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Mr. Justice Blackmun
delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case presents a narrow but important issue in the administration of the federal general assistance program for needy Indians:
Are general assistance benefits available only to those Indians living on reservations in the United States (or in areas regulated by the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Alaska and Oklahoma), and are they thus unavailable to Indians (outside Alaska and Oklahoma) living off, although near, a reservation?
The United States District Court for the District of Arizona answered this question favorably to petitioner, the Secretary of the Interior, when, without opinion and on cross-motions for summary judgment, it dismissed the respondents’ complaint. The Court of Appeals, one judge dissenting, reversed. 462 F. 2d 818 (CA9 1972). We granted certiorari because of the significance of the issue and because of the vigorous assertion that the judgment of the Court of Appeals was inconsistent with long-established policy of the Secretary and of the Bureau. 411 U. S. 947 (1973).
I
The pertinent facts are agreed upon, although, as to some, the petitioner Secretary denies knowledge but does not dispute them. App. 45-48. The respondents, Ramon Ruiz and his wife, Anita, are Papago Indians and United States citizens. In 1940 they left the Papago Reservation in Arizona to seek employment 15 miles away at the Phelps-Dodge copper mines at Ajo. Mr. Ruiz found work there, and they settled in a community at Ajo called the “Indian Village” and populated almost entirely by Papagos. Practically all the land and most of the homes in the Village are owned or rented by Phelps-Dodge. The Ruizes have lived in Ajo continuously since 1940 and have been in their present residence since 1947. A minor daughter lives with them. They speak and understand the Papago language but only limited English. Apart from Mr. Ruiz’ employment with Phelps-Dodge, they have not been assimilated into the dominant culture, and they appear to have maintained a close tie with the nearby reservation.
In July 1967, 27 years after the Ruizes moved to Ajo, the mine where he worked was shut down by a strike. It remained closed until the following March. While the strike was in progress, Mr. Ruiz’ sole income was a $15 per week striker’s benefit paid by the union. He sought welfare assistance from the State of Arizona but this was denied because of the State’s apparent policy that striking workers are not eligible for general assistance or emergency relief.
On December 11, 1967, Mr. Ruiz applied for general assistance benefits from the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). He was immediately notified by letter that he was ineligible for general assistance because of the provision (in effect since 1952) in 66 Indian Affairs Manual 3.1.4 (1965) that eligibility is limited to Indians living “on reservations” and in jurisdictions under the BIA in Alaska and Oklahoma. An appeal to the Superintendent of the Papago Indian Agency was unsuccessful. A further appeal to the Phoenix Area Director of the BIA led to a hearing, but this, too, proved unsuccessful. The sole ground for the denial of general assistance benefits was that the Ruizes resided outside the boundaries of the Papago Reservation.
The respondents then instituted the present purported class action against the Secretary, claiming, as a matter of statutory interpretation, entitlement to the general assistance for which they had applied, and also challenging the eligibility provision as a violation of Fifth Amendment due process and of the Privileges and Immunities Clause of Art. IV, § 2, of the Constitution.
The Court of Appeals’ reversal of the District Court’s summary judgment for the Secretary was on the ground that the Manual’s residency limitation was inconsistent with the broad language of the Snyder Act, 25 U. S. C. § 13, “that Congress intended general assistance benefits to be available to all Indians, including those in the position” of the Ruizes, 462 F. 2d, at 821, and that subsequent actions of Congress in appropriating funds for the BIA general assistance program did not serve to ratify the imposed limitation. The dissent took the position that the Secretary’s policy was within the broad discretionary authority delegated to the Secretary by Congress with respect to the allocation of limited funds.
II
The Snyder Act, 42 Stat. 208, 25 U. S. C. § 13, approved November 2, 1921, provides the underlying congressional authority for most BIA activities including, in particular and importantly, the general assistance program. Prior to the Act, there was no such general authorization. As a result, appropriation requests made by the House Committee on Indian Affairs were frequently stricken on the House floor by point-of-order objections. See H. R. Rep. No. 275, 67th Cong., 1st Sess. (1921); S. Rep. No. 294, 67th Cong., 1st Sess. (1921); 61 Cong. Rec. 4659-4672 (1921). The Snyder Act was designed to remedy this situation. It is comprehensively worded for the apparent purpose of avoiding these point-of-order motions to strike. Since the passage of the Act, the BIA has presented its budget requests without further interruption of that kind and Congress has enacted appropriation bills annually in response to the requests.
The appropriation legislation at issue here, Department of Interior and Related Agencies Appropriation Act, 1968, Pub. L. 90-28, 81 Stat. 59, 60 (1967), recited:
“BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS “Education and Welfare Services
“For expenses necessary to provide education and welfare services for Indians, either directly or in cooperation with States and other organizations, including payment (in advance or from date of admission), of care, tuition, assistance, and other expenses of Indians in boarding homes, institutions, or schools; grants and other assistance to needy Indians; maintenance of law and order, and payment of rewards for information or evidence concerning violations of law on Indian reservations or lands; and operation of Indian arts and crafts shops; $126,478,000.”
This wording, except for the amount, is identical to that employed in similar legislation for prior fiscal years and, indeed, for subsequent ones. It is to be noted that neither the language of the Snyder Act nor that of the Appropriations Act imposes any geographical limitation on the availability of general assistance benefits and does not prescribe eligibility requirements or the details of any program. Instead, the Snyder Act states that the BIA (under the supervision of the Secretary) “shall direct, supervise, and expend... for the benefit, care, and assistance of the Indians throughout the United States” for the stated purposes including, as the two purposes first described, “[g]eneral support” and “relief of distress.” This is broadly phrased material and obviously is intended to include all BIA activities.
The general assistance program is designed by the BIA to provide direct financial aid to needy Indians where other channels of relief, federal, state, and tribal, are not available. Benefits generally are paid on a scale equivalent to the State’s welfare payments. Any Indian, whether living on a reservation or elsewhere, may be eligible for benefits under the various social security programs in which his State participates and no limitation may be placed on social security benefits because of an Indian claimant’s residence on a reservation.
In the formal budget request submitted to Congress by the BIA for fiscal 1968, the program was described as follows:
“General assistance will be provided to needy Indians on reservations who are not eligible for public assistance under the Social Security Act... and for whom such assistance is not available from established welfare agencies or through tribal resources.” Hearings on Department of the Interior and Related Agencies Appropriations for 1968 before a Subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations, 90th Cong., 1st Sess., 777-778 (1967), and Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1968, 90th Cong., 1st Sess., 695 (1967).
III
We are confronted, therefore, with the issues whether the geographical limitation placed on general assistance eligibility by the BIA is consistent with congressional intent and the meaning of the applicable statutes, or, to phrase it somewhat differently, whether the congressional appropriations are properly limited by the BIA’s restrictions, and, if so, whether the limitation withstands constitutional analysis.
On the initial question, the Secretary argues, first, that the Snyder Act is merely an enabling act with no definition of the scope of the general assistance program, that the Appropriation Act did not provide for off-reservation Indian welfare (other than in Oklahoma and Alaska), and that Congress did not intend to expand the program beyond that presented to it by the BIA request. Secondly, he points to the “on reservations” limitation in the Manual and suggests that Congress was well acquainted with that limitation, and that, by legislating in the light of the Manual's limiting provision, its appropriation amounted to a ratification of the BIA’s definitive practice. He notes that, in recent years, Congress has twice rejected proposals that clearly would have provided off-reservation general assistance for Indians. Thus, it is said, Congress has appropriated no funds for general assistance for off-reservation Indians and, as a practical matter, the Secretary is unable to provide such a program.
The Court of Appeals placed primary reliance on the Snyder Act’s provision for assistance to “the Indians throughout” the United States. It concluded that the Act envisioned no geographical limitations on Indian programs and that, absent a clear congressional ratification of such a policy, the Secretary was powerless to shrink the coverage down to some lesser group of Indian beneficiaries.
Although we affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals and its reversal of the judgment of the District Court, we reach its result on a narrower ground. We need not approach the issue in terms of whether Congress intended for all Indians, regardless of residence and of the degree of assimilation, to be covered by the general assistance program. We need only ascertain the intent of Congress with respect to those Indian claimants in the case before us. The question, so limited, is whether Congress intended-to exclude from the general assistance program these respondents and their class, who are full-blooded, unassimilated Indians living in an Indian community near their native reservation, and who maintain close economic and social ties with that reservation. Except for formal residence outside the physical boundaries of the Papago Reservation, the respondents, as has been conceded, meet all other requirements for the general assistance program.
IV
There is, of course, some force in the Secretary’s argument and in the facts that the BIA’s budget requests consistently contained “on reservations” general assistance language and that there was testimony before successive appropriations subcommittees to the effect that assistance of this kind was customarily so restricted. Nonetheless, our examination of this and other material leads us to a conclusion contrary to that urged by the Secretary.
A. In actual practice, general assistance clearly has not been limited to reservation Indians. Indeed, the Manual’s provision, see n. 6, supra, so heavily relied upon by the Secretary, itself provides that general assistance is available to nonreservation Indians in Alaska and Oklahoma. The rationale proffered for this is:
“The situation of Indians in Alaska and Oklahoma has historically been unique. Much of Oklahoma was once set aside as an Indian Territory, and though most of the reservations have been abolished, there remains a large area of concentrated Indian population with tribal organization, living on land held in trust by the United States.... A similar situation of large concentrations of native Americans, with few reservations and substantial separate legislation prevails in Alaska.... The responsibilities of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in these jurisdictions are substantially similar to the Bureau’s responsibilities on the reservations.” Brief for Petitioner 21.
While this exception is not necessarily irrational, it definitely demonstrates that the limitation in the budget requests is not rigidly followed by the BIA, inasmuch as most off-reservation Indians in the two named States are regarded as eligible for general assistance funds. If, as the Secretary urges, we are to assume that Congress has been aware of the Manual’s provision, Congress was just as clearly on notice that the words “on reservations” did not possess their literal meaning in that context. Surely, some of the reasons for the Alaska-Oklahoma exception are equally applicable to Indians of the Ruiz class.
B. There was testimony in several of the hearings that the BIA, in fact, was not limiting general assistance to those within reservation boundaries and, on more than one occasion, Congress was notified that exceptions were being made where they were deemed appropriate. Notwithstanding the Manual, at least three categories of off-reservation Indians outside Alaska and Oklahoma have been treated as eligible for general assistance. The first is the Indian who relocates in the city through the BIA relocation program and who then is eligible for general assistance for the period of time required for him, under state law, to establish residence in the new location. The second evidently is the Indian from the Turtle Mountain Reservation in North Dakota who lives on trust land near but apart from that reservation. The third appears to be the Indian residing in Rapid City, South' Dakota.
In addition, although not controlling, it is not irrelevant that the “on reservations” limitation in the budget requests has never appeared in the final appropriation bills.
C. Even more important is the fact that, for many years, to and including the appropriation year at issue, the BIA itself made continual representations to the appropriations subcommittees that nonurban Indians living “near” a reservation were eligible for BIA services. Although, to be sure, several passages in the legislative history and the formal budget requests have defined eligibility in terms of Indians living “on reservations,” the BIA, not infrequently, has indicated that living “on or near” a reservation equates with living “on” it.
An early example of this appears at the fiscal 1948 Senate Hearing. The following colloquy between Senator McCarran and Assistant Commissioner Zimmerman is one of the stronger statements made to Congress concerning the BIA’s policy of limiting general assistance to reservation Indians and yet, within this very dialogue, relied on explicitly by the Secretary, is an indication that “on reservations” is not given a rigid interpretation:
“Senator McCarran. I have one question right there.
“Do these items address themselves to reservation Indians or nonreservation Indians, or both?
“Take, for instance, this welfare administration fund, $87,786. Is that given to reservation Indians, nonreservation Indians alike?
“Mr. Zimmerman. No, sir; it is not.
“Senator McCarran. To whom is it given?
“Mr. Zimmerman. This money goes to reservation Indians.
“Senator McCarran. Entirely?
“Mr. Zimmerman. Yes.
“Senator McCarran. Now, in my State, for instance, you have in the outskirts of Reno and again on the outskirts of Battle Mountain small Indian villages. Do they get anything in the way of relief?
“Mr. Zimmerman. Those town colonies are treated as reservations.
“Senator McCarran. You regard them as reservations?
“Mr. Zimmerman. Yes; some of them are.
“Senator McCarran. Is the colony outside of the city of Reno a reservation?
“Mr. Zimmerman. For certain purposes the courts have held that it is a reservation.
“Senator McCarran. Do they own the land?
“Mr. Zimmerman. Yes; the Federal Government owns the land.
“Senator McCarran. The Federal Government owns the land?
“Mr. Zimmerman. Yes, sir.
“Senator McCarran. They build their houses on it or the Federal Government?
“Mr. Zimmerman. They build their own houses.
“Senator McCarran. But those Indians do receive the benefits?
“Mr. Zimmerman. They would be eligible; yes, sir.” Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1948, 80th Cong., 1st Sess., 598-599 (1947).
The interchangeability of “on” and “on or near” appears more directly in later years. In the relocation services section of the BIA’s budget justification for fiscal 1959 it is stated:
“It is estimated that within the continental United States there are approximately 400,000 members of Indian tribes and bands. Of this number, approximately 300,000 live on or adjacent to reservations for which the Bureau assumes some responsibility. On most of the Indian reservations there is a surplus of population in proportion to reservation resources. Opportunities for self-support on or near these reservations are wholly inadequate and the increasing surplus population is faced with the alternative of moving away from the reservation or remaining to live in privation or dependent, partially or wholly, upon some form of public assistance.” Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1959, 85th Cong., 2d Sess., 288 (1958) (emphasis supplied).
The relocation program is covered by the welfare appropriation. It is designed to provide short-term assistance to the needy Indian who leaves the reservation area and thereby disqualifies himself for the general assistance program. By describing the Indians who “live on or adjacent to reservations” as those entitled to relocation services when they depart, the BIA in effect was telling Congress that “moving away from the reservation” was a possibility even though the Indian lives only “adjacent to”, the reservation, and it would seem to follow that the Indian living “adjacent to” the reservation was also eligible for general assistance.
At the fiscal 1962 hearing, Congressman Fenton inquired of Assistant Commissioner Gifford as to the Indian population in the United States. She replied:
“We have no absolute figure. Our best estimate of Indians on the reservations right now is about 375,000, I think. That is a figure we are using. Of course, there are Indians off of the reservations, and we do not have this count too clearly. However, for those we consider our direct responsibility on the reservations-
“Mr. Fenton. To whom we contribute?
“Miss Gifford. Yes we believe it is about 375,000.” House Hearings, Fiscal Year 1962, 87th Cong., 1st Sess., 205-206 (1961).
The foregoing statement by the Assistant Commissioner, of course, is not in itself particularly revealing on the issue that confronts us. As can be seen from subsequent hearings, however, the stated figure includes Indians “on or near the reservations” and is not restricted to Indians who live “on.” Also, this “on or near” group, in contrast to those who live “off” the reservation, are within the group for whom the BIA assumed “direct responsibility.” Obviously, one can never be certain whether this expanded reading of “on” is the result of the BIA’s desire, when seeking appropriations, to represent its jurisdiction and function somewhat more broadly than it actually was, or whether it reflects actual policy.
The “on or near” representations continued to be made to Congress. At the fiscal 1963 House hearing, Congressmen questioned Commissioner Nash, Associate Commissioner Officer, and Assistant Commissioner Gifford as to the Indian population served by the BIA:
“Mr. Denton. How many Indians are there at the present time?
“Miss Gifford. You mean the total population?
“Mr. Denton. Yes.
“Miss Gifford. We estimate that the total population on or near the reservations that we serve is 380,000.
“Mr. Denton. I expect there is no way you could tell how many Indians there are off the reservations.
“Mr. Nash. Well, we can take the total census figure for the Indian population and subtract those that are listed as living on or near the reservations, and this gives us a figure of 172,000 off the reservations; 380,000 on or near the reservations, including Alaska.
“Mr. Kirwan. What did you say was on the reservation?
“Mr. Nash. 380,000.
“Mr. Officer. We are citing our figure of 380,000 to include those Indians who live in the reservation vicinity and are eligible to receive our services, as well as the Indians and other Alaska natives. The total of Alaska natives is 43,000. When we subtract that from 380,000, we have 337,000 Indians who live on or near reservations outside Alaska. Now if we are going to be concerned only with those who live on reservations, then we have that figure of 285,000, which was in our press release.
“Mr. Kirwan. We want to clear that up. The press release emphasizes the 285,000 on the reservation. Now we have the figure on the reservation and those who live near the reservation. That is the point we want to clear.
“Mr. Officer. The 380,000 are those who live on or near reservations plus the natives of Alaska.
“Mr. Denton. That does include Eskimos?
“Mr. Officer. Yes, sir.
“Mr. Denton. What do you do in places like Oklahoma, where the Indians live ‘checkerboard'?
“Mr. Officer. It is for that reason that we cite figures of Indians living on or near reservations; because we have a number of situations similar to those in Oklahoma, where you don't have a well-defined reservation boundary.” House Hearings, Fiscal Year 1963, 87th Cong., 2d Sess., 352-354 (1962) (emphasis supplied).
It is interesting to note that the Subcommittee was advised that Alaska and Oklahoma Indians are subsumed in the “on or near” category rather than placed in the pure “on” group, and, admittedly, they are entitled to general assistance. The figures stated also indicate that the number quoted the preceding year by Miss Gifford as the number “on the reservation” actually referred to those “on or near.”
A nearly identical dialogue occurred in 1964 at the Senate Subcommittee:
“Senator Bible. How many Indians do you have under your jurisdiction?
“Mr. Nash. 380,000.
“Senator Bible. How many nonreservation Indians do you have? Are those just reservation Indians?
“Mr. Nash. These are on or near. This would not include, for example, Indians living in Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, Denver, Minneapolis, unless they were brought there as part of our vocational training or relocation programs.
“Senator Bible. What is the total Indian population in the United States?
“Mr. Nash. The 1960 census counted 552,000. Indians, Eskimos, and Aleuts.
“Chairman Hayden. Are these full-bloods or halfs?
“Mr. Nash. The census does not make an inquiry as to full or half. They merely say, 'Are you an Indian?’ 'Are you known as an Eskimo?’
“Senator Bible. Following the Chairman’s question, where does your jurisdiction rest in that regard? Do you have a measuring stick?
“Mr. Nash. No, sir. Our basis for providing services to an Indian is primarily on real estate. That is, we service those individuals who reside on trust or restricted land, or so close to it that the program of the reservation would be affected by services not performed for that person.” Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1965, 88th Cong., 2d Sess., 227-228 (1964) (emphasis supplied).
The now-familiar BIA representations appear again at the House hearing for fiscal 1967:
“Mr. Denton. How many Indians are there on the reservations and how many are under the Indian Bureau’s supervision?
“Mr. Nash. We recognize what we call the Federal Indian Service population at 380,000.
“Mr. Denton. Are they on reservations?
“Mr. Nash. This is on and near. The figure on the reservation is somewhat smaller, but this is the figure which is of those who are on reservations, are living on trust lands, have titles which are alienated, restricted against aliens, or are village communities in Alaska, Oklahoma, or are so near to reservations that they are dependent upon the facilities provided by the Bureau of Indian Affairs for their major community services.
“Mr. Denton. What is the total Indian population?
“Mr. Nash. The 1960 census counted 552,000. It would be from there up, because there are a good many people who-
“Mr. Denton. And 380,000 are on the reservations, so about 170,000 are not under the Government's care.
“Mr. Nash. That is correct.” House Hearings, Fiscal Year 1967, 89th Cong., 2d Sess., 370-371 (1966) (emphasis supplied).
At the hearing for fiscal 1968, the appropriation year directly at issue, Commissioner Bennett made like representations to the Senate Subcommittee. These could have led Congress to believe that there are only two relevant classes of Indians so far as non-land-related BIA services are concerned, those living “off” the reservation and those living “on or near”:
“Senator Bible.... Mr. Commissioner, and I am sorry because you may have covered this in earlier questioning, but what is the total Indian population under your jurisdiction at the present time?
“Mr. Bennett. The total Indian population under our jurisdiction at the present time is 380,000. These are on or near reservations and comprise our service population based on the 1960 census.
“Senator Bible. How many Indians do we have in the United States who are not under your jurisdiction and are not your responsibility?
“Mr. Bennett. Based on the 1960 census again the figure is about 170,000. These are people who moved away from the residential areas and generally have become a part of other communities.” Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1968, 90th Cong., 1st Sess., 819 (1967) (emphasis supplied).
Another recurring representation made by the BIA throughout the annual hearings is that whenever it was asked about those Indians who were outside the agency’s service area, that is, “off” the reservations, the answer would refer to Indians who had left the reservations and moved to urban areas or who had attempted to be assimilated by the general population. Certainly, none of the references to those outside the service area seem appropriately applied to Indians of the Ruiz class.
During the fiscal 1950 Senate hearing, when the question arose as to the status of Indians who had left the reservation, Assistant Commissioner Zimmerman stated:
“Frankly, it has not been considered the obligation of the Indian Service in the years past to police Indians after they have established themselves in Phoenix or Flagstaff or Grand Forks, or wherever it may be.” Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1950, 81st Cong., 1st Sess., 483 (1949).
At the fiscal 1952 hearing, the following exchange between Senator Young and Commissioner Myer gives some indication of what Congress had in mind with respect to Indian beneficiaries “leaving the reservation”:
“Senator Young.... Is it true that, if an Indian leaves North Dakota to go out to the State of Washington to work, and if he runs out of work and runs out of money out there,... he is eligible for relief only if he is back on the reservation?
“Mr. Myer. No. If he has established residence, he is as eligible as anyone. I do not know what the situation is in the State of Washington, but some States would require a 2-year residence; some do not.
“Senator Young. Why could not an Indian get relief back there as well as on the reservation?
“Mr. Myer. That presents a problem that is a matter of very basic policy. That is a matter of whether or not we are going to extend our services to Indians wherever they are and follow them around the United States as they leave the reservation with the type of service we are providing on the reservation.” Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1952, 82d Cong., 1st Sess., 372 (1951).
The following representation by Acting Commissioner Crow to the House Subcommittee in 1961 seems to indicate that general assistance, although tied to residence, is concerned with those Indians who have not been assimilated:
“The Bureau provides services and assists the states in furnishing services to Indians in the United States, including the natives of Alaska, in the fields of human and natural resources. This includes among other things programs of education, welfare, law and order, and the protection, development, and management of trust property. Services are, in general, limited to those arising out of our relationship regarding trust property and to those Indian people who reside on trust or restricted land. Funds are not included in these estimates for furnishing services to Indian people who have established themselves in the general society.” House Hearings, Fiscal Year 1962, 87th Cong., 1st Sess., 98 (1961).
In the fiscal 1964 hearings, Commissioner Nash made the following statements indicating that “leaving the reservation” meant something far different from moving 15 miles to a nonurban Indian village while still maintaining close ties with the native reservation:
“The 1960 census showed 552,000 Indians, Eskimos and all others, all people defined as 'Indians’ by the census. This would include those who have left reservations, gone to Los Angeles, San Francisco, Denver, Chicago, because they simply answered to the census taker, 'Yes, I am an Indian,’ when they asked. We do not pretend to follow those people with services wherever they go.
“... We have a need for services for 380,000 people. This includes those who are living directly on the reservations, and those who are living very dose, so that the way in which they live affects reservations programs.” House Hearings, Fiscal Year 1964, 88th Cong., 1st Sess., 889 (1963) (emphasis supplied).
See also Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1967, 89th Cong., 2d Sess., 295-300 (1966).
It apparently was not until 1971, four years after the appropriation for fiscal 1968, that anyone in Congress seriously questioned the BIA as to its precise policy concerning the “off-on” dichotomy. The following dialogue between Senator Bible, long a member of the Senate Subcommittee, and Commissioner Bruce is instructive:
“Senator Bible.... What rule do you use to determine who is under your jurisdiction? Who is under the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs?
“Mr. Bruce. American Indians living on reservations, one-fourth degree blood or more living in the United States and Alaska.
“Senator Bible. One-fourth degree or more is one of the qualifications. They must also live on a reservation?
“Mr. Bruce. On or near.
“Senator Bible. What does the word 'near’ mean?
“Mr. Bruce. It is very difficult to define. Near reservation would be a nearby community.
“Senator Bible. Well, half a mile, 1 mile, 5 miles, 100 yards? I am just trying to find out what your jurisdiction is. You have some responsibilities. Now what are you responsible for?
“Mr. Bruce. They vary and that is why it is difficult to answer specifically.
“Senator Bible. Well, give me the variables then. From 100 yards up to 10 miles?
“Is that defined in a statute anywhere? If I was to become the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, God forbid, how would I know who I had jurisdiction over? They must make some determination.
“Mr. Bruce. There is a definition for Oklahoma, and Alaska.
“Senator Bible. What do your lawyers tell you?... Can you go into the heart of Manhattan and find some Indian with one-fourth degree of Indian blood? Do you have jurisdiction over him in the heart of Manhattan?
“Mr. Bruce. No, sir; not over Manhattan.
“Senator Bible. Well, if not over Manhattan, how about New York State? How about Troy or Syracuse or Rochester?
“Senator Bible.... I am just trying to get the record straight to see what your responsibility is for Indians beyond the reservation. I think we are clear for the Indians on the reservation.”
At this point a recess was taken and the Commissioner w;as instructed to present the Committee with a more precise breakdown. The dialogue continued:
“Senator Bible. Do you have a breakdown for the Indians on the reservations and the number beyond Indian reservations? Can you give me figures on that?
“Mr. Bruce. Yes.
“Senator Bible. All right. What are they?
“Mr. Bruce. 477,000 on or near.
“Senator Bible. 477,000 on or near, and we still don’t know what near is....
“Now on or near. Beyond the 477,000 Indians on reservations or near a reservation, you have no further jurisdiction over Indians?
“Mr. Bruce. That is right.
“Senator Bible. That is your total responsibility?
“Mr. Bruce. That is our total responsibility.
“Senator Bible. Of the money that is in this budget, the $408 million, how much of that will be expended within the reservations and how much beyond the reservations?
“Mr. Bruce. Our total budget is to be spent for the benefit of reservation Indians.
“Senator Bible. You are still tripping me up on that on or near business. I wish you would define that.”
[At this point there was an exchange as to whether BIA services' extend to Indians living in Chicago and other urban areas.]
“Senator Bible.... Now how many urban Indians do we have?
“Mr. Bruce. We are talking about more than 250,000.
“Senator Bible. 250,000?
“Mr. Bruce. Yes.
“Senator Bible. That is over and above the 477,458?
“Mr. Bruce. That is right.
“Senator Bible. And these are the difficulties that you have encountered in also a rather lengthy resume of some of the services that you perform for them as to your responsibility for the 250,000.
“Where do you find these 250,000 nonreservation Indians?
“Mr. Bruce. Living in urban cities — Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, St. Louis, Cleveland, Denver, Minneapolis.” Senate Hearings, Fiscal Year 1972, 92d Cong., 1st Sess., 751-756 (1971).
Although most of these passages refer to the BIA’s overall jurisdiction and not to the scope of the general assistance program, there is nothing to indicate that general assistance would not be made available for all within the service area. Unlike programs such as law enforcement and land projects, géneral assistance is not tied inherently or logically to the physical boundaries of the reservation. And programs, such as relocation, that explicitly extend beyond the reservation are not limited to “on or near.” So it is difficult to ascertain precisely what relevance the “on or near” category would have if it did not relate to programs such as general assistance. Nowhere in the hearings had the BIA ever indicated which non-land-oriented programs are available to those “on” as opposed to those “on or near,” and the only conclusion that is to be drawn from the representations to Congress is that those Indians who fit the “on or near” category are eligible for all BIA services not directly tied to the physical boundaries.
Thus, the usual practice of the BIA has been to represent to Congress that “on or near” is the equivalent of “on” for purposes of welfare service eligibility, and that the successive budget requests were for a universe of Indians living “on or near” and not just for those living directly “on.” In addition, the BIA has continually treated persons “off” the reservations as not “on or near.” In the light of this rather consistent legislative history, it is understandable that the Secretary now argues that general assistance has not been available to those “off” the reservation. We do not accept the argument, however, that the history indicates that general assistance was thereby restricted to those within the physical boundaries. To the contrary, that history clearly shows that Congress was led to believe that the programs were being made available to those unassimilated needy Indians living near the reservation as well as to those living “on.” Certainly, a fair reading of the congressional proceedings up to and including the fiscal 1968 hearing can lead only to the conclusion that Indians situated near the reservation, such as the Ruizes, were covered by the authorization.
D. Wholly aside from this appropriation subcommittee legislative history, the Secretary suggests that Congress,

Question: What is the issue area of the decision?
A. Criminal Procedure
B. Civil Rights
C. First Amendment
D. Due Process
E. Privacy
F. Attorneys
G. Unions
H. Economic Activity
I. Judicial Power
J. Federalism
K. Interstate Relations
L. Federal Taxation
M. Miscellaneous
N. Private Action
Answer:

Answer: B