speaking audiences (Aoyama, 2008, p. 286). 'Kawaii 'as a word is di ﬃcult to write about without relying on subjective impressions ﬁltered through common stereotypes, and Purikyua is a work that is both obviously gendered through cuteness and resistant to some of the norms of such gendering. 6That the fairies require the girls 'loving attention and care in mothering roles adds to the multivalent cute 'gaze 'of the series (Yano, 2009, pp. 56-57). Girl participants in Purikyua are asked to see themselves as both child and mother-simultaneously desiring to become the cute and care for the cute-two separate mentalities linked by the shared requirement of consumption (Merish, 1996, pp. 186-187). CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 65	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
As an example, we may consider Honda Masuko 's pivotal 1982 work on shōjoculture, which characterises shōjoaesthetics through the word 'hirahira '(2010 ). 'Hirahira 'sug-gests that which is light, uncertain and ﬂuttering. As a mode, hirahira is'absolutely alogical and otherworldly ';i t'blurs the boundary between ordinary reality and the world of the imagination ', comprising an apolitical retreat from reality in ambivalent or fearful anticipation of maturity (Honda, 2010, pp. 35-36). Applying Honda 's poetical ode to shōjoaesthetics to the busy glitter of Purikyua is a lesson in contradictions. While Purikyua 's ribbon-laden merchandise and gentle episodic stories may be described as 'hirahira ', the series adopts more forceful, rigid superhero narratives in overall plot arcs andﬁlms-narratives remarkably similar in style to Honda 's description of boys 'manga (2010, pp. 25-27). Purikyua 's gendering can thus be seen as a negotiation, drawing on shōjoand kawaii modes alongside boy-oriented media standards. Purikyua may be 'cute 'in that it employs certain 'cute 'stylistic markers, particularly of the fanciful, emotive, and accessorized variety that allow average consumers to identify the series as intended for girls. Yet Purikyua also rejects some of the tropes of that very style of 'cuteness '. Its characters and plot develop in much the same way as Kamen Rider and Super Sentai. It regularly portrays physical ﬁghting, a feature more commonly found in boys 'media. Characters are clearly de ﬁned, change little, and rarely engage in the existential pondering of classical shōjoheroines (and if they do, it is as a plot point soon to be resolved). Far from the determined smallness and individualism of kawaii, Purikyua 's battles are global (or even universal) in their consequences. Indeed, through its usage of magic-based narratives, literally sparkling settings, and decorated bodies, the gendering of Purikyua also closely resembles Mary Celeste Kearney 's articulation of 'sparkle 'as a common variety of postfeminist American media ( 2015 ). Purikyua is thus ﬁrmly gendered, although in an arguably transnational and multigenerational form that is diﬃcult to consider a simple extension of any one preexisting mode. Purikyua 's gendered target audience is not only a reasonable inference from its aesthetics and content, but also bluntly stated by the series 'creators. Bandai Namco press releases typically refer to the series as 'targeted to young girls '('joji-muke '), speciﬁcally girls of preschool age. On Toei Animation 's website for the 2010 Heartcatch Purikyua! ﬁlm, the series is explicitly stated to be 'targeted to young girls aged 4-6'; the website further brags that there is no girl who does not know the Purikyua series. Purikyua is also largely perceived as a girls 'series, as shown by Fujita Yumiko 's study of elementary school students, in which an impressive 90% of the girls interviewed said they liked Purikyua-a noticeable contrast to the 57. 1% of boys who professed to dislike the series ( 2009, p. 82). Bandai 's publicly available internal research ﬁnds similar gender segregation in the show 's appeal (Bandai Namco Group, 2011a, pp. 6-8). Purikyua is both produced and received as a series for girls, at least amongst children, and the forms of didactic instruction it employs are inseparable from its gendering. 7The relationship between gendered lifestyle imperatives and mah ōshōjoworks has been taken up by Murase Hiromi, who draws parallels between the fantastical/everyday and the mah ōshōjo's transformation/girls 'development into women ( 2008, pp. 143-145). 7Adult, predominantly male otaku audiences are also avid consumers of Purikyua. While the series originally attempted to evade otaku interest by not overtly sexualising the characters (Noguchi, 2010 ), Bandai does release alternative merchandise, such as high-end ﬁgurines, to cater to the otaku market. 66 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Sugawa-Shimada Akiko has examined at length the gendered subjectivities promoted bymah ōshōjoworks ( 2013 ), and of particular interest here, notes that constructions of femininity are embedded even in the mah ōshōjo's profoundly gendered and purcha-sable 'items '(which, as in the 1969-1970 Himitsu no Akko-chan series, are in Purikyua often modeled on makeup cases, perfume bottles, or fashion accessories) (Sugawa-Shimada, 2008, p. 201; see also 2013, p. 5). The mah ōshōjo, then, formulates a uniquely gendered and consumerist subject position for its predominantly girl audi-ences. I would like to suggest that space-based franchising intensi ﬁes and makes more explicit the mah ōshōjo's'teaching 'of gendered subjectivity. Beyond exhibiting 'ideal ' gender performance in a moralistic, spectacular and/or desirable fashion, Purikyua asks girls to physically practise that 'ideal 'gender performance as an element of textual consumption. The Purikyua system A glance at the girls 'section of any of the massive toy stores dotting Tokyo immediately indicates the vast merchandising empire that is Purikyua. Shelves laden with pink plastic and glittering rhinestones suggest a simple, even quaint merchandising style. Colouring books, dolls, school supplies and household items covered with the characters 'images, and candy packaged with the smiling faces of the latest Cures are easily located in toy stores, convenience stores, bookstores, and supermarkets throughout Japan. Such 'char-acter goods ', or goods decorated with pictures of the characters, constitute what Christine Yano describes as logos that 'can “mark ”their territory endlessly, increasing the number and variety of goods for sale '(2009, p. 62). The nonstop proliferation of character goods has resulted in an incredible amount of Purikyua-ised items blanketing contemporary urban and suburban Japan, but they do not reveal the full extent of Purikyua merchandise. The series 'hallmark-and most aggressively marketed-toys are those that work together, forming complex systems that require not only many expen-sive, sold-separately pieces, but sometimes also active participation on the part of the child audience to collect them. As I will discuss in the following section, Purikyua merchandise is guided by positioning the Purikyua world as accessible across multiple arenas of girls 'lives. As one might expect, the signi ﬁcant in ﬂuence of Bandai in the production of Purikyua has resulted in stories that ﬁxate intensively on merchandisable items. The frequent and ﬂagrant display of merchandise in the Purikyua television show (Hartzheim, 2016, pp. 1078-1080) is less remarkable than the re ﬁnement of the series 'merchandising style, which has seen the gradual development of merchandisable components that are increasingly more connected, mutually dependent, and immersive. From 2010 onwards, Purikyua seasonal systems have involved two main elements: a series of small collectible items, the accumulation of which drives the narrative; and a variety of large (and signiﬁcantly more expensive) pieces of merchandise that require the collectibles for full functionality. The collectible items in 2016 's Mah ōTsukai Purikyua are small plastic jewels referred to as 'Linkle Stones '. As the name implies, the Linkle Stones are heavily 'linked '-to the narrative, which involves characters tracking down numerous Linkle Stones, as well as to the toy teddy bear fairy Mofurun, Linkle Stick, Linkle Smartphone, Linkle Smartphone DX, and Flower Echo Wand. Attaching one of the over a dozen Linkle CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 67	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Stones to any of the aforementioned toys allows the child to play in a di ﬀerent way with that piece of merchandise. For example, the Linkle Smartphone opens to display a pixelated image of the fairy Haa-chan, who acts as a portable electronic companion similar to the Tamagocchi that were popular in the 1990s. When Linkle Stones are attached to the smartphone, the young Purikyua devotee can provide Haa-chan with various electronic food items and out ﬁts-as well as further the child 's own education through activities such as practising writing hiragana. When Haa-chan in the narrative developed into a Cure herself, the DX version of the Linkle Smartphone was released, featuring elements that corresponded to the transformation routine of the newly introduced Cure Felice. Di ﬀerent Linkle Stones also correlate to out ﬁts, encouraging children to [ask their parents to] purchase more than one Cure out ﬁt. Elaborate animation sequences portraying characters using animated 'henshin '('trans-formation ') items have long been the focus of mah ōshōjoand Super Sentai series (Allison, 2001,p. 2 4 3 ). Purikyua seasons, however, have gradually made the items more prominent in the animation, more interconnected with one another, and more frequently predicated on eﬀects that are replicable by child audiences. For example, henshin items in the narrative of 2009 's Fresh! Purikyua onwards display their magical power by lighting up or making sounds, and the animated characters trigger such e ﬀects by pressing a button, spinning a barrel, or inserting another henshin item into a slot. The merchandise works in an identical fashion, meaning that children can almost perfectly enact the transformation sequences (minus the elaborate backdrops or changes in hairstyle). Recent seasons have gone so far as to include sequences that blend animation with computer-generated images of the toys available for purchase, creating uncanny images that mix heavily stylised fantastical char-acters with realistic exhibitions of the plastic merchandise. The usage of the merchandise by the animated characters in the show blends indistinguishably from the possible usage of the merchandise by living children. The transmedia text as an attainable lifestyle The merging of merchandise and character in ways that are replicable by the child reveal the potential of the transmedia text to promote fantastical yet attainable lifestyle practices. Play routines, communication with friends, and even schoolwork can be performed in a predetermined Purikyua way, and therefore become elements of textual participation. That the show rarely positions the Purikyua lifestyle as something natural to the characters, but rather as something acquired-through using items, engaging in activities such as crafts and dance, and moving through certain spaces-reinforces its attainable image. The ﬁctional characters function as exhibitors of the merchandise, and as part of this role, they are frequently shown marvelling at the items 'functions, aesthetics and signi ﬁcance. Print and television advertisements for the merchandise helpfully instruct children in the 'proper ' usage of the toys, usually by showing a girl dressed as a Cure 'transforming 'by using the toys in the same way as the animated characters; print advertisements often give numbered step-by-step illustrations, complete with speech bubbles indicating the words the child should say when performing the actions. Transformation is shown not as a general ideal but as a highly speci ﬁc set of achievable practices. The transmedia system functions here not to expand the fantasy world of the work but to bind it, to tie the work ever more completely to the behavioural practices possible for children in contemporary Japan. 68 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Transformation-based Purikyua merchandise/media content is joined by a variety of other content and events designed to encourage bodily participation in the Purikyua experience. The Cures themselves appear in numerous events, represented by actresses in full-body out ﬁts. In the live-action shows, it is common for the Cures to speak directly to the audience, or indirectly involve the audience in the narrative. The ending theme of each season shows the animated characters dancing, using moves that are conspicuous in their ability to be easily replicated by even very young children. As if to highlight that replicability, events that involve 'dancing with the Cures '-in other words, events in which children are led in dance moves to the season 's theme song-are common. In the 2017 season, each episode ended with a live-action segment showing how to create sweets like those introduced in the episode, or a photograph of the already-made sweet. 8Recipes were posted online simultaneously. The integration of live-action, non-fantastical activities into Purikyua media and merchandise creates increasingly hazy distinctions between what the characters do, what children can do, and what children can buy. While consumption of a media/merchandise system may occur primarily in the space of the home, the inclusion of bodily movement as a demand of textual participation lays the groundwork to structure participation around guided usage of public spaces. Complete participation in Purikyua 's action-inclusive merchandise/narrative system also requires children 's movement to particular spaces, and may thus induce children to move to or through those places. This strategy is most clearly shown by the existence of event-speci ﬁc pieces. Some of the collectible pieces can only be acquired if the child views the latest Purikyua ﬁlm in the cinema or attends a Purikyua event. The broader system also includes components that can be more easily integrated into the daily activities of normative child audiences: pieces accessible through Bandai 's trademark Gashapon (toy vending machines) or Shokugan (toys sold with candies). New compo-nents are released as the show progresses, resulting in a slow drip of merchandise/ media content that injects a sense of immediacy and signi ﬁcance into both. A child visiting a candy store may ﬁnd a Shokugan containing the collectible item shown in that week 's television show; that collectible item would add a new function to her henshin item, connecting the places visited by the child to her engagement with the narrative and toys. The 2017 season attempted to form an atmosphere of constant hype for its merchandise/media system by advertising on television, online and in magazines when and where various components would be sold before they were introduced in the series. In other words, full participation in Purikyua involves not only media consumption and item ownership but actions: performing set activities and moving through set spaces. The lifestyle-text Given its blatant promotion of merchandise, Purikyua ﬁts easily into the model of a show that exists to sell toys-in other words, a ﬁctional narrative that functions primarily as an advertisement for merchandise. This idea is stated explicitly by Hartzheim ( 2016,p. 1 0 5 9 ), 8The live-action sequence associated with an animated episode was new to the 2017 season of Purikyua, but was used regularly in the girls 'series Gokuj ō! Mecha Mote Iinch ō(2009-2011) and Pretty Rhythm (2011-2014), both of which directly attempted to relate the episode to actions or clothing styles that girl audiences could replicate. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 69	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
and he is not the ﬁrst to view Purikyua in that light. In a 2010 Mainichi Shimbun piece about Purikyua 's success, cultural critic Hori Takahiro laments that 'anime is nothing more than a promotional video for toys '(quoted in Yamamoto, 2010 ; my translation), and unfavourably compares series like Purikyua to the simple wooden toys of Germany. 9Purikyua can easily be seen as an advertisement for toys, especially given Bandai 's penchant for releasing videos claiming to reveal the 'secrets 'of the show-which turn out to be nothing more than 10-min advertisements for its toys. Nevertheless, the claim that Purikyua acts as an advertisement, while perhaps accurate for similar earlier series, cannot fully explain the comprehensive system of Purikyua merchandise/media. The increasing emphasis on behaviours and experi-ences in Purikyua 's marketing ask us to question that neat coordination. Purikyua surpasses the use of narrative consumption to encourage merchandise consumption, and instead uses both narrative and merchandise to form the possibility of an idealised consumption-based identity. Purikyua 's intensely immersive system seeks to both promote multilayered engage-ment with an expansive text and con ﬁne that engagement to one pro ﬁtable form of lifestyle integration. Children may use the transmedia text in complex and diverse ways-indeed, many of the merchandise components even highlight varying usages in their design, such as toy wands that are shown also functioning as toy microphones-and any engagement suggested by the marketing may not re ﬂect a child participant 's actual engagement. The immersive systems of Purikyua, however, facilitate particular forms of participation, creating opportunities to make girls 'imaginative play of 'being ' a Cure align as closely as possible with the 'actual 'Cures. The coherency of the system makes engagement in all of Purikyua 's forms an increasing prerequisite for engagement with any one of those forms. The fantasy element of the Purikyua narrative is limited by its possibility for integration into children 's lives (as, for example, dance moves are restricted to ones easily performable by child participants). Simultaneously, children are encouraged to enact the text throughout their lives: go on an outing with their Mofurun, make beaded jewellery, and cook elaborate sweets as shown by the Cures. 'Becoming Purikyua 'involves developing a branded subjectivity through consuming a variety of media content, performing speci ﬁed activities, memorising pieces of infor-mation, and traveling to commercialised sites. The resulting system of consumption, knowledge and action creates a lifestyle-text, a set of ﬁctional media works that are synonymous with the lifestyle practices they promote. Participation in the lifestyle-text is didactic in function, exhibiting a lifestyle coded as desirable and providing explicit instructions on how to achieve it. Experiential play spaces further expand the didactic media/merchandise/behavioural system by allowing girls to imagine-and practise-that lifestyle. Becoming a Cure As the marketing of Purikyua focuses on expansion across disparate spaces of girls' lives, it increasingly emphasises girls 'engagement through activity as well as narrative and 9Hori 's statement ironically re ﬂects Purikyua 's own often nostalgic portrayal of a 'natural 'childhood, reinforced by narratives in which the characters typically eschew high-tech gadgets or materialist consumption to instead play with a single beloved stu ﬀed toy, spend afternoons in the park or the nearby woods, or engage in hands-on activities such as baking or sewing. 70 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
merchandise consumption. The formulation of Purikyua as a lifestyle made to be fully replicable by girls in the context of their daily lives has found its clearest articulation in spaces that allow the child to 'enter 'the Purikyua world and 'completely become 'Cures. Purikyua-themed establishments combine participatory activities, narrative-appropriate décor, and merchandise to create the possibility of becoming a Cure in the bounded, commercialised spaces of shopping malls. Whether in stores, exhibitions or miniature theme parks, Purikyua spaces integrate the Purikyua lifestyle into the real-world urban and suburban spaces of contemporary Japan, positioning its lifestyle as attainable through consumerism and gendered activities. In the following sections, I will describe three Purikyua spaces to illustrate their creation of environments in which girls can practise and ultimately embody the lifestyle-text. Purikyua Pretty Stores Following in the footsteps of the Moomins, Snoopy, and a host of other characters popular enough to sustain their own shopping experiences, Purikyua Pretty Stores are constructed to sell merchandise in an exclusively Purikyua-themed environment. At the time of writing, three are in operation: the ﬂagship store in Osaka, as well as stores in Fukuoka and Tokyo. All are small shops buried inside large malls. Distinct from the immersive experiences of large theme parks such as Disney world-where visitors can eat, drink, and even spend the night in a media-based location-the position of the stores inside the commercialised space of the mall integrates the Purikyua experience into the daily activities of the child and parent. Through its participatory activities, aesthetics, and rigorous blending of the merchandise and narrative, the stores position Purikyua as an accessible reality that can be superimposed onto the spaces of urban Japan. The décor of the Osaka store is part of the Purikyua-ised experience it seeks to form. 10 At the time of research, the main Purikyua store was located in an easy-to-miss corner of Osaka 's Hankyu Sanbangai shopping centre, occupying approximately the same amount of space as other stores in its vicinity. Taking a page out of the Disney playbook, where blandly 'magical 'décor is frequently used to create a sense of entering the Disney vision, the Purikyua Pretty Store highlights the 'girly 'aesthetics of the series. Life-size cardboard cut-outs of every past and present Cure welcome the visitor as they enter the store. The pastel multi-coloured tiled ﬂoor is almost lost amidst the bright pink that explodes across the walls, shelves, and even ceiling. Star, heart, and jewel motifs cover all surfaces. Pastel columns surround the counter, making it appear more like a fairy-tale palace than a place to exchange money for goods. If there were any doubts about the 'leader 'status of the pink Cures, they will be assuaged by the main display: a collection of life-size plastic models of the pink Cures of every season. Purikyua 'sﬁrst Cure, Cure Black of 2004 's Futari wa Purikyua, does not fully ﬁt the pink model that would later become standard; she has been unceremoniously relegated to a corner, angled behind her more appropriately pink comrades. 10This section focuses on the Osaka ﬂagship store because it is the main store, and the most frequently promoted in other Purikyua content. CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 71	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
The Osaka ﬂagship store hosts various Purikyua events, such as chances to 'meet 'the Cures (or actresses in full Cure costumes). Incentive to visit the store is created through limited merchandise only available at Purikyua Pretty Stores. Apart from buying toys, a number of participatory activities allow children to engage with the Purikyua space. Play is promoted, with baskets containing components of the merchandise system positioned near cushioned mats. Less obviously coercive is the neat square of pastel desks and chairs where children are encouraged to draw pictures of their favourite Cures or fairies (drawn pictures are displayed on a bulletin board above the play-space). A small photo booth is available for visitors to purchase photos decorated with Purikyua characters and motifs. The most immersive experience is also related to photography: children are encouraged to dress up as a Cure and have their photo taken against either a pastel pink or blue background, both saturated with images of jewels, sparkles, and rainbows. The consumption of goods in the Purikyua Pretty Store is perpetually tied back to the ﬁctional narrative through television screens that line the walls. On these screens, select clips from multiple seasons of the series are spliced with toy advertisements and videos of actresses dancing in costume as Cures. These three forms of engagement-narrative consumption, merchandise consumption, and lifestyle activity-are shown side-by-side, one after another. The distinctions between the three are both visibly clear (after all, some are live-action and some are animated) and obscured by their equal positioning and seamless ﬂow. Some toy advertisements contain animation, and the anime-style masks of the live-action Cures show even the stylised animation uni ﬁed with the human body. Narrative, merchandise and human actions are displayed as equivalent compo-nents of the broader Purikyua system. The Purikyua Miracle Magical World The 2016 Purikyua Miracle Magical World was an event-speci ﬁc site associated with Mah ōTsukai Purikyua. It was not permanent or semi-permanent, but a temporary experiential display erected in an exhibition space. The exhibition space was again located in a mall (Ikebukuro Sunshine City in Tokyo, a common host for anime-related content). The Miracle Magical World also focused on play activities alongside mer-chandise displays, but in this space, the concept of 'entering 'a fantastical world without leaving urban Japan was explicitly highlighted. 11Again in contrast to Disney-and making an interesting parallel to Toyoda Yukio 's work on Tokyo Disney Resort, which he describes as a place that provides 'immersion in a“managed non-ordinariness ”'(2014, p. 208)-this Purikyua event featured entrance into non-ordinariness in a decidedly limited and restricted form. While Toyoda attri-butes the appeal of Tokyo Disney Resort to its creation of 'a“double fantasy ” removed in both time and space from Japanese society '(2014, p. 224), the Purikyua Miracle Magical World was markedly contemporary (highlighting that year 's Cures and themes), held for an approximately 1-month period (a limitation clearly not conducive 11The 2017 version, Purikyua Kira Kira Patisserie, was held in the same space, and was similarly focused on participatory activities. Purikyua Kira Kira Patisserie, however, focused less on entrance into the textual world and more on replicating the lifestyle of the text. 72 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
to frequent repeat customers) and located adjacent to the countless other semi-ordinary consumerist experiences available in a large shopping mall. The event both echoed and reversed the immersive fantasy of Tokyo Disney Resort, attempting to replicate the non-everyday nature of a themed experience while remaining ﬁrmly embedded within Japanese children 'se v e r y d a ys p a c e s. To enter the Miracle Magical World, ticket holders had to walk through a tunnel meant to connect this world and the magic world. The colourful, asymmetrical design ushered the participant towards a large screen displaying animated Cures. The entrance replicated the narrative, in which the Cures themselves regularly enter the magical world via a visually similar train. The tunnel entrance was stressed in advertisements for the event: 'When you go through the tunnel connecting the non-magical world to the magical world, you too can become a magician '. On the other side of the tunnel, the décor reinforced your newfound identity as a magician. With fake brick walls, stained-glass windows, multi-coloured doors and heavy drapes positioned throughout, the space was designed to mimic a magic castle. Inside, a variety of experiential activities were on o ﬀer, including dance lessons, oppor-tunities for children to dress up as a Cure and have their photos taken, crafts, and karaoke to the season 's theme song. These activities were supplemented with additional photo sites, ample exhibitions of every imaginable type of merchandise, and perfor-mances by actresses dressed as Cures. The hourly Cure performances were both the most hyped of the activities on o ﬀer and the most antithetical to the exhibition 's emphasis on experiential play. As actresses appeared on the stage in costume as Cures, an assistant introduced them with a call reminding children to study hard for school. 'Becoming Purikyua 'was at that moment positioned as both a fantastical ideal and an almost mundanely attainable possibility. Seated in front of actresses representing the 'real'Cures, children were implicitly prompted to not see their own transformations as quite as 'real'as those of the adults on stage. At the same time, 'becoming a Purikyua 'was explicitly and directly connected to the everyday lives of girls. To become a Cure is not just to dress a certain way and own certain toys; it is also to enact certain societally acceptable norms of behaviour, in this case by studying. The Miracle Magical World did not only encourage engagement in the media/mer-chandise system, but also forms a part of it. Limited-edition 'Data Carddass ', which allow the girl to dress an avatar in out ﬁts on Bandai Data Carddass machines, were made available to participants. The participating girl, then, must visit the Miracle Magical World to receive her limited-edition card before visiting an arcade, toy store, or other commercialised location to use that card. The more fully a girl engages in the series, the more time she must spend in Bandai Namco spaces. In this immersive media environ-ment, girls 'consumption of media and merchandise becomes intertwined with their movement through urban and suburban spaces. Purikyua Narikiri Studios While the Purikyua Pretty Store uses participatory activities and narrative to ful ﬁl the primary goal of selling merchandise, and the Purikyua Miracle Magical World used participatory activities and merchandise to construct the space of the narrative, the CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 73	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
division between the three becomes further muddied in the Purikyua Narikiri Studio. Labelled a 'character experience establishment '('kyarakut ātaiken shisetsu ')o r 'character packaged-play establishment '('kyarakut āpakk ēji-gata y ūgi shisetsu '), the Purikyua Narikiri Studio is one example of Namco 's recent place-based entertainment advance-ments. Namco released its ﬁrst'character packaged-play establishments 'in 2010, using such long-standing popular series as Ultraman, Tamagocchi, and Kamen Rider. Purikyua was integrated into the system in 2011, with the studios changing to match each new season. Bandai Namco 'soﬃcial press release for the 2011 studio boasts that the child-oriented establishments 'made the most of the Bandai Namco Group 's know-how ' (Bandai Namco Group, 2011b, p. 1). The Narikiri Studio focuses on constructing a space where children can engage in Purikyua lifestyle play activities. In reality, these spaces are not too di ﬀerent from the Purikyua Pretty Stores or the Miracle Magical World. Despite the label of 'studio ', the establishments are small shop-like spaces located in large malls around Japan-although unlike the stores 'locations in the heart of large cities, the studios are typically in residential suburban hubs. There are approximately three Narikiri Studios in operation at any given time, with locations changing periodically. Limited-edition collectibles or Data Carddass are made available at the studios, meaning that complete engagement with the media mix requires a visit to one of these locations. The array of activities on o ﬀer at the Purikyua Narikiri Studios should by now seem familiar. The 2011 Suite Purikyua ♪studio involved activities including dressing up and having one 's photo taken as a Cure, drawing pictures, playing with Purikyua toys and dancing to the theme song. The 2016 Mah ōTsukai Purikyua version promised a more lifestyle-based 'magician 's experience '('mah ōtsukai taiken '). The activities involved were almost identical, although given a magic theme. The décor was identical to the other Purikyua spaces, switching between varied bright colours and a preponderance of pink. Purikyua-approved motifs of hearts, jewels, sparkles, and bows prevailed throughout. The not-quite-store, not-quite-theme-park space of the Purikyua Narikiri Studio physi-cally replicates the spaces shown in the narrative-for example, the sweets shop frequented by the characters in Suite Purikyua ♪was visually replicated in the Narikiri Studio as a space to play with merchandise and do crafts. Children are thus able to physically enter the media/merchandise system, performing Purikyua rather than simply consuming it. The desirability of inhabiting a Cure 's identity is the assumption on which these spaces are based. The Purikyua Narikiri Studio is similar to Namco 's other 'character packaged-play establishments '. The characters used switch regularly, but the activities are often the same across establishments. Indeed, despite the self-conscious gendered nature of Purikyua, the boy-oriented establishments involve almost exactly the same activities. Even the focus on dressing up and having one 's photo taken, which may be seen to correlate to the series 'themes of fashion and appearance, is not limited by gender. For example, the boy-oriented Ultraman Battle Studio was also advertised as a space in which participants could dress up and have their photo taken (Namco, 2011, p. 2). Gender is rigorously coded into these spaces, but like the series of Purikyua, which is almost identical in content to the boy-oriented superhero shows, that coding is primarily aesthetic rather than ideological. 74 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
Space, identity, and the Purikyua lifestyle Children are encouraged to participate in Purikyua by performing its proposed life-style. The Purikyua lifestyle as suggested by its marketing is neither limited to nor separable from the media narrative, as it rigidly ties other Purikyua f o r m si n t ot h e television show whenever possible-for example, through the coordinated release of merchandise, the use of the television show to illustrate the toy 'si n t e n d e du s a g e, and the integration of other lifestyle practices (such as dancing, crafts, or cooking) into the narrative. To 'become Purikyua ', a child needs a great deal of merchandise, but merchandise alone will not su ﬃce. The child is asked to know which words to say, which buttons to press, which dance moves to perform. She is asked to accept certain values (such as studying, valuing fr iends, and playing outdoors) as desirable, and even alter her own movements in accordance with Purikyua 's merchandise, media, and morals. The Purikyua system uses all its elements in conjunction with one another in a loop of pedagogical display: media content exhibits ideal goods and actions, while participatory activitie sa l l o wg i r l st oe x p e r i e n c ea n dp r a c t i s et h e lifestyle exhibited. Advertisements, events, online content, and live-action videos mediate between the two, instructing children in the 'proper 'way to perform the Purikyua identity. The Purikyua lifestyle is heavily gendered, yet also curiously free from gendered ideals. Purikyua 's explicitly 'girly 'aesthetic-coupled with its evident similarity to large franchises for boys-positions gender as simultaneously inseparable from its identity construction and largely irrelevant. As there is no one way to be 'kawaii ', and indeed kawaii can be derived from the act of individualisation (Mc Veigh, 2000b, p. 235; Hjorth, 2005, p. 52), there are many varieties of girlhood presented as desirable in Purikyua. There are gentle, passive Cures; pro-active, fun-loving Cures; fashionable, individualistic Cures; and even masculine-coded Cures. All, however, bodily enact the Purikyua lifestyle, and so too can the child participant. A Purikyua identity is a girly identity, but it is girly due to its ribbons, jewels, and copious amounts of pink. Purikyua activities and values are often not gendered, but most frequently become gendered when there is detailed instruction involved. Boys too are encouraged to develop closer ties to their friends, but they are not encouraged to bake cute sweets. The didactic exhibition of lifestyle here positions gender as largely a function of lifestyle-text consumption, wherein becoming an ideal woman is much like becoming a member of Purikyua : a set of aesthetics, ideals and actions that a child can easily replicate, so long as she has the appropriate Bandai merchandise. C h i l d r e na r eb e s ta b l et op r a c t i s et h e Purikyua lifestyle in speci ﬁcf o c a lp o i n t s designed with the totality of the Purikyua system in mind. The stores, 'studios ',a n d constructed 'worlds 'that allow the child to enact the Purikyua lifestyle focus not only on merchandise consumption but a variety of activities that encourage the child to see the Cure identity as both desirable and achievable. Such spaces allow the child to'completely become Purikyua ', and that goal involves the child consuming mer-chandise, performing set actions (such as dance moves), agreeing with social mores (such as the importance of studying), and dis playing familiarity with the narrative. All these spaces are inherently commercialised-not only due to their promotion of merchandise, but also by their physical placement within shopping malls. Rather CONTEMPORARY JAPAN 75	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
than simply bringing the 'fantasy world 'into the 'real world ', the overwriting of 'real world 'spaces with the text makes the two hope lessly intertwined. The text is both expanded and con ﬁned by its ability to be mapped onto physical spaces. Using the transmedia text to construct gendered and consumerist lifestyles is a trend not limited to Purikyua. Bandai Namco 's other lucrative girls 'series, Aikatsu!, requires girls to travel to shopping malls, arcades, and other locations that host their Data Carddass machines. More recently, the 2017 series Coco Tama has attempted to integrate social media into its mix of space, toy and narrative. Predicated on the concept of small collectible animal-like toys that are meant to represent the spirits of objects-and can be found anywhere throughout the child 's home and daily life-Coco Tama integrated its television and toy content with its Instagram account, which published photographs of the toys in everyday sites. The toys may be seen hiding in grass, at a train station, or around a postal box, little reminders of the media mix that imbue the everyday with Bandai-branded signi ﬁcance. The merchandise/narrative sys-tem has found yet another way to superimpose itself onto the spaces of contemporary Japan. Whether by practising hiragana, participating in dance lessons or decorating cakes, Purikyua prioritises pedagogical play that positions 'becoming 'an ideal subject as a skill attainable through the performance of speci ﬁed, learnable actions. Movement through the spaces of a child 's everyday life-the park, the supermarket, the shopping mall-become coded through the demands of textual participation, constructing the text as inclusive of physical actions. In the experiential play spaces that now dot Japan 's urban and suburban landscapes, this impulse is taken a step further, as girls are asked to replicate the text 's model of ideal subjectivity. Text-based spaces thus add an emerging requirement of bodily movement to the broader merchandising/media systems through which Japanese children 's franchises are formed. This bodily movement reaches beyond the spectacle of on-screen transformation to function as practise of the text as lifestyle. The lifestyle-text seeks not only display but management; it supplements consumerist enticement with the instructive potential of action. The gendered fantasy of 'becoming Purikyua ' refuses to remain politely in the realm of dress-up games, but instead twirls into a new formation-that of a promise for future identity, a promise that may be fulﬁlled only by the child 's enactment of a text-based vision. Acknowledgments This article is based on a paper presented at the 2nd EAJS Japan Conference in 2016. This article partially stems from doctoral research conducted at the University of York, and I would like to thank the White Rose University Consortium and the Mixed Cinema Network for providing funding for that research. Funding Thisﬁeldwork conducted in Japan in 2011 was made possible by funding from the Japan Foundation Endowment Committee under Grant [JF 467 1110] and the Great Britain Sasakawa Foundation under Grant [3927]. 76 A. C. BENSON	Becoming Purikyua Building the lifestyle-text in Japanese girls franchises.pdf
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APPLIED COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGYAppl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)Published online 31 October 2005 in Wiley Inter Science(www. interscience. wiley. com) DOI: 10. 1002/acp. 1178Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespectiveof Necessity: Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly DANIEL M. OPPENHEIMERPrinceton University, USASUMMARYMost texts on writing style encourage authors to avoid overly-complex words. However, a majorityof undergraduates admit to deliberately increasing the complexity of their vocabulary so as to givethe impression of intelligence. This paper explores the extent to which this strategy is effective. Experiments 1-3 manipulate complexity of texts and ﬁnd a negative relationship between complex-ity and judged intelligence. This relationship held regardless of the quality of the original essay, andirrespective of the participants' prior expectations of essay quality. The negative impact ofcomplexity was mediated by processing ﬂuency. Experiment 4 directly manipulated ﬂuency andfound that texts in hard to read fonts are judged to come from less intelligent authors. Experiment 5investigated discounting of ﬂuency. When obvious causes for low ﬂuency exist that are not relevantto the judgement at hand, people reduce their reliance on ﬂuency as a cue; in fact, in an effort not tobe inﬂuenced by the irrelevant source of ﬂuency, they over-compensate and are biased in the oppositedirection. Implications and applications are discussed. Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. When it comes to writing, most experts agree that clarity, simplicity and parsimony areideals that authors should strive for. In their classic manual of style, Strunk and White(1979) encourage authors to 'omit needless words. ' Daryl Bem's (1995) guidelines forsubmission to Psychological Bulletinadvise, 'the ﬁrst step towards clarity is writingsimply. ' Even the APA publication manual (1996) recommends, 'direct, declarativesentences with simple common words are usually best. 'However, most of us can likely recall having read papers, either by colleagues orstudents, in which the author appears to be deliberately using overly complex words. Experience suggests that the experts' advice contrasts with prevailing wisdom on how tosound more intelligent as a writer. In fact, when 110 Stanford undergraduates were polledabout their writing habits, most of them admitted that they had made their writing morecomplex in order to appear smarter. For example, when asked, 'Have you ever changed thewords in an academic essay to make the essay sound more valid or intelligent by usingcomplicated language?' 86. 4% of the sample admitted to having done so. Nearly two-thirds answered yes to the question, 'When you write an essay, do you turn to the thesaurusto choose words that are more complex to give the impression that the content is morevalid or intelligent?'Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Correspondence to: D. M. Oppenheimer, Department of Psychology, Princeton University, Green Hall Room2-S-8, Princeton, NJ 08540, USA. E-mail: doppenhe@princeton. edu	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
There are many plausible reasons that the use of million-dollar words would leadreaders to believe that an author is smart. Intelligence and large vocabularies are positivelycorrelated (Spearman, 1904). Therefore, by displaying a large vocabulary, one may beproviding cues that he or she is intelligent as well. Secondly, writers are assumed to beconforming to the Gricean maxim of manner, 'avoid obscurity of expression' (Grice,1975). If authors are believed to be writing as simply as possible, but a text is nonethelesscomplex, a reader might believe that the ideas expressed in that text are also complex,defying all attempts to simplify the language. Further, individuals forced to strugglethrough a complex text might experience dissonance if they believe that the ideas beingconveyed are simple (Festinger, 1957). Thus, individuals might be motivated to perceive adifﬁcult text as being more worthwhile, thereby justifying the effort of processing. Indeed, there is some evidence that complex vocabulary can be indicative of a moreintelligent author. For example, Pennebaker and King (1999) have shown that thepercentage of long words used in class assignments positively correlates with SATscores and exam grades on both multiple choice and essay tests. However it is difﬁcultto draw conclusions about the effectivenessof a strategy of complexity from this data. The study did not look at how readers of the texts containing the long words perceivedthe authors' intelligence. Thus, it is possible that although students using complexvocabularies are objectively very knowledgeable, they might nonetheless be perceivedas being less so. Why might we believe that the experts might be correct in recommending simplicity inwriting? One theory that predicts the effectiveness of straightforward writing is that ofprocessing ﬂuency. Simpler writing is easier to process, and studies have demonstratedthat processing ﬂuency is associated with a variety of positive dimensions. Fluency leadsto higher judgements of truth (Reber & Schwarz, 1999), conﬁdence (Norwick & Epley,2002), frequency (Tversky & Kahneman, 1973), fame (Jacoby, Kelley, Brown, &Jasechko, 1989), and even liking (Reber, Winkielman, & Schwarz, 1998). Furthermore,the effects of ﬂuency are strongest when the ﬂuency is discrepant—when the amount ofexperienced ﬂuency is surprising (Whittlesea & Williams, 2001a, 2001b). As such, itwould not be surprising if the lower ﬂuency of overly complex texts caused readers to havenegative evaluations of those texts and the associated authors, especially if the complexitywas unnecessary and thus surprising readers with the relative disﬂuency of the text. Both the experts and prevailing wisdom present plausible views, but which (if either) iscorrect? The present paper provides an empirical investigation of the strategy of complex-ity, and ﬁnds such a strategy to be unsuccessful. Five studies demonstrate that the loss ofﬂuency due to needless complexity in a text negatively impacts raters' assessments of thetext's authors. EXPERIMENT 1Experiment 1 aimed to answer several simple questions. First, does increasing thecomplexity of text succeed in making the author appear more intelligent? Second, towhat extent does the success of this strategy depend on the quality of the original, simplerwriting? Finally, if the strategy is unsuccessful, is the failure of the strategy due to loss ofﬂuency? To answer these questions, graduate school admission essays were made morecomplex by substituting some of the original words with their longest applicable thesaurusentries. 140D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
While word length is not perfectly interchangeable with sentence complexity—forexample, complexity can come from grammatical structure or infrequent words aswell—it is a useful proxy. Using length as a manipulation of complexity allows for asimple, easily replicable word replacement algorithm. By keeping content constant andvarying the complexity of vocabulary, it was possible to investigate the effectiveness ofcomplexity. Participants and procedure Seventy-one Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class, and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Stimuli and design Six personal statements for admissions to graduate studies in English Literature weredownloaded from writing improvement websites. The essays varied greatly both in contentand quality of writing. Logical excerpts ranging from 138 to 253 words in length were thentaken from each essay. A 'highly complex' version of each excerpt was prepared byreplacing every noun, verb and adjective with its longest entry in the Microsoft Word 2000thesaurus. Words that were longer than any thesaurus entry, were not listed in thethesaurus, or for which there was no entry with the same linguistic sense were notreplaced. If two entries were of the same length, the replacement was chosen alphabe-tically. When necessary, minor modiﬁcations were made to the essay to maintain thegrammatical structure of a sentence (e. g. replacing 'an' with 'a' for replacement wordsbeginning with consonants). A 'moderately complex' version of each excerpt was createdusing the same algorithm as above, except replacing only every third applicable word. Examples of the stimuli can be found in the appendix. Each participant received only one excerpt. Participants were informed that the excerptcame from a personal statement for graduate study in the Stanford English department. They were instructed to read the passage, decide whether or not to accept the applicant,and rate their conﬁdence in their decision on a 7-point scale. 1They were then asked howdifﬁcult the passage was to understand, also on a seven-point scale. Results The data of one participant was discarded due to an illegible answer. Analysis of themanipulation check showed that more complex texts were more difﬁcult to read. (x¼2. 9,4. 0 and 4. 3 for simple, moderately complex and highly complex, respectively). Thesedifferences were reliable,F(2, 68)¼4. 46,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 18. For other analyses,acceptance ratings (þ1 for accept,/C01 for reject) were multiplied by conﬁdence ratings tocreate a/C07 to 7 scale of admission conﬁdence. Level of complexity had a reliableinﬂuence on admission conﬁdence ratings,F(2, 70)¼2. 46,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 12. 1With the exception of the dichotomous admissions decision, all dependent measures reported in this paper areseven point scales ranging from 1¼'not at all' to 7¼'very'. Problems with long words141 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Highly complex essays (mean¼/C02. 1) were rated more negatively than moderatelycomplex essays (mean¼/C00. 17), which in turn were rated more negatively than theoriginal essays (x¼0. 67). 2These differences are summarized in Figure 1. Additionally,the excerpts reliably varied in quality; average admissions conﬁdence ratings rangedfrom—3. 1 to 1. 8F(5, 70)¼2. 2,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 12. However, there was noreliable interaction between the quality of the initial excerpt and the level of complexity F(10, 70)¼1. 4,p>0. 10, Cohen'sf¼0. 07. To determine if the negative inﬂuence of complexity on admissions ratings was due todifferences in ﬂuency, a mediation analysis was run using difﬁculty of comprehension as amediator. Level of complexity was reliably correlated with acceptance ratings,r(69)¼/C00. 24,p<0. 05 and difﬁculty of comprehensionr(69)¼0. 32,p<0. 05. However,when controlling for difﬁculty of comprehension, the relationship between complexity andacceptance was drastically reducedr(69)¼/C00. 14,p>0. 1, while controlling for complex-ity did not remove the relationship between difﬁculty and acceptancer(69)¼/C00. 25,p<0. 05. A Sobel test demonstrated this mediation to be reliable,z¼2. 1,p<0. 05. Theseresults are summarized in Figure 2. Discussion The results of Experiment 1 suggest that contrary to prevailing wisdom, increasing thecomplexity of a text does not cause an essay's author to seem more intelligent. In fact, theopposite appears to be true. Complex texts were less likely than clear texts to lead toacceptance decisions in a simulated admissions review. Simple texts were given higherratings than moderately complex texts, which were, in turn, given better ratings thanhighly complex texts. Additionally, this trend was found regardless of the quality of theoriginal essay. Complexity neither disguised the shortcomings of poor essays, norenhanced the appeal of high-quality essays. The mediation analysis suggests that the Figure 1. Acceptance ratings (on a/C07 to 7 scale) for each level of complexity 2Post-hoc analysis revealed that the 'moderate complexity' condition was not reliably different from either the'highly complexity' or control conditions. 142D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
reason that simple texts are viewed more positively than complex texts was due to ﬂuency. Complex texts are difﬁcult to read, which in turn leads to lower ratings. Even though Experiment 1 is suggestive, there are several problems that need to beresolved before any conclusions can be drawn. First, it is possible that the reason thatcomplexity was unsuccessful was that words were misused. In an effort to preventexperimenter biases from inﬂuencing the data, the word replacement process wasalgorithmic, and left little room for human judgement. Although only synonyms of theappropriate linguistic sense were included, and grammatical editing took place, it isnonetheless possible that some of the replacement words were used slightly out of context,or led to awkward sounding sentences. Secondly, the domain of college application essays may lead to biases against thestrategy of complexity. Participants likely are aware of the widespread use of thestrategy—especially in admissions essays—and may be actively discounting the use ofcomplex words. Finally, it could be the case that complexity is differentially successful asa strategy depending upon a reader's prior expectation of the author's intelligence. In Experiment 1, the readers had no reason to think that the authors were particularlyintelligent; maybe if the readers had believed the authors to be brilliant at the outset of theexperiment, the presence of complex vocabulary would have reinforced such a belief andled to higher ratings. As such, a second experiment was run to control for the confounds in Experiment 1 andinvestigate the impact of prior beliefs. EXPERIMENT 2If actively replacing words in an essay may impair the quality of the text, then to test theeffects of complex words we need a more natural set of stimuli. Therefore, for Experiment2 it was necessary to ﬁnd two essays of identical content, but using different vocabulary, inwhich the experimenters did not inﬂuence word selection. Many texts in foreign languageshave multiple translations, which conform to the original meaning of the text, but usedifferent words and grammatical construction. This provides the perfect domain for testingwhether complex phrasing and vocabulary hurts perceptions of a text. Figure 2. Mediation analysis in Experiment 1Problems with long words143 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Participants and procedure Thirty-nine Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Stimuli and design Translations of the ﬁrst paragraph of Rene Descartes Meditation IVwere sought untiltwo renditions of comparable word counts, but contrasting complexity were found. Heffernan's (1990) 98-word translation was judged by two independent raters to beconsiderably more complex than Tweyman's (1993) 82-word version. The exact stimulican be found in the appendix. Each translation was read by half of the participants. Additionally, to manipulate priorexpectations of author intelligence, half of the participants were told that the passage camefrom Descartes, while the rest were told that it came from an anonymous author. 3Participants were instructed to read the passage and rate the intelligence of the authoron a 7-point scale. They were then asked how difﬁcult the passage was to understand, alsoon a 7-point scale; this question served both as a measure of ﬂuency, and as a manipulationcheck to verify the difference in complexity of the translations. Results Analysis of the manipulation check showed that the Heffernan (1990) translation (meancomplexity rating¼5. 4) was indeed perceived as more complex than the Tweyman (1993)translation (mean complexity rating¼4. 5),t(37)¼1. 77,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 58. There were reliable main effects for both complexity,F(1, 39)¼3. 65,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 18, and prior belief,F(1, 39)¼17. 36,p<0. 05, Cohen'sf¼0. 45; participants whoread the simpler translation and attributed it to Descartes rated the author as moreintelligent (mean¼6. 5) than those reading the complex translation attributed to Descartes(mean¼5. 6). Those who were given no source for the passage also rated the author asmore intelligent in the simple version (mean¼4. 7) than the complex version(mean¼4. 0). However, there was no reliable interaction between prior belief and levelof complexity,F(1, 39)¼0. 08,p>0. 10, Cohen'sf¼0. 00. The results are summarized in Figure 3. To determine if the negative inﬂuence of complexity on intelligence ratings was due todifferences in ﬂuency, a mediation analysis was run using difﬁculty of comprehension as amediator. 4Complexity was reliably correlated negatively with intelligence ratings,r(37)¼/C00. 30,p<0. 05, and positively with difﬁculty of comprehension,r(37)¼0. 33,p<0. 05. However, when controlling for difﬁculty of comprehension, the relationshipbetween complexity and intelligence ratings was reduced, although still marginallysigniﬁcant,r(37)¼/C00. 24, 0. 05>p<0. 1, while controlling for complexity did notremove the relationship between difﬁculty and intelligence ratings,r(37)¼/C00. 28,3Participants would all know who Descartes was, as they had all read his work (although not Meditation IV) in theintroduction to humanities class that all Stanford students are required to take. 4Level of prior belief was statistically controlled for in all correlations reported here. 144D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
p<0. 05. While these results are in the right direction and suggest a mediation effect, theydo not achieve statistical signiﬁcance when analysed by a Sobel test,z¼1. 2,p>0. 05. Theresults are summarized in Figure 4. Discussion The results of Experiment 2 support those of Experiment 1. Once again, complexitynegatively inﬂuenced raters' assessments of texts. This relationship was found regardlessof the raters' prior expectations of the author's intelligence. While the data suggest that theprocess may be mediated by ﬂuency, the failure to reach statistical signiﬁcance means thatit is difﬁcult to draw strong conclusions. However, in light of the fact that the mediationanalysiswasreliable in Experiment 1, and was in the predicted direction for Experiment 2,normatively one should have increased conﬁdence in the reliability of the effect (Tversky& Kahneman, 1971). This is especially true in light of the fact that Sobel tests have beenshown to be overly conservative estimators of statistical signiﬁcance (Mackinnon, Lock-wood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). Figure 3. Intelligence ratings of the authors of two different translations of Descartes Meditation IV,when attributed either to Descartes or to an anonymous author Figure 4. Mediation analysis in Experiment 2Problems with long words145 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
However, aside from the mediation analysis, there are other challenges in interpretingthis experiment. Some translators are better than others. A less accomplished translatormight create a less ﬂuent text for reasons completely unrelated to word complexity. Itseems possible that the reason that the more complex text was judged to have come from aless intelligent author was simply because the translation was not as skillful. Thus, results from the ﬁrst two experiments could be due to the fact that the complexessays were in actuality worse papers. As such, it was important to run a third study to tryand ensure that the lower ratings are due to the use of complex vocabulary instead ofinferior quality papers. EXPERIMENT 3The word replacement paradigm used in Experiment 1 was problematic because using analgorithmic approach to word replacement leads to the possibility of including imprecisesynonyms, impairing ﬂow and generally making the essay less coherent. If it were indeedthe case that algorithmic word replacement leads to poorer essays, then one wouldexpect that the process should also harm an essay modiﬁed to use simpler vocabulary. However the ﬂuency account leads to the opposite prediction; less complex essays shouldbe rated as coming from more intelligent authors. To test these contrasting predictions Experiment 3 used the same procedure as Experiment 1 but systematically simpliﬁed text. Participants and procedure Thirty-ﬁve Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. Surveys were included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnairesthat were ﬁlled out in a one-hour lab session. An additional 50 Stanford Universityundergraduates were recruited outside of dining halls and ﬁlled out only the relevantsurvey. Stimuli and design Twenty-ﬁve randomly chosen dissertation abstractsfrom the Stanford Universitysociology department were examined, and the abstract with the highest proportion ofwords of nine letters or longer was chosen (Chang, 1993). The ﬁrst two paragraphs (144words) were taken from the abstract. A 'simpliﬁed' version of each the excerpt wasprepared by replacing every word of nine ormore letters with its second shortest entryin the Microsoft Word 2000 thesaurus. Words that were shorter than any thesaurusentry, were not listed in the thesaurus, or for which there was no entry with the samelinguistic sense were not replaced. If two entries were of the same length, thereplacement was chosen alphabetically. When necessary, minor modiﬁcations weremade to the essay to maintain the grammatical structure of a sentence (e. g. replacing'an' with 'a' for replacement words beginning with consonants). Excerpts from thestimuli can be found in the appendix. Participants were informed that the excerpt came from a sociology dissertation abstract. Participants were instructed to read the passage and rate the intelligence of the author on a7-point scale. They were then asked how difﬁcult the passage was to understand, also on a7-point scale. 146D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Results Analysis of the manipulation check showed that the 'simpliﬁed' version was indeedperceived as less complex (mean complexity rating¼4. 9) than the original excerpt (meancomplexity rating¼5. 6),t(83)¼2. 327,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 53. There was also areliable effect of complexity on intelligence judgements; participants who read the'simpliﬁed' version rated the author as more intelligent (mean¼4. 80) than those readingthe original version (mean¼4. 26),t(83)¼1. 988,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 44. To determine if the negative inﬂuence of complexity on intelligence judgements wasdue to differences in ﬂuency, a mediation analysis was run using difﬁculty of comprehen-sion as a mediator. Complexity was reliably correlated with intelligence ratings,r(85)¼/C00. 213,p<0. 05, and difﬁculty of comprehension,r(85)¼/C00. 247,p<0. 05. However, when controlling for difﬁculty of comprehension, the relationship betweencomplexity and intelligence ratings was reduced, although still marginally signiﬁcant,r(85)¼/C00. 196, 0. 05>p<0. 1. While these results are in the right direction and suggest amediation effect, they do not achieve statistical signiﬁcance when analyzed by a Sobel test,z¼0. 75,p>0. 05. Discussion The results of Experiment 3 further support the notion that the use of overly complexwords leads to lower evaluations of a text's author. While in Experiment 1 it could beargued that the replacement of words leads to stilted sounding text, in Experiment 3 theword-replacement condition actually increased judgements of intelligence. Further, giventhe fact that the replacement process was algorithmic, it seems unlikely that theimprovements in the essays could be due to editing or experimenter bias. It is the useof overly complex words—not the word replacement process—that leads to decreasedratings of intelligence. Additionally, in all three experiments the result appears to be at least partially mediatedby ﬂuency. In all experiments the data conforms to the pattern that one would expect ifﬂuency were a mediator, and in Experiment 1 this pattern is demonstrated to be reliable. This ﬁts well into Kahneman and Frederick's (2002) notion of attribute substitution;rating a person's intelligence or suitability for graduate admission is difﬁcult, so peoplemight use ﬂuency as a proxy for these judgements. However, it is difﬁcult to concludethat ﬂuency is necessarily responsible for the effect because there was no directmanipulation of ﬂuency in the ﬁrst three experiments. Further, the lack of statisticalreliability in the mediation analyses from Experiments 2 and 3 led to questions aboutwhether the lowered evaluations of the complex text were due to ﬂuency at all. Thus, itseems worthwhile to further explore the mechanism behind why added complexity lowersratings of intelligence. EXPERIMENT 4If the ﬂuency hypothesis is correct, then any manipulation that substantially reducesﬂuency should also reduce intelligence ratings. One method that has proven to be effectivein reducing ﬂuency is presenting the text in a font that is difﬁcult to read (Norwick &Problems with long words147 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Epley, 2002). By manipulating font, it was possible to examine whether ﬂuency caninﬂuence intelligence ratings directly, or whether there was an unmeasured variabledriving the mediation effects in Experiments 1-3. Participants and procedure Fifty-one Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class, and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Stimuli and design The unedited version of the highest quality essay from Experiment 1 (163 words) wasused. A 'non-ﬂuent' version of the excerpt was prepared by converting the documentinto italicized 'Juice ITC' font. The original version was in normal 'Times New Roman'font. Both versions used 12-point typeset. For an illustration of each of fonts, please see Figure 5. Each participant received only one excerpt. Participants were informed that the excerptcame from a personal statement for graduate study in the Stanford English Department. They were instructed to read the passage, and rate the author's intelligence on a 7-pointscale. To prevent participants from believing that the author of the text had chosen that font(as font selection could be cue about intelligence) the instructions and rating scales werealso written in the corresponding font. Thus, participants would attribute font selection tothe experimenter instead of the text's author. Results Post-experimental interviews of randomly selected participants (n¼5) conﬁrmed thatparticipants attributed the font selection to the experimenter rather than to the author of theessay. There was a reliable effect of font on intelligence judgements; participants who readthe 'non-ﬂuent' version rated the author as less intelligent (mean¼4. 04) than thosereading the original version (mean¼4. 50),t(49)¼1. 69,p<0. 05 one-tailed, Cohen'sd¼0. 48. Discussion Experiment 4 directly manipulated ﬂuency, and found that ﬂuency impacted intelligenceratings. When texts were written in a font that was difﬁcult to read, the author of the textwas judged to be less intelligent. Taken in conjunction with the mediation analyses in Figure 5. Illustrations of the fonts in both the ﬂuent and non-ﬂuent versions of the questionnaire148D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Experiments 1-3, this strongly suggests that complex vocabulary makes texts harder toread, which in turn lowers judgements of an author's intelligence. If, as Experiments 1-4 suggest, ﬂuency is the driving factor behind these effects, thenone ought to be able to reverse the direction of the effect by making people aware that thesource of the low ﬂuency is irrelevant to judgement. People tend to attribute events to asingle cause, rather than multiple causes (Einhorn & Hogarth, 1986; Kelley, 1973). Thus,when one cause is known to have occurred, people think that other causes are less likely tohave also occurred. This phenomenon applies to the metacognitive experience of ﬂuency(Oppenheimer, 2004; Schwarz, 2004; Whittlesea & Williams, 1998). When obviouscauses for low ﬂuency exist that are not relevant to the judgement that is being made,people reduce their reliance on ﬂuency as a cue; in fact, in an effort not to be inﬂuenced bythe irrelevant source of ﬂuency, they overcompensate and are biased in the oppositedirection (see Wilson & Brekke, 1994 for a review of overcompensation effects). For example, Oppenheimer (2004) asked people to make judgements about surnamefrequency, a task for which people typically use ﬂuency as a cue (Tversky & Kahneman,1973). In a series of experiments, he showed that in the presence of obvious causes forﬂuency that had no bearing on frequency—such as personal relevance, or a famousindividual associated with that name—people no longer used ﬂuency in making theirjudgement. In fact, they tended to rate the ﬂuent name as less frequent rather than morefrequent when a salient cause for ﬂuency was available. Spontaneous discounting of ﬂuency suggests that conscious awareness of the source oflow ﬂuency should undermine the effectiveness of the ﬂuency manipulation. In fact, ifthere is an obvious cause for lack of ﬂuency the trends might actually reverse as peopleovercompensate in their attempt not to be inﬂuenced by ﬂuency. Experiment 5 investigatesthis possibility. EXPERIMENT 5One method for lowering ﬂuency and making the source of the decreased ﬂuency obvious,is the 'low toner' paradigm (Oppenheimer & Frank, under review). Documents printedfrom a printer that is low in toner are hard to read because the text is not as dark on thepage as usual, and the text has streaks running through it. However, the cause of the lack ofﬂuency is immediately obvious to anybody who has ever observed a low toner document. Because the reason for the low ﬂuency will be obvious to participants, a ﬂuency accountwould predict that people would discount their lack of ﬂuency. In an effort not to beinﬂuenced by the irrelevant ﬂuency information, people are likely to overcompensate, andhave their judgements skewed in the other direction (Oppenheimer, 2004). Method Participants and procedure Twenty-seven Stanford University undergraduates participated to fulﬁl part of a courserequirement. The survey was included in a packet of unrelated one-page questionnaires. Packets were distributed in class, and participants were given a week to complete the entirepacket. Problems with long words149 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Stimuli and design The unedited version of a randomly chosen essay from Experiment 1 was used. Bothconditions were prepared using standard 12 point 'Times New Roman' font. The 'non-ﬂuent' version of the excerpt was created by waiting until the departmental printer was lowon toner, and printing the surveys out while the toner was low. For a scanned image of thestimuli, please see Figure 6. Each participant received the excerpt either in normal or low-toner font. Participantswere informed that the excerpt came from a personal statement for graduate study in the Stanford English Department. They were instructed to read the passage, decide whether ornot to accept the applicant, and rate their conﬁdence in their decision on a 7-point scale (asin Experiment 1). They were also asked to rate the author's intelligence on a 7-point scale(as in Experiments 2 and 3). Figure 6. Scanned images of the low toner version of the excerpt, and the original excerpt that wereused in Experiment 5150D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Results As in Experiment 1, acceptance ratings (þ1 for accept,/C01 for reject) were multiplied byconﬁdence ratings to create a/C07 to 7 scale of admission conﬁdence. As predicted,participants in the low toner condition were more likely to recommend acceptance for theapplicant (mean¼2. 0) than those in the normal font condition (mean¼/C01. 8). Thisdifference was reliable,t(25)¼2. 15,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼0. 86. Additionally, partici-pants in the low toner conditions reliably rated the author as more intelligent (mean¼5. 0)than those in the normal condition (mean¼4. 0),t(25)¼2. 72,p<0. 05, Cohen'sd¼1. 09. Discussion As predicted by the ﬂuency account, when an obvious source for the lack of ﬂuency ispresent, people discount that lack of ﬂuency when making their judgement. They do so tosuch an extent that they end up biasing their judgement in the opposite direction! Thistrend can not be explained by unpleasant mood lowering ratings across the board. Instead,the effect seems to be constrained by the manner in which ﬂuency is processed; when thereis no obvious source of ﬂuency (Experiment 4) then intelligence judgements are lowered,but in the presence of an obvious source of ﬂuency (Experiment 5) intelligence judgementsincrease. 5GENERAL DISCUSSIONIn the ﬁrst three experiments, the negative consequences of needless complexity wereshown in widely disparate domains (personal statements, sociology dissertation abstractsand philosophical essays), across different types of judgements (acceptance decisions andintelligence ratings), and using distinct paradigms (active word replacement and transla-tion differences). The effect was demonstrated regardless of the quality of the originalessay or prior beliefs about a text's quality. All in all, the effect is extremely robust:needless complexity leads to negative evaluations. The results further suggest that this effect is due to lowered processing ﬂuency. Experiment 4 shows that directly reducing ﬂuency through a standard font manipulation(e. g. Norwick & Epley, 2002) leads to lowerintelligence judgements. Further, Experi-ment 5 demonstrated that if the source ofreduced ﬂuency becomes obvious, partici-pants will discount their lack of ﬂuency, which reverses the direction of the effect. Mediation analyses in Experiments 1-3 suggest a similar process is occurring withcomplex vocabulary. However, it is worth noting that although Experiment 1 and Experiment 3 were conceptually very similar, the results of the mediation analysesvaried in regard to their reliability. This suggests that while ﬂuency clearly inﬂuencesintelligence judgements, there are most certainly other factors in play as well. For5One question that arises from this study is what sources are 'obvious' enough to elicit spontaneous discounting. A challenge that arises in answering this question, is that how 'obvious' the source needs to be varies dependingon the situation; sources need to be much more salient to elicit discounting when time constraints are imposed,and need be much less so when participants are highly motivated to thoroughly think through their judgements(Oppenheimer & Monin, in prep). Further investigation in this area is clearly important, although well beyond thescope of the current paper. Problems with long words151 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
example, attributions of author intent or expectations about standard complexity in agiven domain (e. g. the belief that dissertations should be more complex than admissionsessays) might very well play a role as well. While it is undoubtedly worthwhile toidentify and empirically investigate theseother factors, doing so is beyond the scope ofthis paper. At this point, however, one can conclude that ﬂuency clearly is at leastpartially responsible for the effect, and since longer words lower ﬂuency they can havea negative impact on intelligence judgements. However, one cannot conclude from these results that using long words is alwaysproblematic. For one thing, the population tested in these studies is extremely limited. Stanford students are both well educated and motivated; it is possible that this pattern ofresults was found only because participants were able to understand the complexvocabulary, and made the effort to muddle through to the content beneath. Similarly,one could imagine that experts in a given ﬁeld (who are more familiar with the jargon)would react differently to simpliﬁed essays than novices. For one, the experts would ﬁndthe jargon a great deal more ﬂuent than non-experts. Additionally, a lack of jargon mightbe a signal that the author is not an in-group member of the ﬁeld; this could lead tosimpliﬁed writing being negatively associated with intelligence. Thus, further research isnecessary to determine if these results generalize to the population as a whole. Another limitation is that these studies exclusively examined written text; it is unclearwhether the same effects would apply to oral conversation as well. Finally, there are manytimes when a long word is appropriate, because it is more precise or concise. These studiesprimarily investigated the use of needless complexity in writing. When a long word isactually the best word for the occasion, it very well may be that using it will lead topositive appraisals. Indeed, these studies can not rule out the possibility that in somesituations judicious use of a thesaurus will improve the quality of writing. A thesauruscould be used to help select the most appropriate word for a given argument such thatdecreases in ﬂuency are overridden by increases by other positive attributes of a givenword substitution. It is also worth examining potential boundary conditions of the effect. While the presentstudies have primarily investigated the impact of complexity on intelligence judgements, itseems possible that other dimensions such as liking, sociability or trustworthiness could beimpacted as well. Likely, the extent to which other dimensions are impacted will be relatedto people's naı¨ve theories of how ﬂuency is related to those dimensions (Schwarz, 2004). If people tend to believe that ﬂuency is positively correlated with sociability, thenincreasing complexity of a text should lead to lower judgements of the author's sociability. Alternatively, if people tend to believe that ﬂuency is negatively correlated withsociability, then ﬂuency would have the opposite effect on judgement. This leads to theintriguing possibility that if participants could somehow be primed to think that disﬂuenttext tended to come from more intelligent authors, one would expect the results from thisset of studies to reverse. However, it seems that people's naı¨ve theories of ﬂuency tend to lead them to negativelyassociate complexity and intelligence. This has some interesting ramiﬁcations. The moststraightforward of these is that authors should avoid needless complexity. As reported inthe introduction of this paper, a vast majority of Stanford students use a strategy ofcomplexity when writing papers and this is undoubtedly true at campuses and businessesacross the country. However, this research shows that such strategies tend to backﬁre. Thisﬁnding could be broadly applied to help people improve their writing, and receive morepositive evaluations of their work. 152D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Secondly, there are some exciting potential applications that become apparent byexamining when people are more likely to complicate their writing. Pennebaker and Lay(2002) have shown that people are more likely to use big words when they are feeling themost insecure. One can imagine that a minority student under stereotype threat (Steele,1997) might be inclined to increase complexity in his/her writing which would backﬁreand cause teachers to have lower opinions of the student's intelligence. Likewise leadersfacing crucial decisions might use more complex vocabulary and end up underminingothers' conﬁdence in their leadership ability. Thus it may be worthwhile to investigateways of either preventing the tendency to use needless complexity, or look at ways thatﬂuency biases might be overcome. In the interim, we can conclude one thing. The pundits are likely right: write clearly andsimply if you can, and you'll be more likely to be thought of as intelligent. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis material is based on work supported under a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship. The author thanks Chip Heath, Michelle Keller, Joel Allan, Busayo Ojumu, Jessica Laughlin, Norbert Schwarz, Bruce Whittlesea, Colleen Kelley, Stephen Lindsay, James Pennebaker, Benoit Monin, Herb Clark and the SLUGs, and severalanonymous reviewers for advice and support. REFERENCESBem, D. J. (1995). Writing a review article for Psychological Bulletin. Psychological Bulletin, 118,172-177. Chang, P. M. Y. (1993). An institutional analysis of the evolution of the denominational system in American Protestantism, 1790-1980. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Stanford University. Descartes, R. (1990). Meditations on ﬁrst philosophy(G. Heffernan, Trans. ). London: University of Notre Dame Press. (Original work published 1641). Descartes, R. (1993). Meditations on First Philosophy(S. Tweyman, Trans. ). London: Routledge. (Original work published 1641). Einhorn, H., & Hogarth, R. (1986). Judging probable cause. Psychological Bulletin, 99, 3-19. Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Grice, H. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole, & J. L. Morgan (Eds. ),Syntax and semantics 3:Speech acts(pp. 41-58). New York: Academic Press. Jacoby, L. L., Kelley, C. M., Brown, J., & Jasechko, J. (1989). Becoming famous overnight: limits onthe ability to avoid unconscious inﬂuences of the past. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56, 326-338. Kahneman, D., & Frederick, S. (2002). Representativeness revisited: attribute substitution inintuitive judgment. In T. Gilovich, D. Grifﬁn, & D. Kahneman (Eds. ),Heuristics and biases. New York: Cambridge Press. Kelley, H. H. (1973). The process of causal attribution. American Psychologist, 28, 107-128. Mac Kinnon, D. P., Lockwood, C. M., Hoffman, J. M., West, S. G., & Sheets, V. (2002). Acomparison of methods to test mediation and other intervening variable effects. Psychological Methods, 7(1), 83-104. Norwick, R. J., & Epley, N. (November, 2002). Conﬁdence as inference from subjective experience. Talk presented at the meeting of the Society for Judgment and Decision Making, Kansas City,MO. Oppenheimer, D. M. (2004). Spontaneous discounting of availability in frequency judgment tasks. Psychological Science, 15(2), 100-105. Problems with long words153 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Oppenheimer, D. M., & Frank, M. C. (submitted). A rose in any other font wouldn't smell as sweet:ﬂuency effects in categorization. Oppenheimer, D. M., & Monin, B. (in prep). Factors inﬂuencing spontaneous discounting of ﬂuencyin frequency judgment. Pennebaker, J. W., & King, L. A. (1999). Linguistic styles: language use as an individual difference. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 1296-1312. Pennebaker, J. W., & Lay, T. C. (2002). Language use and personality during crises: analysisof Mayor Rudolph Giuliani's press conferences. Journal of Research in Personality, 36271-282. Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association(4th ed. ). (1996). Washington, D. C. :American Psychological Association. Reber, R., & Schwarz, N. (1999). Effects of perceptual ﬂuency on judgments of truth. Consciousnessand Cognition, 8, 338-342. Reber, R., Winkielman, P., & Schwarz, N. (1998). Effects of perceptual ﬂuency on affectivejudgments. Psychological Science, 9, 45-48. Schwarz, N. (2004). Meta-cognitive experiences in consumer decision making. Journal of Consumer Research, 14(4), 332-348. Spearman, C. (1904). General intelligence, objective determined and measured. American Journal of Psychology, 15, 201-293. Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: how stereotypes shape the intellectual identities andperformance of women and African-Americans. American Psychologist, 52, 613-629. Strunk, W., Jr., & White, E. B. (1979). The elements of style(3rd ed. ). New York: Macmillan. Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1971). Belief in the law of small numbers. Psychological Bulletin, 76,105-110. Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1973). Availability: a heuristic for judging frequency and probability. Cognitive Psychology, 5(2), 207-232. Whittlesea, B. W. A., & Williams, L. D. (1998). Why do strangers feel familiar, but friends don't?The unexpected basis of feelings of familiarity. Acta Psychologica, 98, 141-166. Whittlesea, B. W. A., & Williams, L. D. (2001a). The discrepancy-attribution hypothesis I: theheuristic basis of feelings of familiarity. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory,and Cognition, 27(1), 3-13. Whittlesea, B. W. A., & Williams, L. D. (2001b). The discrepancy-attribution hypothesis II:expectation, uncertainty, surprise and feelings of familiarity. Journal of Experimental Psychology:Learning, Memory and Cognition, 27, 14-33. Wilson, T. D., & Brekke, N. C. (1994). Mental contamination and mental correction: unwantedinﬂuences on judgments and evaluations. Psychological Bulletin, 116, 117-142. APPENDIX: EXAMPLES OF EXCERPTS USED AS STIMULIExcerpts from graduate admissions essay (Experiment 1)Original1) I want to go to Graduate School so that I can learn to know literature well. I want toexplore the shape and the meaning of the novel and its literary antecedents. I want tounderstand what the novel has meant in different literary periods, and what is likelyto become. I want to explore its different forms, realism, naturalism and other modes,and the Victorian and Modernist consciousness as they are revealed. 2) Gold is not always a shifting, malleable metal; it is hardened by alloying withother metals, increasing its strength. I hope to go through a corresponding process at Stanford. I want to become a more solid citizen through exposure to other viewpointsand cultures, and by offering my own. I will mix with new perspectives; I will alloywith my fellow students, with my professors, and with the learning that both groupsimpart in order to become stronger academically, socially, and culturally. 154D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
Moderate complexity (every 3rd applicable word lengthened)1) I want to go to Graduate School so that I can learn to recognize literature well. I want toexplore the character and the meaning of the novel and its literary antecedents. I desireto understand what the novel has represented in different literary periods, and what islikely to become. I desire to explore its different manners, realism, naturalism and othermodes, and the Victorian and Modernist consciousness as they are revealed. 2) Gold is not always a shifting, malleable metal; it is consolidated by alloying with othermetals, increasing its strength. I hope to go through a corresponding development at Stanford. I want to become a ﬁrmer solid citizen through exposure to other perspectivesand cultures, and by offering my own. I will mix with novel perspectives; I will alloywith my fellow students, with my professors, and with the knowledge that both groupsimpart in order to become stronger academically, communally, and culturally. High complexity (every applicable word lengthened)1) I desire to go to Graduate School so that I can learn to recognize literature satisfactorily. I want to investigate the character and the connotation of the narrative and its literaryantecedents. I desire to comprehend what the narrative has represented in numerousliterary periods, and what it is expected to become. I desire to investigate its numerousmanners, realism, naturalism, and other approaches, and the Victorian and Modernistconsciousness as they are discovered. 2) Gold is not constantly a changing, malleable metal; it is consolidated by alloying withadditional metals, increasing its strength. I anticipate to go through a correspondingdevelopment at Stanford. I yearn to develop into a ﬁrmer substantial citizen throughintroduction to other perspectives and cultures, and by contributing with my own. I willcombine it with novel perspectives; I will alloy with my associate scholars, with myprofessors, and with the knowledge that both groupings communicate in order tobecome stronger academically, communally and culturally. EXCERPT OF DIFFERENT TRANSLATIONS OF DESCARTES MEDITATIONIV (EXPERIMENT 2)From Tweyman's (1993) translation'Many other matters respecting the attributes of God and my own nature or mind remainfor consideration; but I shall possibly on another occasion resume the investigation ofthese. Now (after ﬁrst noting what must be done or avoided in order to arrive at aknowledge of the truth) my principal task is to endeavor to emerge from the state of doubtinto which I have these last days fallen, and to see whether nothing certain can be knownregarding material things'. From Heffernan's (1990) translation'There remain to be investigated by me many things concerning the attributes of God, andmany things concerning me myself or the nature of my mind. But I shall perhaps resumethese things at another time, and now nothing seems to be more urgent (after I have noticedagainst what were to be cautioned and what were to be done in order to reach the truth)Problems with long words155 Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
than that I might try to emerge from the doubts into which I have gone in the pervious daysand that I might see whether something certain concerning material things could be had'. DISSERTATION ABSTRACT EXCERPTS (EXPERIMENT 3)Original This dissertation presents a historical study of the institutional development of the American religious sector. Through the lens of institutionalist perspectives developed inorganizational sociology I focus on the co-evolution of the modern denominational formand the denominational system in the United States from 1790 to 1980. Through anempirical study of American Protestant denominations I build arguments which advancethree theoretical issues within institutional theory. Simpliﬁed This thesis presents a historical study of the societal advance of the American religioussector. Through the lens of social institution views developed in organizational sociology Ifocus on the co-evolution of the modern denominational form and the denominationalsystem in the Unites States from 1790 to 1980. Through an empirical study of American Protestant denominations I build arguments which advance three theoretical issues withinsocial theory. 156D. M. Oppenheimer Copyright#2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Appl. Cognit. Psychol. 20: 139-156 (2006)	Consequences of Erudite Vernacular Utilized Irrespective of Necessity Problems with Using Long Words Needlessly.pdf
See discussions, st ats, and author pr ofiles f or this public ation at : https://www. researchgate. ne t/public ation/267842958 Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction: An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portra yals Article in Journal of Eur omark eting · Oct ober 2014 DOI: 10. 9768/0023. 03. 035 CITATIONS 22READS 4,750 2 author s: Yorgos Z otos Cyprus Univ ersity of T echnolog y 130 PUBLICA TIONS 2,663 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Tsichla Eirini Anat olia Colle ge-Americ an Colle ge of Thessaloniki 26 PUBLICA TIONS 228 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE All c ontent f ollo wing this p age was uplo aded b y Yorgos Z otos on 09 F ebruar y 2016. The user has r equest ed enhanc ement of the do wnlo aded file.	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING EDITOR-IN-CHIEF ERDENER KAYNAK Pennsylvania State University at Harrisburg EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD MEMBERS J. SCOTT ARMSTRONG University of Pennsylvania SØREN ASKEGAARD The University of Southern Denmark, Denmark GEORGE BALABANIS City University, United Kingdom J. ENRIQUE BIGNE ALCANIZ University of Valencia, Spain DAVID J. CARSON University of Ulster at Jordanstown, Northern Ireland F. JAVIER RONDAN CATALUNA University of Seville, Spain CHISLAINE CESTRE University of Lausanne, Switzerland LEO PAUL DANA University of Canterbury, New Zealand SRINIVAS DURVASULA Marquette University YVONNE VAN EVERDINGEN RSM Erasmus University, Netherlands PERVEZ N. GHAURI King's College, United Kingdom KJELL GRONHAUG Norwegian School of Economics and Bu siness Administration, Norway KLAUS GRUNERT Aarhus University, Denmark NEIL HERNDON South China University of Technology, China KARIN HOLSTIUS Turku School of Economics and Bu siness Administration, Finland HARTMUT H. HOLZMUELLER University of Dortmund, Germany FREDERIC JALLAT Paris Graduate School of Business (ESCP-EAP), France MILAN JURSE University of Maribor, Slovenia JORMA LARIMO University of Vaasa, Finland TOMMI LAUKKANEN University of Eastern Finland, Finland STEVEN LYSONSKI Marquette University MARIN MARINOV University of Gloucestershire, United Kingdom RITA MARTENSON University of Gothenburg, Sweden LUIZ MOUTINHO University of Glasgow, United Kingdom DAVID MCHARDY REID Seattle University DOMINIQUE ROUZIES Groupe HEC, France ARNOLD SCHUH Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration, Austria BRUNO SERGI University of Messina, Italy D. DEO SHARMA Stockholm School of Economics, Sweden KENNETH SIMMONDS London Business School, United Kingdom NITISH SINGH Saint Louis University GREGORY SULLIVAN Advanced Marketing Systems Indexed and/or Abstracted in: EBSCOhost Products; Emerald Manage ment Reviews; Gale Cengage; Busi ness ASAP, Cabell's Directory, The Standard Periodicals Directory, ASOS Journal of Euromarketing (ISSN:1049-6483) is published quarterly by IMDA Press, 1201 Stonegate Road, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. US Postmaster: Please send address changes to Journal of Euromarketi ng, c/o IMDA Press, 1201 Stonegate Road, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. Annual Subscription, Volume 23, 2014 Print ISSN: 1049-6483, Online ISSN: 1528-6967 Institutional subscribers: $600, Personal s ubscribers: $125. Institutiona l and individual subscriptions include access to the o nline version of the journal. Production and Advertising Office: 1201 Stonegate Road, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. Tel: 717-566-3054, Fax: 717-566-1191. Subscription Office: IMDA Press, 1201 Stonegate Ro ad, Hummelstown, PA 17036, USA. Tel: 717-566-3054, Fax: 717-566-1191. For a complete guide to IMDA Press' journal a nd book publishing programs, visit our Web site: http:// www. imda. cc Copyright © 2014 IMDA Press. All rights reserved. No part of this publication ma y be reproduced, stored, transmitted, or disseminated in any form or by any means without prior permission from IMDA Press. IMDA Press grants author ization for individuals to photoc opy copyright material for private research use on the sole basis that requests for such use are re ferred directly to the requeste r's local Reproduction Rights Organization (RRO), such as the Copyright Clearance Center (www. copyright. com) in the USA or the Copyright Licensing Agency (www. cla. co. uk) in the United Kingdom This author ization does not extend to any ot her kind of copying by any m eans, in any form, and for any purpose other than private research use. The publisher assu mes no responsibility for any statements of fact or opinion expressed in the published papers. Th e appearance of advertising in this jour nal does not constitute an endorsement or approval by the publisher, the editor-in-chief, or th e editorial board of the quality or value of the product/s ervice advertised or of t he claims made for it by its manufacturer. Permissions: For further information, please visit http://j ournals. sfu. ca/je/index. php/ euromarketing/index September 2014ASSOCIATE EDITOR SVETLA MARINOVA Aalborg University TECHNOLOGY AND E-COMMERCE EDITOR KIP BECKER Boston University BOOK REVIEW EDITOR SHAUKAT ALI University of Wolverhampton PRODUCTION EDITOR TALHA DOGAN HARCAR Pennsylvania State University at Beaver	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Volume 23, Numbers 3, 2014 CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 Erdener Kaynak ARTICLES Business-Related Ethical Attitudes of Future Business Executives and Leaders in the European Union Gerald Albaum and Robert A. Peterson 4 Sex in Advertising: Do Women Care Anymore? Paul Edwin Ketelaar, Doeschka Anschutz, and Suzanne van Hemmen 17 Snapshots of Men and Women in Interactio n: An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals Yorgos Zotos and Eirini Tsichla 35 Global Consumer Culture Positioning: The Use of Global Consumer Culture Positioning Appeals Across Four European Countries Barbara Czarnecka and Serap Keles 59 BOOK REVIEW 68 E-Negotiations: Networking and Cross-cultural Business Transactions by Harkiolakis, Nicholas with Halkias, Daphene a nd Abadir, Sam (2012). Gower Publishing, Surrey, UK, 228 pages. ISBN: 978-1-4094-0196-4. List price £ 65. (hardcover). Reviewed by Claude Cellich, In ternational University in Geneva, Switzerland	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 1-3, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online 1 EDITORIAL The study by Albaum and Peterson measures business-related ethical attitudes of future business managers in 12 countries in the European Union using the six-item Scale of Ethicality, and examines the effects of na-tionality, gender, and relig iosity on such atti-tudes. Ethical attitude s have an impact on the formation and successful implementation of strategic alliances. Clearly, the likelihood that strategic alliances will be successful increases if the parties involved share similar ethical values. The research results show that although the 12 EU countries may be related economi-cally and politically, future managers in these countries do not share th e same ethical values, although there is some overlap. That is, na-tionality had some effect on ethical attitudes. Moreover, in some European countries males reported significantly hi gher levels of ethicali-ty than did females, a finding that was not ex-pected as previous research studies typically reported that females had higher levels. Inter-estingly, overall religiosity did not have a sig-nificant effect. One interpretation is that levels of ethicali-ty reported herein are what one can expect to find when these future managers are, in fact, managers. However, since future managers are university undergraduate students, they can, over time, easily change their views as they take courses in business ethics and inter-act with current business managers during their studies. Less than one-half of the countries com-prising the European Union are included in the present study. Even s o, there is no reason to believe the ethicality attitudes observed in the present study will diffe r significantly in other EU countries, although cultures of EU coun-tries differ. However, it would be prudent for a manger from one country when interacting with a manager in another country to assume, at the outset, ethical difference until similarity is proven. The replication study by Ketelaar et al. determined the attitude of young women to-wards ads that contain sexually objectifying images of female models. A web survey among 250 female students shows that they do find sexually objectifying ads unethical and offensive, resulting in a lower attitude towards the ad. Providing broader evidence than the initial study, exposure to these ads does not harm purchase intentions or company image. The study shows that advertisers should be careful when using higher levels of sexual ob-jectification in ads, because women do not appreciate those ads. Concerning recommen-dations to the advertis ing industry, the mes-sage is that “sex sells,” but excess should be avoided. Although our re sults suggest that there are not many disadvantages for compa-nies in the use of sex objects in a dvertising, it seems that there are nevertheless limits with regard to the apprec iation by women of sex objects in advertising. While young women generally have no problems with sexual objec-tification in advertising, there may be negative effects on appreciation when shown extremely objectifying advertising. The authors there-fore recommend care to be taken with extreme sexual objectification if women are a part of the target audience. Finally, it is possible that there is an increased tolerance as a result of the ubiquitous use of se xual appeals, but this assumption requires further research. Even though the feminist thought mobi-lised a strong academic interest in female ste-reotypical depictions in advertisements, the examination of relations hips between men and women in advertising is a particularly under-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
2 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING explored area. Considering that gender stereo-typing is nowadays regarded to be less obvi-ous than the past, the paper by Zotos and Tsichla employs Goffman's (1979) method-ology which is designed to capture subtle ste-reotyping transcribed to advertising semiotic cues. The study analysed exclusively adver-tisements picturing at least one male and one female together, drawing a sample of 335 Cypriot magazine advertisements and the cod-ing of 670 characters. The findings of the study highlight pat-terns that failed to be elucidated in research that co-examined single models and joint rep-resentations. Contrary to prior findings (Umiker-Sebeok 1996; Kang, 1997; Mager & Helgeson, 2011), when females are portrayed with males, advertisements tend to emphasize the relative size of men and women with the latter occupying less space in the advertise-ment. Further, the category of “Function Ranking” is commonly found, highlighting differences in status: Men are displayed oc-cupying executive roles and women tend to perform subordinate roles. On the contrary, when accompanied by men, females tend to be somewhat prevented from displaying naked parts of their body. Still, their naked represen-tations outnumber male's nude displays. Women were mostly displayed touching ob-jects in a non-utilitar ian fashion, adopting pos-tures that signal subordination and withdraw-ing from the current situation more often than men. Men's and women's magazines show a similar pattern of gender stereotyping but gen-eral audience magazines display fewer gender clichéd depictions. A relationship between endorsed product and role stereotypes was al-so noted, as advertisem ents for hedonic prod-ucts tend to present females in a more stereo-typical fashion than males. Research findings of the study yield inter-esting insights that raise key public policy concerns. The diffusion of gender stereotypes is associated with various negative conse-quences particularly for women. Idealized body images and impossible beauty standards are omnipresent in advertisements, threatening women's well-being, self-confidence and self-esteem (Jones 1993; Barlett et al., 2005). A relationship between stereotypes and body dissatisfaction has also been demonstrated (Lavine, Sweeny, & Wagner, 1999). In this light, public authorities should prioritize the safeguard of gender equal opportunities. The persistence of female stereotypes in society, even conveyed through an indirect way by subtle cues transcribed in the advertising visu-als, still manage to si gnal women's inferiority and hazard their pers onal welfare, social standing, and career potential. Towards this end, social entities like educational and wel-fare organizations could play an active role regarding the deconstruction of idealized beauty and body standards and the develop-ment of individuals'—es pecially teenagers'— confidence and se lf-esteem. Further, as exposure to advertisements that convey stereotypical port rayals is associated with scepticism and dissatisfaction (e. g. Lammers & Wilkinson, 1980), advertising practitioners should be ve ry careful not to al-ienate their target markets. Females tend to be more critical of advertisements that are incon-sistent with their role or ientation (Ford et al., 1991; 1997). As a result, advertising cam-paigns targeting female consumers should avoid cues that signify women's inferiority and subordination. Furthermore, consumers' preference and engagement for advertising campaigns that challeng e traditional gender stereotypes should be se riously considered by marketing practitioners who wish to achieve a contemporary, unique, and ethical positioning for their brands. Global advertisers are often faced with a question of how to position global brands when targeting consumers in different coun-tries. One of the available positioning strate-gies is the Global Consumer Culture Position-ing (GCCP) strategy, wh ich associates the brand with a widely understood and recog-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
EDITORIAL 3 nised set of symbols and values believed to constitute global consumer culture. In GCCP, the brand may be purchased by consumers mainly because of reinforcing their member-ship in that segment. One of the tools to in-troduce this strategy is advertising and the use of appropriate advertisin g appeals. This paper examined the use of Global Consumer Culture Positioning appeals in print advertising by comparing 847 advertisements for durable and non-durable goods from four European coun-tries: Poland, Hungary, Ireland, and the UK. Results revealed that GCCP appeals were more often used in advertisements for non-durable goods than durable goods. The study confirmed the expectation that GCCP appeals would be more frequently used in advertising in less developed markets than in more devel-oped markets. The proposed framework of GCCP appeals may be us eful to practitioners wishing to use this positioning strategy in ad-vertisements targeted at global consumers across. Advertising practitioners may wish to explore the use of GCCP appeals for durable goods as they may be mo re effective than for non-durable goods. REFERENCES Barlett, C., Harris, R., Smith, S., & Bonds Raacke, J. (2005). Action figures and men. Sex Roles, 53(11-12), 877-885. Ford, J. B. ; La Tour M., & Lundstrom, W. J., (1991). Contemporary women's evalua tion of female role portrayals in advertis ing, Journal of Consumer Marketing, 8(1), 15-28. Ford, J. B., La Tour, M., & Honeycutt, E. D. (1997). An examination of cross-cultural female response to offensive sex role por trayals in advertising. International Mar keting Review, 14(6), 409-423. Goffman, E. (1979). Gender advertisements. New York: Harper and Row Publishers. Jones, A. R. (1993). Writing the body: To ward an understanding of l' ecriture femi nine. In R. R. Warhol and D. P. Hermdl (Eds. ), Feminism, an anthology of literary theory and criticism. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick (NJ), 357=370. Kang, M. (1997). The po rtrayals of women's images in magazine advertisements: Goffman's gender analysis revisited, Sex Roles, 37(11-12), 979-997. Lammers, H. B. and Wilkinson, M. L. (1980). Attitudes toward women and satisfaction with sex roles in advertisements. Psycho logical Reports, 46(3), 280-284. Levine, H., Sveneeny, D., & Wagner, S. H. (1999). Depicting wo man as sex objects in television advertising: Effects on body dissatisfaction. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25(8), 1049-1058. Mager, J. & Helgeson, J. G. (2011). Fifty years of advertising images: Some chang ing perspectives on role portrayals along with enduring consistencies, Sex Roles, 64(3-4), 238-252. Umiker-Sebeok, J. (1996). Power and con struction of gendered spaces. Internation al Review of Sociology, 6(3), 389-404. Erdener Kaynak Editor in Chief	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 4-16, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online Gerarld Albaum, Ph D. is Research Professor at the Robert O. Anderson School of Management at The University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico, USA Robert A. Peterson, Ph. D. is Associate Vice-President for Research at The University of Te xas at Austin and holds the Stuart Chair in the Mc Combs School of Business, Austi, Texas, USA Address correspondence to Dr. Gerald Albaum, Re search Professor, Anderson School of Manage-ment, MSCO5 3090, 1 University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131-0001, USA, E-mail: al-baum@unm. edu 4 ARTICLES Business-Related Ethical Attitudes of Future Business Execu-tives and Leaders in the European Union Gerald Albaum Robert A. Peterson ABSTRACT. The purpose of this paper is to examine business-related ethical attitudes of future business leaders in 12 countries in the European Union, and to assess the effects of nationality, gen-der, and religiosity. Data were collected from university unde rgraduate business students in an in-class-setting in each country. Ethical attitudes were measured by a six-item scale of Ethicality devel-oped in a non-European country. Factor analysis a nd analysis-of-variance were used in the analysis. The factor analyses results supported the use of the scale of Ethicality in the EU countries. Nationali-ty had an effect on ethicality, but religiosity did not. Gender had an effect, but in a direction opposite that reported in most of the literature. That is, ma les reported significantly higher levels of ethicality than did females in some countries. Internal cons istency reliability of the scale was at the margin, but acceptable. This was probably due to the small number of scale items. KEYWORDS. Business-related ethicality, future business le aders, European Union, effects of na-tionality, gender, and religiosity. INTRODUCTION Successful enduring re lationships between parties are built and sustained on trust be-tween, and ethical behavi ors of, the parties. While true in general and in business relation-ships between people, it is especially true for transnational relationships (such as those found in international marketing) wherein val-ues, including et hical attitudes and values (i. e., ethicality), may differ between the parties. While important in all types of international marketing relationships, trust and ethical be-liefs and behaviors are especially important in the formation and ultimate running and suc-cess of strategic alliances such as licensing, contracting, joint ventures, and cross-marketing agreements. A recent comprehen-sive review of research on strategic alliances is provided by Gomes, Barnes, and	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 5 Mahmoood (2014). According to the then presidents of Ford and Mazda ( Business Week, 1992), one of the major pr inciples to follow to ensure that an alliance will be successful is to anticipate cultural differences. These may be corporate or national. All parties should be flexible, and should try to place culturally sen-sitive managers in key posts. On a more gen-eral level, the consensus of the findings of lit-erature reviews by Ford and Richardson (1994); Loe, Ferrell, and Mansfield (2000); and O'Fallon and Butterfi eld (2005) is that culture influences ethical decision making. The primary purpose of this paper is to explore similarities an d differences in busi-ness-related ethical attitudes of future business leaders, operationalized as university/college undergraduate business students in 12 coun-tries in the EU: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Malta, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Much of the published research on national differences in business ethical atti-tudes and values of business students has dealt with examining differences between the Unit-ed States and other co untries (see Peterson, Albaum, Merunka, Muneura, & Smith, 2010, p. 575), and have found that United States students had higher levels of ethical attitudinal values than did non-Unite d States students. More recent studies have also found this result (Crittenden, Hanna, & Peterson, 2009; Peter-son et al., 2010), although the Peterson, Al-baum, Merunka, Muneura, and Smith (2010) finding was qualified in the sense that alt-hough statistically signifi cant, the absolute or practical difference was not large. A different type of study in Western Euro-pean countries is that by Arnold, Bernardi, Neidermeyer, and Schmee (2007). This re-search examined the eff ect of a country's cul-ture on the implementation of a code of con-duct in a European context. Unlike the re-search cited above, the population studied was non-students, specifically accountants in eight Western European countries. The present study goes beyond just na-tionality effects. We also look at the extent to which differences are moderated by gender and religiosity. Gender has been demonstrat-ed to explain differences in ethics attitudes and behaviors. Meta-a nalyses (e. g., Roxas & Stoneback 2004) have shown that females tend to have higher ethical standards than males, and that this di fference exists across a number of countries. A nother variable of in-terest in the study of business-related ethics attitudes is religiosity. The most common conclusion regarding th e relationship between religiosity and business et hics is that a “high degree of religiosity is generally associated with higher ethical attitudes” (Conroy & Em-erson, 2004, p. 384). BACKGROUND Nationality and Ethicality The reason for differences in business eth-ics may well relate to differences in cultures since culture affects moral orientations such as idealism and relativism (e. g., Srnka, 2004; Swaidan, Rawwas, & Vitell, 2008). In the context of cross-cultural differences, Iyer (2001) discussed ethical dimensions of ex-change and major ethical principles that emerge as possible explanations of cross-cultural differences generally: sovereignty, justice, and integrity. Curtis, Conover, and Chui (2012) examine the impact of national culture on ethical deci sion making in four countries: China, Japan, Mexico, and the U. S. These researchers found th at country of origin (nationality), justice perceptions, power dis-tance perception, and gende r all are related to ethical decision making. Buller, Kohls, and Anderson (1991) wondered rhetorically whether there is a common business ethics core across cultures but whether, beyond this core, widespread differences exist in the levels of ethical standards. From a theoretical per-spective, researchers have attempted to apply	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
6 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Hofstede's (2001) cultural constructs of indi-vidualism and collectivism in cross-cultural models of ethical decision-making in business (e. g., Husted & Allen, 2008), and his con-structs individualism and uncertainty avoid-ance to social desirability response bias (e. g., Bernardi, 2006), as well as Kohlberg's (1984) levels of moral deve lopment to explaining cross-cultural differences in business ethics (e. g., Kini, Ramakrishna, & Vijayaraman, 2004). Looking more deeply into Hofstede's (2001, p. 500, 502) schema, we see how cul-ture differs among the 12 countries of the Eu-ropean Union of this study. Power Distance varies from 11 in Austria to 68 in France; Un-certainty Avoidance ranges from 23 in Den-mark to 112 in Greece; Individual-ism/Collectivism ranges from 20 in Spain to 89 in the United Kingdom; Masculini-ty/femininity varies from 14 in The Nether-lands to 88 in Hungary; and Long/Short-Term orientation ranges from 19 in Spain to 50 in Hungary. Clearly, there is no uniform single culture in the EU. Gender and Ethicality A majority of studies have concluded that females exhibit higher ethical standards and behaviors than do males. Borkowski and Ugras (1998) conducted a meta-analysis of 47 empirical studies published in the period 1985-1994 that investigated the relationship between gender and ethics. Only studies that contained data on United States business stu-dents were included in the meta-analysis. Of the 47 studies, 29 “reported that females (males) exhibited more (less) ethical atti-tudes/behavior than their counterparts” (Borkowski & Ugras, 1998, p. 1124). Similarly, Franke, Crown, and Spake (1997) conducted a meta-analysis of more than 20,000 survey partic ipants in 66 samples to investigate the role that gender played in perceptions of ethical decision making. Using social role theory to explain how gender dif-ferences in perceptions are affected by work experience, they found that gender differences observed in pre-career (student) samples (women have higher et hical standards than men) decline as work experience increases. Further, following a qualitative review of the literature, Kennedy and Lawton (1996) con-cluded that while some studies “have shown little or no difference between males and fe-males... none have found higher standards for males than females” (p. 904). A few studies comparing non-United States samples have reported that males re-ported higher levels of business ethics than did females (Phau & Kea 2007; Stevenson & Bodkin 1998). Religiosity and Ethicality There has been less concern in the litera-ture on studying the infl uence of religiosity on business-related ethics than on studying the effect of nationality and gender. What has been reported is summarized by Peterson et al. (2010, p. 576-577). In general, the relation-ship between religiosity and business-related ethicality has generally been found to be posi-tive. Yet, there have been mixed findings as well, and reported results varied by the meas-ure of religiosity use d. For example, a study of both adults working in and around Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, and undergraduate busi-ness students of a private university in Malay-sia conducted by Kum-Lung and Teck-Chai (2010) used a scale to measure religiosity that provides measures for two dimensions of re-ligiosity: interpersonal and intrapersonal. Re-sults showed that intrapersonal religiosity was a significant determinant to attitude toward business ethics, but inte rpersonal religiosity was not. In addition, a recent study in more than 70 countries has found that religiosity is strongly associated with corruption in business (Yeganeh & Sauers, 2013).	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS Based on the discussion above, three re-search questions underlie the present study: RQ1: Do the future business leaders (i. e., stu-dents) of the countries within the European Union possess different levels of business-related ethicality? RQ2: Are such differences moderated by gen-der and religiosity? RQ3: Are the joint effects of nationality, gen-der, and religiosity on business-related ethical-ity significant? METHODOLOGY Data Collection The primary rationale for studying busi-ness students in cross-cultural or cross-national research is that they are “prospective managers” (Preble & Reichel, 1988), “tomor-row's business professionals” (Stevenson & Bodkin, 1998), “future business executives” (Jones & Gautschi, 1988), or “future business leaders” (Albaum & Peterson, 2006). Given that these characterizations are correct, study-ing business students may lead to predictions of the future ethical climate in business, espe-cially as a global business economy emerges. At the same time, though, it is important to recognize that business students are not, by definition, business managers, and therefore may not provide genera lizable inferences about current business managers, and that stu-dents' ethicality may change as they are ex-posed to a country's et hical climate in busi-ness as well as studying business ethics at their university. A two-stage sampling design was em-ployed in data collection. The first stage con-sisted of identifying judgmentally representa-tive universities/colle ges having an under-graduate business program in each of the 12 countries to be studied with particular empha-sis on institutions where the present authors had some type of personal or professional re-lationship with one or more colleagues. The 12 countries were all the European Union countries in a larger worldwide study (refer-ence to be provided). The second stage in-volved obtaining a cluster sample of business students in each of the stage-one institutions selected by contacting professors in business schools in the 12 countrie s and asking if their research or teaching assistant would adminis-ter about 50 very short questionnaires to un-dergraduate business students. The assistant would receive a small monetary “honorarium” as a token of appreciation. The obtained sam-ple sizes for each country ranged from 26 in Hungary to 242 in Germany. The final total sample size is 1,100 (see Table 1). Table 1: Sample Size* Austria (1, 50) Belgium (1, 52) Denmark (1, 75) France (2, 150) Germany (2, 242) Greece (1, 49) Hungary (1, 26) Ireland (1, 38) M a l t a ( 1, 4 9 ) The Netherlands (1, 47) Spain (2, 174) United Kingdom (4, 148) All countries (18, 1,100) *Numbers in parentheses are nu mber of universities/colleges sampled and number of survey participants in that country with complete data. There is a possible limitation to this ap-proach to obtaining a sample of students. Some of the universities may have foreign students studying business. For the present study this is not a problem as the research de-sign was such that all student respondents were native and citize ns of the country in which they were studying. Measurement The questionnaire used the Ethicality scale (Albaum & Peterson, 2006), which consists of six Likert-type scale items designed to meas-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
8 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING ure business-related ethicality (i. e., ethical at-titudes), three demographic questions (age, gender, religiosity), and two questions (aca-demic classification, major field of study) to screen potential survey participants to ensure that the sample was limited to only under-graduate business students from the respective countries. Each of the Likert-type items consisted of a declarative statement and a six-category “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree” rating scale; only the endpoints of the rating scaled were labeled. Scale categories were labeled numerically from 1 (“Strongly Agree”) to 6 (“Strongly Disagree”). This scale format is a balanced scale without a neutral point or cate-gory. The specific scale items of the Ethicali-ty scale are shown in Table 2. The range of possible total scores for Ethicality is 6 to 36 with the higher the score (after reverse scoring of four items) the grea ter the amount of busi-ness-related ethicality. Table 2: Scale Items of Ethicality Scale 1. Top business executives should state in no uncertain terms that unethical behaviors in their companies will not be tolerated. * 2. If a manager in a company is discovered to have en-gaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in personal gain (rather than corporate gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. * 3. If a manager in a company is discovered to have en-gaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in corporate gain (rather than personal gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. * 4. Business behavior that is legal is ethical. 5. Within a business firm, the ends justify the means. 6. It is important that ethical considerations be taken into account when designing company policies. * *Reverse scored. The questionnaire was originally devel-oped in English and pre-tested with a sample of United States business students to obtain a qualitative evaluation of the understandability and an assessment of ad ministrative ease. It was subsequently translated into French, German, and Spanish by professors in the countries where data were collected. Because many of the survey participants were from English-speaking countries or were enrolled in educational institutions where English was the language of instruction, there was no need to translate into other languages. One might question whether the Ethicality scale is culturally relativ e, or a cultural emic. The nature of the wording used in each scale item is such that we feel the Ethicality scale can be used in many cu ltures and possesses at the very least imposed etic validity (Berry, 1980, p. 19) wherein universals in a system are present (Berry, 1969, p. 124) or may even be a cultural etic (Berry, 1980, p. 11). Nationality (12 valu es) and gender (male or female) were measured in obvious ways. Religiosity was measured with a single item; survey participants were asked “Do you con-sider yourself to be 'very religious,' 'some-what religious,' or ' not very religious'?” Whereas Churchill (197 9); Peter (1979); and Diamantopoulos, Sarstedt, Fuchs, Wilczynski, and Kaiser (2012) argued that attributes of marketing constructs ar e better measured with multi-item measures than with single-item measures, other research suggests that if the attribute can be conceptualized as concrete, it does not require multiple items (Rossiter, 2002; Bergkvist & Ross iter, 2007; Drolet & Morrison, 2001). In the present study, religi-osity is considered concrete, and thus a single-item measure is appropriate. This scale of re-ligiosity is quite straightforward, unambigu-ous, and easy to respond to. For religiosity, the decision was made to use a psychological measure rather than a be-havioral measure such as attendance at reli-gious services (Gorsu ch, 1988). The reason for this decision was threefold. First, in many regions of the world attendance at religious services is irrelevant in that people who attend are not necessarily more religious than those who do not attend. Sec ond, personal belief in religiosity was consider ed a strong influence on other beliefs and beha vior than a behavior-al measure. Third, the measure we used is es-sentially the same as that used in the General	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 9 Table 3. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents (% distribution) Country Gender Female Male N Age 20 and 21-25 26 and below above N Religiosity Very Somewhat Not so N Religious Major of Filed Study Marketing Business Other N Years of Study 1 2 3 4 + N Austria 36. 7 63. 3 49 42. 0 40. 0 18. 0 50 8. 2 61. 2 30. 6 49 0 33 0 33 29 14 4 3 50 Belgium 40. 0 60. 0 50 94. 1 3. 9 2. 0 51 19. 0 39. 7 41. 4 59 0 50 0 50 27 20 3 2 52 Denmark 39. 2 60. 8 74 0. 0 20. 0 80. 0 75 1. 3 14. 7 84. 0 75 62 10 0 72 3 26 28 18 75 France 58. 4 41. 6 149 0. 0 98. 7 1. 3 150 9. 4 30. 9 59. 7 149 94 55 1 150 0 0 10 140 150 Germany 48. 1 51. 9 239 10. 4 79. 7 9. 9 241 7. 5 58. 2 34. 3 239 38 1 98 6 242 96 64 45 35 240 Greece 72. 9 27. 1 48 83. 7 16. 3 0. 0 49 19. 1 66. 0 14. 9 47 35 11 0 46 29 11 6 2 48 Hungary 48. 0 52. 0 25 26. 9 69. 2 3. 8 26 12. 0 32. 0 56. 0 25 9 15 0 24 7 0 5 14 26 Ireland 60. 6 39. 4 33 26. 3 71. 1 2. 1 38 6. 9 69. 0 24. 1 29 20 18 0 38 11 10 8 4 33 Malta 61. 2 38. 8 49 79. 6 12. 2 8. 2 49 12. 2 57. 1 30. 6 49 0 49 0 49 46 3 0 0 49 Spain 52. 7 47. 3 169 6. 4 83. 2 10. 4 173 11. 7 44. 4 43. 9 171 32 142 0 174 1 8 18 145 172 The Netherlands 31. 9 68. 1 47 78. 7 21. 3 0. 0 47 17. 0 23. 4 59. 6 47 0 45 0 45 11 30 3 3 47 United Kingdom 58. 8 41. 2 148 43. 2 53. 4 3. 4 148 8. 1 32. 4 59. 5 148 9 136 0 145 12 55 59 22 148 All Countries 51. 6 48. 4 1,080 27. 6 61. 0 11. 4 1,095 9. 1 42. 8 48. 1 1,080 299 762 7 1,068 272 241 189 388 1,090 Table 4. Rotated Factor Load ings for Ethicality Scale It ems for all Countries Studied Behavior Philosophy Top business executives should state in no uncerta in terms that unethical behaviors in their companies will not be tolerated. . 745 . 006 If a manager in a company is discovered to have engaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in personal gain (rather than corporate gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. . 704 . 018 If a manager in a company is discovered to have engaged in unethical behavior that results primarily in corporate gain (rather than personal gain), he or she should be terminated or fired. . 720 . 100 It is important that ethical considerations be taken into account when designing company policies. -. 477 -. 339 Business behavior that is legal is ethical. -. 124 . 833 Within a business firm, the ends justify the means. . 251 . 688 Percent Variance Explained 33. 570 19. 17 4	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
10 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Social Survey of the National Opinion Re-search Center (NORC) during the period 1972-2006 (Davis & Smith, 1996; GSS News, 2014). RESULTS Demographic Characteristics A profile of the 12 samples is shown in Table 3. As shown, the distributions of all demographic characteristics differ among the 12 countries. Only survey participants who responded to all ethicality items are included in the analysis. Scale Analysis The six ethicality scale items were sub-jected to separate factor analysis within each of the 12 subsamples. Overall, for all 12 countries combined, two factors emerged ex-plaining 52. 74% of the variance. The two fac-tors are behavioral ethicality and philosophi-cal ethicality, measured by the scale items shown in Table 4. Th is is the same scale structure reported in the studies by Albaum & Peterson (2006) and Peterson et al. (2010). For the individual countries, as shown in Ta-ble 5, two factors emerged in all countries ex-cept Denmark, Greece, and Malta, where three factors emerged. The amount of variance ex-plained ranges from 75. 19% (for three factors) in Denmark to 50. 75% (f or two factors) in Germany. These result s support the position that the European Union has differences in values. Also shown in Table 5 is Coefficient The-ta, which is generally viewed as a special case of Cronbach's Alpha measure of internal con-sistency in which Alpha is a maximum. Theta is “the alpha coefficient for a scale in which the weighting factor has been chosen as as to make alpha a maximum” (Carmines & Zeller, 1979, p. 61). It is useful for analyzing a multi-dimensional scale with heterogeneous rela-tionships among the scale items such as the Ethicality scale (Beatty, Jeon, Albaum & Murphy, 1994). As shown in Table 5, the values for Theta, which range from. 540 for Greece to. 732 for the United Kingdom, seem reasonable since the number of items is small. Research has shown that small numbers of items generate low Coefficient Alphas (Cortina, 1993; Duhach ek & Iacobucci, 2004; Peterson, 1994). Table 5. Results of Factor Analyses and Coefficient Theta of Ethicality Scale Items Country # Factors % Variance Theta N Austria 2 57. 41 0. 612 50 Belgium 2 54. 67 0. 552 52 Denmark 3 75. 19 0. 588 75 France 2 57. 78 0. 684 150 Germany 2 50. 75 0. 600 242 Greece 3 66. 39 0. 540 49 Hungary 2 61. 65 0. 696 26 Ireland 2 64. 03 0. 612 38 Malta 3 67. 13 0. 576 49 Spain 2 54. 63 0. 636 174 The Neth-erlands 2 57. 55 0. 684 47 United Kingdom 2 59. 36 0. 732 148 All coun-tries 2 52. 74 0. 660 1,100 Three additional independent samples of undergraduate business students from France, Spain, and the United States were used to evaluate the longitudinal stability (test-retest reliability) of the Ethicality scale. The median (2 weeks and 1 month) test-retest correlation measuring the longitudina l stability of the Eth-icality scale was an acceptable 0. 62. Finally, an investigat ion of potential ex-treme response bias and yea-saying/nay-saying was undertaken. In general, the results of the preliminary analyses suggested that any risk that measurement problems existed when measuring Ethicality with the same scale	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 11 across countries that may have different con-cepts of ethics was minimal. Overall Results Mean values for the Ethicality scale for the 12 countries are shown in Table 6. There are statistically significant differences among the 12 countries ( p<. 001). Ethicality levels for all countries were mostly above the middle of the scale, which could range from 6 to 36, sug-gesting a moderately positive level of ethicali-ty. No patterns emerged for any country sub-groupings. Table 6. Mean Values of Ethicality a Country Ethicality N Austria 21. 32 50 Belgium 22. 23 52 Denmark 24. 22 75 France 22. 62 150 Germany 22. 62 242 Greece 22. 45 49 Hungary 22. 08 26 Ireland 22. 32 38 Malta 22. 78 49 Spain 23. 17 174 The Netherlands 23. 40 47 United Kingdom 23. 61 148 F 2. 85 P . 001 a The greater the score, the higher the level of ethicality. Scores could range from 6 to 36. Analysis of variance was used to evaluate differences in Ethicality due to key demo-graphic characteristics. Table 7 presents the summary results of a four-way analysis with nationality, gender, religiosity, and age as the independent variables and Ethicality as the dependent variable. Although not a variable of specific interest in the study, age was in-cluded to assess whether there were any inter-action effects. Nationa lity and the interaction of nationality and age ar e the only effects that are marginally statistically significant ( p<. 10). The finding regarding nationality supports that reported in Table 5. In terestingly, gender was not significant, a main effect finding that was unexpected. Table 7. Analysis of Variance Results for Ethicality in the European Union Variable F p A g e 1. 0 5 5 . 3 9 3 G e n d e r . 6 0 6 . 4 3 7 Religiosity ,689 . 502 C o u n t r y 1. 6 3 4 . 0 8 5 A g e * G e n d e r . 7 4 5 . 7 1 9 AgeReligiosity . 928 . 500 AgeCountry 1. 281 . 060 GenderReligiosity 2. 112 . 122 GenderCountry 1. 203 . 280 ReligiosityCountry 1. 097 . 346 AgeGenderReligiosity . 586 . 887 AgeGenderCountry 1. 204 . 213 AgeReligiosityCountry 1. 037 . 410 GenderReligiosity*Country 1. 327 . 185 Nationality, Gender, Age, and Religiosity Ef-fects The means of Ethicality by gender, age, and religiosity for each of the 12 countries are shown in Table 8. For gender, an interesting finding is that differences in Ethicality are statistically signif-icant ( p<. 05) in Ireland, Spain, Greece, and Hungary, and marginally significant ( p<. 10) in Denmark. In these five countries, females reported being more ethical than males in only two countries—Denmark and Spain. This finding is not consistent with general findings reported in the literature. Looking at age, marginally significant dif-ferences ( p<. 10) in Ethicality were found in Greece, Hungary, and Belgium. In general, in these countries level of Ethicality increased with age. Regarding religiosity, no clear relationship between one's level of religiosity and level of ethicality was found. No significant differ-ences ( p<. 05) exist. In some of the coun-tries—Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands, and Hungary—the most ethical respondents were “very religious. ” In contrast, the highest level of Ethicality was repo rted by those “not so	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
12 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Table 8. Mean Values of Ethicality in the 12 EU Nations by Gender, Age, and Religiosity The United Characteristic Austria Belgium Denmark France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Malta Spain Netherlands Kingdo m ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Gender Female 21. 11 22. 15 25. 14 22. 92 22. 76 21. 89 20. 33 22. 05 22. 47 23. 94 22. 67 23. 83 Male 21. 48 22. 20 23. 73 22. 16 22. 52 24. 23 23. 15 24. 23 23. 26 22. 25 2 3. 75 23. 31 F . 117 . 002 2. 833 1. 129 . 313 4. 253 5. 044 5. 396 . 499 8. 127 . 803 . 508 p . 734 . 961 . 097 . 290 . 576 . 045 . 035 . 027 . 483 . 005 . 375 . 477 Age 20 and below 21. 09 22. 27 --- --- 22. 96 21. 83 20. 43 21. 50 22. 77 22. 7 3 23. 16 23. 70 21-25 22. 40 26. 00 24. 67 22. 63 22. 59 25. 63 22. 33 22. 48 21. 33 23. 08 24. 30 23. 87 26 and above 19. 44 11. 00 24. 12 22. 00 22. 50 --- 29. 00 26. 00 25. 00 24. 11 --- 20. 60 F 2. 252 8. 364 . 284 . 042 . 153 8. 525 3. 040 1. 121 1. 107 . 611 . 681 1. 369 p. 116 . 001 . 596 . 838 . 858 . 005 . 067 . 337 . 339 . 544 . 413 . 260 Religiosity Very religious 19. 50 21. 00 20. 00 22. 50 23. 33 22. 56 23. 67 25. 50 24. 00 22. 35 25. 00 23. 42 Somewhat Religious 20. 80 21. 00 25. 09 21. 93 22. 65 22. 58 21. 63 22. 40 21. 79 23. 54 23. 73 22. 79 Not so Religious 22. 87 22. 73 24. 14 22. 97 22. 22 22. 43 21. 50 22. 57 24. 13 23. 2 9 22. 82 24. 09 F 2. 256 1. 374 1. 049 . 878 . 998 . 005 . 498 1. 051 2. 309 . 749 1. 047 1. 420 p . 116 . 263 . 356 . 418 . 370 . 995 . 614 . 364 . 111 . 474 . 360 . 245 ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Albaum and Peterson 13 religious” in the United Kingdom, France, Malta, Austria, and Belgium. In most cases, the absolute differences in Ethicality between respondents reporting different levels of relig-iosity are miniscule. Clearly, there is no generalization we can make regarding the effect s of gender, age, and religiosity in the European Union countries studied. Looking at al l 12 countries, correla-tion analyses were conducted between each demographic variable and Ethicality. Results are as follows: Ethicality/age r=. 046, p<. 13 Ethicality/gender r=. 037, p<. 23 Ethicality/religiosity r=. 053, p<. 09 Religiosity is the one characteristic that is marginally significant. The magnitude of this correlation is so small that while it is signifi-cantly different from zero at p<10, the corre-sponding Coefficient of Determination ( r 2), or variance explained, is le ss than 1%. In addi-tion, the sample size was large (1,100) and Mohr (1990) has reported that “almost any small relationship will still be statistically sig-nificant with very large samples” (p. 74). DISCUSSION There always is a risk in generalizability. Can the results of the present study be gener-alized to the entire European Union? The best we can say is “probably. ” Even though rela-tively large numbers of survey participants and countries were used in the study in aggre-gate, certain study characte ristics, such as the specific ethicality scale used, the fact that the survey participants were undergraduate busi-ness students, the distributions of colleges and universities from which data were collected, and the relatively small sample sizes for some of the colleges and unive rsities serve to condi-tion the feasible inferences. Additionally, it is always necessary to keep in mind that atti-tudes, especially self-reported ones, do not necessarily lead to consistently predictable behaviors, and business students are not al-ways perfect surrogates for business manag-ers. Over time, people do change! In the introduction s ection of this paper, we discussed briefly the relationship between ethical values and stra tegic alliance formation and implementation in the context that alli-ance management or operations should run more smoothly and be more successful if the parties involved shared similar ethical values. The present study shows that one cannot nec-essarily assume similar ethical values in coun-tries that are related economically and politi-cally. There is need to know the ethical and other relevant cultural va lues of those in the countries where such al liances and other types of business and personal relationships are to be formed. In this study, we have used one scale to measure ethical values, the scale of Ethicality developed by Albaum and Peterson (2006). There are other scales that can be used. The scale of Ethicality is short—six items—and easy to use. Where it has been used, it has been shown to have acceptable psychometric properties. One cannot assume these proper-ties will exist in other applications without measuring them. In short, it is best to operate on the premise of assuming difference until similarity is proven (Adler, 1991, p. 67). CONCLUSIONS The results of this st udy confirm that from an ethical values perspective, the European Union is not a single market area, at least for the 12 countries studied, and for university undergraduate business stude nts. There is no reason to believe that th e situation is any dif-ferent in the 15 other co untries. Overall, alt-hough there is a significant difference among the 12 countries in the mean Ethicality scores, the absolute magnitude of such differences is not large. Consequently, some overlap be-tween countries exists. In all countries, the level of Ethicality tended to be positive, alt-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
14 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING hough it was near to the midpoint dividing negative and positive. From a research ques-tion perspective, this means that the answer to RQ1 is yes, and that the future business lead-ers within the EU have di fferent levels of ethi-cality. When demographic characteristics of gen-der, religiosity, and age are considered, one surprise emerged. In three of the five coun-tries where Ethicality scores are significantly different, males reported being more ethical than females. As expected, nationality had an effect on Ethicality scores, as mentioned above, and the interaction of nationality and age was statistically significant. The main effects of gender, religio sity, and age were not significant. The answer to RQ2, therefore, is no. Similarly, since the only interaction effect that was significant is that of nationality and age, the answer to RQ3 also is no. REFERENCES Adler, N. J. (1991). International dimensions of organizational behavior (2nd ed. ). Bos ton: PWS-Kent. Albaum, G. & Peterson, R. A. (2006). Ethical attitudes of future business leaders: Do they vary by gender and religiosity? Busi ness and Society, 45(2), 300-321. Arnold, D. F., Bernardi, R. A., Neidermeyer, P. E., & Schmee, J. (2007). The effect of country and culture on perceptions of ap propriate ethical act ions prescribed by codes of conduct: A Western European perspective among accountants. Journal of Business Ethics, 70(4), 327-340. Beatty, S. E., Jeon, J. G., Albaum, G., & Mur phy, B. (1994). A cross-national study of leisure activities. Journal of Cross-Cul tural Psychology, 25(3), 409-422. Bergkvist, L. & Rossiter, J. R. (2007). The predictive validity of multiple-item versus single-item measures of the same con struct. Journal of Marketing Research, 44(May), 175-184. Bernardi, R. (2006). Associations between Hofstede's cultural constructs and social desirability bias. Journal of Business Eth ics, 65(1), 43-53. Berry, J. W. (1969). Human ecology and cog nitive style: Comparative studies in cul tural and psychological adaptation. Bev erly Hills, CA: Sage/Halsted. Berry, J. W. (1980). Introduction to method ology. In H. C. Triandis and J. W. Berry (Eds. ), Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psy chology—Methodology, Vol. 2, (pp. 1-28), Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc. Borkowski, S. C. & Ugras, Y. J. (1998). Business students and ethics: A meta analysis. Journal of Business Ethics, 17(11), 1117-1127. Buller, P. F., Kohls, J. J., & Anderson, K. S. 1991. The challenge of global ethics. Journal of Business Ethics, 10(10), 767- 775. Business Week (1992). The partners. February 10, 102-107. Carmines, E. G. & Zeller, R. A. (1979). Reli ability and validity assessment. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Churchill, G. A. (1979). A paradigm for de veloping better measures of marketing constructs. Journal of Marketing Re search, 16(February), 64-73. Conroy, S. J. & Emerson, T. L. N. (2004). Business ethics and re ligion religiosity as a predictor of ethical awareness among students. Journal of Business Ethics, 50(4), 383-396. Cortina, J. M. (1993). What is coefficient al pha? An examination of theory and applications. Journal of Applied Psychol ogy, 78(1), 98-104. Crittenden, V. L., Hanna, R. C., & Peterson, R. A. (2009). Busine ss students' attitudes toward unethical behavior. Marketing Let ters, 20(1), 1-14. Curtis, M. B., Conover, T. L., & Chui, L. C. (2012). A cross-cu ltural study of the in fluence of country of origin, justice, power	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
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16 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING practices. Journal of Marketing Research, 16(February), 6-17. Peterson, R. A. (1994). A meta-analysis of Cronbach's Coefficient Alpha. Journal of Consumer Research, 21(2), 381-391. Peterson, R. A., Albaum, G., Merunka, D., Muneura, J. L., & Smith, S. M. (2010). Effects of nationality, gender, and religios ity on business-rela ted ethicality. Journal of Business Ethics, 96(4), 573-587. Phau, I. & Kea, G. (2007). Attitudes of uni versity students toward business ethics: A cross-national investigation of Australia, Singapore and Hong Kong. Journal of Business Ethics, 72(1), 61-75. Preble, J. F. & Reichel, A. (1988). Attitudes towards business ethics of future managers in the U. S. and Israel. Journal of Business Ethics, 7(12), 941-949. Rossiter, J. R. (2002). The C-OAR-SE proce dure for scale development in marketing. International Journal for Research in Marketing, 19(December), 305-335. Roxas, M. L. & Stoneback, J. Y. (2004). The importance of gender across cultures in ethical decision-making. Journal of Busi ness Ethics, 50(2), 149-165. Srnka, K. J. (2004). Culture's role in market ers' ethical decision making: An integrat ed theoretical framework. Academy of Marketing Science Review. Retrieved from http://www. amsreview. org/articles/ srnka01-2004. pdf Stevenson, T. H. & Bodkin, C. D. (1998). A cross-national comparison of university students' perceptions regarding the ethics and acceptability of sales practices. Jour nal of Business Ethics, 17(1), 45-55. Swaiden, Z., Rawwas, M. Y. A., & Vitell, S. J. (2008). Culture and moral ideologies of African Americans. Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice, 16(2), 127-137. Yeganeh, H. & Sauers, D. (2013). A cross-national investigation into the effects of religiosity on the pervasiveness of corrup-tion. Journal of East-West Business, 19(3), 155-180.	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 17-35, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online Paul E. Ketelaar, Ph. D. is Senior Assistant Pr ofessor and Doeschka Anschutz, Ph. D. is Assistant Pro-fessor at Communication Science & Behavioral Sc ience Institute, Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands. Suzanne van Hemmen, MSc. is Recrui tment Consultant at Er gon Recruitment bvba, Brus-sels, Belgium. Address correspondence to Dr. Paul E. Ketelaar, Co mmunication Science and Behavioral Science In-stitute, Radboud University, P. O. Box 9104, P. O. Box 9104, 6500 HE, Nijmegen, The Netherlands, E-mail: p. ketelaar@ru. nl 17 Sex in Advertising: Do Women Care Anymore? Paul Edwin Ketelaar Doeschka Anschutz Suzanne van Hemmen ABSTRACT. This replication study determined the attitude of young women towards ads that contain sexually objectifying images of fema le models. A web survey among 250 female stu-dents shows that they do find sexually objec tifying ads unethical and offensive resulting in a lower attitude towards the ad. Providing broader evidence than the initial st udy, exposure to these ads does not harm purchase intentions or company image. Th is study shows that advertis-ers should be careful when using higher levels of sexual objectification in ads, because women do not appreciate those ads. Concerning recomme ndations to the advertising industry, the mes-sage is that 'sex sells', but excess should be avoi ded. Although the study re sults suggest that there are not many disadvantages for companies in the use of sex objects in advertising, it seems that there are nevertheless limits with regard to the appreciation by wome n of sex objects in ad-vertising. While young women genera lly have no problems with se xual objectification in adver-tising, there may be negative effects on appreciation when s hown extremely objectifying adver-tising. The authors therefore recommend care to be taken with extreme sexual objectification if women are a part of the target audien ce. Finally, it is possible that there is an increased tolerance as a result of the obiquitous use of se xual appeals, but this as sumption requires further research. KEYWORDS. Sexual objectification, adve rtisements, young women, att itude towards the ad, purchase intentions, company image INTRODUCTION One method that advertisers use to tackle the problem of ad clutter and advertising avoidance and to attract consumers' attention is the use of simple emotional appeals such as sex (De Pelsmacker, Geuens & Van den Bergh, 2010). 'Sex sells' is a well-known marketing cliché. The increase in sexual ap-peals in advertising is evidence that advertis-ers deem it effective (R eichert & Carpenter, 2004; Carpenter & Edison, 2005). Sexual appeals in advertising are usually associated with sexual objectification of wom-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
18 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING en. Sexual objectification is the portrayal of a woman as an object of lu st, reducing her to an instrument of sexual pleasure for another per-son (Bartky, 1990, Lem on Check, 1997). In advertising, specificall y, we speak of sexual objectification of women when a woman's sexuality or her body is used to sell a product (Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008). The use of women as sex objects is the most common type of sexual appeal in advertising (Monk-Turner, Wren, Mc Gill, Matthiae, Brown, & Brooks, 2008; Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008; Reichert & Carpenter, 2004; Carpenter & Edi-son, 2005). The trend towards increasingly explicit sexual content in adver tising seems to be a reflection of a general trend in the media. Analyses show that women are also being sexually objectified in numerous other media such as television, musi c videos, movies and video games (Krassas, Blue Camp & Wes-selink, 2003; Gruber & Grube, 2000; Media Report to Women, 2001; Lambiase & Reichert, 2006; APA Task Force on the Sexu-alization of Girls, 2007). Research shows that women's negative attitude towards sexually objectifying adver-tising reduces the effect iveness of advertising and thus undermines th e objectives of the ad-vertiser (Ford, La Tour & Lundstrom, 1991; Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Jones & Reid, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hellemont, 2009). In addition to perception, a second requirement is effectiveness, so that advertising contributes positively to the objectives of the advertiser. Research shows that women generally do not appreciate advertising that portrays them as sex objects (Ford, La Tour, & Lundstrom, 1991; Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Jones & Reid, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hellemont, 2009). Therefore, advert ising that succeeds in drawing attention through the use of sexual objectification, but simu ltaneously gets nega-tive reactions from its female target audience, will impair its effectiveness. Only the recent study of Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) contradi cts the previous re-sults showing that women don't like sexually objectifying advertisements. These researchers found that young, highly educated women find sexual advertising less offensive than they did in 1991 (Ford, La Tour, & Lundstrom, 1991) and that their overall purchase intents are barely affected by sexual advertising. How-ever, weaknesses in their research demand replication, to verify their conclusions. The results of their study are in fact less clear than they conclude. In ex plaining their results, Zimmerman and Dahlberg point to, on the one hand, an increased tolerance because of the increasing exposure to sex in the media, re-sulting in less offence taken with sexual objec-tification. On the other hand, they point to the rise of post-feminism. This study's objective is to replicate the study of Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) in Flanders (Belgium) to provide broader evi-dence than the initial study and to overcome a number of its weaknesses. Are Zimmerman and Dahlberg right in concluding that the cur-rent generation of young, highly educated women tend to be indiffere nt to sexual objecti-fication in advertising? And does the rise of post-feminism play a role in this changed atti-tude? THEORY Women's Attitude towards Sex in Advertising Recent studies show that women do not appreciate advertisem ents with high sexual content (Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Dahl, Sengupta & Vohs, 2009). Sex succeeds in drawing attention, but it often has a negative effect on memory, attitudes, company image, and purchase intentions (Ford, La Tour & Lundstrom, 1991; La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Jones & Reid, 2010). When ads are inappro-priate and too sexually e xplicit, advertisers run the risk of women perceiving them as manipu-	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 19 lative and unethical (Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Sengupta & Dahl, 2008). In comparison with men, women generally have a more negative attitude to sex in adver-tising (La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Jones & Reid, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hel-lemont, 2009), unless they have liberal atti-tudes with respect to sex (La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Mittal & Lassar, 2000). Women especially do not seem to appreciate se x in advertising if the advertised product has nothing to do with sex (Peterson & Kerin, 1977; Miller, 1992; Simp-son, Horton, & Brown, 1996). Some re-searchers only use non-product-related sexual appeals in their research design and thereby implicitly assume that women are especially unappreciative of these ads (Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Dahl, Sengupta, & Vohs, 2009). Van Den Bulck and Van Hellemont (2009) only consider an ad to contain a sex object in ad-vertisements for products that “have nothing to do with the sex or eroticism shown in the ad. ” (p. 339). The study by Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) specifically ad dressed attitudes to-wards sexual objectifica tion in advertising. The results of this st udy are surprising. Zim-merman and Dahlberg surveyed female uni-versity students in the U. S., using a Gillette advertisement as a stimulus (See. Figure 1, Image 2). The advertisement used scored high on Pingree, Hawkins, Butler, and Paisley's (1976) “Scale of Sexism. ” They concluded that young, highly educated women from the Unit-ed States recognize sexu al objectification in advertising and that th ey find it interesting, and not offensive, not irritating and not uneth-ical. Moreover, the female students do not develop a negative attitude towards the adver-tiser and they will continue to buy its prod-ucts. This is contrary to the findings of a simi-lar study by Ford, La Tour, and Lundstrom in 1991. The New Feminism Zimmerman and Dahlberg point to post-feminism as a possible explanation for the milder attitude of women towards sexual ob-jectification. Since the nineties, there has been a rise in “third-wave feminism” or post-feminism, in which individual choice and sex as a source of power for women are central notions. It distances its elf somewhat from the traditional feminism by stating that its goals have largely been achieved (Rockler, 2006). Being an emancipated woman in post-feminism is all about feeling good and having the power to make individual choices (Shugart, Waggoner, & Hallstein, 2001). Emancipation is also more and more about sex: women are considered to be the domi-nant sex because they can exercise power over men using their looks a nd sexuality (Paglia, 1992). Cato and Carp entier (2010) call the idea of sex as a source of power sexual em-powerment. In their research, they developed a sexual empowerment scale to determine to what extent the women surveyed endorsed this idea. Postfeminist discussion is now part of our media culture. A rapid increase in the dis-cussion of sex and sexuality and the shift from women as sex objects to women as sexual subjects is typical in this: women themselves choose to be sex objects. Some excellent ex-amples of well-known post-feminist media products are Ally Mc Beal, Sex & The City, the Spice Girls, Madonna, and Lady Gaga (Labi, 1998; Bella Fante, 1998; Gill, 2007). If young women nowadays do indeed confirm the idea of sex as a source of power and do see the woman as a sexual subject, this could explain why Zimmerman and Dahlberg noticed a milder attitude towards sexual objectification in contrast to earlier studies. Problems with the me thodology of Zimmer-man & Dahlberg's study Firstly, there are problems with the re-search design of Zimmerman and Dahlberg's	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
20 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING study. One problem is that their research fo-cuses on young, highly educated women, as-suming they would have the most critical atti-tude towards sexual obj ectification (Ford, La Tour & Lundstrom, 1991; Sciglimpaglia & Lundstrom, 1977). There are, however, rea-sons to believe that this group is no longer the most critical. Van Den Bulck and Van Hel-lemont (2009) showed a negative correlation between age and tolerance of sexual objectifi-cation in advertising. The fact that younger women are more tolerant with regard to sexual objectification in advertising could be ex-plained by the fact that they did not experi-ence the era of traditional feminism and that they grew up with an abundance of sexual im-ages in the media. A second problem in the study is that Zimmerma n and Dahlberg indi-cate in the title of their article that their re-search is about sexua l objectification. How-ever, with the exception of a single question, the content of the study examines only the use of sex in itself, which is a much broader con-cept than sexual objectification. A third im-portant point of criticism with regard to the methodology is the use of only one advertise-ment as a stimulus. Zimmerman and Dahl-berg showed their respondents only one ad, for Gillette Satin Care shaving gel with green tea perfume for women. The advertisement shows a naked woman lying in a pile of tea leaves (see Figure 1, Image 2). There is a risk that the conclusions depend too much on the nature of the advertisement, which is meant for a specific group of women, a specific product, a specific brand. Zimmerman and Dahlberg judged that this ad was extremely sexist on the basis of the “Scale of Sexism” which, however, dates back to the seventies (Pingree, et al., 1976). Improvements to Zimmerman & Dahlberg's study We argue that the Gillette Satin Care Shave ad is only moderately sexually objecti-fying, a statement Zimmerman and Dahlberg also make. If the erotic appeal of the ad is re-lated to the product—which is the case in the Gillette advertisement as the product is meant to make the naked female body more attrac-tive—it is expected that female sexual objecti-fication will be accepted more easily by wom-en and that they will not see the ad as sexually objectifying (De Pelsmacker, Geuens, & Van den Bergh, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hel-lemont, 2009). We argue that it is interesting to use mul-tiple ads with varying degrees of sexual objec-tification in the st udy, because women may respond differently to an ad with little sexual objectification than to an ad with an extremely sexually objectified model. From the view-point of the study of Zimmerman and Dahl-berg, however, it is assu med that the degree of sexual objectification makes no difference. Problems with the Results of Zimmerman & Dahlberg The results of Zimmerman and Dahlberg's study can be criticized. They studied a part of the results using absolute values for individual items. For example, on the basis of the ques-tions about the Gillette-stimulus ad, they con-clude that “young, highly educated women from the United States recognize sexual objec-tification in advertising and find it interesting, not offensive, not irritating, and not unethi-cal. ” This was not, however, supported by any statistical test. The attitudes towards the Gillette ad were almost neutral. The seven-point items never deviated more than one half scale point from the neutral middle of the scale, with the exception of the item “cultural-ly acceptable. ” The impression is also given that the hypotheses and conclusions of the Zimmerman and Dahlberg study regarding the attitude towards the Gillette advertisement were based on an ex-post selection of individ-ual items. From the averages obtained for the general questions about attitudes towards sex in the media, it can be deduced that women	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 21 did not agree that they enjoyed the use of sex in advertising and inst ead agreed that there was too much degrading use of women as sex objects in advertising. The authors do not dis-cuss this further. In Zimmerman and Dahl-berg's study, women answered general ques-tions about their attitude towards the portrayal of women in advertisin g, about the company's image and about their general purchase inten-tion. By means of t-test s, the resulting aver-ages for these questions were compared both absolutely and relatively with the averages reported by Ford, La Tour, and Lundstrom (1991). Another problem with the study of Zim-merman and Dahlberg c oncerns the interpreta-tion of the results. On the one hand, the au-thors point to women being tolerant because of the increasing exposure to sex in the media, and on the other hand, they point to the rise of post-feminism. However, they do not test these assumptions. In this study, we want to examine to what extent the concept of sexual empowerment plays a role in taking a stand against sexual objectification. We were not able to ascertain through this study whether there is a habitua-tion effect, because this requires longitudinal research. Research Questions and Hypotheses The questions that we want to answer in this study are the following: RQ 1: Are young, highly educated women nowadays indeed rather indifferent towards sexual objectification in advertising, as Zim-merman and Dahlberg (2008) claim? RQ 2: Can the increasingly accepted presence of post-feminism, measured by the concept of sexual empowerment, pl ay a role in women having an indifferent point of view with re-gard to sexual objectification? Our hypotheses regarding the first research question are modified ve rsions of the hypothe-ses of Zimmerman and Da hlberg. We did not explicitly compare results with the study of Ford, La Tour and Lundstrom (1991), and we did look at the absolute results. In cases where the hypotheses of Zimmerman and Dahlberg actually contained two different statements, we split these up and ensured that the hypoth-eses really discussed sexual objectification instead of sex. Hypothesis 1c was added be-cause we used five different advertisements in our survey. H1: a) Young, highly educated Flemish women recognize sexual objectifi cation in the adver-tisements shown in this study. b) Young, highly educated Flemish women will find sexual objectification of women in these ads in this study so cially acceptable (i. e. the ads will not be perceived as offensive or negative). c) When the degree of sexual objectification in advertisements increases, the attitude of young, highly educated women towards the ads displayed will not be negatively affected. H2: Young, highly educated Flemish women do not find the portrayal of women in adver-tising offensive in general. H3: a) Young, highly educated, Flemish women will tend to keep an existing positive image of a company, regardless of sexual objectifica-tion of women in that company's advertising. b) Young, highly educated Flemish women will tend to purchase and use a product, re-gardless of the sexual objectification of wom-en in the advertising for that product. In order to test th e second research ques-tion, we added a fourth hypothesis to verify whether the assumption is true that there is a connection between women being indifferent towards sexually objectifying advertising and the increasing presence of post-feminism. To test this assumption, we made use of Cato and Carpentier's (2010) sexual empowerment scale. H4: Young, highly educated Flemish women who score high on the sexual empowerment scale have a more positive attitude towards	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
22 advertis e as sex o b that scal e In or eses an d Dahlber g vey am o Zimmer m Materia l Unli k wanted t o a varyin g female m female s selected tle sexu a of sexu a Figure 1. tion. H To ensu r ies, we c students ven. W e group is jectificat The o email to lic Univ e highly e d Once 25 0 ements in w h bjects than w e. ME der to deter m d assumpti o g are correc t ong 250 fe m man an d l ke Zimmer m o use multi p g range of s model. On t h tudents (n = (see Figure al objectific a al objectific. Stimulus A H&M G i re compara b conducted o u from the C a e did not, h the most c r ion, for the r online quest i 1500 femal e ersity of Le u ducated, an d 0 female stu d hich women women who ETHOD mine wheth e ons of Zi m t, we used a male studen t d Dahlb e man and D ple ads (five ) sexual obje c he basis of a = 27), thre e 1): Natan D ation), Gucc i ation) and Ads Rangin g illette bility with p ur research a atholic Uni v however, as s ritical towa r reason alrea d ionnaire wa s e students fr o uven; they w e d aged betwe dents had re JOURNAL O F are portray score low o er the hypo t mmerman a n an online s u ts, like in t h erg stu d Dahlberg, w ), representi n ctification o f a pre-test w i e images w e Diamonds ( l i (high deg r What Mob i g from No S e previous st u among fem a versity of L e sume that t h rds sexual o dy mention e s sent via om the Cath o ere all fema l en 18 and 2 6 sponded, th e F EUROMA R ed on th-nd ur-he dy. we ng f a ith ere it-ree ile (extre m were n ed: H Gillet t and D tion). Resea Pr regar d mainl y (Mitt a Lund s Dahl, 2010;impo r and S rich, highe r ual o b exual O bject Natan ud-ale eu-his ob-ed. o-le, 6. e quest i respo n two d a Meas u E t bach' s ments Dahl b Lassa r RKETIN G me sexual o not part of t H&M (no s e te advertis e Dahlberg ( m arch Popula t revious stud i ding sexual y studied th e al & Lass a strom, 1991 Sengupta, & Zimmerm a rtant reason Sciglimpagli educated, l e r status are t bjectificatio n tification to G ionnaire wa s nse was 18 % ays. urements thical/moral s Alpha. 96 ) s of items berg for eth r, 2000; La T objectificati o the pre-test w exual object i ement used moderate s e tion and Sa m ies on the at t objectificati e attitudes o ar, 2000; F 1; Sengupta & Vohs, 20 0 an & Dahl b for this is a (1977) f o ess traditio n the most cri t n. Extreme S e Gucci W s taken offli n %. This was appreciati o ). This scal e used by Z hical justne s Tour & He n on). Two ad were also i n ification) a n by Zimm e exual objec t mple titudes of w o on in advert of female st u ord, La To u & Dahl, 2 09; Jones & berg, 2008). that Lund s ound that y o nal women tical toward s exual Objec t What Mobil e ne. The rate the case aft e on (Eth ad). Cr e contains a d Zimmerman ss (see Mit t nthorne, 199 4 s that nclud-nd the erman tifica-omen tising udents ur, & 2008; Reid, An strom oung, with s sex-tifica- e of er ron djust-n and tal & 4). In	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 23 La Tour and Henthorne's study (1994), this scale had a Cronbach's Alpha of. 92. Our scale consists of five semantic differentials with 7 scale points: ethical / unethical, appro-priate for me and my family / inappropriate for me and my family, morally right / morally wrong, socially accepta ble / socially unac-ceptable, and not offensive / offensive. Attitude towards the ad (A ad) (Cronbach's Alpha. 95). These items were taken from the study of Zimmerman and Dahlberg (see Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Hentho rne, La Tour, & Nata-raajan, 1993; Mittal, 1990), supplemented with some items that were shown to be rele-vant in other studies. Coulter and Pinto (1995); Holbrook and Batra (1987); Macken-zie and Lutz (1989); a nd Martin, Veer, and Pervan (2007) used five items: not nice / nice, negative feeling / positive feeling, bad / good, not irritating / irritati ng (Cronbach's Alpha of . 99,. 90,. 88 and. 87 respectively). Ketelaar and Van Gisbergen (2006) used four items: not irritating / irritating, nice / not nice, ap-peals to me / does not appeal to me, beautiful / ugly (Cronbach's Alpha. 86). Our scale con-sists of the following seven 7-point semantic differentials: interesting / boring, good / bad, not irritating / irritating, nice / not nice, ap-peals to me / does not appeal to me, positive feeling / negative feeling, beautiful / ugly. Attitude towards the portrayal of women in advertising. Zimmerman and Dahlberg used the four 7-point Likert items from Ford, Latour, and Lundstrom (1991). Together these items do not form an internally con-sistent scale. We used the following items: “Advertisements show women as they really are,” “Advertisements treat women mainly as sex objects,” “Advertising shows women in their real daily activities”, and “I find the por-trayal of women in advertising to be offen-sive. ” Company image (Cronbach's Alpha. 79). To measure the effect on the company's im-age, Zimmerman and Dahlberg used two 7-point Likert items taken from Ford, Latour, and Lundstrom (1991). We used these in our questionnaire as follows: “Companies that are offensive to women in their advertising will also be more likely to discriminate against women when it comes to career and promo-tion opportunities”; “The way women are por-trayed in a company's advertising reflects the company's view of the role of women in soci-ety. ” Overall purchase intent (Cronbach's Al-pha. 81). Zimmerman and Dahlberg used three 7-point Likert it ems from Ford, Latour, and Lundstrom (1991) to measure the effect on overall purchase intent. We used the fol-lowing: “Even if I thin k the advertising for a new product is objectionable, I may buy the product anyway”; “If a product I use launches an advertising campaign that I find objection-able, I would stop using the product”; “I would continue to use products I already used, even if the company were to launch an offen-sive advertisement fo r another product. ” Attitudes towards sex in the media (Cronbach's Alpha. 75). Zimmerman and Dahlberg derived the following three 7-point Likert items from Mittal and Lassar (2000): “In my opinion, there is too much sex on tele-vision programs”; “There is too much degra-dation of women and men as sex objects in the media today”; “I generally like the use of sex in advertising. ” Sexual empowerment (Cronbach's Alpha . 81). The basis for this scale was the sexual empowerment scale from Cato and Carpentier (2010). Based on factor analysis, Cato and Carpentier selected the first four items out of six as the scale (Cronbach's Alpha =. 80). We used the six 7-point Likert items as follows: “Using sex to get what y ou want is OK”; “It is OK for women to use their sex appeal to get what they want”; “Successful women must know how to control and manipulate men”; “Using sex to get what you want is powerful”; “Smart women know when to use sexuality to get ahead”; “Dressing pr ovocatively is useful in gaining power. ” In our study, the fourth	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
24 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING and sixth item did not add to the factor. The other items (item 1, 2, 3, and 5) together formed a factor that was internally consistent. These four items together form the scale of 'sexual empowerment', with a Cronbach's Al-pha of. 81. Manipulation Check Questions. Two 7-point manipulation check questions were asked for each ad. “To what extent does this ad have sex in it?” was a manipulation check question also used in the study of Zim-merman and Dahlberg (see also Mittal & Las-sar, 2000). “To what extent is the woman in this advertisement reduced to a sex object?” was added to provide a clear distinction be-tween sex and sexual objectification. Zim-merman and Dahlberg focused only on the degree of sex in the specific ad, which is not the same as sexual objectification. Procedure The questionnaire was programmed in Thesis Tools and was put online from 16 April 2011 until 20 April 2011. We sent e-mails with a link to the online questionnaire to fe-male students from different faculties of the Catholic University of Leuven. In order to avoid having too low a response rate, an Ipod Shuffle was raffled among respondents. The questionnaire itself consisted of four parts. In the first pa rt, the respondents were shown five advertisements; for each of these, a set of questions was asked. These questions tested the ethical and moral appreciation for the image, the attitude towards the advertise-ments; there were also two manipulation check questions. To avoid effects from the order of the advertis ements, the respondents were randomly offered survey versions in which the order in which the ads appeared was random. The “no sex object” ad from H&M was always strategically placed as the third ad, in order to avoid cert ain respondents seeing the images in order of increasing or decreasing levels of sexual objectification. In the second part of the survey, general questions were asked th at were not concerned with specific advertisements. These questions related to attitudes towards the portrayal of women in advertising, a company's image, and the overall purchase intent in the case of sex-ually objectifying advertising; attitudes toward sex in the media; and sexual empowerment. Then the respondents were asked for demo-graphic variables. Fina lly, the five advertising images were shown again, but smaller, with the check question of which image was con-sidered the most and which the least objec-tionable. RESULTS Attitudes toward specific advertisements (H1) On the basis of the averages to the manip-ulation check question C 2, “To what extent is the woman in this advertisement reduced to a sex object?” (table 1), we measured to what extent women considered the ad to be sexually objectifying. The respondents recognized dif-ferent degrees of se xual objectification. A one-way repeated ANOVA was performed (F (3. 479, 848. 851) = 469. 024, p <. 000). Be-cause of a violation of the Sphericity assump-tion, the Greenhouse-Geisser method of test-ing was used. The Bonferroni post-hoc-test showed that the average degree of sexual objectification was significantly different for all the ads. Our manipulation was therefore successful (see Table1). As Zimmerman and Dahlberg often dis-cussed sex instead of sexual objectification, it is useful to compare the scores for these con-cepts. The graph below (Figure 2) shows that these concepts display the same order, from the least to the greatest. Using one-way sample t-tests, we wanted to measure whether the averages for questions A4, A5, and B6 (see Table 1) were signifi-cantly different from the neutral scale value of 4. This way, we could examine to what extent the respondents found the ads socially acceptable, not offensive, and positive. With	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 25 Table 1. Mean (SD) of Items Regarding Spec ific Ads and Comparison with Zimmerman & Dahlberg 2008 H&M Gillette Natan Gucci What Mobile Z&D 2008 A. Ethical/moral appreciation 1. Ethical-unethical 1. 42 (0. 75) 2. 87 (1. 12) 4. 29 (1. 53) 4. 86 (1. 42) 5. 35 (1. 31) 4. 07 2. Appropriate to me and my family-inap-propriate to me and my family 1. 35 (0. 73) 2. 89 (1. 24) 4. 16 (1. 61) 5. 20 (1. 40) 5. 47 (1. 29) 3. 80 3. Morally right-morally wrong 1. 32 (0. 63) 2. 79 (1. 15) 4. 34 (1. 47) 4. 81 (1. 31) 5. 18 (1. 21) 4. 10 4. Socially acceptable-socially unacceptible 1. 17 (0. 46) 2. 51 (1. 08) 3. 84 (1. 53) 4. 61 (1. 49) 4. 94 (1. 43) 2. 71/4. 56* 5. Not offensive-offensive 1. 28 (0. 79) 2. 94 (1. 42) 4. 45 (1. 60) 5. 26 (1. 43) 5. 39 (1. 36) 3. 73 Total Ethical/ moral appreciation (Eth ad ) 1. 31 (0. 48) 2. 80 (1. 04) 4. 21 (1. 38) 4. 95 (1. 19) 5. 27 (1. 08) B. Attitude toward the ad 1. Interesting-boring 3. 23 (1. 67) 3. 24 (1. 23) 3. 31 (1. 28) 3. 55 (1. 23) 4. 57 (1. 28) 3. 39 2. Good-bad 2. 88 (1. 32) 3. 13 (1. 24) 3. 80 (1. 69) 4. 27 (1. 54) 5. 61 (1. 24) 3. 96 3. Not irritating-irritating 1. 88 (1. 17) 2. 73 (1. 28) 3. 71 (1. 63) 4. 18 (1. 53) 5. 31 (1. 38) 4. 47 4. Nice-not nice 2. 92 (1. 38) 3. 14 (1. 23) 3. 83 (1. 73) 4. 33 (1. 52) 5. 52 (1. 28) 4. 18 5. Appeals to me-does not appeal to me 2. 89 (1. 57) 3. 34 (1. 46) 4. 49 (1. 67) 4. 86 (1. 63) 6. 17 (1. 11) 6. Positive feeling-negative feeling 2. 53 (1. 17) 2. 96 (1. 21) 4. 37 (1. 50) 4. 59 (1. 32) 5. 35 (1. 28) 7. Beautiful-ugly 2. 60 (1. 25) 2. 72 (1. 11) 4. 36 (1. 23) 4. 30 (1. 49) 5. 18 (1. 40) Total Attitude towards the ad (A ad ) 2. 71 (1. 15) 3. 04 (1. 06) 3. 99 (1. 34) 4. 30 (1. 26) 5. 39 (1. 00) C. Manipulation check questions 1. To what extent does this ad have sex in it ? 1. 67 (0. 85) 4. 23 (1. 43) 5. 42 (1. 20) 6. 20 (0. 92) 6. 29 (0. 96) 5. 68 2. To what extent is the woman in this advertisement reduced to a sex object? 1. 97 (1. 06) 4. 02 (1. 61) 4. 74 (1. 63) 5. 67 (1. 36) 6. 57 (0. 91) Note: all 7-point items. C questions: “1-Not at all” to “7-A lot” * score on the items “culturally acceptable-unaccep table” respectively “traditionally acceptable- unacceptable” regard to social unaccep tability, Gucci (t (249) = 6. 479, p <. 000) and What Mobile (T (246) = 10. 333, p <. 000) scored hi gh, and the score for Natan (t (246) =-1. 621, p =. 106) was neutral. The ads for Gucci (t (249) = 13. 919, p <. 000) and What Mobile (t (247) = 16. 097; p <. 000) were seen as offensive, and the one for Natan as slightly offensive (t(248)=-0. 096; p=. 924). Concerning question B6, respondents described their feelings for the Gucci (t (249) = 7. 038, p <. 000), What Mobile (t (247) = 16. 582, p <. 000), and Natan (t (247) = 3. 894, p <. 000) ads as rather negative, on average. In this context, it is also interesting to consider the overall scor es for the variables of ethical / moral appreciation (Eth ad) and	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
26 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING attitude with respect to the advertiser (A ad) (Table 1). We performed one-way sample t-tests with respect to the neutral score of 4, the middle of the scale. Again we see a rather negative review of What Mobile, Gucci, and Natan. Only A ad Nathan did not differ significantly from 4 (t (248) =-0. 096, p =. 924). If we take the scores and compare the levels of sexual objectification, A ad and Eth ad, using a graph (see Figure 3), we determined that there is a negati ve correlation between sexual objectification and Eth ad (r =-. 757, p <. 01) and A ad (r =-. 615, p <. 01). To see if there was a significant difference in the average A ad and Eth ad between the ads, we conducted one-way repeated ANOVAs with Bonferroni's post-hoc-test (F (3. 407, 841. 599 )= 247. 032; p <. 000, resp. F (3. 720, 915. 160 )= 874. 783; p <. 000). The post-hoc-tests showed that the averages differed significantly (for Mean and SD, see Table 1). Figure 2. Degree of Sexual Objectifica tion and Sex in the Stimulus Ads. Figure 3. Degree of Sexual Objectification, Eth ad en A ad 01234567 H&M Gillette Natan Gucci What Mobile Degree of Sexual Objectification Sex 01234567 H&M Gillette Natan Gucci What Mobile Degree of Sexual Objectification Negative Ethical/moral appreciation Negative Attitude toward ad	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 27 Attitudes toward Representation of Women in Advertising in General (H2) The average score for question D4, “I find the portrayal of women in advertising to be offensive ” was 3. 87 (SD 1. 44), which does not differ significantly from 4, the neutral middle of the scale (t(244) =-1. 379, p =. 169). The respondents did find that women are mainly treated as sex objects in advertising: the average response to D2, “Advertisements treat women mainly as sex objects” was 5. 04, which is significantly above 4, the neutral middle of the scale (T (242) = 13. 546, p <. 000) (See Table 2). Company Image and Overall Purchase Intent (H3) If we take the average of the variable “company image” for all respondents, its score is 3. 97 (SD 31. 1). On average, the respondents do not seem to think that companies with sexually objectifying advertising must have negative attitudes towards women (t (244) =-. 390, p =. 697; test value = 4). The average overall purchase intent for all respondents is 5. 00 (SD 1. 15). Respondents therefore tend to agree that offensive advertising would not affect their intentions to buy a product (t (244) = 13. 628, p <. 000, test value = 4). Influence of Sexual Empowerment on Attitudes (H4) In order to compare the respondents that score low on the variable “sexual empowerment” to those who score high, we divided the respondents into quartiles. The group scoring low on sexual empowerment had a score of less than 2. 25 on the scale, and the group that scored high on sexual empowerment had a score higher than 4. 25. We chose to use quartiles in this case because when using a median split or when dividing into thirds, the group scoring highest on sexual empowerment did not score above neutral on the sexual empowerment scale, which is not logical. We then compared the average attitudes of high and low-scoring sexual empowerment groups with regard to the sexually objectifying advertisements. In order to test hypothesi s 4, we therefore only considered A ad for the advertisements for Natan, Gucci, and What Mobile, because these three ads score above ne utral on their degree of sexual objectifica tion (Table 3). Regarding attitude towards the ad for Natan and Gucci, there was a statistically significant difference between women with a low versus a high degree of sexual empowerment: t (127) = 2. 606, p <. 01 and t (127) = 3. 479, p <. 001. The attitudes towards the What Mobile ad differed directionally in the right direction, but were not significant: t (127) = 0. 888, p <. 376. For the sake of completeness: the difference in attitudes was not significant for the non-sexually objectifying advertisement for H&M: t (127) =-. 565, p =. 573. For the moderately sexually objectifying Gillette ad, the difference was significant: t (127) = 2. 831; p <. 005. It seemed interesti ng, in this c ontext, to determine whether scores on Eth ad, “overall purchase intent” and “company image” also differed between the low and high sexual empowerment group. The differences in the averages (Table 4) were significant and in the expected direction for both company image (t (127) = 2. 347, p =. 019) and for overall purchase intent (t ( 127) =-4. 197, p <. 000). The differences in Eth ad were only significant for the Gillette ad: t (127) = 2. 200, p <. 03. There were, however, directional differences in the expected direction for ads that were considered more sexua lly objectifying: a higher ethical appreciation for sexually objectifying ads in the high sexual empowerment group than in the low sexual empowerment group: Nathan: t (123. 271) = 1. 827, p =. 07; Gucci: t (127) = 1. 592, p =. 114; What Mobile: t (127) = 1. 372, p =. 173. The non-sexually objec tifying ad for H&M showed almost no difference in terms of Eth ad (t (127 =. 576; p =. 566). (Table 4).	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
28 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Tabel 2. Mean (SD) Regarding General Items and Comparison with Zimmerman & Dahlberg 2008 Z&D 2008 D. Attitude towards the portrayal of women in advertising 1. Advertisements show women as they really are 2. 06 (0. 88) 2. 72 (1. 56) 2. Advertisements treat women mainly as sex objects 5. 04 (1. 19) 5. 15 (1. 56) 3. Advertisements shows women in their real daily activities 2. 80 (1. 16) 2. 84 (1. 35) 4. I find the portrayal of women in advertising to be offensive 3. 87 (1. 44) 4. 03 (1. 51) E. Corporate image 1. Companies that are offensive to women in their advertising will also be more likely to discriminate against women when it comes to career and promotion opportunities 4. 05 (139) 4. 05 (1. 38) 2. The way women are portrayed in a company's advertising reflects the company's view of the role of women in society 3. 89 (1. 49) 3. 86 (1. 48) Total Corporate image 3. 97 (1. 31) F. Overall purchase intent 1. Even if I think the advertising for a new product is objectionable, I may buy the product anyway 4. 75 (1. 33) 5. 04 (1. 59) 2. If a product I use launches an advertising campaign that I find objectionable, I would stop using the product * 2. 94 (1. 34) 2. 94 (1. 71) 3. I would continue to use products I already used, even if the company were to launch an offensive advertisement for another product. 5. 20 (1. 38) 5. 43 (1. 37) Total Overall purchase intent 5. 00 (1. 15) G. Attitudes towards Sex in the Media 1. In my opinion, there is too much sex on television programs 3. 95 (1. 55) 3. 79 2. There is too much degradation of women and men as sex objects in the media today 4. 34 (1. 47) 4. 28 3. I generally like the use of sex in advertising * 3. 20 (1. 27) 2. 56 Total Attitudes towards Sex in the Media 4. 37(1. 18) H. Sexual Empowerment 1. Using sex to get what you want is OK 2. 01 (1. 18) 2. It is OK for women to use their sex appeal to get what they want 3. 63 (1. 64) 3. Successful women must know how to control and manipulate men 3. 54 (1. 62) 4. Using sex to get what you want is powerful 3. 60 (1. 92) 5. Smart women know when to use sexuality to get ahead 3. 71 (1. 69) 6. Dressing provocatively is useful in gaining power 2. 75 (1. 49) Total Sexual Empowerment (H1,2,3,5) 3. 26 (1. 23) Note: 7-point items varying from “1-Strongly disagree” to “7-Strongly agree. ” * item was inverted to calculate the mean of the scale. Table 3. Mean (SD) of Attitude towards Specific Ads: Low vs. High Sexual Empowerment (7-point items) Aad Low sexual empowerment High sexual empowerment H&M 2. 60 (1. 08) 2. 72 (1. 35) Gillette 3. 41 (1. 05) 2. 84 (1. 21) Natan 4. 43 (1. 38) 3. 79 (1. 42) Gucci 4. 82 (1. 18) 4. 02 (1. 42) What Mobile 5. 49 (1. 18) 5. 32 (1. 18) p<. 01 (2-tailed)	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 29 Table 4. Mean (SD) Corporate Image, Overall Purchase Intent and Eth ad: Low vs. High Sexual Empowerment (7-point items) Low sexual empowerment High sexual empowerment Corporate image 4. 36 (1. 16) 3. 82 (1. 43) * Overall purchase intent 4,. 44 (1. 30) 5. 31 (1. 06) ** Eth ad H&M 1. 36 (0. 50) 1. 30 (0. 52) Eth ad Gillette 3. 09 (1. 25) 2. 66 (0. 93) * Eth ad Natan 4. 59 (1. 51) 4. 14 (1. 29) Eth ad Gucci 5. 30 (1. 15) 4. 98 (1. 15) Eth ad What M. 5. 48 (1. 23) 5. 19 (1. 09) -** p< . 01 (2‐tailed); * p< . 05 (2‐tailed) Comparison of results with Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) Table 5 shows the results of the t-tests that we performed to compare our averages for the general questions with those found by Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008). Apart from one item, the t-tests were not significant, which means that our results for these items are not significantly different from those of Zimmerman and Dahlbe rg. It was not possible to carry out t-te sts for the rest of the items that were surveyed in both studies (see Table 1 and 2, Section A, B and G), because Zimmerman and Dahlberg did not report on standard deviation. We compared the averages to see if there were any differences. Regarding the advertisement for Gillette, Zimmerman, and Dahlberg 's results were not significantly different from the neutral middle of the scale; in our study, the attitudes were more positiv e. Also, in our study the Gillette ad also scored lower on the question regarding the degree of sex in the ad. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION The purpose of this study was to replicate the study of Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) for Flanders to provide broader evidence than the initial study and to overcome a number of its weaknesses. We were largely able to confirm the results of Zimmerman and Dahlberg: women's attitude with respect to sexual objectification in advertising is rather indifferent. However, advertisers should be careful when using higher levels of sexual objectification in ads, because women do not appreciate those ads. The study's objective led to the formulation of two research questions. In the first research question we wanted to see whether we would be able to replicate the results of Zimmerman and Dahlberg (2008) for Flanders, namely that young, highly educated women of today are rather indifferent towards sexu al objectification in advertising. The respondents recognized the varying degrees of sexual obj ectification that we presented to them, confirming Hypothesis 1a. The results indicate that Gillette's ad was not extremely sexually objectifying. In this context, we also note that the scores for degrees of sex and degrees of sexual objectification showed the same order. Therefore, in previous studies, sex and sexual objectification were not entirely incorrectly used as interchangeable concepts. In the majority of cases, the us e of sexual appeals in advertising are indeed associated with the sexual objectification of women (Monk-Turner et al., 2008; Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008; Reichert & Carpenter, 2004; Carpenter & Edison, 2005). Hypothesis 1b was not confirmed: the three advertisements that were deemed sexually objectifying were more often	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
30 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING considered socially unacceptable, offensive, and negative by the re spondents (relative to the neutral center of th e scale), while ads with little or no sexual objectification were more appreciated. The positive attitudes that we found for the Gilette advertisement, however, differed markedly from the neutral appreciation that Zimmerman and Dahlberg found. Hypothesis 1c can be rejected. We wondered whether respondents would respond differently to differe nt levels of sexual objectification. Indeed, a big difference between this study and that of Zimmerman and Dahlberg was that this study made use of various stimulus advertisements with an increasing degree of sexu al objectification. Table 5. T-tests of This Study vers us Zimmerman & Dahlberg (2008) Items Our Study Z &D 2008 T-test Mean (SD) N Mean (SD) N t(df); p D1. Advertisements show women as they really are 2. 057 (0. 876) 245 2. 723 (1. 562) 94 t(109)=-3. 904; p<. 0001 D2. Advertisements treat women mainly as sex objects 5. 037 (1. 193) 243 5. 149 (1. 565) 94 t(134)=-0. 627; n. s. D3. Advertising shows women in their real daily activities 2. 804 (1. 164) 245 2. 840 (1. 346) 94 t(145)=-0. 229; n. s. D4. I find the portrayal of women in advertising to be offensive 3. 873 (1. 436) 245 4. 032 (1. 506) 94 t(167)=-0. 881; n. s. E1. Companies that ar e offensive to women in their advertising will also be more likely to discriminate against women when it comes to career and promotion opportunities 4. 049 (1. 387) 245 4. 053 (1. 379) 94 t(171)=-0. 024; n. s. E2. The way women are portrayed in a company's advertising reflects the company's view of th e role of women in society 3. 886 (1. 489) 245 3. 862 (1. 478) 94 t(162)= 0. 134; n. s. F1.. Even if I think the advertising for a new product is objectionable, I may buy the product anyway 4. 751 (1. 327) 245 1. 489 (1. 586) 94 t(151)=-1. 585; n. s. F2. If a product I use launches an advertising campaign that I find objectionable, I would stop using the product 2. 942 (1. 344) 243 1. 327 (1. 709) 94 t(141)= 0. 031; n. s. F3.. I would continue to use products I already used, even if the company were to launch an offensive advertisement for another product 5. 204 (1. 379) 245 1. 344 (1. 372) 94 t(175)=-1. 332; n. s. The results show that especially extreme advertising produced lit tle appreciation. In contrast, the attitudes towards milder forms of sexual objectification were neutral to positive. We do see a negative correlation between sexual objectification an d ethical appreciation and appreciation of the ad. These findings emphasize a need for the use of different stimulus advertisements in research. Concerning Hypothesis 2, the respondents indicated that they ge nerally see a lot of sexual objectification in advertising, but that they do not really find this offensive. The hypothesis has therefore somewhat been confirmed, although (as with Zimmerman & Dahlberg, 2008) we were only able to do so on the basis of one item. Sexual objectification in advertising was shown not to harm purchase intentions and	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Ketelaar, Anschutz and van Hemmen 31 company image, as Zimmerman and Dahlberg proposed, which confirms Hypothesis 3a and 3b. This calls into qu estion previous studies that suggested that sexual appeals would have a negative effect on a company's image and on purchase intentions (Ford, La Tour, & Lundstrom, 1991; La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Jones & Reid, 2010). We must emphasize, though, that the ques tions relating to Hypotheses 2 and 3 were about advertising in general and not about the individual advertisements shown in this study. Therefore, based on our results, we can by no means rule out a negative effect on purchase intentions and company image when using extremely sexually objectifying ads (see below). With regard to research question 1, we can conclude that we were largely able to confirm the results of Zimmerman and Dahlberg except for one item. Our results do not conclusively show that young, highly educated women find se xual objectification socially acceptable. They find ads with clear sexual objectification unethical and do not appreciate these. Our results are therefore also partly in line with what previous research generally suggested, namely that women do not like sexual appeals or sexual objectification in advertising (Ford, La Tour, & Lundstrom, 1991; La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Sengupta & Dahl, 2008; Dahl, Sengupta, & Vohs, 2009; Van Den Bulck & Van Hellemont, 2009; Jones & Reid, 2010). More speci fically, advertisers run the risk that women may perceive their ads as unethical if the sexual appeal is inappropriate or too explicit (Mittal & Lassar, 2000; Sengupta & Dahl, 2008). The second question that was centr al to this study was whether the acceptance of the idea of sexual empowerment can explain a more positive attitude from women w ith regard to sexual objectification in advertising. We looked into the question of whether there were differences in level of appreciation within our group of respondents between groups that scored high and low on sexual empowerment. For the four ads that scored neutral or higher on degree of sexual objectification, th e results shown were all in the direction we had anticipated: the high sexual empowerent group had more positive attitudes towards these advertisements than the low sexual empowerment group. The differences were not significant for the advertisement for What Mobile, and so we could only partially accept hypothesis 4. A possible explanation is that the negative appreciation for the What Mobile advertisement in both groups may have been a consequence of the lack of any product relevance. Previous st udies have noted that women especially dislike sexual advertising if the advertised product has nothing to do with sex (Peterson & Kerin, 1977; Miller, 1992; Simpson, Horton, & Brown, 1996). Another interesting result is that the average score for the variable “sexual empowerment” was only 3. 23. Three quarters of the respondents judge the concept of sexual empowerment to be rather negative. If the post-feminist concept of sexual empowerment raises so little support, it is, in any case, doubtful whether it can serve as the sole explanation for the increased acceptance of sexually objectifying advertisements within our highly educated study population. Perhaps we must l ook at other suggested explanations after all. Many content analyses have demonstrated that the amount of sexual appeals in advertisin g and the media is increasing (Soley & Kurzbard, 1986; Soley & Reid, 1988; Sullivan & O'Connor, 1988; Kang, 1997; Reichert, Lambiase, Morgan, Carstarphen, & Zavoina, 1999; Reichert & Carpenter, 2004; Carp enter & Edison, 2005), therefore making increase d tolerance for these ads quite plausible. A fairly neutral average score of 4. 37 for the vari able “attitude toward sex in the media” probably gives us an indication that our respondents have become	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
32 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING accustomed to the frequent use of sex in the media. We would like to note certain aspects of this study and give recommendations for future research. Firs tly, we would like to remark that only young, highly educated women were surveyed in this study. Surveying older women and men would have been interesting, for previous research seems to suggest that older women will be more critical than young women and men are less likely to be critical than women in general with respect to sexual objectification in advertising (La Tour & Henthorne, 1994; Jones & Reid, 2010; Van Den Bulck & Van Hellemont, 2009). A second remark concerns the fact that for the individual ads, we only surveyed “ethical / moral appreciation” and “attitude toward the ad. ” It would be interesting for further research to also use variables such as purchase intent, brand image and company image for the individual ads. A third remark is that we, like Zimmerman and Dahlberg, used surv eys with individual items to confirm or reject a hypothesis. For the quality of the st udy, it would have been better if we had used scales for certain concepts, such as offensiveness of advertising. In future research, it w ould be even better to use experiments, because with experiments, the goal of the study is less easy to deduce. This study is relevant for advertisers and for society in gene ral. Concerning recommendations to the advertising industry, the message is that “sex sells,” but excess should be avoided. Although our results suggest that there are not many disadvantages for companies in the use of sex objects in advertising, it seems that there are nevertheless limits with regard to the appreciation by women of sex objects in advertising. While young women generally have no problems with sexual objectification in advertising, there may be negative effects on appreciation when shown extremely objectifying advertis ing. We therefore recommend care to be taken with extreme sexual objectification if women are a part of the target audience. Finally, it is possible that there is an increased tolerance as a result of the ubiquitous use of se xual appeals, but this assumption requires further research. REFERENCES American Psychological Association, Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls (2007). Report of the APA Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls: Executive Summary. Washington DC: American Psychological Association. Bartky, S. L. (1990). Femininity and domination: Studies in the phenomenology of oppression. New York: Routledge. Bellafante, G. (1998, J une 29). Feminism: It's all about me! Time, 151(25), 54. Carpenter, C. & Edison, A. (2005). Taking it all off again: The portrayal of women in advertising over the past forty years. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Sheraton New York, New York City, NY Online. Abstract retrieved from: http://www. allacademic. com/meta/p14163_index. html. Cato, M & Carpentier, D. (2010). Conceptualizations of female empowerment and enjoyment of sexualized characters in reality television. Mass Communication and Society, 13, 270-288. Coulter, R. H. & Pinto, M. B. (1995). Guilt appeal in advertising: What are their effects? Journal of Applied Psychology, 80, 697-705. Dahl, D., Sengupta, J. & Vohs, K. (2009). Sex in advertising: Gender differences and the role of relationship commitment. Journal of Consumer Research, 36, 215-231.	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
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34 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING advertisements. Journal of Gender Studies, 17(3), 201-209. Paglia, C. (1992). Sex, art and american culture. New York: Vintage Books. Peterson, R. A. & Kerin, R. A. (1977). The female role in advertisements: Some experimental evidence. Journal of Marketing, 41(4), 59-63. Pingree, S., Parker Hawkins, R., Butler, M. & Paisley, W. (1976). A scale for sexism. Journal of Communication, 26(4), 193-201. Reichert, T., Lambiase, J., Morgan, S., Carstarphen M. & Zavoina, S. (1999). Cheesecake and beefcake: no matter how you slice it, sexual explicitness in advertising continues to increase. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 76(1), 7-20. Reichert, T. & Carpenter, C. (2004). An update on sex in magazine advertising: 1983 to 2003. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 81(4), 823-837. Rockler, N. R. (2006) Be your own windkeeper: Friends, feminism, and rhetorical strategies of depoliticization. Women's Studies in Communication, 29, 244-264. Sengupta, J. & Dahl, D. W. (2008). Gender-related reactions to gratuitous sex appeals in advertising. Journal of Consumer Psychology, 18(1), 62-78. Shugart, H., Waggoner, C. E., & Hallstein, L. O. (2001). Mediating third-wave feminism: Appropriation as postmodern media practice. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 18, 194-210. Simpson, P. M., Horton, S. & Brown, G. (1996). Male nudity in advertisements: A modified replication and extension of gender and product effects. Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, 24(3), 257-262. Soley, L. & Kurzbard, G. (1986). Sex in advertising: a comparison of 1964 and 1986 magazine advertisements. Journal of Advertising, 15(3), 46-64. Soley, L. & Reid, L. ( 1988) Taking it off: Are models in magazine ads wearing less? Journalism Quarterly, 65(Winter), 960-966. Sullivan, G. L. & O'Connor, P. J. (1988). Women's role portrayals in magazine advertising: 1958-1983. Sex Roles, 18, 181-188. Stankiewicz, J. M. & Rosselli, F. (2008). Women as sex objects and victims in print advertisements. Sex Roles, 58, 579-589. Van den Bulck, H. & Van Hellemont, C. (2009). Beeldvorming van vrouwen en mannen in de reclame in België [05. 12. 2010, website van het Instituut voor de Gelijkheid van Mannen en Vrouwen: http://igvm-iefh. belgium. be/nl/binaries/27%20-%20Beeldvorming_reclame_NL_tcm336-59987. pdf] Zimmerman, A. & Dahlberg, J. (2008). The sexual objectification of women in advertising: A contemporary cultural perspective. Journal of Advertising Research, 48, 71-79.	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 35-58, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online Yorgos Zotos, Ph. D. is currently a professor at the Department of Communication and Internet Stud-ies, Cyprus University of Technology, Limassol, Cypr us. Eirini Tsichla is a Ph. D. candidate at the De-partment of Communication and Internet Studies, Cypr us University of Technology, Limassol, Cyprus Address correspondence to Dr. Yorgos Zotos, Depa rtment of Communications and Internet Studies, Cyprus University of Technology, P. O. Box 50 329, CY-3603 Limassol, Cyprus. E-mail: yorgos. zotos@ cut. ac. cy 35 Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction: An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals Yorgos Zotos Eirini Tsichla ABSTRACT. This paper pursues a line of enquiry into gender stereotypes in advertising, by the exclusive examination of images of men and women in interaction. Drawing evidence from Cypriot magazine advertisements, the study employs the coding scheme developed by Goffman. The findings indicate that when males and females are framed together in advertisements, the presence of gender clichés is evident even when transcribed in a subtle fashion. Contrary to previous research, joint portrayals emphasize the relative size of men and women and men's status superiority. Conversely, females tend to perform inferior roles, occupy less space in the advertisements, wear light clothing, and adopt postures that suggest subordination and withdrawal more often than men. In addition, differences in the degree of stereotyping were detected as general audience magazines contain advertisements with less traditional patterns compared to women's and men's magazines. The type of endorsed product further influences the depiction of the models, as females endorsing hedonic products are more likely to be captured in a stereotypical fashion than males. KEYWORDS. Stereotypes, advertising, gender, content analysis INTRODUCTION The investigation of ge nder stereotypes in advertising is counting five decades of research, providing a significant body of knowledge. This interest has been propelled by social and historical contingencies: The rise of the womens' movement in the 1960s contested equal opportun ities for males and females, and brought about a gradual change in occupational settings and domestic structures (Stern, 199 9; Plakoyiannaki & Zotos 2009; Tsichla & Zotos 2013a). The growing claim of fe males for tertiary education, their partic ipation in the work force, and the aspiration to the highest and executive positions previously dominated by males, steadily challenged traditional structures of gender hierarchy. In this light, ethical concerns regard ing their portrayal in communication media and advertising in particular, were raised. As a socializing agent, the visual imagery provided by advertising can have a powerful impact on attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviors of a given culture (Belknap &	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
36 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Leonard II, 1991). In this regard, advertising both reflects and shapes cultural values, while culture is a critical as pect for the appreciation of advertising messages. According to feminist thought, advertising in popular media can be viewed as a primary means for introducing and promoting female role stereotypes and sexism. Indeed, the depiction of men and women in advertising often portrays gender stereotypes. Traditional gender roles are hierarchical, as men are more often presented in a higher position, whereas women are more often depi cted in inferior and passive roles (Gallagher, 2004). More specifically, conventional gender stereotypes characterize men and women with distinct psychological and physiologi cal features (i. e., women as emotional and slender; men as competent and muscular) and fields of action (for women household, fam ily and fashion; for men paid work, sports and technology) (Carter & Steiner, 2004). Early studies examining female advertising portrayals argued in favor of stereotypical depictions that showed females as incompetent, in need of males' protection individuals. In the ma jority of cases women were portrayed in domestic settings performing traditional, decorative, or sex object roles (e. g. Sexton & Haberman, 1974; Belkaoui & Belkaoui, 1976). On the contrary, rare academic attention was directed towards male portrayals, which were mostly examined as points of comparison with females rather for their own unique attributes (Fejes, 1989). The study of relationships between men and women in advertising iconography is also an area where a dearth of research is evident (Lindner, 2004; Mager & Helgeson, 2011). Few exceptions include the studies of Klassen, Jasper, and Schwartz (1993); and Tsichla and Zotos (2013). The latter suggests that when males and females appear alone in magazine advertisements, they lean towards the performance of different roles compared to advertisements picturing males and females together. However, the majority of studies in gender stereotypes examine advertisements featuring both genders as single models as well as men and women in interaction. Such an approach, however, may cloud the real picture, failing to el ucidate diverse patterns between the two scenarios. This study attempts to refine unde rstanding on men and women's joint portrayals, by the sole examination of magazine advertisements that picture the two genders together. Further, it extends the findings of Klassen, Jasper, and Schwartz (1993) by offe ring recent evidence that may yield important insights as to whether the degree of stereotyping has changed during the last decade. According to Goffman (1979), advertisements picturing men and women together offer “gender displays” that educate the viewer about co nventional modes of gender interaction and sex roles. After a seminal analysis of male and female print advertising depictions, Goffman (1979) demonstrated that stereotypes may be diffused in a less obvious, cove rt fashion manifested through semiotic cues transcribed in advertising imagery. In this light, he developed a coding scheme that instead of concentrating on rigid gender roles of conduct, it focuses on subtle indications of cultural position and sexuality that signify gender relations. Hence, the particular approach does not consider the conspicuous content of an advertisement but rather observes facial expressions, postures of hands, gaze aversion, body position, and relative size of men and women. Mager and Helgeson (2011), in a longitudinal study of gender portrayals over a 50-year period (1950-2000), ascertain a decrease in the objectiv e, clearly identifiable diffusion of stereotypes such as the variety of role depictions shown for women. Nevertheless, they highlight that over the years, less clearly identifiable variables, transcribed in semiotic cues have come to the foreground. Therefore, as the purpose of the	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 37 paper is the investigatio n of modern magazine advertisements, Goffman's approach appears suitable. The observation of subtle semiotic cues may offer a deeper understanding on the signified relationships and hierarchical patterns encoded in pictures targeting contemporary men and women. The study also extends the stream of literature that regards gender stereotypes from a cultural perspective, since it draws evidence from Cypriot magazine advertisements. To date, gender portrayals in print advertisements were analyzed under the cultural prism of Greece (Zotos & Lysonski, 1994), the Netherlands, Sweden, and the U. S. (Wiles et al., 1995); Italy (Zotos et al., 1996); Germany and the U. S. (Piron & Young, 1996); the U. S. and Saudi Arabia (Al-Olayan & Karande, 2000); the Netherlands and the UK (Odekerken-Schröder, De Wulf, & Hofstee, 2002); Hong Kong and Australia (Lai Man So, 2004); Germany (Döring & Pöschl, 2006); and the UK (Mitchell & Taylor, 1990; Plakoyiannaki & Zotos, 2009). Overall, these studies indicate the existence of differences in gender representations in advertising imagery between countries of both similar and dissimilar cultural backgrounds. The case of Cyprus seems interesting due to its socioeconomic characteristics: In Cyprus, even though the proportion of women's participation in employment is increasing, females are still disadvantaged in professional and political life, report low levels of entrepreneurship, and according to the European Commission's, Database of Women and Decision Making (2008), they occupy the lowest percentage of managerial posts across the European Union countries. In this regard, the study seeks to unde rstand whether the aforementioned social situation is mirrored in advertising depictions as well. The study sets out to answer three research questions. Firstly, how are men and women in collaboration portrayed in magazine advertisements? Secondly, based on relevant research in female stereotypes that shows different roles of conduct conveyed by different magazines, this research attempts to discover whether joint depictions of males and females involve a diverse extent of stereotyping across magazi ne types. Thirdly, considering products as signifiers of meanings (Lazar, 2006), does the endorsed product type result in a different pattern of stereotyping between male and female models? THEORETICAL BACKGROUND According to Perkins (1997), a stereotype is a group concept that reflects inferior judgment and gives rise to a simple structure, implying a high probability that stereotypes are predominantly evaluative. Stereotypes do not necessarily bear negative connotations, though they may lead to oversimplified conceptions and expectations that devaluate and restrict potential opportunities of subjects of a social category (Eisend, 2010; Tsichla & Zotos, 2013). Gender stereotypes constitute beliefs that certain attributes differentiate women and men (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1981). Gender stereotypes in the media have a long-recognized capacity to define “socially-acceptable” ways of being or relating to others, as well as to give, or withhold, public approval (and status) to, or from, certain groups (Carter & Steiner, 2004). The diffusion of gender ster eotypes, however, has been related to negative consequences for individuals, includin g body dissatisfaction, reduced self-confidence, and restriction of personal and professional opportunities (e. g., Barlett et al., 2005). Propelled by feminist ideals, the active interest in the area of gender stereotypes has developed a sound literature, especially concerning female adve rtising portrayals. Numerous studies chose to focus on print advertisement, considering that magazines provide a “frozen frame” that facilitates thorough visual examination and the	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
38 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING application of a code scheme (Mager & Helgeson, 2011). A seminal study by Courtney and Lockeretz (1971) demonstrated that advertising in the U. S. shows that a woman's place is at home, that women are dependent on a man's protection, and that women appear incapable of making important decisions. They also found that females are presented as sexual objects and that they are not regarded as whole people. These findings were replicated in many studies conducted even in the mid-ei ghties (e. g., Sexton & Haberman, 1974; Poe, 1976; Lysonski, 1983; Ruggiero & Weston, 1985). More recent studies, though, challenge the proliferation of female stereotypical images in magazine advertisements, arguing that role portrayals have become less blatant (Lysonski, 1983; Piron & Young, 1996). However, it seems that the change does not lie in the degree but in the type of stereotyping: Traditional depictions of females in housewife and dependency roles were found to decrease in favor of decorative images (Mitchell & Taylor, 1990; Zotos & Lysonski, 1994; Wiles, Wiles, & Tjernlund, 1995; Plakoyiannaki & Zotos, 2009). Conversely, the same studies attest that female depictions in profession al settings and carrier roles were seldom promoted, and even in case they appear, women tend to be portrayed in clerical, sales, and serv ice types of jobs and not as executive professionals, decision makers, and entrepreneurs. Studies that focus on advertisements portraying men and women in interaction are very limited: Klassen, Jasper, and Schwartz (1993) found a decreasing trend of female “traditional” portrayals and a corresponding increase of images that show men and women as equals. Tsichla and Zotos (2013) argue that while single females are chiefly depicted as concerned with their phys ical attractiveness, in advertisements th at display men and women together, this stereotype dramatically decreases. On the contrary, traditional portrayals of dependency and housewife roles are common, similar to depictions of women shown as equal to men. According to Goffman (1979), the relationship between males and females draws parallels to the parent-child relation in a sense that men undertake the role of parents, whereas women are “infantilized,” displaying the behavior naturally ascribed to children. Hence, whereas pictures of men reflect confidence, competence, and authority, women are cast as deferential and childlike. Goffman developed a coding scheme based on the observation of subtle cues encoded in hands, eyes, knees, facial expressions, head and body postures, relative sizes, and relative positioning. In this regard, pose and expression indicate the na ture of the implied action, the relationship among those in the frame, and their relation to self, product, and target audience (Massé & Rosenblum, 1988). The five categories of the coding instrument include Relative Size, Feminine Touch, Function Ranking, Ritualization of Subordination, and Licensed Withdrawal. Relative Size attributes the depiction of women in lower positions or shorter than men, occupying less space in the advertising visual. Such images may signify women's inferiority as opposed to men. Feminine Touch refers to females touching themselves or performing non-utilitarian touch lik e outlining, cradling, or caressing an object. Instead, men are typically shown to handle and grasp objects. Function Ranking pertains to the tendency of males to perform the executive role and take control of the situation when portrayed with a female. On the contrary, women are likely to follow instructions or ex ercise less prestigious occupations. Ritualization of Subordination captures female postures that signal the need for protection and indicate submission. Such postures include the proclivity of lowering oneself physically, to lie down at inappropriate times, head or body cant, “puckish” or clowning positions, bent knee pose, or being embraced by a man. Instead, males tend to be	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 39 pictured in an erect position, holding their heads high, a posture that conveys an air of superiority and status. Licensed Withdrawal refers to women shown as removing themselves psychologically from the situation at hand. Their gaze is usually averted, avoiding action, and they tend to appear decontextualized. Such a pose denotes vulnerability and re liance on male's protection. Conversely, men tend to stay attuned and ready for action. Hypotheses Development Studies that adopted Goffman's coding scheme provide ample support towards the persistence of subtle stereotyping that devaluates women in contemporary advertising. Particular ly, a different pattern has surfaced moving away from conspicuous forms of stereotyping in favor of more indirect cues and postures that signal gender hierarchical structures. For instance, the dimensions of Relative Size and Function Ranking, which constitute the two most pronounced forms of Goffman-type stereotyping are seldom discovered in recent studies (Massé & Rose nblum, 1988; Belknap & Leonard II, 1991; Umiker-Sebeok, 1996; Kang, 1997; First, 1998; Bell & Milic, 2002; Döring & Pöschl, 2006; Mager & Helgeson, 2011). However, it is interesting that in case Relative Size and Function Ranking are observed, traditional patterns are almost the rule: Men are displayed as taller than women, and are likely to perform executive or instructor roles. Women continue to be portrayed as shorter than men and are shown in inferior roles such as being given instructions. Conversely, Feminine Touch, Ritualization of Subordination, and Licensed Withdrawal are regarded as the most indirect modes of stereotyping (Lindner, 2004; Döring & Pöschl, 2006). Use of hands is typical of advertising imagery and reports an increasing tendency over time (Lindner 2004; Mager & Helgeson, 2011). Nonetheless, males are mostly associated with utilitarian touch, whereas females are likely to exercise ritualistic touch like self-touching and caressing objects (Belknap & Leonard II, 1991; First, 1998; Lindner, 2004; Döring & Pöschl, 2006; Mager & Helgeson, 2011). The occurrence of Ritualization of Subordination is also common and found to increase over time (Belknap & Leonard II, 1991; Umiker-Sebeok 1996; First, 1998; Lindner 2004; Ma ger & Helgeson, 2011). Postures and cues that indicate subordination convey the idea that women are vulnerable and in need of mens' protection. According to Belknap and Leonard II (1991), the highest fractio n of subordinate representations of women were canting postures and responding smiles. Döring and Pöschl (2006) also de monstrate that women, more often than men, are depicted in postures of head or body cant, leaning into others for support, and showing an expansive smile. In addition, the pertinent literature highlights the preval ence of “Licensed Withdrawal” in female rather than male portrayals (Umiker-Sebeok, 1996; First, 1998; Mager & Helgeson, 2011). Particularly, Kang (1997) and Lindner (2004) demonstrate that “Licensed Withdrawal” for female models is commonly observed and shows a tendency to rise. Umiker-Sebeok (1996) argues that women are shown as uninvolved or mentally withdrawn from the situation at hand, mostly by covering their faces or withdrawing their gaze from the situation. Masée and Rosenblum (1988) attest that even though females lead this dimension as well, a high proportion of both gende rs appear averting their gaze from the situation, or looking from behind objects such as sunglasses, hat brims, or shade. Kang (1997) introduced the dimension of “Body Display” that describes the level of nudity demonstrated by models in advertising visuals. Considered as a signal of	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
40 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING objectification and sexua lisation, numerous studies adopted the particular dimension in their content analyses: An increasing trend over time has been noticed by Kang (1997), Lindner (2004), and Mager and Helgeson (2011). In addition, thes e studies attest that females wear revealing clothes and present a higher level of nudity more often than males. Based on the above overview, the following research hypothesis is formulated: H1: Female models will endorse a higher degree of stereotyping than male models, illustrated as follows: a) In “Relative Size” females will be depicted as shorter and appear in the background of an advertisement. b) Females will practice more “Feminine Touch” compared to males. c) Females will be more frequently depicted in postures that suggest “Ritualisation of Subordination” than males. d) Females will be more frequently shown in poses that suggest “Licensed Withdrawal” than males. e) Females will present a higher degree of “Body display” than males. Numerous studies showed that diverse patterns of indirect st ereotyping exist across different magazine types. Massé and Rosenblum (1988) indicate that in both men's and women's magazines females exhibit many postures that signify subordination. However, for males, certain positions seem precluded: In men's magazines no male is lying down, whereas in women's magazines men do not appear in puckish positions or in bent knee pose. In addition, in women's magazines, females tend to exercise non-utilitarian touch by caressing objects, but do not touch others. Conversely, in men's magazines, women's hands appear to touch their male counterparts. Further, men's magazines reveal a tendency towards the size-subordi nation of women. In a similar vein, an examination of gender relationships in print advertising showed that a women's magazine conveyed a significantly higher proportion of nontraditional poses while a men's and a general interest magazine displayed more traditional portrayals of women and fewer equality depictions of men and women (Klassen, Jasper, & Schwartz, 1993). According to Kang (1997), a general interest magazine reinforced rather direct ways of female stereotyping such as dependency and inferiority. On the contrary, a women's magazine tended to endorse more subtle stereotyping such as subordinate and withdrawing postures. Nonetheless, other studies reveal that gene ral audience magazines tend to display more “neutral” female portrayals compared to men's and women's images (Plakoyiannaki & Zotos, 2009) and rarely endorse sexualised images (Linder 2004). Male magazines, however, are frequently found to display sexist female portrayals in their advertising content (e. g., Baker 2005; Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008). Derived from the above research lines, the following hypothesis is formulated: H2: Differences in the degree of stereotyping between female and male models will be more frequent in men's and general audience magazines compared to women's magazines. Although the examination of gender stereotypes has received adequate empirical attention, their interplay with product type is an area where a dearth of research is evident (Wolin, 2003). Manstead and Mc Culloch (1981) reported that females are more likely than males to be associated with home and body products. Livingst one and Green (1986) found that males tend to appear in advertisements promot ing expensive products, while females use to promote cheap products. In addition, Klassen, Jasper, and Schwartz (1993) suggest a relationship between product categories, degree of stereotyping, and time intervals, as during the same time periods that traditional poses were decreasing and equality poses were increasing, car and alcohol advertisements were found less frequently. The study of Plakoyian naki and Zotos (2009)	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 41 examined the role of product types in female stereotypes by dividing products in two major product categories: he donic and utilitarian (Batra & Ahtola, 1991; Crowley, Spangenberg, & Hughes, 1992). Hedonic products are related to sensory attributes and provide experiential c onsumption, pleasure, and excitement. Utilitarian attributes are primarily linked to instrumental and non-sensory attributes that focus on the fulfillment of functional needs (Olney, Holbrook, & Batra, 1991; Crowley, Spangenberg, & Hughes, 1992). Their findings attest that hedonic products were mostly endorsed by females in decorative roles, whereas utilitarian products were linked to a greater variety of stereotypes including non-traditional, traditional, and decorative portrayals. In a similar vein, this paper adopts the same classification, and investigates the following product types: Hedonic products include recreation and travel, auto and related products, jewellery, high-tech devices, apparel, cosmetics, and movies and entertainment. Utilitarian products are comprised of food and drinks, household items, personal hygiene, financial services, education, home appliances, and telecommunication services. According to Ferguson, Kreshel, and Tinkham (1990), the association of sexualized female images with “sexually relevant” products like perfume or cosmetics is beneficial. Hence, it is reasonable to expect that hedonic products will be related to stereotypical images, a nd thus will be more evident in female rather than male portrayals. The above discussion leads to the development of the next hypothesis of the study: H3: Differences in the degree of subtle stereotyping between female and male models will be more frequent for hedonic products compared to utilitarian products. METHODOLOGY Method and Sampling The study employed cont ent analysis as it provides researchers with a set of useful tools for comparing messages generated by males and females and for studying messages containing information about sex and gender roles (Argamon et al., 2003; Fields et al., 2010). In order to collec t a suitable sample of print advertisements, popular magazine titles were selected since according to Wiles, Charles, and Tjernlund (1995), they provide high quality, enduring images and a strong visual impression of the models in their advertising content. After consulting local media readership reports nine magazine titles were chosen, including three titles from every magazine genre. More specifically, women's sampled magazines were Cosmopolitan, Madame Figaro and MUST. The selected men's magazines consisted of Man, Icon, and Men' s Health while K Magazine, To Periodiko and Down Town represented General Interest magazines. All issues of the above monthly magazines published within the 12 month period from September 2011 to August 2012 were analysed. As far as weekly magazines are concerned, only the first issue of the month was examined so as to ensure their equal representation in the final sample. In order to be incl uded in the research sample, advertisements had to meet the following criteria: (1) Only advertisements picturing at least one male and one female character were coded; (2) Only full page advertisements were considered; (3) Only human characters were r ecorded (cartoons or animals were excluded); (4) Only adult figures were analysed, eliminating child depictions. The sampling procedure resulted in the application of the code scheme to 335 advertisements. The unit of the analysis was “the character” and thus each model framed in	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
42 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING an advertisement was coded separately. Consequently, the code scheme was applied to 670 people. The Code Scheme As the purpose of the study was to examine subtle stereotyping, the coding instrument included th e categories suggested by Goffman. In addition, the dimension developed by Kang (1997) “Body Display” was included as well. The measurement of the variables was introd uced by a “Yes/No” question indicating whet her the character in the advertisement was shown in a) Relative Size, b) Use of Hands, c) Function Ranking, d) Ritualization of S ubordination, e) Licensed Withdrawal or f) Body Display. In case any of these variables was recorded, a number of sub categories followed that specified the exact type of subtle stereotyping displayed. The variables and the subcat egories of the coding scheme were defined as follows: “Relative Size”: The particular dimension is considered as a way to symbolically denote hierarchical structure, assuming that size correlates with social weight and status. Traditionally, it conveys male superiority over women. Relative Size was measured by the subcategories “Body He ight” that records whether the character is depicted as taller and “Position” that specifies whether the character is situated in the foreground or in the background of an advertisement. “Use of hands” determines whether the character practices femi nine or utilitarian touch. According to Goffman, feminine touch encompasses the sub categories “Hands and fingers outline, cradle or caress an object,” “Self-touching,” and “Use of face instead of hands and fingers” that show women to barely touch and use their ha nds, fingers, or even face in a delicate fashion. On the contrary, utilitarian touch is recorded by the subcaterogy “Hands and fingers grasp an object” and is mostly associated with men. “Function ranking” indicates a gender hierarchical structure that originates from the nature of the tasks undertaken by the characters in an advertisement. The executive role is traditionally performed by the dominant male and entails the provision of guidance and instructions. On the other hand, the female usually holds an inferior role that may receive instructions, help, or is involved in less important occupations. This dimension was coded by noting wh ether the character “Performs the executive role” or whether he/she “Performs the subordinate role. ” “Ritualization of Subor dination” refers to the tendency of females to be framed in postures that signal inferiority and need for protection. The character adopts a non-purposive stance that actually rules out action or movement. This variable was recorded by eight sub categories that allowed for multiple responses. “Lowering oneself physically” is a means to indicate compliance by some form of prostration to a superior. “Lying or sitting in physically low places, be d or floor” is also mostly associated to females and reflects subordination, even sexual availability. “Bashful knee bend” desc ribes a posture that implies shyness and a reluctance to respond. “Canting postures” refe rs to head or body cant, which are perceived as expressions of subordination, submissiveness or appeasement. “Body clowning or puckish style” encodes childlike postures such as using the body as a playful ges ticulation device that conveys non-seriousness and is deemed to invite a corresponding treatment. “Responding smiles” represents a signal of approval and appreciation to the other character in the advertisement, suggesting intimate connection. Considering smiling the offering of an inferior, rather than a superior, Goffman argues that women are more likely than men to smile. “Being embraced” captures the frequent pi cture of a woman as embraced by a man, who may restrict her movement as she leans into his arms or	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 43 shoulder for support. This posture conveys vulnerability and a need for protection. “Licensed Withdrawal” is a variable that denotes a psychological removal from the social situation. Another stereotype typically associated with females as well is that they fail to signal a concrete focus and orientation. Rather, they seem to depend on others' (usually males') pr otectiveness. The measurement of “Licensed Withdrawal” was conducted using four subcategories that allowed for multiple responses. “Covering one's face/mouth” is seen as an indication of emotional tenseness, anxiety, and losing control of a situation. “Withdrawal gaze from the scene at large” includes turning one's gaze away from another's, which may be read as withdrawing from the current thrust of communication. In addition, it may invoke the tendency to “mentally drift away,” look into space, and appear dreamy and decontextualized. “Looking at the situation from behind something” refers to watching a social situation behind a “participation shield” that allows for partial participation of events but leaves little exposed of oneself, a be havior that indicates shyness and a willingness to remain uninvolved. Finally, “Snuggling Up” describes the turn of (usually women's) bodies to men's for comfort and protection. This posture involves the “cut off” from the surrounding situation by the female characters physical enclosure in th e protectors' arms. The variable “Body Display” records the degree of the charact ers' nudity. Following Kang (1997), two subcategories were applied: “Body revealing clothes” consist of mini-skirts, tight skirts or evening gowns which expose cleavage, “short” shorts, “see through” clothes, halter dress, or bathing suits. “Nudity” refers to females and males whose body forms are observed under apparel and lingerie, models clothed in nothing except a towel, or models depicted with no clothing at all. Finally, general descriptive categories were coded for each character depiction, including the magazine that displayed the advertisement, the magazine type, the advertised product type, and the character's gender. Coding Procedure and Reliability The advertisements were analysed by two independent Cypriot coders, a male and a female. Before the analysis, they received extensive training on the study's codebook and codeforms and completed several coding sessions in order to familiarise themselves with the conceptual definitions and the coding instrument. In addition, a pilot study of 65 advertisements preceded the actual analysis, to ensure reliability and resolve disagreements among coders. During the main analysis each coder worked individually on the total sample of the advertisements. Disagreements among the coders were resolv ed via discussion. In order to test intercoder reliability, Krippendorf's alpha re liability index was calculated. The particular statistic was chosen for its ability to control chance and/or chance agreement between coders. All estimated values ranged from 0. 78 for the variable “Withdrawal gaze from scene at large” to 0. 96 for the variable “Body Height. ” All obtained values indicate high levels of reliability (Krippendorf, 1970). FINDINGS Descriptive Statistics The total sample consisted of 670 relation-ship portrayals. Since the purpose of the study was to analyse only advertisements where males and females were framed together, it follows that 335 (50. 0%) portrayals belonged to women and 335 (50. 0%) portrayals be-longed to men. As Tabl e 1 presents, the ma-jority of advertisements picturing men and	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
44 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING advertisements picturing men and women to-together were featured in mens' magazines (42. 1%), followed closely by womens' maga-magazines (40. 0%). General audience magazines included a smaller proportion of such depictions (17. 9%). Most advertisements of the sample presented hedonic products (68. 1%), whereas 31. 9% of advertisements endorsed utilitarian products. Table 1: Number of Advertisements Coded for each Magazine Type Women's Men's General Audience Total Absolute 268 282 120 670 Percentage 40. 0 42. 1 17. 9 100 Table 2 juxtaposes the findings regarding the major categories that signal indirect ste-reotyping according to Goffman. As illustrated, in the study's relationship portrayals, the category of “Relative Size” is the most common category observed (78. 2%). The dimension “Use of hands” is also regular-regularly found, as it app lies to 61. 6% of the relationship depictions. “Ritualisation of Subordination” and “Licensed Withdrawal” are also commonly found in the majority of the advertisements, reaching percentages of 59. 3% and 51. 9% respectively. “Function Ranking” is evident in 4 2. 4% of all depictions, whereas “Body Display” is the category least observed in men and women's joint depictions, reaching a percentage of 30. 1%. Table 2: Frequencies for Goffman's Categories Goffman category Total Females Males N % N % N % Relative Size 524 78. 2 262 50. 0 262 50. 0 Use of hands 413 61. 6 231 55. 9 182 44. 1 Function Ranking 284 42. 4 142 50. 0 142 50. 0 Ritualisation of Subordination 397 59. 3 268 67. 5 129 32. 5 Licensed Withdrawal 348 51. 9 244 70. 1 104 29. 9 Body Display 202 30. 1 140 69. 3 62 30. 7 Hypotheses Testing In order to test the first Hypothesis of the study, a cross-tabulatio n analysis was con-conducted and Chi-square (X²) tests were per-performed. Further, for the categories that allowed multiple responses (Relative Size, Ritualisation of Subordination, and Licensed Withdrawal) t-tests that compared the mean values of every dimension between males and females were carried out. As Table 3 pre-presents, with the excep tion of two variables, namely “Use of face” and “Lying in physical-physically low places,” in all cases the results were statistically significant, indicating the interrelation of gender with Goffman dimensions. The findings illustrate that the depiction of characters in different body heights (77. 5%) is a more typical way of size subordination com-compared to the placement of models in divergent positions (43. 1%) in the advertisement. Significant differences between males and females demonstrate that overwhelmingly, it is males who appear as taller (90. 5%) and ar e situated in the foreground of an advertisement (73. 6%), whereas females tend to occupy less space in	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 45 Table 3: Frequencies and X² va lues for Goffman's Categories Goffman Category Total Females Males Absolute Value Percent Absolute Value Percent Absolute value Percent X² (df=1) p Relative Size Body Height 504 77. 5 252 50. 0 252 50. 0 Highest Point 252 38. 8 24 9. 5 228 90. 5 269. 70. 000 Position 280 43. 1 140 50. 0 140 50. 0 Foreground 140 21. 5 37 26. 4 103 73. 6 39. 65. 000 Use of hands Outline, cradle or caress 157 38. 0 131 83. 4 26 16. 6 77. 75. 000 Self-touching 84 20. 3 72 85. 7 12 14. 3 37. 94. 000 Use of face 1 0. 2 1 100. 0 0 0. 0 0. 790. 374 Grasp 171 41. 4 27 15. 8 144 84. 2 190. 79. 000 Function Ranking Executive Role 142 21. 2 14 9. 9 128 90. 1 116. 13. 000 Ritualisation of Subordination Lower oneself physically 23 3. 4 19 82. 6 4 17. 4 10. 130. 001 Lying in physically low places 111 16. 6 60 54. 1 51 45. 9 0. 875. 350 Bashful Knee Bend 39 5. 8 38 97. 4 1 2. 6 37. 27. 000 Canting postures 213 31. 8 163 76. 5 50 23. 5 87. 88. 000 Responding Smiles 73 10. 9 51 69. 9 22 30. 1 12. 92. 000 Body clowning 77 11. 5 61 79. 2 16 20. 8 29. 71. 000 Being Embraced 119 17. 8 98 82. 4 21 17. 6 60. 58. 000 Licensed Withdrawal Covering one's face/mouth 13 1. 9 12 92. 3 1 7. 7 9. 49. 002 Withdrawal gaze from scene at large 254 37. 9 175 68. 9 79 31. 1 58. 43. 000 Looking at the situation from behind something 63 9. 4 39 61. 9 24 38. 1 3. 94. 047 Snuggling Up 99 14. 8 96 97. 0 3 3. 0 102. 51. 000 Body Display Body Revealing clothes 125 18. 7 86 68. 8 39 31. 2 21. 72. 000 Nudity 77 11. 5 54 70. 1 23 29. 9 14. 10. 000 Under total sample the percentage corresponds to the percentage of all people analyzed. Percentages of females and males descri be the distribution of women and men w ithin each category. Two tailed signifi-cances are given for X² values. df=1	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
46 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING their joint depictions. The t-test corroborates these findings (t =16. 934, p<0. 001), as M males was M=0. 50, SD=0. 38, whereas Mfemales =0. 09, SD=0. 22. The variables associated with “Use of hands” reveal that as expected, females are typically pictured practicing non-utilitar ian touch such as “outline, cradle or caressing objects” (83. 4%) and “self-touching” (85. 7 %) in the vast majority of the cases that display these variables. On the contrary, males are more likely to be shown “grasping” objects (84. 2 %) than females (15. 8%). The variable “Use of face” was observed very rarely in the sampled advertisements. The most popular variable that signals “Ritualisation of Subor dination” is “Canting postures” (31. 8%), wher eas “Lower oneself physically” (3. 4%) and “Bashful knee bend” (5. 8%) are seldom noted. Again, most kinds of “Ritualisation of Subordination” stereotyping reveal a skew towards women as opposed to men. Particularly, females tend to almost monopolise postures such as “Bashful knee bend” (97. 4%), “Lower oneself physically” (82. 6%), “Being embraced” (82. 4%), “Body clowning” (79. 2%), “Canting postures” (76. 5%), and “Responding smiles” (69. 9%). Indeed, the dimensions' mean value for males is M males =0. 07, SD=0. 10 and Mfemales =0. 20, SD=0. 15 (t=-13. 533, p<. 001). A similar pattern was observed for the “Licensed Withdrawal” category: The female prevalence in the subcategories “Snuggling up” (97. 0%) and “Covering one's mouth/face” (92. 3%) is noteworthy, whereas they also hold the reigns in the two remaining categories (68. 9% and 61. 9%) even though males tend to be captured in the latter more often (31. 1% and 38. 1% respectively). The mean values obtained extend this picture, as Mmales =0. 07, SD=0. 12, and M females =0. 24, SD=0. 17 (t=-13. 383, p<. 001). The variables “Covering one's face/mouth” and “Looking at the situation from be hind something” were rarely observed whilst “Withdrawal gaze from the scene at large” was the most popular subcategory that denotes “Licensed Withdrawal. ” As far as the dimension “Function Ranking” is concerned, similar to expectations, men tend to almost entirely perform the executive role (90. 1%), leaving their female counterpart s to act mostly in lowly and passive roles. Finally, the dimension of “Body Display” reveals that the appearance of models in “Body revealing clothes” (18. 7%) outnum bered their depiction in nude representations (11. 5%). Once more, significant differences between males and females documented that female models were by far more likely to be portrayed in both dimensions of “Body Display” than male models: The subcategor y of “Body revealing clothes” recorded 68. 8% for women and 31. 2% for men, while for “Nudity,” 70. 1% representations belonged to females and 29. 9% belonged to males. The above findings lend support to the first hypothesis of the study. The next level of analysis sought to discover whether male and female joint representations were su bject to diverse modes of stereotyping depending on the magazine type. Towards this end, cross tabulation analyses were conducted and Chi-square (X²) tests were performed as well. The results are illustrated in Tables 4-6. The depictions across all magazine types indicate the persistence of stereotypical patterns: Significant differences were evident across all magazines for both subcategories of “Relative Size,” namely “Highest point” and “Foreground. ” In a similar vein, all three magazine types were more likely to show females practicing non utilitarian touch, like “outline, cradle, or caress items” and “self-touching,” than males. Further, they tend to perform the subordinate rather than the executive role when collaborating with a male, and they were more frequently shown in postures of “Ritualisation of Subordination” such as “Bashful knee bend” “Canting	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 47 Table 4: Frequencies and X² Values for Goffman's Categories in Women's Magazines Goffman Category Total Females Males Absolute Value Percent Absolute Value Percent Absolute value Percent X² (df=1) p Relative Size Body Height 192 71. 6 96 50. 0 96 50. 0 Highest Point 96 35. 8 14 14. 6 82 85. 4 75. 5. 000 Position 118 44. 0 59 50. 0 59 50. 0 Foreground 59 22. 0 23 39. 0 36 61. 0 3. 67. 038 Use of hands Outline, cradle or caress 75 39. 5 63 84. 0 12 16. 0 32. 13. 000 Self-touching 44 23. 2 42 95. 5 2 4. 5 31. 53. 000 Use of face 0 0. 0 0 0. 0 0 0. 0- Grasp 71 37. 4 7 9. 9 64 90. 1 112. 87. 000 Function Ranking Executive Role 64 23. 9 0 0. 0 64 100. 0 84. 07. 000 Ritualisation of Subordination Lower oneself physically 2 0. 7 2 100. 0 0 0. 0 2. 01. 249 Lying in physically low places 71 26. 5 40 56. 3 31 43. 7 1. 55. 134 Bashful Knee Bend 13 4. 9 12 92. 3 1 7. 7 9. 78. 001 Canting postures 109 40. 7 81 74. 3 28 25. 7 43. 43. 000 Responding Smiles 52 19. 4 33 63. 5 19 36. 5 4. 67. 022 Body clowning 39 14. 6 33 84. 6 6 15. 4 21. 87. 000 Being Embraced 70 26. 1 60 85. 7 10 14. 3 48. 34. 000 Licensed Withdrawal Covering one's face/mouth 10 3. 7 9 90. 0 1 10. 0 6. 64. 010 Withdrawal gaze from scene at large 101 37. 7 75 74. 3 26 25. 7 38. 15. 000 Looking at the situation from behind something 33 12. 3 21 63. 6 12 36. 4 2. 79. 068 Snuggling Up 53 19. 8 50 94. 3 3 5. 7 51. 95. 000 Body Display Body Revealing clothes 58 21. 6 36 62. 1 22 37. 9 4. 31. 027 Nudity 33 12. 3 27 81. 8 6 18. 2 15. 24. 000 Under total sample the percentage corresponds to the percentage of all people analyzed. Percentages of females and males descri be the distribution of women and men w ithin each category. One tailed signifi-cances are given for X² values. df=1	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
48 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Table 5: Frequencies and X² values for Goffman's Categories in Men's Magazines Goffman Category Total Females Males Absolute Value Percent Absolute Value Percent Absolute value Percent X² (df=1) p Relative Size Body Height 218 83. 2 109 50. 0 109 50. 0 Highest Point 109 41. 6 7 6. 4 102 93. 6 141. 78. 000 Position 102 38. 9 51 50. 0 51 50. 0 Foreground 51 19. 5 9 17. 6 42 82. 4 26. 51. 000 Use of hands Outline, cradle or caress 63 39. 6 50 79. 4 13 20. 6 29. 48. 000 Self-touching 27 17. 0 19 70. 4 8 29. 6 4. 01. 035 Use of face 0 0. 0 0 0. 0 0 0. 0-- Grasp 69 43. 4 15 21. 7 54 78. 3 47. 28. 000 Function Ranking Executive Role 62 22. 0 13 21. 0 49 79. 0 26. 79. 000 Ritualisation of Subordination Lower oneself physically 16 5. 7 13 81. 2 3 18. 8 6. 62. 009 Lying in physically low places 26 9. 2 14 53. 8 12 46. 2 0. 16. 419 Bashful Knee Bend 20 7. 1 20 100. 0 0 0. 0 21. 52. 000 Canting postures 79 28. 0 58 73. 4 21 26. 6 24. 07. 000 Responding Smiles 18 6. 4 15 83. 3 3 16. 7 8. 54. 003 Body clowning 19 6. 7 14 73. 7 5 26. 3 4. 57. 027 Being Embraced 40 14. 2 33 82. 5 7 17. 5 19. 69. 000 Licensed Withdrawal Covering one's face/mouth 3 1. 1 3 100. 0 0 0. 0 3. 03. 124 Withdrawal gaze from scene at large 118 41. 8 78 66. 1 40 33. 9 21. 04. 000 Looking at the situation from behind something 13 4. 6 9 62. 2 4 30. 8 2. 01. 128 Snuggling Up 37 13. 1 37 100. 0 0 0. 0 42. 58. 000 Body Display Body Revealing clothes 45 16. 0 32 71. 1 13 28. 9 9. 54. 002 Nudity 41 14. 5 25 61. 0 16 39. 0 2. 31. 088 13 Under total sample the percentage corresponds to the percentage of all people analyzed. Percenta ges of females and males descri be the distribution of women and men within each category. One tailed significances are given for X² values. df=1	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 49 Table 6: Frequencies and X² Values for Goffman 's Categories in Genera l Audience Magazines Goffman Category Total Females Males Absolute Value Percent Absolute Value Percent Absolute value Percent X² (df=1) p Relative Size Body Height 94 78. 3 47 50. 0 47 50. 0 Highest Point 47 39. 2 3 6. 4 44 93. 6 58. 79. 000 Position 60 50. 0 30 50. 0 30 50. 0 Foreground 30 25. 0 5 16. 7 25 83. 3 17. 77. 000 Use of hands Outline, cradle or caress 19 29. 7 18 94. 7 1 5. 3 17. 49. 000 Self-touching 13 20. 3 11 84. 6 2 15. 4 5. 89. 015 Use of face 1 1. 6 1 100. 0 0 0. 0 0. 84. 547 Grasp 31 48. 4 5 16. 1 26 83. 9 36. 07. 000 Function Ranking Executive Role 16 13. 3 1 6. 2 15 93. 8 14. 13. 000 Ritualisation of Subordination Lower oneself physically 5 4. 2 4 80. 0 1 20. 0 1. 87. 182 Lying in physically low places 14 11. 7 6 42. 9 8 57. 1 0. 32. 389 Bashful Knee Bend 6 5. 0 6 100. 0 0 0. 0 6. 31. 014 Canting postures 25 20. 8 24 96. 0 1 4. 0 26. 72. 000 Responding Smiles 3 2. 5 3 100. 0 0 0. 0 3. 07. 122 Body clowning 19 15. 8 14 73. 7 5 26. 3 5. 06. 022 Being Embraced 9 7. 5 5 55. 6 4 44. 4 0. 12. 500 Licensed Withdrawal Covering one's face/mouth 0 0. 0 0 0. 0 0 0. 0-- Withdrawal gaze from scene at large 35 29. 2 22 62. 9 13 37. 1 3. 26. 054 Looking at the situation from behind something 17 14. 2 9 52. 9 8 47. 1 0. 06. 500 Snuggling Up 9 7. 5 9 100. 0 0 0. 0 9. 73. 001 Body Display Body Revealing clothes 22 18. 3 18 81. 8 4 18. 2 10. 90. 001 Nudity 3 2. 5 2 66. 7 1 33. 3 0. 34. 500 Under total sample the percentage corresponds to the percentage of all people analyzed. Percentages of females and males descri be the distribution of women and men within each category. One tailed significances are given for X² values. df=1	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
50 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING postures” and “Body clowning. ” Women were also found to be mo re often portrayed in positions that indicate “Licensed withdrawal” such as “Snuggling up” a nd in the subcategory “Body revealing clothes” of “Body display. ” On the other hand, all magazine types failed to demonstrate statistical significant differences for “Lying in physically low places” and “Looking at the situation from behind something. ” Only men's magazines revealed different patterns between males and females for “Lower oneself physi cally,” whereas only in women's magazines' females are pictured more frequently than males as “Covering one's face/mouth. ” General interest magazines involved a lower degree of stereotyping as no st atistically significant differences were found for the categories “Responding smiles,” “Being embraced,” “Withdrawal gaze from scene at large,” and “Nudity. ” Therefore, the second hypothesis of the study is not supported. Finally, it was hypothesized that advertisements for hedonic products would promote a higher degree of subtle gender stereotyping than utilit arian products. Tables 7 and 8 juxtapose the frequencies and X² values of Goffman categories for both product types. Statistically significant differences between males and females were found in almost all Goffman categories for hedonic products with the excep tion of “Use of face” and “Lying in physically low places. ” However, when utilitarian products are concerned, differences are evident in a narrower number of categor ies. To illustrate, the variables “Lower oneself physically,” “Lying in physically low places,” “Being embraced,” “Looking at the situation from behind something,” and “Nudity” did not show statistical significant differences. In addition, a 2X2 factorial analysis of variance tested the effects of gender and product type on the average values of “Relative Size,” “Ritualisation of Subordination,” and “Licensed Withdrawal. ” For “Relative Size,” the results showed a significant main effect for gender (F=276. 421, p<. 001), but not for product type. However, a significant interaction between the two factors was revealed (F=4. 494, p<. 05) suggesting that the gender effect was not the same for the two different product types. Similarly, for “Ritualisation of Subor dination,” both gender (F=141. 476, p<. 001) and product type (F=5. 549, p<. 01) main effects were significant, and so was the interaction between the two factors (F=4. 971, p<. 05). The main effects for “Licensed Withdrawal” were significant as well (F=144. 285, p<. 001 for gender and F=5. 206, p<. 05 for product type), but this was not the case for their interaction. Therefore, the third hyp othesis of the study is upheld. DISCUSSION The study posits that in spite of societal progression that brought about the evolution of women's status, the visual imagery of ad-vertising continues to portray women in a lim-ited and stereotypical fashion. In this light, subtle forms of stereo typing that imply gender hierarchical patterns ar e alive and well, indi-cating the slow process of change in advertis-ing images, as well as its superficial nature (Umiker-Sebeok, 1996; Kang, 1997). The findings of the study advance existing knowledge in the realm of gender stereotypes by providing insights into the joint depiction of men and women in advertising. The results highlight patterns that failed to be elucidated in studies that co-examined single models and joint representations. To illustrate, the catego-categories suggested by Goffman, “Relative Size” and “Function Ranking” were found by previous researchers so rarely, that they were considered atypical of contemporary advertisements (Umiker-Sebeok, 1996; Kang, 1997; Mager & Helgeson, 2011). As the above dimensions are regarded the most pervasive forms of stereotyping suggested by	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 51 Table 7: Frequencies and X² values for Hedonic Products Total Females Males Goffman Category Absolute Value Percent Absolute Value Percent Absolute value Percent X² (df=1) p Relative Size Body Height 352 80. 0 176 50. 0 182 50. 0 Highest Point 176 40. 0 22 12. 5 154 87. 5 165. 00. 000 Position 190 43. 2 95 50. 0 95 50. 0 Foreground 95 21. 6 30 31. 6 65 68. 4 16. 44. 000 Use of hands Outline, cradle or caress 111 39. 1 100 90. 1 11 9. 9 69. 30. 000 Self-touching 70 24. 6 58 82. 9 12 17. 1 20. 44. 000 Use of face 1 0. 4 1 100. 0 0 0. 00 0. 67. 412 Grasp 102 35. 9 11 10. 8 91 89. 2 159. 53. 000 Function Ranking Executive Role 92 20. 2 10 10. 9 82 89. 1 70. 59. 000 Ritualisation of Subordination Lower oneself physically 22 4. 8 18 81. 8 4 18. 2 9. 36. 002 Lying in physically low places 65 14. 3 35 53. 8 30 46. 2 0. 44. 296 Bashful Knee Bend 24 5. 3 24 100. 0 0 0. 0 25. 33. 000 Canting postures 151 33. 1 116 76. 8 35 23. 2 64. 96. 000 Responding Smiles 44 9. 6 30 68. 2 14 31. 8 6. 44. 011 Body clowning 67 14. 7 52 77. 6 15 22. 4 23. 95. 000 Being Embraced 99 21. 7 84 84. 8 15 15. 2 61. 42. 000 Licensed Withdrawal Covering one's face/mouth 13 2. 9 12 92. 3 1 7. 7 9. 58. 002 Withdrawal gaze from scene at large 163 35. 7 105 64. 4 58 35. 6 21. 09. 000 Looking at the situation from behind something 41 9. 0 27 65. 9 14 34. 1 4. 52. 033 Snuggling Up 92 20. 2 89 96. 7 3 3. 3 100. 71. 000 Body Display Body Revealing clothes 86 18. 9 54 62. 8 32 37. 2 6. 93. 008 Nudity 63 13. 8 42 66. 7 21 33. 3 8. 12. 004 Under total sample the percentage corresponds to the percentage of all people analyzed. Percentages of females and males descri be the distribution of women and men within each category. One tailed significances are given for X² values. df=1	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
52 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING Table 8: Frequencies and X² va lues for Utilitarian Products Goffman Category Total Females Males Absolute Value Percent Absolute Value Percent Absolute value Percent X² (df=1) p Relative Size Body Height 352 80. 0 176 50. 0 182 50. 0 Highest Point 176 40. 0 22 12. 5 154 87. 5 165. 00. 000 Position 190 43. 2 95 50. 0 95 50. 0 Foreground 95 21. 6 30 31. 6 65 68. 4 16. 44. 000 Use of hands Outline, cradle or caress 111 39. 1 100 90. 1 11 9. 9 69. 30. 000 Self-touching 70 24. 6 58 82. 9 12 17. 1 20. 44. 000 Use of face 1 0. 4 1 100. 0 0 0. 00 0. 67. 412 Grasp 102 35. 9 11 10. 8 91 89. 2 159. 53. 000 Function Ranking Executive Role 92 20. 2 10 10. 9 82 89. 1 70. 59. 000 Ritualisation of Subordination Lower oneself physically 22 4. 8 18 81. 8 4 18. 2 9. 36. 002 Lying in physically low places 65 14. 3 35 53. 8 30 46. 2 0. 44. 296 Bashful Knee Bend 24 5. 3 24 100. 0 0 0. 0 25. 33. 000 Canting postures 151 33. 1 116 76. 8 35 23. 2 64. 96. 000 Responding Smiles 44 9. 6 30 68. 2 14 31. 8 6. 44. 011 Body clowning 67 14. 7 52 77. 6 15 22. 4 23. 95. 000 Being Embraced 99 21. 7 84 84. 8 15 15. 2 61. 42. 000 Licensed Withdrawal Covering one's face/mouth 13 2. 9 12 92. 3 1 7. 7 9. 58. 002 Withdrawal gaze from scene at large 163 35. 7 105 64. 4 58 35. 6 21. 09. 000 Looking at the situation from behind something 41 9. 0 27 65. 9 14 34. 1 4. 52. 033 Snuggling Up 92 20. 2 89 96. 7 3 3. 3 100. 71. 000 Body Display Body Revealing clothes 86 18. 9 54 62. 8 32 37. 2 6. 93. 008 Nudity 63 13. 8 42 66. 7 21 33. 3 8. 12. 004 Under total sample the percentage corresponds to the percentage of all people analyzed. Percenta ges of females and males descri be the distribution of women and men within each category. One tailed significances are given for X² values. df=1	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 53 Goffman, this decrease was viewed as a step towards a more balanced depiction of the two genders. However, the findings of this study question this transition: Both “Relative Size” and “Function Ranking,” are often discovered in advertisements that portray males and females in interaction. In a similar vein, “Body Display” did not occur as frequently as expected, suggesting that pictures showing men and women together tend to incorporate a more conservative attire of female models, suitable to a dependency status. The above findings suggest that even though some progress has been reported towards the depiction of females in less traditional roles in advertising (e. g., Kang, 1997; Lindner, 2004), portrayals of men and women in interaction remain conventional, seem much slower to adapt to societal evolutions, and continue to reflect women's inferiority. However, similar to prior research, when “Relative Size,” “Function Ranking,” and “Body Display” are observed, traditional patterns that denote explicit hierarchical structures are evident: Males superiority in status is overwhelmingly transcribed in advertising visuals, in terms of 1) their size and positioning in the frame and 2) the role performed and their tendency to take control of the situ ation. In addition, light clothing and nude shots ar e more likely to be associated with females rather than males, implying a higher degree of sexualisation. This picture lends support to Devereaux (1990) and Reichert et al., (1999) who argue that females are depicted in more sexually explicit ways than men. The remaining Goffman categories (Use of Hands, Ritualisation of Subordination, and Licensed Withdrawal) were observed in the majority of portrayals of men and women in interaction. As expe cted, women were found to almost entirely practice non-utilitarian touch, adopt postures that signal subordination and appear to withdraw from the current situation much more often than men. This picture was also encountered in several studies based on Goffman categories (e. g., Lindner, 2004; Mager & Helgeson, 2011). These positions signify submissiveness, vulnerability, lack of ability to take control, need for male's protection and even sexual availability. Consequen tly, it follows that in advertisements where women are framed with men, the visual imagery is rife with indications of their role in the social power hierarchy: Females tend to remain on the sidelines and appear as inferior to men who seem strong, energetic, independent, and ready for action. Further, the study posit s that contrary to expectations, men's and women's magazines follow similar patterns regarding the depiction of the two genders in interaction. More specifically, differences across gender are unveiled in numerous Goffman categories. On the contrary, general audience magazines involve a lower degree of stereotyping, as several categories did not show significant differences, thus suggesting a comparable portrayal of males and females. Hence, these results lend support to Plakoyiannaki and Zotos (2009), who also attributed a smaller degree of stereotyping to General Audience magazines. However, the fact that men's magazines are not found to advance in the display of sexualised images as suggested by prior studies (e. g., Ferguson, Kreshel, & Tinkham, 1990; Klassen, Jasper, & Schwartz, 1993) is particularly in teresting. It follows that when advertisements portray men and women together, the editorial philosophy of the magazine does not account for the degree of sexualisation in advertising visuals. Only in the case of general interest magazines, a skew towards women was not evident in nude representations. In addition, the findings of the study suggest the interrelation of gender role stereotypes and produc t type (Manstead & Mc Culloch, 1981; Furnham & Bitar, 1993). Advertisements for he donic products tend to	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
54 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING present females in a more stereotypical fash-fashion than males, as subjective cues that convey subordination, withdrawal, and inferiority are highly associated to females and seldom observed for males. For utilitarian products though, a greater balance in terms of stereotyping is evident, as gender differences were noted in fewer Goffman categories. Hence, this paper offers important insights regarding the ability of the advertised product to colour the subtle cues that imply gender hierarchical structure in advertisements. In addition, this paper extends the stream of literature that approaches gender stereotypes through a cultural lens (e. g., Milner & Collins, 1998) by shedding light on the portrayal of men and women in Cyprus. It appears that gender stereotyping persis ts in Cypriot print advertisements. The results of the research cannot attest in favor of a lessening of gender stereotypes in modern print advertisements, suggesting that the puzzle of the accurate reflection of women's evolved status in the society has yet to be solved. Implications The multilayered influence of advertising to social norms and i ndividual perceptions can hardly be challenged. The public broadcast of advertising messages coupled with the acceptance of roles and positions by the models depicted are attributed a large part of success in the valida tion of the gender hierarchical structures ascribed (Mc Laughlin & Goulet, 1999). None theless, the diffusion of gender stereotypes is associated with various negative consequences particularly for women. The ubiquitous a ppearance of female models in idealised images and impossible beauty standards play havoc with individuals' well-being, self-confid ence, and self-esteem (Jones 1993; Barlett et al., 2005). A relationship between stereotypes and body dissatisfaction has also been demonstrated. Females exposed to women's sexualised images were found to evaluate their body size as larger and presente d a higher discrepancy between their actual and ideal body size compared to females exposed to non-sexist images (Lavine, Sweeny, & Wagner, 1999). In addition, negative effects regarding gender related attitudes and professional skills may accrue from exposure to female stereotyped images (K ilbourne, 1999). In a study on images of women in advertising and their effects on beliefs about sexual aggression, Lanis and Covell (1995) demonstrated that sexually explicit images of women instigated increased gender role stereotyping and acceptance of interpersonal aggression and violence to male participants. In this light, the study raises key public policy concerns towards the safeguard of gender equal opportunities. The persistence of female stereotypes in society, even conveyed through an indirect way by subtle cues transcribed in the advertising visuals, still manage to signal women's inferiority and threaten their personal welfare, social standing, and career potential. To address this, social entities like educational and welfare organizations coul d play an active role regarding the deconstruction of idealized beauty and body standards and the development of indi viduals'—especially teenagers'—confidence and self-esteem. Further, as exposure to advertisements that convey stereotypical port rayals is associated with scepticism and dissatisfaction (e. g., Lammers & Wilkinson, 1980), advertising practitioners should be very careful not to alienate their target markets. According to Ford et al. (1991; 1997), females tend to be more critical of advertisements that are inconsistent with their role orientation. In a similar vein, preferences for advertising literacy programs and awards for advertisements that break through gender stereotypes over stricter ethical and/or legal regulations have been r ecently reported (Van Hellemont & Van den Bulk, 2012).	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
Zotos and Tsichla 55 Considering that consumer attitudes towards advertising significantly vary across consumer segments (Marinov, Petrovici, & Marinova, 2008), advertising messages, especially those appealing to females, should be free of cues that signify women's subordination and send the wrong message about their status and capabilities. Limitations and Further Research An inherent limitation of the study originates from the descriptive nature of the content analysis employed as a methodological tool. Though insights and numerical records were obtained from the analysis of the status quo, this study cannot shed light into the reason why significant relationships, trends, or differences in the data are observed (Kassarjian, 1977). Consequently, an examination of advertising practitioners' motives and perceptions regarding the use of ge nder stereotyping could provide an interesting perspective. Additionally, an area of future work could rest in the investigation of the interplay of stereotyping in me n and women's joint portrayal and variables associated with the evaluation of advertisements, such as recall, recognition, attitude towa rd the advertisement, attitude toward the adve rtised brand, etc. This paper addressed the under-explored area of male and female portrayals in interaction. Future research could extend these findings by employing a longitudinal approach in order to investigate whether subtle stereotyping in such depictions has changed over time. Furthermore, a comparison of different cultures seems a fruitful direction of future research. For instance, countries that differ in the masculinity dimension of Hofstede's (1980, 1991) social structure could be used for the examination of possible correlations between the degree of stereotyping and a country's masculine vs feminine culture. Finally, this paper was concerned exclusively with the examination of magazine advertisements. However, other mediums, such as the Internet, play a critical role nowadays enjoying great reach to its target audiences. Online advertising in banners, e-mails, social media, etc. incorporate visuals that constitute a suitable context for the application of a coding scheme. As Goffman's categories have not been yet applied to the online context, such an approach could offer in teresting preliminary insights to the pertinent literature. REFERENCES Al-Olayan, F. S. & Karande, K. (2000). A content analysis of magazine advertisements from the United States and the Arab world. Journal of Advertising, 29(3), 69-82. Argamon, S., Koppel, M., Fine, J., & Shimoni, A. R. (2003). Gender, genre, and writing style in formal written texts. Retrieved from: http ://lingcog. iit. edu/doc/ gendertext 04. pdf Ashmore, R. D. & Del Boca, F. K. (1981). Conceptual approaches to stereotypes and stereotyping. In D. L. Hamilton (Ed. ), Cognitive approaches in stereotyping and intergroup behaviour (pp. 1-35). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Baker, C. N. 2005. Images of women's sexuality in advertisements: A content analysis of black-and white-oriented women's and men's magazines. Sex Roles, 52 (1-2), 13-27. Barlett, C., Harris, R., Smith, S., & Bonds-Raacke, J. (2005). Action figures and men. Sex Roles, 53(11-12), 877-885. Batra, R. & Ahtola, O. T. (1991). Measuring the hedonic and utilitarian sources of consumer attitudes. Marketing Letters, 2(2), 159-70. Belkaoui, A. & Belkaoui, J. M. (1976). A comparative analysis of the roles played by women in print advertisements: 1958,	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
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Journal of Euromarketing, 23: 59-67, 2014 Copyright © IMDA Press ISSN: 1049-6483 print / 1528-6967 online Barbara Czarnecka, Ph. D. is Senior Lecturer, De partment of Marketing, Tourism and Hospitality, University of Bedfordshire, Luton, Beds. United Ki ngdom. Serap Keles, MBA, is affiliated with Norwe-gian Institute of Public Health, Nydalen, Oslo, Norway Address correspondence to Dr. Barbara Czarnecka, De partment of Marketing, Tourism and Hospitali-ty, University of Bedfordshire, Luton, Beds. LU1 3JU, United Kingdom, E-mail: Barba-ra. czarnecka@beds. ac. uk 59 Global Consumer Culture Positioning: The Use of Global Consumer Culture Positioning Appeals Across Four European Countries Barbara Czarnecka Serap Keles ABSTRACT. This study proposes a framework of adver tising appeals which could be used to express global consumer culture positioning (GCCP) stra tegy in advertising. The paper examined the use of such appeals in print advertising by comp aring 847 advertisements fo r durable and non-durable goods from four European countries: Poland, Hungary, Ireland, and the UK. Results revealed that contrary to the expectations, GCCP appeals were mo re often used in advertisements for non-durable goods than durable goods. On the other hand, the st udy confirmed the expectation that GCCP appeals would be more frequently used in advertising in less developed markets than in more developed markets. The proposed framework of GCCP appeal s may be useful to practitioners wishing to use this positioning strategy. KEYWORDS. Global consumer culture, appeals, advertising INTRODUCTION Globalisation of the ma rketplace has led to complex challenges for international brand managers (Okazaki, Mueller, & Taylor, 2010). One of these challenges is the difficulty of advertising to consumers from different cultures. Advertisi ng researchers have examined various ways of communicating with diverse international audiences. Most research in this area has been dominated by studies focusing on the differences and similarities between advertising from different countries, usually employing some cultural dimension frameworks. Such studies have often provided conflicting and inconclusive results and have been criticised for their “simplistic” view of cultures (Taylor 2010). Due to the radical changes in the global marketplace and the complex processes occurring when cultures “collide,” scholars have been calling for th e inclusion of other theoretical frameworks such as global consumer culture positioning (GCCP) strategy (Taylor, 2010; Akaka & Alden, 2010; Gammoh, Koh, & Okoroafo, 2011). This study, hence, draws on perspectives from global consumer culture and the concept of GCCP to propose and test a framework of advertising appeals that could be used to express the GCCP strategy. In the following	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf
60 JOURNAL OF EUROMARKETING section, the concept of global consumer cul-culture and the GCCP st rategy are discussed. A framework of GCCP a dvertising appeals is proposed and subsequently tested in content analysis of advertising from Poland, Hungary, Ireland, and the UK. The results and implica-implications are further discussed. GLOBAL CONSUMER CULTURE The concept of globa l consumer culture has emerged from the wider concept of con-sumer culture. Consumer culture is defined as a densely woven network of global connections and extens ions through which local cultures are incr easingly interpenetrated by the forces of international capital, the global information technology, and global media (Arnould & Thompson, 2005). Similarly, global consumer culture is a “cultural entity not associated with a single country, but rather a larger group generally recognized as internati onal and transcending individual national cultures” (Alden, Steenkamp, & Batra, 1999, p. 80). The concept is described as a collection of common signs and symbols (e. g. brands and values) that are understood by a substantial number of consumers around the world. Global culture of consumption is emerging as a result of the increasi ng interconnectedness of varied local cultures as well as through the development of cultures without a clear anchorage in any one territory. Ozsomer (2013) argues that the espoused values of the global culture are the ones that reflect the most important values of Western societies, such as freedom of choice, free market, and individual freedom and individual rights. Ozsomer (2013) also points out the fact that due to the constant changes and interactions, consumers add new meanings to global brands which are the drivers of global consumer culture. Hence, grounded on the proposition that there is a global consumer culture emerging, a new positioning strategy, global consumer culture positioning (GCCP) has been proposed by Alden, Steenkamp, and Batra (1999). GLOBAL CONSUMER CULTURE POSITIONING (GCCP) GCCP is a brand positioning strategy which associates the brand with a widely understood and recognised set of symbols and values believed to constitute global consumer culture. In GCCP, the brand, which is defined as a symbol of a global culture, may be purchased by consumers mainly because of reinforcing their membership in that segment. GCCP should resonate with increasingly global segments of consumers who associate similar meanings with certain places, people, and things, and who rega rd a product, service, or brand in essentially the same way regardless of their culture or country (Cleveland & Laroche, 2007). Despite the extant literature describing or testing the concept of GCCP, there is a lack of research that provides very specific descriptions of the “global symbols” or “representations” of GCCP. For example, Westjohn, Singh, and Magnusson (2012) analysed the content of advertisements in search of GCCP symbols and values, but they did not describe how GCCP strategy was expressed (i. e., what images, appeals, or strategies were used). Okazaki, Mueller, and Taylor (2010) investigated the use of soft-sell and hard-sell appeals in advertising from the U. S. and Japan in the context of GCCP strategy and concluded that soft-sell appeals were more effective amongst global consumers. However, their study focused on two countries and investigated only two types of appeals. Very few researchers exemplified specific descriptions of the GCCP global symbols or representations. For example, in their study, Alden, Steenkamp, and Batra (1999) gave an example of the use of GCCP in advertisements	Snapshots of Men and Women in Interaction An Investigation of Stereotypes in Print Advertisement Relationship Portrayals.pdf