Task: sc_adminaction

What follows is an opinion from the Supreme Court of the United States. Your task is to identify the federal agency involved in the administrative action that occurred prior to the onset of litigation. If the administrative action occurred in a state agency, respond "State Agency". Do not code the name of the state. The administrative activity may involve an administrative official as well as that of an agency. If two federal agencies are mentioned, consider the one whose action more directly bears on the dispute;otherwise the agency that acted more recently. If a state and federal agency are mentioned, consider the federal agency. Pay particular attention to the material which appears in the summary of the case preceding the Court's opinion and, if necessary, those portions of the prevailing opinion headed by a I or II. Action by an agency official is considered to be administrative action except when such an official acts to enforce criminal law. If an agency or agency official "denies" a "request" that action be taken, such denials are considered agency action. Exclude: a "challenge" to an unapplied agency rule, regulation, etc.; a request for an injunction or a declaratory judgment against agency action which, though anticipated, has not yet occurred; a mere request for an agency to take action when there is no evidence that the agency did so; agency or official action to enforce criminal law; the hiring and firing of political appointees or the procedures whereby public officials are appointed to office; attorney general preclearance actions pertaining to voting; filing fees or nominating petitions required for access to the ballot; actions of courts martial; land condemnation suits and quiet title actions instituted in a court; and federally funded private nonprofit organizations.

Vague laws invite arbitrary power. Before the Revolution, the crime of treason in English law was so capaciously construed that the mere expression of disfavored opinions could invite transportation or death. The founders cited the crown's abuse of "pretended" crimes like this as one of their reasons for revolution. See Declaration of Independence ¶ 21. Today's vague laws may not be as invidious, but they can invite the exercise of arbitrary power all the same-by leaving the people in the dark about what the law demands and allowing prosecutors and courts to make it up.
The law before us today is such a law. Before holding a lawful permanent resident alien like James Dimaya subject to removal for having committed a crime, the Immigration and Nationality Act requires a judge to determine that the ordinary case of the alien's crime of conviction involves a substantial risk that physical force may be used. But what does that mean? Just take the crime at issue in this case, California burglary, which applies to everyone from armed home intruders to door-to-door salesmen peddling shady products. How, on that vast spectrum, is anyone supposed to locate the ordinary case and say whether it includes a substantial risk of physical force? The truth is, no one knows. The law's silence leaves judges to their intuitions and the people to their fate. In my judgment, the Constitution demands more.
*
I begin with a foundational question. Writing for the Court in Johnson v. United States, 576 U.S. ----, 135 S.Ct. 2551, 192 L.Ed.2d 569 (2015), Justice Scalia held the residual clause of the Armed Career Criminal Act void for vagueness because it invited "more unpredictability and arbitrariness" than the Constitution allows. Id., at ----, 135 S.Ct., at 2558. Because the residual clause in the statute now before us uses almost exactly the same language as the residual clause in Johnson, respect for precedent alone would seem to suggest that both clauses should suffer the same judgment.
But first in Johnson and now again today Justice THOMAS has questioned whether our vagueness doctrine can fairly claim roots in the Constitution as originally understood. See, e.g., post, at 1242 - 1245 (dissenting opinion); Johnson, supra, at 1226 - 1233 (opinion concurring in judgment) ( 576 U.S., at ---- - ----, 135 S.Ct., at 2566-2573 ). For its part, the Court has yet to offer a reply. I believe our colleague's challenge is a serious and thoughtful one that merits careful attention. At day's end, though, it is a challenge to which I find myself unable to subscribe. Respectfully, I am persuaded instead that void for vagueness doctrine, at least properly conceived, serves as a faithful expression of ancient due process and separation of powers principles the framers recognized as vital to ordered liberty under our Constitution.
Consider first the doctrine's due process underpinnings. The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments guarantee that "life, liberty, or property" may not be taken "without due process of law." That means the government generally may not deprive a person of those rights without affording him the benefit of (at least) those "customary procedures to which freemen were entitled by the old law of England." Pacific Mut. Life Ins. Co. v. Haslip, 499 U.S. 1, 28, 111 S.Ct. 1032, 113 L.Ed.2d 1 (1991) (Scalia, J., concurring in judgment) (internal quotation marks omitted). Admittedly, some have suggested that the Due Process Clause does less work than this, allowing the government to deprive people of their liberty through whatever procedures (or lack of them) the government's current laws may tolerate. Post, at 1243, n. 1 (opinion of THOMAS, J.) (collecting authorities). But in my view the weight of the historical evidence shows that the clause sought to ensure that the people's rights are never any less secure against governmental invasion than they were at common law. Lord Coke took this view of the English due process guarantee. 1 E. Coke, The Second Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England 50 (1797). John Rutledge, our second Chief Justice, explained that Coke's teachings were carefully studied and widely adopted by the framers, becoming " 'almost the foundations of our law.' " Klopfer v. North Carolina, 386 U.S. 213, 225, 87 S.Ct. 988, 18 L.Ed.2d 1 (1967). And many more students of the Constitution besides-from Justice Story to Justice Scalia-have agreed that this view best represents the original understanding of our own Due Process Clause. See, e.g., Murray's Lessee v. Hoboken Land & Improvement Co., 18 How. 272, 277, 15 L.Ed. 372 (1856) ; 3 J. Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States § 1783, p. 661 (1833); Pacific Mut., supra, at 28-29, 111 S.Ct. 1032 (opinion of Scalia, J.); Eberle, Procedural Due Process: The Original Understanding, 4 Const. Comment. 339, 341 (1987).
Perhaps the most basic of due process's customary protections is the demand of fair notice. See Connally v. General Constr. Co., 269 U.S. 385, 391, 46 S.Ct. 126, 70 L.Ed. 322 (1926) ; see also Note, Textualism as Fair Notice, 123 Harv. L. Rev. 542, 543 (2009) ("From the inception of Western culture, fair notice has been recognized as an essential element of the rule of law"). Criminal indictments at common law had to provide "precise and sufficient certainty" about the charges involved. 4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 301 (1769) (Blackstone). Unless an "offence [was] set forth with clearness and certainty," the indictment risked being held void in court. Id., at 302 (emphasis deleted); 2 W. Hawkins, Pleas of the Crown, ch. 25, §§ 99, 100, pp. 244-245 (2d ed. 1726) ("[I]t seems to have been anciently the common practice, where an indictment appeared to be [in]sufficient, either for its uncertainty or the want of proper legal words, not to put the defendant to answer it").
The same held true in civil cases affecting a person's life, liberty, or property. A civil suit began by obtaining a writ-a detailed and specific form of action asking for particular relief. Bellia, Article III and the Cause of Action, 89 Iowa L. Rev. 777, 784-786 (2004) ; Subrin, How Equity Conquered Common Law: The Federal Rules of Civil Procedure in Historical Perspective, 135 U. Pa. L. Rev. 909, 914-915 (1987). Because the various civil writs were clearly defined, English subjects served with one would know with particularity what legal requirement they were alleged to have violated and, accordingly, what would be at issue in court. Id., at 917 ; Moffitt, Pleadings in the Age of Settlement, 80 Ind. L.J. 727, 731 (2005). And a writ risked being held defective if it didn't provide fair notice. Goldington v. Bassingburn, Y.B. Trin. 3 Edw. II, f. 27b (1310) (explaining that it was "the law of the land" that "no one [could] be taken by surprise" by having to "answer in court for what [one] has not been warned to answer").
The requirement of fair notice applied to statutes too. Blackstone illustrated the point with a case involving a statute that made "stealing sheep, or other cattle" a felony. 1 Blackstone 88 (emphasis deleted). Because the term "cattle" embraced a good deal more then than it does now (including wild animals, no less), the court held the statute failed to provide adequate notice about what it did and did not cover-and so the court treated the term "cattle" as a nullity. Ibid. All of which, Blackstone added, had the salutary effect of inducing the legislature to reenter the field and make itself clear by passing a new law extending the statute to "bulls, cows, oxen," and more "by name." Ibid.
This tradition of courts refusing to apply vague statutes finds parallels in early American practice as well. In The Enterprise, 8 F.Cas. 732 (No. 4,499) (C.C.N.Y. 1810), for example, Justice Livingston found that a statute setting the circumstances in which a ship may enter a port during an embargo was too vague to be applied, concluding that "the court had better pass" the statutory terms by "as unintelligible and useless" rather than "put on them, at great uncertainty, a very harsh signification, and one which the legislature may never have designed." Id., at 735. In United States v. Sharp, 27 F.Cas. 1041 (No. 16,264) (C.C.Pa.1815), Justice Washington confronted a statute which prohibited seamen from making a "revolt." Id., at 1043. But he was unable to determine the meaning of this provision "by any authority... either in the common, admiralty, or civil law." Ibid. As a result, he declined to "recommend to the jury, to find the prisoners guilty of making, or endeavouring to make a revolt, however strong the evidence may be." Ibid.
Nor was the concern with vague laws confined to the most serious offenses like capital crimes. Courts refused to apply vague laws in criminal cases involving relatively modest penalties. See, e.g., McJunkins v. State, 10 Ind. 140, 145 (1858). They applied the doctrine in civil cases too. See, e.g., Drake v. Drake, 15 N.C. 110, 115 (1833) ; Commonwealth v. Bank of Pennsylvania, 3 Watts & Serg. 173, 177 (Pa.1842). As one court put it, "all laws" "ought to be expressed in such a manner as that its meaning may be unambiguous, and in such language as may be readily understood by those upon whom it is to operate." McConvill v. Mayor and Aldermen of Jersey City, 39 N.J.L. 38, 42 (1876). " 'It is impossible... to dissent from the doctrine of Lord Coke, that acts of parliament ought to be plainly and clearly, and not cunningly and darkly penned, especially in penal matters.' " Id., at 42-43.
These early cases, admittedly, often spoke in terms of construing vague laws strictly rather than declaring them void. See, e.g., post, at 1243 - 1244 (opinion of THOMAS, J.); Johnson, 576 U.S., at ---------, 135 S.Ct., at 2567-2568 (opinion of THOMAS, J.). But in substance void the law is often exactly what these courts did: rather than try to construe or interpret the statute before them, judges frequently held the law simply too vague to apply. Blackstone, for example, did not suggest the court in his illustration should have given a narrowing construction to the term "cattle," but argued against giving it any effect at all. 1 Blackstone 88; see also Scalia, Assorted Canards of Contemporary Legal Analysis, 40 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 581, 582 (1989) ("I doubt... that any modern court would go to the lengths described by Blackstone in its application of the rule that penal statutes are to be strictly construed"); Note, Indefinite Criteria of Definiteness in Statutes, 45 Harv. L. Rev. 160, n. 3 (1931) (explaining that "since strict construction, in effect, nullified ambiguous provisions, it was but a short step to declaring them void ab initio "); supra, at 1226, n. 1 (state courts holding vague statutory terms "void" or "null").
What history suggests, the structure of the Constitution confirms. Many of the Constitution's other provisions presuppose and depend on the existence of reasonably clear laws. Take the Fourth Amendment's requirement that arrest warrants must be supported by probable cause, and consider what would be left of that requirement if the alleged crime had no meaningful boundaries. Or take the Sixth Amendment's mandate that a defendant must be informed of the accusations against him and allowed to bring witnesses in his defense, and consider what use those rights would be if the charged crime was so vague the defendant couldn't tell what he's alleged to have done and what sort of witnesses he might need to rebut that charge. Without an assurance that the laws supply fair notice, so much else of the Constitution risks becoming only a "parchment barrie[r]" against arbitrary power. The Federalist No. 48, p. 308 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961) (J. Madison).
Although today's vagueness doctrine owes much to the guarantee of fair notice embodied in the Due Process Clause, it would be a mistake to overlook the doctrine's equal debt to the separation of powers. The Constitution assigns "[a]ll legislative Powers" in our federal government to Congress. Art. I, § 1. It is for the people, through their elected representatives, to choose the rules that will govern their future conduct. See The Federalist No. 78, at 465 (A. Hamilton) ("The legislature... prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated"). Meanwhile, the Constitution assigns to judges the "judicial Power" to decide "Cases" and "Controversies." Art. III, § 2. That power does not license judges to craft new laws to govern future conduct, but only to "discer[n] the course prescribed by law" as it currently exists and to "follow it" in resolving disputes between the people over past events. Osborn v. Bank of United States, 9 Wheat. 738, 866, 6 L.Ed. 204 (1824).
From this division of duties, it comes clear that legislators may not "abdicate their responsibilities for setting the standards of the criminal law," Smith v. Goguen, 415 U.S. 566, 575, 94 S.Ct. 1242, 39 L.Ed.2d 605 (1974), by leaving to judges the power to decide "the various crimes includable in [a] vague phrase," Jordan v. De George, 341 U.S. 223, 242, 71 S.Ct. 703, 95 L.Ed. 886 (1951) (Jackson, J., dissenting). For "if the legislature could set a net large enough to catch all possible offenders, and leave it to the courts to step inside and say who could be rightfully detained, and who should be set at large[,][t]his would, to some extent, substitute the judicial for the legislative department of government." Kolender v. Lawson, 461 U.S. 352, 358, n. 7, 103 S.Ct. 1855, 75 L.Ed.2d 903 (1983) (internal quotation marks omitted). Nor is the worry only that vague laws risk allowing judges to assume legislative power. Vague laws also threaten to transfer legislative power to police and prosecutors, leaving to them the job of shaping a vague statute's contours through their enforcement decisions. See Grayned v. City of Rockford, 408 U.S. 104, 108-109, 92 S.Ct. 2294, 33 L.Ed.2d 222 (1972) ("A vague law impermissibly delegates basic policy matters to policemen, judges, and juries for resolution on an ad hoc and subjective basis").
These structural worries are more than just formal ones. Under the Constitution, the adoption of new laws restricting liberty is supposed to be a hard business, the product of an open and public debate among a large and diverse number of elected representatives. Allowing the legislature to hand off the job of lawmaking risks substituting this design for one where legislation is made easy, with a mere handful of unelected judges and prosecutors free to "condem[n] all that [they] personally disapprove and for no better reason than [they] disapprove it." Jordan, supra, at 242, 71 S.Ct. 703 (Jackson, J., dissenting). Nor do judges and prosecutors act in the open and accountable forum of a legislature, but in the comparatively obscure confines of cases and controversies. See, e.g., A. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch: The Supreme Court at the Bar of Politics 151 (1962) ("A vague statute delegates to administrators, prosecutors, juries, and judges the authority of ad hoc decision, which is in its nature difficult if not impossible to hold to account, because of its narrow impact"). For just these reasons, Hamilton warned, while "liberty can have nothing to fear from the judiciary alone," it has "every thing to fear from" the union of the judicial and legislative powers. The Federalist No. 78, at 466. No doubt, too, for reasons like these this Court has held "that the more important aspect of vagueness doctrine 'is not actual notice, but... the requirement that a legislature establish minimal guidelines to govern law enforcement' " and keep the separate branches within their proper spheres. Kolender, supra, at 358, 103 S.Ct. 1855 (quoting Goguen, supra, at 575, 94 S.Ct. 1242 (emphasis added)).
*
Persuaded that vagueness doctrine enjoys a secure footing in the original understanding of the Constitution, the next question I confront concerns the standard of review. What degree of imprecision should this Court tolerate in a statute before declaring it unconstitutionally vague? For its part, the government argues that where (as here) a person faces only civil, not criminal, consequences from a statute's operation, we should declare the law unconstitutional only if it is "unintelligible." But in the criminal context this Court has generally insisted that the law must afford "ordinary people... fair notice of the conduct it punishes." Johnson, 576 U.S., at ----, 135 S.Ct., at 2557. And I cannot see how the Due Process Clause might often require any less than that in the civil context either. Fair notice of the law's demands, as we've seen, is "the first essential of due process." Connally, 269 U.S., at 391, 46 S.Ct. 126. And as we've seen, too, the Constitution sought to preserve a common law tradition that usually aimed to ensure fair notice before any deprivation of life, liberty, or property could take place, whether under the banner of the criminal or the civil law. See supra, at 1224 - 1227.
First principles aside, the government suggests that at least this Court's precedents support adopting a less-than-fair-notice standard for civil cases. But even that much I do not see. This Court has already expressly held that a "stringent vagueness test" should apply to at least some civil laws-those abridging basic First Amendment freedoms. Hoffman Estates v. Flipside, Hoffman Estates, Inc., 455 U.S. 489, 499, 102 S.Ct. 1186, 71 L.Ed.2d 362 (1982). This Court has made clear, too, that due process protections against vague laws are "not to be avoided by the simple label a State chooses to fasten upon its conduct or its statute." Giaccio v. Pennsylvania, 382 U.S. 399, 402, 86 S.Ct. 518, 15 L.Ed.2d 447 (1966). So the happenstance that a law is found in the civil or criminal part of the statute books cannot be dispositive. To be sure, this Court has also said that what qualifies as fair notice depends "in part on the nature of the enactment." Hoffman Estates, 455 U.S., at 498, 102 S.Ct. 1186. And the Court has sometimes "expressed greater tolerance of enactments with civil rather than criminal penalties because the consequences of imprecision are qualitatively less severe." Id., at 498-499, 102 S.Ct. 1186. But to acknowledge these truisms does nothing to prove that civil laws must always be subject to the government's emaciated form of review.
In fact, if the severity of the consequences counts when deciding the standard of review, shouldn't we also take account of the fact that today's civil laws regularly impose penalties far more severe than those found in many criminal statutes? Ours is a world filled with more and more civil laws bearing more and more extravagant punishments. Today's "civil" penalties include confiscatory rather than compensatory fines, forfeiture provisions that allow homes to be taken, remedies that strip persons of their professional licenses and livelihoods, and the power to commit persons against their will indefinitely. Some of these penalties are routinely imposed and are routinely graver than those associated with misdemeanor crimes-and often harsher than the punishment for felonies. And not only are "punitive civil sanctions... rapidly expanding," they are "sometimes more severely punitive than the parallel criminal sanctions for the same conduct." Mann, Punitive Civil Sanctions: The Middleground Between Criminal and Civil Law, 101 Yale L.J. 1795, 1798 (1992) (emphasis added). Given all this, any suggestion that criminal cases warrant a heightened standard of review does more to persuade me that the criminal standard should be set above our precedent's current threshold than to suggest the civil standard should be buried below it.
Retreating to a more modest line of argument, the government emphasizes that this case arises in the immigration context and so implicates matters of foreign relations where the Executive enjoys considerable constitutional authority. But to acknowledge that the President has broad authority to act in this general area supplies no justification for allowing judges to give content to an impermissibly vague law.
Alternatively still, Justice THOMAS suggests that, at least at the time of the founding, aliens present in this country may not have been understood as possessing any rights under the Due Process Clause. For support, he points to the Alien Friends Act of 1798. An Act Concerning Aliens § 1, 1 Stat. 571; post, at 1244 - 1248 (opinion of THOMAS, J.). But the Alien Friends Act-better known as the "Alien" part of the Alien and Sedition Acts-is one of the most notorious laws in our country's history. It was understood as a temporary war measure, not one that the legislature would endorse in a time of tranquility. See, e.g., Fehlings, Storm on the Constitution: The First Deportation Law, 10 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int'l L. 63, 70-71 (2002). Yet even then it was widely condemned as unconstitutional by Madison and many others. It also went unenforced, may have cost the Federalist Party its existence, and lapsed a mere two years after its enactment. With this fuller view, it seems doubtful the Act tells us a great deal about aliens' due process rights at the founding.
Besides, none of this much matters. Whether Madison or his adversaries had the better of the debate over the constitutionality of the Alien Friends Act, Congress is surely free to extend existing forms of liberty to new classes of persons-liberty that the government may then take only after affording due process. See, e.g., Sandin v. Conner, 515 U.S. 472, 477-478, 115 S.Ct. 2293, 132 L.Ed.2d 418 (1995) ; Easterbrook, Substance and Due Process, 1982 S.Ct. Rev. 85, 88 ("If... the constitution, statute, or regulation creates a liberty or property interest, then the second step-determining 'what process is due'-comes into play"). Madison made this very point, suggesting an alien's admission in this country could in some circumstances be analogous to "the grant of land to an individual," which "may be of favor not of right; but the moment the grant is made, the favor becomes a right, and must be forfeited before it can be taken away." Madison's Report 319. And, of course, that's exactly what Congress eventually chose to do here. Decades ago, it enacted a law affording Mr. Dimaya lawful permanent residency in this country, extending to him a statutory liberty interest others traditionally have enjoyed to remain in and move about the country free from physical imprisonment and restraint. See Dimaya v. Lynch, 803 F.3d 1110, 1111 (C.A.9 2015) ; 8 U.S.C. §§ 1101(20), 1255. No one suggests Congress had to enact statutes of this sort. And exactly what processes must attend the deprivation of a statutorily afforded liberty interest like this may pose serious and debatable questions. Cf. Murray's Lessee, 18 How., at 277 (approving summary procedures in another context). But however summary those procedures might be, it's hard to fathom why fair notice of the law-the most venerable of due process's requirements-would not be among them. Connally, 269 U.S., at 391, 46 S.Ct. 126.
Today, a plurality of the Court agrees that we should reject the government's plea for a feeble standard of review, but for a different reason. Ante, at 1212 - 1213. My colleagues suggest the law before us should be assessed under the fair notice standard because of the special gravity of its civil deportation penalty. But, grave as that penalty may be, I cannot see why we would single it out for special treatment when (again) so many civil laws today impose so many similarly severe sanctions. Why, for example, would due process require Congress to speak more clearly when it seeks to deport a lawfully resident alien than when it wishes to subject a citizen to indefinite civil commitment, strip him of a business license essential to his family's living, or confiscate his home? I can think of no good answer.
*
With the fair notice standard now in hand, all that remains is to ask how it applies to the case before us. And here at least the answer comes readily for me: to the extent it requires an "ordinary case" analysis, the portion of the Immigration and Nationality Act before us fails the fair notice test for the reasons Justice Scalia identified in Johnson and the Court recounts today.
Just like the statute in Johnson, the statute here instructs courts to impose special penalties on individuals previously "convicted of" a "crime of violence." 8 U.S.C. §§ 1227(a)(2)(A)(iii), 1101(a)(43)(F). Just like the statute in Johnson, the statute here fails to specify which crimes qualify for that label. Instead, and again like the statute in Johnson, the statute here seems to require a judge to guess about the ordinary case of the crime of conviction and then guess whether a "substantial risk" of "physical force" attends its commission. 18 U.S.C. § 16(b) ; Johnson, 576 U.S., at ---------, 135 S.Ct., at 2556-2558. Johnson held that a law that asks so much of courts while offering them so little by way of guidance is unconstitutionally vague. And I do not see how we might reach a different judgment here.
Any lingering doubt is resolved for me by taking account of just some of the questions judges trying to apply the statute using an ordinary case analysis would have to confront. Does a conviction for witness tampering ordinarily involve a threat to the kneecaps or just the promise of a bribe? Does a conviction for kidnapping ordinarily involve throwing someone into a car trunk or a noncustodial parent picking up a child from daycare? These questions do not suggest obvious answers. Is the court supposed to hold evidentiary hearings to sort them out, entertaining experts with competing narratives and statistics, before deciding what the ordinary case of a given crime looks like and how much risk of violence it poses? What is the judge to do if there aren't any reliable statistics available? Should (or must) the judge predict the effects of new technology on what qualifies as the ordinary case? After all, surely the risk of injury calculus for crimes like larceny can be expected to change as more thefts are committed by computer rather than by gunpoint. Or instead of requiring real evidence, does the statute mean to just leave it all to a judicial hunch? And on top of all that may be the most difficult question yet: at what level of generality is the inquiry supposed to take place? Is a court supposed to pass on the ordinary case of burglary in the relevant neighborhood or county, or should it focus on statewide or even national experience? How is a judge to know? How are the people to know?
The implacable fact is that this isn't your everyday ambiguous statute. It leaves the people to guess about what the law demands-and leaves judges to make it up. You cannot discern answers to any of the questions this law begets by resorting to the traditional canons of statutory interpretation. No amount of staring at the statute's text, structure, or history will yield a clue. Nor does the statute call for the application of some preexisting body of law familiar to the judicial power. The statute doesn't even ask for application of common experience. Choice, pure and raw, is required. Will, not judgment, dictates the result.
*
Having said this much, it is important to acknowledge some limits on today's holding too. I have proceeded on the premise that the Immigration and Nationality Act, as it incorporates § 16(b) of the criminal code, commands courts to determine the risk of violence attending the ordinary case of conviction for a particular crime. I have done so because no party before us has argued for a different way to read these statutes in combination; because our precedent seemingly requires this approach; and because the government itself has conceded (repeatedly) that the law compels it. Johnson, supra, at 1217, 135 S.Ct., at 2561-2562 ; Taylor v. United States, 495 U.S. 575, 600, 110 S.Ct. 2143, 109 L.Ed.2d 607 (1990) ; Brief for Petitioner 11, 30, 32, 36, 40, 47 (conceding that an ordinary case analysis is required).
But any more than that I would not venture. In response to the problems engendered by the ordinary case analysis, Justice THOMAS suggests that we should overlook the government's concession about the propriety of that approach; reconsider our precedents endorsing it; and read the statute as requiring us to focus on the facts of the alien's crime as committed rather than as the facts appear in the ordinary case of conviction. Post, at 1252 - 1259. But normally courts do not rescue parties from their concessions, maybe least of all concessions from a party as able to protect its interests as the federal government. And normally, too, the crucible of adversarial testing is crucial to sound judicial decisionmaking. We rely on it to "yield insights (or reveal pitfalls) we cannot muster guided only by our own lights." Maslenjak v. United States, 582 U.S. ----, ----, 137 S.Ct. 1918, 1931, 198 L.Ed.2d

Question: What is the agency involved in the administrative action?
年. Army and Air Force Exchange Service
数. Atomic Energy Commission
日. Secretary or administrative unit or personnel of the U.S. Air Force
的. Department or Secretary of Agriculture
月. Alien Property Custodian
用. Secretary or administrative unit or personnel of the U.S. Army
成. Board of Immigration Appeals
名. Bureau of Indian Affairs
时. Bureau of Prisons
件. Bonneville Power Administration
一. Benefits Review Board
请. Civil Aeronautics Board
中. Bureau of the Census
据. Central Intelligence Agency
码. Commodity Futures Trading Commission
不. Department or Secretary of Commerce
新. Comptroller of Currency
文. Consumer Product Safety Commission
下. Civil Rights Commission
分. Civil Service Commission, U.S.
入. Customs Service or Commissioner or Collector of Customs
人. Defense Base Closure and REalignment Commission
功. Drug Enforcement Agency
上. Department or Secretary of Defense (and Department or Secretary of War)
户. Department or Secretary of Energy
为. Department or Secretary of the Interior
间. Department of Justice or Attorney General
号. Department or Secretary of State
取. Department or Secretary of Transportation
回. Department or Secretary of Education
在. U.S. Employees' Compensation Commission, or Commissioner
页. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
字. Environmental Protection Agency or Administrator
有. Federal Aviation Agency or Administration
个. Federal Bureau of Investigation or Director
作. Federal Bureau of Prisons
示. Farm Credit Administration
出. Federal Communications Commission (including a predecessor, Federal Radio Commission)
是. Federal Credit Union Administration
失. Food and Drug Administration
表. Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
除. Federal Energy Administration
加. Federal Election Commission
败. Federal Energy Regulatory Commission
生. Federal Housing Administration
信. Federal Home Loan Bank Board
类. Federal Labor Relations Authority
置. Federal Maritime Board
理. Federal Maritime Commission
本. Farmers Home Administration
息. Federal Parole Board
行. Federal Power Commission
定. Federal Railroad Administration
改. Federal Reserve Board of Governors
市. Federal Reserve System
期. Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation
以. Federal Trade Commission
修. Federal Works Administration, or Administrator
元. General Accounting Office
方. Comptroller General
录. General Services Administration
区. Department or Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare
单. Department or Secretary of Health and Human Services
位. Department or Secretary of Housing and Urban Development
型. Administrative agency established under an interstate compact (except for the MTC)
法. Interstate Commerce Commission
县. Indian Claims Commission
存. Immigration and Naturalization Service, or Director of, or District Director of, or Immigration and Naturalization Enforcement
品. Internal Revenue Service, Collector, Commissioner, or District Director of
前. Information Security Oversight Office
称. Department or Secretary of Labor
注. Loyalty Review Board
值. Legal Services Corporation
输. Merit Systems Protection Board
建. Multistate Tax Commission
能. National Aeronautics and Space Administration
大. Secretary or administrative unit or personnel of the U.S. Navy
例. National Credit Union Administration
度. National Endowment for the Arts
始. National Enforcement Commission
到. National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
面. National Labor Relations Board, or regional office or officer
载. National Mediation Board
点. National Railroad Adjustment Board
密. Nuclear Regulatory Commission
动. National Security Agency
果. Office of Economic Opportunity
图. Office of Management and Budget
提. Office of Price Administration, or Price Administrator
发. Office of Personnel Management
式. Occupational Safety and Health Administration
国. Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission
登. Office of Workers' Compensation Programs
错. Patent Office, or Commissioner of, or Board of Appeals of
者. Pay Board (established under the Economic Stabilization Act of 1970)
认. Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation
误. U.S. Public Health Service
接. Postal Rate Commission
关. Provider Reimbursement Review Board
重. Renegotiation Board
第. Railroad Adjustment Board
地. Railroad Retirement Board
如. Subversive Activities Control Board
设. Small Business Administration
目. Securities and Exchange Commission
开. Social Security Administration or Commissioner
事. Selective Service System
可. Department or Secretary of the Treasury
要. Tennessee Valley Authority
代. United States Forest Service
小. United States Parole Commission
选. Postal Service and Post Office, or Postmaster General, or Postmaster
标. United States Sentencing Commission
明. Veterans' Administration or Board of Veterans' Appeals
编. War Production Board
求. Wage Stabilization Board
列. State Agency
网. Unidentifiable
万. Office of Thrift Supervision
最. Department of Homeland Security
器. Board of General Appraisers
所. Board of Tax Appeals
内. General Land Office or Commissioners
体. NO Admin Action
通. Processing Tax Board of Review
Answer:

Answer: 成