Source: https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/584/16-476/
Timestamp: 2019-02-22 12:14:32
Document Index: 618477437

Matched Legal Cases: ['§3702', '§2701', '§3701', '§3702', '§3702', '§3703', '§3704', '§3704', '§10', '§8', '§1305', '§3702', '§3702', '§1955', '§1953', '§1084', '§1952', '§201', '§1307', '§3701', '§3702', '§3702', '§3702', '§3702', '§3702', '§3702', '§3702']

Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association :: 584 U.S. ___ (2018) :: Justia US Supreme Court Center
Justia › US Law › US Case Law › US Supreme Court › Volume 584 › Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association
The Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA) makes it unlawful for a state or its subdivisions “to sponsor, operate, advertise, promote, license, or authorize by law or compact . . . a lottery, sweepstakes, or other betting, gambling, or wagering scheme based . . . on” competitive sporting events, 28 U.S.C. 3702(1), and for “a person to sponsor, operate, advertise, or promote” those same gambling schemes if done “pursuant to the law or compact of a governmental entity,” 3702(2), but does not make sports gambling itself a federal crime. PAPSA allows existing forms of sports gambling to continue in four states. PAPSA would have permitted New Jersey to permit sports gambling in Atlantic City within a year of PASPA’s enactment but New Jersey did not do so. Voters later approved a state constitutional amendment, permitting the legislature to legalize sports gambling in Atlantic City and at horse-racing tracks. In 2014, New Jersey enacted a law that repeals state-law provisions that prohibited gambling schemes concerning wagering on sporting events by persons 21 years of age or older; at a horse-racing track or a casino in Atlantic City; and not involving a New Jersey college team or a collegiate event. The Third Circuit held that the law violated PASPA. The Supreme Court reversed. When a state repeals laws banning sports gambling, it “authorize[s]” those schemes under PASPA. PASPA’s provision prohibiting state authorization of sports gambling schemes violates the anti-commandeering rule. Under the Tenth Amendment, legislative power not conferred on Congress by the Constitution is reserved for the states. Congress may not "commandeer" the state legislative process by directly compelling them to enact and enforce a federal regulatory program. PASPA’s anti-authorization provision dictates what a state legislature may and may not do. There is no distinction between compelling a state to enact legislation and prohibiting a state from enacting new laws. Nor does the anti-authorization provision constitute a valid preemption provision because it is not a regulation of private actors. It issues a direct order to the state legislature.
Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act provision prohibiting state authorization of sports gambling schemes violates the anti-commandeering rule and is unconstitutional.
No. 16–476. Argued December 4, 2017—Decided May 14, 2018[1]
The State of New Jersey wants to legalize sports gambling at casinos and horseracing tracks, but a federal law, the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act, generally makes it unlawful for a State to “authorize” sports gambling schemes.28 U. S. C. §3702(1). We must decide whether this provision is compatible with the system of “dual sovereignty” embodied in the Constitution.
Americans have never been of one mind about gambling, and attitudes have swung back and forth. By the end of the 19th century, gambling was largely banned throughout the country,[1] but beginning in the 1920s and 1930s, laws prohibiting gambling were gradually loosened.
New Jersey’s experience is illustrative. In 1897, New Jersey adopted a constitutional amendment that barred all gambling in the State.[2] But during the Depression, the State permitted parimutuel betting on horse races as a way of increasing state revenue,[3] and in 1953, churches and other nonprofit organizations were allowed to host bingo games.[4] In 1970, New Jersey became the third State to run a state lottery,[5] and within five years, 10 other States followed suit.[6]
By the 1960s, Atlantic City, “once the most fashionable resort of the Atlantic Coast,” had fallen on hard times,[7] and casino gambling came to be seen as a way to revitalize the city.[8] In 1974, a referendum on statewide legalization failed,[9] but two years later, voters approved a narrower measure allowing casino gambling in Atlantic City alone.[10] At that time, Nevada was the only other State with legal
casinos,[11] and thus for a while the Atlantic City casinos had an east coast monopoly. “With 60 million people living within a one-tank car trip away,” Atlantic City became “the most popular tourist destination in the United States.”[12] But that favorable situation eventually came to an end.
With the enactment of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act in 1988,25 U. S. C. §2701 et seq., casinos opened on Indian land throughout the country. Some were located within driving distance of Atlantic City,[13] and nearby States (and many others) legalized casino gambling.[14] But Nevada remained the only state venue for legal sports gambling in casinos, and sports gambling is immensely popular.[15]
Sports gambling, however, has long had strong opposition. Opponents argue that it is particularly addictive and especially attractive to young people with a strong interest in sports,[16] and in the past gamblers corrupted and seriously damaged the reputation of professional and amateur sports.[17] Apprehensive about the potential effects of sports gambling, professional sports leagues and the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) long opposed legalization.[18]
By the 1990s, there were signs that the trend that had brought about the legalization of many other forms of gambling might extend to sports gambling,[19] and this sparked federal efforts to stem the tide. Opponents of sports gambling turned to the legislation now before us, the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA).28 U. S. C. §3701 et seq. PASPA’s proponents argued that it would protect young people, and one of the bill’s sponsors, Senator Bill Bradley of New Jersey, a former college and professional basketball star, stressed that the law was needed to safeguard the integrity of sports.[20] The Department of Justice opposed the bill,[21] but it was passed and signed into law.
PASPA’s most important provision, part of which is directly at issue in these cases, makes it “unlawful” for a State or any of its subdivisions[22] “to sponsor, operate, advertise, promote, license, or authorize by law or compact . . . a lottery, sweepstakes, or other betting, gambling, or wagering scheme based . . . on” competitive sporting events. §3702(1). In parallel, §3702(2) makes it “unlawful” for “a person to sponsor, operate, advertise, or promote” those same gambling schemes[23]—but only if this is done “pursuant to the law or compact of a governmental entity.” PASPA does not make sports gambling a federal crime (and thus was not anticipated to impose a significant law enforcement burden on the Federal Government).[24] Instead, PASPA allows the Attorney General, as well as professional and amateur sports organizations, to bring civil actions to enjoin violations. §3703.
At the time of PASPA’s adoption, a few jurisdictions allowed some form of sports gambling. In Nevada, sports gambling was legal in casinos,[25] and three States hosted sports lotteries or allowed sports pools.[26] PASPA contains “grandfather” provisions allowing these activities to continue. §3704(a)(1)–(2). Another provision gave New Jersey the option of legalizing sports gambling in Atlantic City—provided that it did so within one year of the law’s
effective date. §3704(a)(3).[27]
In making this argument, the State relied primarily on two cases, New York v. United States,505 U. S. 144 (1992), and Printz v. United States,521 U. S. 898 (1997), in which we struck down federal laws based on what has been dubbed the “anticommandeering” principle. In New York, we held that a federal law unconstitutionally ordered the State to regulate in accordance with federal standards, and in Printz, we found that another federal statute unconstitutionally compelled state officers to enforce federal law.
The concept of state “authorization” makes sense only against a backdrop of prohibition or regulation. A State is not regarded as authorizing everything that it does not prohibit or regulate. No one would use the term in that way. For example, no one would say that a State “authorizes” its residents to brush their teeth or eat apples or sing in the shower. We commonly speak of state authoriza- tion only if the activity in question would otherwise be restricted.[28]
The anticommandeering doctrine may sound arcane, but it is simply the expression of a fundamental structural decision incorporated into the Constitution, i.e., the decision to withhold from Congress the power to issue orders directly to the States. When the original States declared their independence, they claimed the powers inherent in sovereignty—in the words of the Declaration of Independence, the authority “to do all . . . Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do.” ¶32. The Constitution limited but did not abolish the sovereign powers of the States, which retained “a residuary and inviolable sovereignty.” The Federalist No. 39, p. 245 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961). Thus, both the Federal Government and the States wield sovereign powers, and that is why our system of government is said to be one of “dual sovereignty.” Greg- ory v. Ashcroft,501 U. S. 452, 457 (1991).
The Constitution limits state sovereignty in several ways. It directly prohibits the States from exercising some attributes of sovereignty. See, e.g., Art. I, §10. Some grants of power to the Federal Government have been held to impose implicit restrictions on the States. See, e.g., Department of Revenue of Ky. v. Davis,553 U. S. 328 (2008); American Ins. Assn. v. Garamendi,539 U. S. 396 (2003). And the Constitution indirectly restricts the States by granting certain legislative powers to Congress, see Art. I, §8, while providing in the Supremacy Clause that federal law is the “supreme Law of the Land . . . any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding,” Art. VI, cl. 2. This means that when federal and state law conflict, federal law prevails and state law is preempted.
Although the anticommandeering principle is simple and basic, it did not emerge in our cases until relatively recently, when Congress attempted in a few isolated instances to extend its authority in unprecedented ways. The pioneering case was New York v. United States,505 U. S. 144 (1992), which concerned a federal law that required a State, under certain circumstances, either to “take title” to low-level radioactive waste or to “regulat[e] according to the instructions of Congress.” Id., at 175. In enacting this provision, Congress issued orders to either the legislative or executive branch of state government (depending on the branch authorized by state law to take the actions demanded). Either way, the Court held, the provision was unconstitutional because “the Constitution does not empower Congress to subject state governments to this type of instruction.” Id., at 176.
As to what this structure means with regard to Congress’s authority to control state legislatures, New York was clear and emphatic. The opinion recalled that “no Member of the Court ha[d] ever suggested” that even “a particularly strong federal interest” “would enable Congress to command a state government to enact state regulation.” Id., at 178 (emphasis in original). “We have always understood that even where Congress has the authority under the Constitution to pass laws requiring or prohibiting certain acts, it lacks the power directly to compel the States to require or prohibit those acts.” Id., at 166. “Congress may not simply ‘commandee[r] the legislative processes of the States by directly compelling them to enact and enforce a federal regulatory program.’ ” Id., at 161 (quoting Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining & Reclamation Assn., Inc.,452 U. S. 264, 288 (1981)). “Where a federal interest is sufficiently strong to cause Congress to legislate, it must do so directly; it may not conscript state governments as its agents.” 505 U. S., at 178.
Five years after New York, the Court applied the same principles to a federal statute requiring state and local law enforcement officers to perform background checks and related tasks in connection with applications for handgun licenses. Printz,521 U. S. 898. Holding this provision unconstitutional, the Court put the point succinctly: “The Federal Government” may not “command the States’ officers, or those of their political subdivisions, to administer or enforce a federal regulatory program.” Id., at 935. This rule applies, Printz held, not only to state officers with policymaking responsibility but also to those assigned more mundane tasks. Id., at 929–930.
In South Carolina v. Baker,485 U. S. 505 (1988), the federal law simply altered the federal tax treatment of private investments. Specifically, it removed the federal tax exemption for interest earned on state and local bonds unless they were issued in registered rather than bearer form. This law did not order the States to enact or maintain any existing laws. Rather, it simply had the indirect effect of pressuring States to increase the rate paid on their bearer bonds in order to make them competitive with other bonds paying taxable interest.
That principle formed the basis for the Court’s decision in Reno v. Condon,528 U. S. 141 (2000), which concerned a federal law restricting the disclosure and dissemination of personal information provided in applications for driver’s licenses. The law applied equally to state and private actors. It did not regulate the States’ sovereign authority to “regulate their own citizens.” Id., at 151.
Finally, in FERC v. Mississippi,456 U. S. 742 (1982), the federal law in question issued no command to a state legislature. Enacted to restrain the consumption of oil and natural gas, the federal law directed state utility regulatory commissions to consider, but not necessarily to adopt, federal “ ‘rate design’ and regulatory standards.” Id., at 746. The Court held that this modest requirement did not infringe the States’ sovereign powers, but the Court warned that it had “never . . . sanctioned explicitly a federal command to the States to promulgate and enforce laws and regulations.” Id., at 761–762. FERC was decided well before our decisions in New York and Printz, and PASPA, unlike the law in FERC, does far more than require States to consider Congress’s preference that the legalization of sports gambling be halted. See Printz, 521 U. S., at 929 (distinguishing FERC ).
Our cases have identified three different types of preemption—“conflict,” “express,” and “field,” see English v. General Elec. Co.,496 U. S. 72, 78–79 (1990)—but all of them work in the same way: Congress enacts a law that imposes restrictions or confers rights on private actors; a state law confers rights or imposes restrictions that conflict with the federal law; and therefore the federal law takes precedence and the state law is preempted.
This mechanism is shown most clearly in cases involving “conflict preemption.” A recent example is Mutual Pharmaceutical Co. v. Bartlett,570 U. S. 472 (2013). In that case, a federal law enacted under the Commerce Clause regulated manufacturers of generic drugs, prohibiting them from altering either the composition or labeling approved by the Food and Drug Administration. A State’s tort law, however, effectively required a manufacturer to supplement the warnings included in the FDA-approved label. Id., at 480–486. We held that the state law was preempted because it imposed a duty that was inconsistent—i.e., in conflict—with federal law. Id., at 493.
“Express preemption” operates in essentially the same way, but this is often obscured by the language used by Congress in framing preemption provisions. The provision at issue in Morales v. Trans World Airlines, Inc.,504 U. S. 374 (1992), is illustrative. The Airline Deregulation Act of 1978 lifted prior federal regulations of airlines, and “[t]o ensure that the States would not undo federal deregulation with regulation of their own,” id., at 378, the Act provided that “no State or political subdivision thereof . . . shall enact or enforce any law, rule, regulation, standard, or other provision having the force and effect of law relating to rates, routes, or services of any [covered] air car- rier.” 49 U. S. C. App. §1305(a)(1) (1988 ed.).
“Field preemption” operates in the same way. Field preemption occurs when federal law occupies a “field” of regulation “so comprehensively that it has left no room for supplementary state legislation.” R. J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. v. Durham County,479 U. S. 130, 140 (1986). In describing field preemption, we have sometimes used the same sort of shorthand employed by Congress in express preemption provisions. See, e.g., Oneok, Inc. v. Learjet, Inc., 575 U. S. ___, ___ (2015) (slip op., at 2) (“Congress has forbidden the State to take action in the field that the federal statute pre-empts”). But in substance, field preemption does not involve congressional commands to the States. Instead, like all other forms of preemption, it concerns a clash between a constitutional exercise of Congress’s legislative power and conflicting state law. See Crosby v. National Foreign Trade Council,530 U. S. 363, 372, n. 6 (2000).
The Court’s decision in Arizona v. United States,567 U. S. 387 (2012), shows how this works. Noting that federal statutes “provide a full set of standards governing alien registration,” we concluded that these laws “reflect[ ] a congressional decision to foreclose any state regulation in the area, even if it is parallel to federal standards.” Id., at 401. What this means is that the federal registration provisions not only impose federal registration obligations on aliens but also confer a federal right to be free from any other registration requirements.
We need not decide whether the 2014 Act violates PASPA’s prohibition of state “licens[ing]” because that provision suffers from the same defect as the prohibition of state authorization. It issues a direct order to the state legislature.[29] Just as Congress lacks the power to order a state legislature not to enact a law authorizing sports gambling, it may not order a state legislature to refrain from enacting a law licensing sports gambling.[30]
[Congress] would not have enacted those provisions which are within its power, independently of [those] which [are] not.” Alaska Airlines, Inc. v. Brock, 480 U. S. 678, 684 (1987) (internal quotation marks omitted). In conducting that inquiry, we ask whether the law remains “fully operative” without the invalid provisions, Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Bd.,561 U. S. 477, 509 (2010) (internal quotation marks omitted), but “we cannot rewrite a statute and give it an effect altogether different from that sought by the measure viewed as a whole,” Railroad Retirement Bd. v. Alton R. Co.,295 U. S. 330, 362 (1935). We will consider each of the provisions at issue separately.
Under28 U. S. C. §3702(1), States are prohibited from “operat[ing],” “sponsor[ing],” or “promot[ing]” sports gambling schemes. If the provisions prohibiting state authorization and licensing are stricken but the prohibition on state “operat[ion]” is left standing, the result would be a scheme sharply different from what Congress contemplated when PASPA was enacted. At that time, Congress knew that New Jersey was considering the legalization of sports gambling in the privately owned Atlantic City casinos and that other States were thinking about the institution of state-run sports lotteries. PASPA addressed both of these potential developments. It gave New Jersey one year to legalize sports gambling in Atlantic City but otherwise banned the authorization of sports gambling in casinos, and it likewise prohibited the spread of state-run lotteries. If Congress had known that States would be free to authorize sports gambling in privately owned casinos, would it have nevertheless wanted to prevent States from running sports lotteries?
That seems most unlikely. State-run lotteries, which sold tickets costing only a few dollars, were thought more benign than other forms of gambling, and that is why they had been adopted in many States. Casino gambling, on the other hand, was generally regarded as far more dangerous. A gambler at a casino can easily incur heavy losses, and the legalization of privately owned casinos was known to create the threat of infiltration by organized crime, as Nevada’s early experience had notoriously shown.[31] To the Congress that adopted PASPA, legalizing sports gambling in privately owned casinos while prohibiting state-run sports lotteries would have seemed exactly backwards.
Under §3702(2), private conduct violates federal law only if it is permitted by state law. That strange rule is exactly the opposite of the general federal approach to gambling. Under18 U. S. C. §1955, operating a gambling business violates federal law only if that conduct is illegal under state or local law. Similarly,18 U. S. C. §1953, which criminalizes the interstate transmission of wagering paraphernalia, and18 U. S. C. §1084, which outlaws the interstate transmission of information that assists in the placing of a bet on a sporting event, apply only if the underlying gambling is illegal under state law. See also18 U. S. C. §1952 (making it illegal to travel in interstate commerce to further a gambling business that is illegal under applicable state law).
PASPA’s enforcement scheme reinforces this conclusion. PASPA authorizes civil suits by the Attorney General and sports organizations but does not make sports gambling a federal crime or provide civil penalties for violations. This enforcement scheme is suited for challenging state authorization or licensing or a small number of private operations, but the scheme would break down if a State broadly decriminalized sports gambling. It is revealing that the Congressional Budget Office estimated that PASPA would impose “no cost” on the Federal Government, see S. Rep. No. 102–248, p. 10 (1991), a conclusion that would certainly be incorrect if enforcement required a multiplicity of civil suits and applications to hold illegal bookies and other private parties in contempt.[32]
federal and state law, and that is something that Congress has rarely done. For example, the advertising of cigarettes is heavily regulated but not totally banned. See Federal Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act,79Stat.282; Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act, §§201–204,123Stat.1842–1848.
It is true that at one time federal law prohibited the use of the mail or interstate commerce to distribute advertisements of lotteries that were permitted under state law, but that is no longer the case. See United States v. Edge Broadcasting Co.,509 U. S. 418, 421–423 (1993). In 1975, Congress passed a new statute, codified at18 U. S. C. §1307, that explicitly exempts print advertisements regarding a lottery lawfully conducted by States, and in Greater New Orleans Broadcasting Assn., Inc. v. United States,527 U. S. 173, 176 (1999), we held that the First Amendment protects the right of a radio or television station in a State with a lottery to run such advertisements. In light of these developments, we do not think that Congress would want the advertising provisions to stand if the remainder of PASPA must fall.
22 The statute applies to any “governmental entity,” which is definedas “a State, a political subdivision of a State, or an entity or organization . . . that has governmental authority within the territorial boundaries of the United States.”28 U. S. C. §3701(2).
32 Of course, one need not rely on the Senate Report for the commonsense proposition that leaving §3702(2) in place could wildly change the fiscal calculus, “giv[ing] it an effect altogether different from that sought by the measure viewed as a whole.” Railroad Retirement Bd. v. Alton R. Co.,295 U. S. 330, 362 (1935).
First, the severability doctrine does not follow basic principles of statutory interpretation. Instead of requiring courts to determine what a statute means, the severability doctrine requires courts to make “a nebulous inquiry into hypothetical congressional intent.” Booker, supra, at 320, n. 7 (Thomas, J., dissenting in part). It requires judges to determine what Congress would have intended had it known that part of its statute was unconstitutional.[1] But it seems unlikely that the enacting Congress had any intent on this question; Congress typically does not pass statutes with the expectation that some part will later be deemed unconstitutional. See Walsh 740–741; Stern, Separability and Separability Clauses in the Supreme Court, 51 Harv. L. Rev. 76, 98 (1937) (Stern). Without any actual evidence of intent, the severability doctrine invites courts to rely on their own views about what the best statute would be. See Walsh 752–753; Stern 112–113. More fundamentally, even if courts could discern Congress’ hypothetical intentions, intentions do not count unless they are enshrined in a text that makes it through the constitutional processes of bicameralism and presentment. See Wyeth v. Levine, 555 U. S. 555, 586–588 (2009) (Thomas, J., concurring in judgment). Because we have “ ‘a Government of laws, not of men,’ ” we are governed by “legislated text,” not “legislators’ intentions”—and especially not legislators’ hypothetical intentions. Zuni Public School Dist. No. 89 v. Department of Education, 550 U. S. 81, 119 (2007) (Scalia, J., dissenting). Yet hypothetical intent is exactly what the severability doctrine turns on, at least when Congress has not expressed its fallback position in the text.
Assuming, arguendo, a “yes” answer to that question, there would be no cause to deploy a wrecking ball destroying the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA) in its entirety, as the Court does today. Leaving out the alleged infirmity, i.e., “commandeering” state regulatory action by prohibiting the States from “authoriz[ing]” and “licens[ing]” sports-gambling schemes, 28 U. S. C. §3702(1), two federal edicts should remain intact. First, PASPA bans States themselves (or their agencies) from “sponsor[ing], operat[ing], advertis[ing], [or] promot[ing]” sports-gambling schemes. Ibid. Second, PASPA stops private parties from “sponsor[ing], operat[ing], advertis[ing], or promot[ing]” sports-gambling schemes if state law authorizes them to do so. §3702(2).[1] Nothing in these §3702(1) and §3702(2) prohibitions commands States to do anything other than desist from conduct federal law proscribes.[2] Nor is there any doubt that Congress has power to regulate gambling on a nationwide basis, authority Congress exercised in PASPA. See Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U. S. 1, 17 (2005) (“Our case law firmly establishes Congress’ power to regulate purely local activities that are part of an economic ‘class of activities’ that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce.”).
When a statute reveals a constitutional flaw, the Court ordinarily engages in a salvage rather than a demolition operation: It “limit[s] the solution [to] severing any problematic portions while leaving the remainder intact.” Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Bd., 561 U. S. 477, 508 (2010) (internal quotation marks omitted). The relevant question is whether the Legislature would have wanted unproblematic aspects of the legislation to survive or would want them to fall along with the infirmity.[3] As the Court stated in New York, “[u]nless it is evident that the Legislature would not have enacted those provisions which are within its power, . . . the invalid part may be dropped if what is left is fully operative as a law.” 505 U. S., at 186 (internal quotation marks omitted). Here, it is scarcely arguable that Congress “would have preferred no statute at all,” Executive Benefits Ins. Agency v. Arkison, 573 U. S. ___, ___ (2014) (slip op., at 10), over one that simply stops States and private parties alike from operating sports-gambling schemes.
The Court wields an ax to cut down §3702 instead of using a scalpel to trim the statute. It does so apparently in the mistaken assumption that private sports-gambling schemes would become lawful in the wake of its decision. In particular, the Court holds that the prohibition on state “operat[ion]” of sports-gambling schemes cannot survive, because it does not believe Congress would have “wanted to prevent States from running sports lotteries” “had [it] known that States would be free to authorize sports gambling in privately owned casinos.” Ante, at 26. In so reasoning, the Court shutters §3702(2), under which private parties are prohibited from operating sports-gambling schemes precisely when state law authorizes them to do so.[4]
October 7, 2016 Petition for a writ of certiorari filed. (Response due November 14, 2016)
October 21, 2016 Order extending time to file response to petition to and including December 14, 2016.
November 4, 2016 Brief amicus curiae of Professor Ryan M. Rodenberg filed. VIDED.
November 14, 2016 Brief amicus curiae of The American Gaming Association filed. VIDED.
November 14, 2016 Brief amici curiae of West Virginia, et al. filed.
November 14, 2016 Brief amici curiae of Pacific Legal Foundation, et al. filed.
December 14, 2016 Brief of respondents National Collegiate Athletic Association, et al. in opposition filed. VIDED.
December 27, 2016 Reply of petitioners Christopher J. Christie, Governor of New Jersey, et al. filed.
December 28, 2016 DISTRIBUTED for Conference of January 13, 2017.
January 17, 2017 The Acting Solicitor General is invited to file a brief in this case expressing the views of the United States.
May 23, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of United States filed. VIDED.
June 6, 2017 Supplemental brief of petitioners Christopher J. Christie, Governor of New Jersey, et al. filed. (Distributed)
June 27, 2017 Petition GRANTED. The petition for a writ of certiorari in 16-477 is granted. The cases are consolidated and a total of one hour is allotted for oral argument. VIDED.
July 7, 2017 Consent to the filing of amicus curiae briefs, in support of either party or of neither party, received from counsel for the Petitioner.
July 19, 2017 Consent to the filing of amicus curiae briefs, in support of either party or of neither party, received from counsel for respondents. VIDED
July 21, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of Professor Ryan M. Rodenberg in support of neither party filed. VIDED.
July 31, 2017 The time to file the joint appendix and petitioners' briefs on the merits is extended to and including August 29, 2017. VIDED.
July 31, 2017 The time to file respondents' brief on the merits is extended to and including October 16, 2017. VIDED.
August 29, 2017 Joint appendix filed. VIDED. (Statement of costs filed)
August 29, 2017 Brief of petitioners Christopher J. Christie, Governor of New Jersey, et al. filed.
August 29, 2017 Brief amici curiae of Pacific Legal Foundation, et al. filed. VIDED.
August 30, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of Researcher John T. Holden filed. VIDED.
September 5, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of The American Gaming Association filed. VIDED.
September 5, 2017 Brief amici curiae of National Governors Association, et al. filed.
September 5, 2017 Brief amici curiae of West Virgina, 17 other States and the Governors of Kentucky, Maryland and North Dakota filed.
September 5, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of New Sports Economy Institute in support of neither party filed. VIDED.
September 5, 2017 Brief amici curiae of Constitutional Law Scholars filed.
September 5, 2017 Brief amici curiae of European Sports Security Association, et al. filed. VIDED.
September 5, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of Congressman Frank J. Pallone, Jr. filed. VIDED
October 6, 2017 SET FOR ARGUMENT ON Monday, December 4, 2017. VIDED.
October 16, 2017 Brief of respondents National Collegiate Athletic Association, et al. filed. VIDED.
October 18, 2017 Motion of Professor Ryan M. Rodenberg for leave to participate in oral argument as amicus curiae and for divided argument filed. VIDED.
October 18, 2017 Record requested from the U.S.C.A. 3rd Circuit.
October 23, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of Eagle Forum Education & Legal Defense Fund filed. VIDED. (Distributed)
October 23, 2017 Brief amici curiae of Stop Predatory Gambling, et al. filed. VIDED. (Distributed)
October 23, 2017 Brief amicus curiae of United States filed. VIDED. (Distributed)
October 23, 2017 Motion of the Solicitor General for leave to participate in oral argument as amicus curiae and for divided argument filed. VIDED.
November 2, 2017 Record received from U.S.C.A. 3rd Circuit is electronic.
November 13, 2017 Motion of Professor Ryan M. Rodenberg for leave to participate in oral argument as amicus curiae and for divided argument DENIED.
November 13, 2017 Motion of the Solicitor General for leave to participate in oral argument as amicus curiae and for divided argument GRANTED.
November 15, 2017 Reply of petitioners Christopher J. Christie, Governor of New Jersey, et al. filed. (Distributed)
December 4, 2017 Argued. For petitioners: Theodore B. Olson, Washington, D. C. For respondents: Paul D. Clement, Washington, D. C.; and Jeffrey B. Wall, Deputy Solicitor General, Department of Justice, Washington, D. C. (for United States, as amicus curiae.) VIDED.
January 19, 2018 Letter of petitioner pursuant to Rule 35.3 filed.
May 14, 2018 Judgment REVERSED. Alito, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Roberts, C. J., and Kennedy, Thomas, Kagan, and Gorsuch, JJ., joined, and in which Breyer, J., joined as to all but Part VI-B. Thomas, J., filed a concurring opinion. Breyer, J., filed an opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part. Ginsburg, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Sotomayor, J., joined, and in which Breyer, J., joined in part. VIDED.
NCAA v. Governor of New Jersey, No. 14-4546 (3d Cir. Aug. 11, 2016)
Philip D. Murphy, Governor of New Jersey, et al.
National Collegiate Athletic Association, et. al.