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1 O STONE UNTURNED R O i n pursuit of W TH The Rt Hon the Lord Heseltine of Thenford CH
2 Unless I can secure for the nation results similar to those which have followed the adoption of my policy in Birmingham it will have been a sorry exchange to give up the town council for the cabinet. (Joseph Chamberlain).
3 NO STONE UNTURNED The Rt Hon the Lord Heseltine of Thenford CH October 2012
4 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH Contents Overview: One man s vision 3 Chapter 1: The worst economic crisis of modern times 11 Chapter 2: Localism building on our strengths 27 Chapter 3: Whitehall a confident, strategic centre of government 59 Chapter 4: Government and growth catalyst, enabler, partner 87 Chapter 5: Private sector broadening the capacity for excellence 121 Chapter 6: Education and skills the foundation for growth and prosperity 155 Chapter 7: Making it happen 183 Annexes A. Acknowledgements 187 B. Summary of recommendations 202 C. How the system fits together 212 D. Single funding pot 215 E. Illustrative single funding pot bidding framework 218 F. Key elements of a government management information system 221 G. Glossary 225 [ii]
5 NO STONE UNTURNED One man s vision > our shared responsibility for creating wealth The worst economic crisis of modern times > the scale of the international challenge Localism building on our strengths > reversing a century of centralisation > enhancing the standing of Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) to bring together partners across the private and public sectors to drive local growth > empowering LEPs to lead local economic development through a major devolution of funding Whitehall a confident, strategic centre of government > delivering the Prime Minister s vision for growth > a smaller and more highly skilled central government machine > a strategic partnership with all sectors of the economy Government and growth catalyst, enabler, partner > decisive government leadership for major infrastructure projects > effective public sector procurement, driving innovation and securing our industrial base > maximising the benefit of the UK s research base Private sector broadening the capacity for excellence > raising the ambition and capabilities of the average business > a new role for chambers of commerce > a voice for UK plc Education and skills the foundation for growth and prosperity > the end of underperformance > a role for employers in the education of the children they will one day employ > ensuring investment in skills reflects the jobs available Making it happen [1]
6 NO STONE UNTURNED One man s vision The Government should set out a comprehensive strategy for national wealth creation, defining its view of its own role and the limits of that role together with those of others in local authorities, public bodies and the private sector. This report makes 89 recommendations. Some will say they are criticisms. That is exactly the wrong approach. To invite criticism is a sign of strength. To accept it is a sign of confidence. We are all too close to the economic crisis. There is opportunity on a grand scale. Huge infrastructure demands and hungry institutional funds link them. Excellence in industry, commerce, academia extend it. England s cities pulsing with energy unleash it. Every one of us needs to rise to the challenge.
7 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH 1. In March 2012 the Prime Minister asked me to report to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Secretary of State for Business as to how we might more effectively create wealth in the UK. 2. The Chancellor announced the terms of my review on 21 March and offered me the support of a cross departmental team of officials to assist in the task. I cannot overstate my gratitude for such a privilege or for the dedication with which that team has worked to reflect my views even where they conflict with departmental policies. The views expressed here are entirely my own although they have been much influenced by the large number of people from all aspects of our society to whom we have spoken and to whom I am indebted. 3. We are experiencing the worst economic crisis of modern times. As a consequence many of the old certainties have come under intense scrutiny. There is a hunger for ideas that could contribute to the restoration of growth. There is no shortage of proposals. But what strikes me and encourages me is the unanimity of, among others, the CBI, TUC and The Times that Britain needs an industrial strategy. The very words are controversial. With them comes the baggage of past attempts and past failures. My history business and government 4. It is 57 years since I moved to London from Oxford University and my home in Swansea. Two formative experiences since then have profoundly influenced my views. These are central to the report I write today. 5. First the experience of leaving a small business to become a minister of the Crown in My journey in business started as half owner of a boarding house in London. From there we moved into property development, the construction industry, employment agencies and publishing. We made mistakes, bad judgements and were over confident. Fortunately the good judgements outweighed the bad. Cash was always tight but by the time I left to join the Government we employed 400 people. 6. My early speeches would reveal my support for the simplest of notions of the role of government. Get off our backs, cut the red tape, deregulate, lower taxes. My laughter would have been loudest at Ronald Reagan s later joke I ve come from the Government. I m here to help. 7. Before leaving the company I was still involved in the minutiae of everything that happened in the business even approving every petty cash voucher over 50p. By contrast, on my first day in government I was asked to read a few pages and sign off the 6 million electrification of a rail line in the east of England. I asked to see the managers responsible. Minister, if you start doing that you will be left with no time for your official work. It was clear from the start that government ministers were meant to approve papers and make decisions, not involve themselves in the hard grind of turning those policies into reality. This was the public sector, although on that occasion I did see the managers. [4]
8 One man s vision 8. My subsequent journey in government was broad: the complexities of local government reform, the planning system, Britain s role in space, the saving of Rolls-Royce, Concorde, defence procurement, our international competitiveness agenda. Time and again I was confronted by the way other governments aided and supported their wealth creating capabilities. My view of government s role was never quite so simple again. 9. Experience indicated that there are some things only government can do to drive growth in the economy. It must do those relentlessly and to the very highest standards set around the world. There are many areas where government should stand aside completely. But in the vast majority of cases we will only get the very best results for our economy if government, the business community and local leaders exploit their skills and resources in partnership. 10. Whether we look at the well established mature economies such as the United States or the new thrusters of the BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa there is one clear message we overlook at our peril: the public and private sectors are interdependent. Only by working together and learning to understand each others strengths and capabilities will we succeed. 11. The second formative experience was Liverpool and the 18 months I spent visiting the city and its surrounding area after the riots of This immersed me in the realities of one of England s greatest cities. The Prime Minister accepted the argument that the riots were not just the reaction of a gang of yobs on the street. They were the result of deep, intractable, social and economic issues which the Government had a duty to address. It was important to get under the skin of the issues. 12. People often ask me if my experiences in Liverpool changed my views and are surprised when I say no. I had long believed in the individual as central to the process of innovation and enterprise, and was firmly committed to the value of choice and competition as integral to decision making in both public and private sectors. I believed enterprise was a natural human condition, invaluable in driving excellence and growth. More than a decade of front line political experience had taught me as well of the vital role of government and the public sector in securing essential public services and facilitating the growth of the economy. 13. What Liverpool forced me to confront was the extent to which these conditioning qualities had been driven from municipal England. The dynamism that had built the city was gone. Leadership relied on London. Liverpool s challenges could only be overcome if the local community was engaged and enthused to harness its resources and build on its strengths in a much more effective partnership with central government. 14. Over many decades, power and initiative have shifted under governments of all persuasions from provincial England to its capital city and its bureaucracies. Strong local leadership in our great cities created the industrial revolution and made us what we are. London did not dominate. But of course the social conditions of those living in the [5]
9 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH industrial cities were quite unacceptable. A long democratic process rightly tackled the consequences of urban squalor and often acute poverty. But in the process local initiative gradually moved from the enterprising industrialists to the councillors of today much more preoccupied with a social agenda than earning the wealth to pay for it. And as the costs of such social provision relied increasingly on central government, so a range of circulars, ring-fenced grants, hypothecated funding and a new breed of quangos further eroded local discretion. Local government assumed the character of Whitehall s branch offices. The private sector has a remarkably similar profile. To an extraordinary degree head offices are London based, or overseas. Regional managers have replaced the enterprising leaders. 15. In government, careers focus on functions. Initiatives concentrate on specifics. There are still few, if any, dialogues in Whitehall that start with the strengths and weaknesses of place or community. In this we are unlike any of our equivalent economies that build on local diverse strengths. We have created in London a functional monopoly. 16. Big government does not work. Ministers and their officials are not that clever. Events are not that predictable. Yet no government can stand apart, indifferent to the results they achieve from the resources they spend on taxpayers behalf. The challenge is to create a more balanced partnership embracing the strengths of our cities and regions, and the resources of government. 17. Government must now reverse the trend of the past century and unleash the dynamic potential of our local economies. The Government is committed to a local agenda. Is that policy or slogan? There are encouraging signs to believe it is policy but so far we have seen only the first steps. 18. In the private sector, British success stories are numerous. We have world leading businesses, delivering innovative products and services to markets at home and overseas. But our overall attainment is judged by the performance of the average business. And the average business in the UK is simply not strong enough. 19. Successive administrations concerned to boost productivity have had a tendency to concentrate on the issues faced by SMEs. No one has greater admiration for the vibrancy and ingenuity of the men and women who run these businesses than me. But we cannot be blinded by such a simplified approach. A complex economy has something of the nature of a rainforest. Take away the canopy and the sun will destroy the myriad species beneath. So it is that our major corporations sustain the thousands of small and medium size businesses in their supply chains. Without equal focus on the needs and competitiveness of our large and mid-sized businesses, the Government does a disservice to the very SMEs it wishes to support. [6]
10 One man s vision 20. A serious opportunity to improve the ambition and capability of British businesses has long been ignored by the failure of successive governments to act on Lord Devlin s report of His objective was to help the private sector create world class support systems and thereby raise their game. He focused in particular on the role of chambers of commerce and trade associations. 21. Devlin s proposals remain largely ignored. If localism is to mean anything, if the private sector is to lead a renewed search for growth and a major increase in exports across the world, we need British businesses to have support systems comparable with those of our competitor economies. 22. This failure to act on Devlin s proposals can be seen in a wider context. It is well over a century since concerns were aired that our education system was failing to improve in line with Germany and the US. Again many of the issues in this report are not new. In 1985, a House of Lords Select Committee 1 made recommendations when looking at the implications of the deficit in the UK s balance of trade in manufacturing. Its report pointed to the need for: an improvement in industrial competiveness; a coordinated industrial policy, led by a Cabinet committee; government support for innovation and exports; promotion of business investment; an education system that is more responsive to the needs of industry; and better management training in business. So what now? 23. As we look to the economic challenges our country faces today, we should ask ourselves whether we are doing a good enough job. That question applies to us all and is not answered by pointing to the many examples of excellence in our country. Even when the economy picks up again, will our economic performance be as good as it could be? The long term evidence would say it will not. Are there lessons we can learn from how other countries divide responsibilities between government and the private sector, or between the centre and our cities and regions? There are. 24. There is a temptation to select a handful of popular explanations for Britain s economic decline. That is not to say that tax, regulation and bureaucracy are not important. They are, but they are part of a much broader picture. I have tried to make this report as thorough and comprehensive as possible, although it is important to recognise that to do so in six months imposes its own constraints. 25. This report sets out the case for a major reconfiguration of responsibilities for economic development between central and local government, and between government and the private sector. Throughout discussions for this report, and based on the experience of the last 40 years in and around government, I have heard time and again that the Government needs a single compelling vision for how wealth will be created in the UK. It is said that all parts of government, not just the Business Department or the Treasury, must work in 1 Report from the House of Lords Select Committee on Overseas Trade, 30 July 1985 [7]
11 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH support of that plan. Decisions on housing or transport, education or welfare support will have a far greater long term impact on our economic prospects than any form of direct support provided to business. Much more of the inspiration for our economy should be based on the strength and ambition of our cities and their communities. It was this local leadership that built our country in the first place. 26. My preoccupation throughout my years in government and beyond has been to try to transform the competitiveness of the British economy. If we are to do that successfully for the long term, there are two prior conditions. 27. First, our responsibilities as individuals. We cannot overstate the essential role of the individual and leadership. Show me a problem and I will ask first who is in charge. But too often we think of the country s economic problems as something beyond us as individuals as consequences of tax, regulation or educational standards. We allow the subliminal message to radiate that these are issues for someone else to fix. That is exactly the wrong message. The economic war is relentless and detailed and played out in the decisions taken by millions of British citizens every working day. We all need to raise our game, and keep raising it. All our competitors will. 28. The public sector has a poor record of empowering the individuals in its ranks. By its nature it tends to constrain the essential entrepreneurial spirit within us all. I reject the view, however, that enterprise is a quality found only in the private sector. The headteacher who turns round a sink school and the official who leads the team that secures a billion pound inward investment project, are examples of commendable public enterprise. But too often the demands of bureaucracy sap the innovation and enthusiasm to provide the best and most innovative services. How many MPs have ever considered the impact on the behaviour of civil servants of their insistence that every detail of any decision is recorded so that it can be scrutinised in a parliamentary question? Such a discipline would bring the private sector to its knees. 29. The second precondition for economic transformation is stability. If we are to inject confidence into the economy, we need stability. Investors demand it. They invest against five to 10 year plans and want to know that the rules of the game will not change. The need for certainty about our future relationship with Europe is a prime example. If we are to inject enthusiasm into our business communities to invest their energies into the growth of their local economies they want to be sure that their efforts will not be overtaken by another divergent initiative two years down the line. We therefore need the maximum political consensus possible about the best architecture for promoting growth in the economy. But we must then let that architecture stand the test of time so that all can get on with the real business of creating wealth. [8]
12 One man s vision A blueprint for the future 30. All this has led me to conclude that we need a number of significant innovations which, together, will provide a stable yet flexible architecture for the future: > a Prime Minister-led National Growth Council, ensuring all parts of government play their part to support growth and with an independent secretariat to ensure its conclusions are fully and expeditiously implemented > a very significant devolution of funding from central government to Local Enterprise Partnerships so that government investment in economic development is tailored directly to the individual challenges and opportunities of our communities, and can be augmented by private sector investment > a clear statement by government of its priorities to guide Local Enterprise Partnerships in the preparation of strategic plans for their local economies > and for central government, a clear policy for each sector of the economy conceived in conjunction with industry and academia. 31. The particular priorities of governments their economic vision for our country will change parliament by parliament. The system proposed here can respond to those changing priorities. 32. There are many descriptions used to criticise so comprehensive an approach. Picking winners, intervention. There is one overwhelming response. In their own ways all our competitor economies manage their systems along these lines. We are the ones out of step. 33. It will be said of this report that it is too prescriptive and that cannot be denied. My case is based on the experience of ministerial life and the myriad of reports like this that are littered across Whitehall. Every prime minister of whom I have knowledge has been frustrated by their inability to make Whitehall work effectively. The levers are there but the links are elastic. Pull them and not much happens. We need to link the levers to the gears. 34. The engagement of the devolved administrations during this review has been helpful and enabled us to learn from their experiences. As economic development is devolved to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, much of this report focuses on how the system in England operates. However, the UK Government retains responsibility for many issues which affect the competitiveness of the economy across the UK. A number of recommendations fall into this category. 35. I have also tried to comment only on areas of policy of which I have some knowledge. That leaves significant gaps but even these may be partially filled by the philosophical approach I outline. [9]
13 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH 36. I acknowledge that there is a strong dose of criticism for many in what I say. This is not because I despair for this country. Exactly the opposite. We have many world class companies of all sizes and four of the world s six best universities. I know how well we can do. We have our history, our culture, our sense of tolerance and fair play, our inventiveness, our ability to laugh at ourselves. It is precisely because so much is so good that I know how much more we can achieve. 37. Britain s relative decline has been long term, far reaching and about averages. Precisely because we still have so much in this country that is world beating we can delude ourselves into thinking that things are not that serious at all. We must not ignore the 30% of UK companies with stagnant growth or turn a blind eye to the sink schools, the forgotten communities and their debilitating impact on society at large. We will only make a difference to our aggregate economic performance if we motivate and excite well beyond that section of our society that is already out in front excelling in the face of the world s most ruthless competitors. We have extremes of industrial, commercial, academic, cultural and sporting excellence. That should encourage us to believe we can raise our game and the average of our national performance. 38. There are no easy or short term ways to beat the world s most competitive economies. The pressures and challenges of an ever more educated, motivated and competitive world are going to intensify. Every sinew of our body politic will need to be stretched simply to keep up. To be good only in part is to lose. We all have to work to be as good or better than them. The real lesson of our Olympic triumph is that four hundred of our fellow citizens pushed themselves for eight long years to the threshold of human tolerance. Government helped. It worked. It was a grand project. We can do it as well as anyone. 39. This report is a challenge to all of us in both the public and private sectors politicians, business leaders and individuals. We are all responsible for ensuring that the UK creates the wealth upon which our aspirations depend. It is a challenge from which there is no escape. The Rt Hon the Lord Heseltine of Thenford CH [10]
14 Chapter 1: The worst economic crisis of modern times [11]
15 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH 1.1 The economic crisis continues to be the most dominant influence on all our lives. In the UK it drives many of the decisions we make as individuals, families, communities and as a country. 1.2 Times are tough for many households. Inflation has outstripped wage growth for the last four years so the majority of people are feeling the pinch. This has had inevitable consequences for people s ability and willingness to increase consumer spending. 1.3 At a national level, beyond the immediate need to reduce the deficit, governments across the world, for years to come, will continue to shift their focus to living within their means. In the short term this will mean there is very little money for new initiatives. That is why this report advocates a radical rethink as to how we allocate public money in this country to achieve growth. 1.4 Many people look back to better times, when our economy boomed throughout much of the 1990s and early 2000s. However, figures show that much of the consumption that led that growth was fuelled by unsustainable levels of debt, both in the public and private sectors, and at household level (see Chart 1.1). 1.5 The imperative to rely less on debt may be widely recognised but achieving the change in the public sector is at the frontiers of what democracies can achieve. Chart 1.1: UK household debt 2, as a percentage of Gross Disposable Income Percentage Source: OECD 3 2 Households and non-profit institutions serving households 3 [12]
16 Chapter 1: The worst economic crisis of modern times 1.6 We cannot avoid the disciplines of our predicament from now on levels of spending for government will be constrained by the need to get public sector borrowing under control. Look across the world there is no other option. 1.7 The constraints in public spending enhance the need to achieve private sector growth across the country. It is the proceeds of growth individual and national that can increase our standard of living to the levels to which we aspire. 1.8 There are many reasons to explain the recent stagnation in our economy. One of the most important seems to be lack of confidence. Uncertainties in our economy and around the Eurozone are holding back investment decisions in the immediate term. Much of the evidence suggests that many of our businesses are sitting on cash, although the SME sector has particular problems with accessing finance. 1.9 This must not, however, divert our attention from the UK s long term economic opportunities. The squeeze on finances domestically, and in the economies of many of our competitors, disguises the fact that some countries currently continue to see attractive levels of growth. This in turn generates unprecedented additional annual demand in those economies for goods and services. As the rest of the world gradually recovers from recession, that outlook will only get rosier. Put simply there are over seven billion people out there with their total global income growing by around 2.9% or some US $2.1 trillion per year Interwoven with this historic shift to emerging economies has been the advent of highly educated middle classes, informed by international news services, personal communication technologies serviced by the internet and at least familiar with the English language. The Arab spring had all the elements of copycat protest spreading frustration from country to country. Fortunately much else of a less violent nature is spreading across the world to create a market place of unprecedented scale. The bottom line is there is much to go for As Chart 1.2 shows, the Government will itself remain an influential contributor to our national wealth. All projections about future levels of public spending, even after austerity measures are factored in, show it remaining at a broadly similar level as today. How the Government spends this money can in itself be a significant factor in encouraging growth. 4 Based on (i) US Census Bureau World POPClock Projection and (ii) 2013 projection of growth in Value of World Output at market exchange rates from IMF World Economic Outlook: Coping with High Debt and Sluggish Growth, October 2012 [13]
17 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH Chart 1.2: General government expenditure (as a % of GDP) G7 economies Percentage of GDP France Germany Canada Japan Italy UK USA Source: IMF World Economic Outlook Database There can be no dispute about the urgent need to get the British economy back on track. I believe the Government s economic strategy is right. However, there are many ways in which we could use existing levels of expenditure more effectively and, in particular, in ways that attract additional non-government funding. My experience with urban grants, Urban Development Corporations, City Challenge and the Regional Growth Fund demonstrates the effectiveness of using limited public money to leverage greater additionality from the private sector. It shows, in essence, that we can make every penny of taxpayers money go further If there is an upside to the recent crisis it is that it has encouraged a wide and shared interest in securing our longer term competitiveness and growth. Businesses will not make new investments on the back of short term policy initiatives they need confidence in the long term competitive strength of our economy. International economic competition will only intensify The International Monetary Fund (IMF) projects that the real GDP of developing economies will grow at just over 4% each year to the end of , compared to just 1.3% annually in advanced economies. At these growth rates an additional US $11.3 trillion of real GDP will have been generated in emerging markets over the four year period to the end of 2016, compared to $6 trillion in advanced markets. Many look at these figures and urge us to put all our efforts into trading with the BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China and South 5 6 IMF, World Economic Outlook: Coping with High Debt and Sluggish Growth, October 2012 [14]
18 Chapter 1: The worst economic crisis of modern times Africa. But we cannot be competitive in new markets if we are not first being leaders in the markets in which we have been operating for years To compete properly, and win, we need to understand fully what we are good at and where we need to improve. We have over decades done many things better than our rivals, but not everything. The pursuit of growth must not be an accidental occurrence it needs to be underpinned by a comprehensive analysis of our strengths and weaknesses. By recognising where we are strong and building on it, whilst understanding where we are weak and tackling it, we can develop an agenda relevant to the competition we face The observations ahead are a summary of a thorough analysis and international benchmarking exercise undertaken to inform this review 7. Many headline strengths in the UK economy 1.17 The most recent Global Competitiveness Report from the World Economic Forum 8 ranks the UK as the eighth most competitive country in the world in which to conduct business, up two places over last year. This reflects the UK s strong performance on entrepreneurial activity and inward investment. In terms of new business start-ups the UK outperforms many G7 countries including Germany and France although we still trail the US and other international competitors 9. The UK is second only to the US in the value of foreign direct inward investment it attracts For detailed discussion and data see BIS, Benchmarking UK Competitiveness in the UK Economy, BIS Economics Paper No. 19, docs/b/ benchmarking-uk-competitiveness-in-the-global-economy 8 World Economic Forum, The Competitiveness Report , Global Entrepreneurship Monitor UK Report, J Levie and M Hart, 2008 and Global Entrepreneurship Monitor UK Report, J Levie and M Hart UNCTAD, World Investment Report, 2012 [15]
19 NO STONE UNTURNED in pursuit of GROWTH Table 1.1: International rankings of competitiveness, 2012 Ranking WEF Global IMD World World Bank Doing Competitiveness Competitiveness Business Ranking Report Year Book 1 Switzerland Hong Kong Singapore 2 Singapore United States Hong Kong 3 Finland Switzerland New Zealand 4 Sweden Singapore United States 5 Netherlands Sweden Denmark 6 Germany Canada Norway 7 United States Taiwan United Kingdom 8 United Kingdom Norway South Korea 9 Hong Kong Germany Georgia 10 Japan Qatar Australia Source: IMD, WEF (2012), World Bank (2013) United Kingdom (18) 1.18 Alternative measures of international competitiveness place us both higher and lower in the world s league table. So depending on which analysis you choose to look at, and which measures you opt to quantify, the UK s relative performance varies widely. Competitiveness is not a precise measure it is a complicated mix of many, often unquantifiable, factors. In order to raise our game we must improve our performance across the board. What we do well and what we do not do so well The productivity gap 1.19 The UK has made significant progress narrowing the longstanding productivity gap with our peers But most significantly for our long term economic prospects, UK output per hour worked as shown in Chart 1.3 still lags behind that of our international trading partners in the US, Germany and France. [16]
20 Chapter 1: The worst economic crisis of modern times Chart 1.3: Relative GDP per hour worked (UK = 100) Hours worked France Germany USA Source: ONS International Comparisons of Labour Productivity 1.21 This gap is apparent across most sectors of our economy, but especially in manufacturing. Based on these measures the average UK worker has to work 10 hours to produce the same output that a worker in the US could produce in eight. How much more productive would we be in the UK if we enabled UK workers through investments in skills, infrastructure, capital equipment and R&D to be as productive per hour as our leading competitors? This is not just about working harder, but about being more productive with the time we put in. Gross domestic product 1.22 The UK saw average annual GDP growth of 2.2% between 1990 and 2008 placing it third in the G7, behind only the US and Canada 11 (see Table 1.2). Based on our historical performance a return to similar rates of growth could see the UK outstrip most of our competitors But these figures hide a problem. Historically, and prior to the financial crisis of 2008, growth was increasingly driven by the accumulation of unsustainable levels of public and private sector consumption fuelled by debt, greatly outstripping the contributions of business investment and net trade to UK economic growth. Net trade had an increasingly negative impact as our demand for imports grew at a faster rate than our ability to export. 11 OECD, National Accounts Statistics, data [17]