Source: https://www.scribd.com/book/232949543/Regulation-and-Public-Interests-The-Possibility-of-Good-Regulatory-Government
Timestamp: 2018-10-17 03:35:44
Document Index: 672679678

Matched Legal Cases: ['art 1', 'art 2', 'art 3', 'art 4', 'arts 1', 'art 3', 'art 3', 'art 4']

Regulation and Public Interests by Steven P. Croley by Steven P. Croley - Read Online
by Steven P. Croley
Length: 392 pages14 hours
Not since the 1960s have U.S. politicians, Republican or Democrat, campaigned on platforms defending big government, much less the use of regulation to help solve social ills. And since the late 1970s, "deregulation" has become perhaps the most ubiquitous political catchword of all. This book takes on the critics of government regulation. Providing the first major alternative to conventional arguments grounded in public choice theory, it demonstrates that regulatory government can, and on important occasions does, advance general interests.
Unlike previous accounts, Regulation and Public Interests takes agencies' decision-making rules rather than legislative incentives as a central determinant of regulatory outcomes. Drawing from both political science and law, Steven Croley argues that such rules, together with agencies' larger decision-making environments, enhance agency autonomy. Agency personnel inclined to undertake regulatory initiatives that generate large but diffuse benefits (while imposing smaller but more concentrated costs) can use decision-making rules to develop socially beneficial regulations even over the objections of Congress and influential interest groups. This book thus provides a qualified defense of regulatory government. Its illustrative case studies include the development of tobacco rulemaking by the Food and Drug Administration, ozone and particulate matter rules by the Environmental Protection Agency, the Forest Service's "roadless" policy for national forests, and regulatory initiatives by the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Federal Trade Commission.
Publisher: Princeton University PressReleased: Sep 1, 1991ISBN: 9781400828142Format: book
Regulation and Public Interests - Steven P. Croley
The Possibility of Good Regulatory Government
Croley, Steven P., 1965–
Regulation and public interests : the possibility of good
regulatory government / Steven P. Croley.
eISBN: 978-1-40082-814-2
1. Trade regulation. 2. Administrative law—Economic aspects. 3. Social choice. I. Title.
K3840.C76 2007
352.801—dc222007018559
HAROLD AND MARTHA CROLEY
An Uneasy Commitment to Regulatory Government
The Cynical View of Regulation
Is Regulatory Capture Inevitable?
Alternative Visions of Regulatory Government
Opening the Black Box: Regulatory Decisionmaking in Legal Context
Regulatory Government as Administrative Government
Participation in Administrative Decisionmaking
The Administrative-Process Approach Expanded: A More Developed Picture
The Environmental Protection Agency’s Ozone and Particulate Matter Rules
The Food and Drug Administration’s Tobacco Initiative
The Forest Service’s Roadless Policy for National Forests
Socially Beneficial Administrative Decisionmaking:
The Public Choice Theory Revisited
The Promise of an Administrative-Process Orientation
Regulatory Rents, Regulatory Failures, and Other Objections
The Regulatory State and Social Welfare
THIS BOOK REPRESENTS many influences, known and unknown. Among the former, I have benefited from many conversations about its subject matter with my colleagues at the University of Michigan Law School, as well as with my administrative law colleagues around the country, too numerous to name. Three in particular deserve special mention, however, for their sustained interest in my project, especially during its formative stages—Bob Cooter, Rick Hills, and Kyle Logue. I also benefited from many comments on portions of this book from workshop participants at the law schools at the University of California at Berkeley, the University of Chicago, Florida State University, Georgetown Law Center, Harvard University, the University of Michigan, Northwestern University, the University of Southern California, and Vanderbilt University. I am indebted as well to Don Herzog, for his careful and incisive reading of the penultimate version of the entire manuscript. Jackie Julien and Nancy Paul provided flawless secretarial assistance, for which I am also very grateful. Chuck Myers and Richard Isomaki at Princeton University Press provided careful and wise editorial help, from which I benefited greatly too. Finally, I am grateful for the training and encouragement I received when I first began to grapple with this subject matter years ago as a law student and graduate student, especially but not only from Susan RoseAckerman and R. Douglas Arnold. A heartfelt thanks to all of you. Thanks also go to the University of Michigan Cook Research Fund, for partial funding of this research.
An Uneasy Commitment to
Regulatory Government
IN THE UNITED STATES TODAY, mainstream attitudes toward the modern regulatory state are well captured by the joke Woody Allen tells about overhearing a lunch room conversation between two complaining inhabitants of a retirement home:
The food here is so terrible.
Yeah, and always such small portions.
On the one hand, the regulatory state— big government, the bureaucracy, Washington —is a target of endless criticism. Social commentators, politicians, and academicians routinely rail against the regulatory system. Calls to downsize government, reduce regulatory red tape, and promote free enterprise are perennial, as certain as death and taxes.
In part, this phenomenon owes to the rhetoric of politics, and also to the politics of rhetoric. Aspiring politicians promote themselves by running against big government, while established politicians emphasize their experience in navigating an overextended bureaucracy on behalf of their constituents. Not since the 1960s have either Republicans or Democrats run on a platform that defends big government, much less advocates for increased reliance on regulatory government as a solution to social problems. Thus the last Democrats to occupy the White House, for example, trumpeted their extensive efforts to reinvent government by relying more on market-based incentives and less on command and control. Government regulation is something to be tamed, managed, not promoted.
Similarly, academicians are rewarded professionally for debunking political institutions. By long-standing tradition, members of the academy have undertaken to show what is wrong with social and political institutions, to identify their weaknesses and paradoxes, not to celebrate what is right with them, and for good reason. So Ph.D. dissertations on Congress, the executive branch, or particular regulatory agencies far more often expose the imperfections of those institutions than they highlight their successes, while legal-academic analysis of Supreme Court jurisprudence explains what the Court got wrong, or else right but for the wrong reasons. All is well makes for boring academic work. No doubt these dynamics are reinforcing: Critical academic commentary provides scholarly support and theoretical justification for such deregulatory initiatives as the Council on Competitiveness in the 1980s and the Contract with America and Reinventing Government efforts in the 1990s, just as such politicians’ deregulatory initiatives provide scholars critical of regulatory government with a sympathetic and influential audience.
At the same time, however, calls for regulatory reform are in part simply constitutive of the larger march of social progress. Finding ways to deliver more goods and services with smaller expenditures of human and economic resources, including the resources of government itself, is part of the human endeavor. Who could object to reducing truly unnecessary bureaucratic red tape, or finding new ways to exploit market-like incentives where those incentives produce results superior to traditional government regulation? In this light, reform is properly always in fashion.
But again these are partial explanations. For one thing, the question remains why politicians’ calls for regulatory reform always sell, and why, for example, reforming big government is in the United States (but much less so in Germany, Japan, or Sweden) such an important marker of social progress. Part of the answer, too, is that criticism of regulatory government also reflects a long-standing skepticism towards centralized government that, although accentuated in recent decades, has colonial roots. Since the Founding, the legal-political culture of the United States has been characterized by an enduring wariness towards centralized regulatory power, and concomitant commitments instead to free enterprise, autonomy, and localism. Moreover, important periods of political reform—for instance the Progressive movement, and the environmental revolution—saw changes precipitated by grassroots movements, initiatives from the ground up rather than the top down. Even then, centralized regulatory government was as often viewed as part of the problem—too cozy with business trusts, too friendly to polluters—as it was part of the solution.
And this skepticism toward regulatory government is self-fulfilling. Chronicles of regulatory failures are eventually seen as the norm, to be expected. In turn, the refrain that regulatory government is doomed to fail becomes internalized after repetition. Citizens and commentators come to expect less, and therefore demand less, from regulatory government. Meanwhile, confidence in regulatory institutions comes to be viewed as idealistic. Similarly, proposals to reform rather than abandon regulatory government also come to be seen as panglossian, hopelessly uninformed.
Paradoxically, however, this skepticism toward regulatory government may be outweighed by Americans’ apparent commitment to and strong reliance upon centralized regulatory institutions, like Woody Allen’s convalescent home diner who wants more food though it is terrible. After all, regulation is ubiquitous. The work-product of the regulatory state—regulations issued by seemingly innumerable federal regulatory agencies—governs every aspect of modern life. Literally:Working, transacting, traveling, communicating, indeed eating, drinking, and breathing, are all activities governed by federal agencies.
Of course, this ironic reliance on centralized regulatory institutions too has early roots, extending back to the establishment of a national government in place of a federation after the American Revolution. And since the Civil War’s establishment of the primacy of centralized government, Americans have repeatedly turned to federal regulatory government in times of crisis to address the country’s most stubborn problems—from the banking crises and business corruption of the early twentieth century, though the Great Depression, stock market crisis, and labor unrest of the 1930s and 1940s, through the environmental crisis and civil rights revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s, to the threat of terrorism and the creation of the huge new Department of Homeland Security at the beginning of the twenty-first century, to name a few. Thus the evolution of the regulatory state has not been gradual, but rather reflects accelerated growth in response to periods of crisis and national trauma. In this light, regulation seems not only ubiquitous but inevitable.
Thus exists a serious and curious disconnect between the familiar politico-rhetorical treatments as well as academic presentations of regulatory government, on the one hand, and regulatory reality—which reflects heavy reliance upon and even faith in regulatory government—on the other. The modern United States of America is thoroughly committed to regulatory government in actual practice, and yet rhetorically and ideologically that commitment seems awkward, if not hypocritical.
The pages that follow seek to ease part of this tension. Specifically, this book argues that the most influential tradition of scholarly analyses critical of the regulatory state has been oversold. More specifically, it argues that a body of related critical analyses of the regulatory state, public choice theory, rests on a seriously incomplete and undertheorized understanding of regulatory government, and furthermore that its empirical predictions are not supported by careful consideration of the evidence about how regulatory agencies operate or what they do. This book then offers an alternative, though in some ways complementary, vision of regulatory government that emphasizes the legal-procedural mechanisms by which administrative bodies actually regulate. It shows how those mechanisms can be—and on important recent occasions have been—employed to produce regulatory outcomes that promote public interests, that is to say, outcomes that vindicate an uneasy faith in regulatory government.
The central thesis advanced here is that the cynical view of regulation shows far too little attention to the actual processes through which administrative agencies regulate, and that such inattention is largely responsible for the dominant, jaundiced view of regulation. Once the administrative regulatory state is unpacked—once it is considered in the light of its procedural complexities—grim conclusions about the inability of regulatory institutions to advance the general welfare give way to more optimistic assessments. Citizens’ and politicians’ regular reliance on regulatory government now appears less ironic, for if regulatory institutions prove capable of addressing important social problems, then it is little wonder that Americans have created administrative agencies in response to those problems. The effort here, then, is both critical and constructive. It seeks to show what is wrong with the public choice account of regulation, and in particular to highlight what is missing from that account, but at the same time to take certain insights from the public choice theory and to show how those insights can support a much more benign view of the regulatory state.
To anticipate the main theme, the ingredients of a complete understanding of regulation that are missing from the public choice account are largely legal-institutional. That is to say, they concern the legal vehicles—such as the Administrative Procedure Act—through which regulatory agencies translate legislative requirements and commands into particularized regulatory decisions. Most critics of regulatory government skip over, or downplay, administrative law. At the same time, most academic lawyers who focus on administrative law skip over, or downplay, claims about the functions and disappointments of regulation. This book seeks to merge the methodological and conceptual sophistication of the economists and political scientists who focus on regulation, on the one hand, with the attention to the complexities of legal-procedural rules and legal institutions shown by academic lawyers, on the other.
The argument is organized into four parts. Part 1, The Cynical View of Regulatory Government, and Its Alternatives, parses the dominant and jaundiced view of regulatory government. Chapter 1 poses the question whether regulation may at times advance public interests, and considers methodological approaches to answering that question. Chapters 2 and 3 scrutinize the public choice theory of regulation by focusing on its specific claims and on the strengths of its theoretical and empirical underpinnings, concluding that the account rests on shaky ground. Chapter 4 identifies weaknesses in the most ambitious challenges to the public choice theory, and then introduces an alternative account developed and tested throughout the rest of the book.
Part 2, The Administrative Regulatory State, switches course. It first considers the institutional and legal complexities of administrative government. Chapter 5 provides a tour of the legal-procedural mechanisms by which regulatory agencies produce authoritative regulatory decisions. Chapter 6 presents basic descriptive data showing the extent to which modern government really is administrative government. Informed by chapters 5 and 6, chapters 7 and 8 develop further the administrative-process approach to regulation introduced in chapter 4.
Part 3, Public Interested Regulation, moves from forest to trees. Chapters 9 through 12 present several examples of major regulatory initiatives that advanced social welfare, detailing the decisionmaking procedures the relevant agencies employed and the institutional context in which they regulated. With those case studies in mind, part 4, Public Choice and Administrative Process, completes the analysis. It evaluates further the competing pictures of regulatory government presented in parts 1 and 2 in the light of the evidence presented in part 3. Chapters 13 and 14 show how the examples of part 3 undermine the public choice account of regulation, while they provide empirical support for the alternative account of regulation presented here. Finally, chapter 15 considers several important objections to the conclusions of part 4.
To be clear from the start, the thesis of this book is not that regulatory government works well all or even most of the time. It aims neither to foster complacency towards regulatory reform nor to apologize for the regulatory status quo. The more modest ambition of this effort, rather, is to show that cynical but commonplace accounts of the regulatory state have enjoyed an influence that far exceeds their conceptual rigor and empirical support: Regulatory failure is not inevitable. Under certain conditions—conditions that are plausible given the real-world legal-institutional environment in which federal administrative agencies operate—regulatory outcomes can and sometimes do advance broad social interests and increase social welfare. While caution towards regulatory government is to some extent surely healthy, at the same time reliance upon regulatory institutions as the least-worst solution to pressing social problems in an ever-complex world is not misplaced.
P A R TI
THE CYNICAL VIEW OF
REGULATORY GOVERNMENT, AND ITS ALTERNATIVES
CRITIQUES OF REGULATORY GOVERNMENT are as old as government regulation itself. And by now, confidence in public regulatory institutions—in the modern administrative state—is widely dismissed as idealistic. No doubt this is true partly as a result of the power of familiar critiques. Often, regulatory bodies certainly do appear to cater to the powerful, the well-funded, and especially the organized. As will be detailed shortly, this general dynamic is widely taken to be a consequence of the basic rules of modern politics, and not without justification. The combination of elected legislators who require economic resources to maintain their positions, on the one hand, and regulatory agencies that enjoy considerable regulatory power but depend on the legislature for political and budgetary resources, on the other, provides a recipe for a regulatory state that works to advantage well-organized yet narrowly focused political interest groups— special interests —at least according to conventional wisdom. Such groups exchange economic and political resources for what are essentially regulatory rents. Regulatory institutions deliver those rents as parties to an illicit exchange, an outcome as regrettable as it is thought to be common.
But sometimes they don’t. At times, regulatory institutions instead appear to advance broad, diffuse interests in ways that increase social welfare. At times they do so even to the detriment of more powerful, concentrated interests. If that is right, the question becomes, how is it possible?More specifically: Under what set of conditions can regulatory bodies, federal administrative agencies in particular, deliver broad-based benefits— public interest or, better, "public interested rather than special interest" regulation? What channels of agency authority—that is, which decision-making procedures—are insulated from the usual consequences of interest-group politics? And why do they at times seem to deliver broad-based benefits even over the strong opposition of well-organized and well-funded interests? Perhaps more urgently, why would the narrow interests thwarted by those channels tolerate decision-making environments that allow agencies to deliver broad-based benefits at their expense? Or is there little they can do about it?
On the other hand, is the notion that regulatory institutions at times truly advance broad interests and enhance social welfare simply mistaken? Are even apparent examples of public-interested regulations, upon closer scrutiny, merely camouflaged instances of special-interest control proving just how sound the critique of regulatory government is? Alternatively, are public-interested policies instead merely proverbial exceptions that prove the rule—a few rare, insignificant examples in a sea of special-interest regulation? If the regulatory state occasionally generates results that advance social welfare, are those occasions really frequent enough and significant enough to call into question the conclusions of the public choice account of regulation? If not, calls to jettison the regulatory state seem well placed after all. If so, however, more modest calls for regulatory reform short of deregulation may follow instead.
These questions will animate the entire analysis that follows. The epistemological issue asks how one goes about answering them. Doing so requires, first, some initial definitions. If the cynical view of regulatory government holds that regulation produces special interest regulation, testing that proposition requires a definition of special interest regulation and, by implication, a definition of regulation that is not special interest regulation. Doing so also requires some means by which such regulation, and its alternative, are identified.
For present purposes, special interest regulation denotes regulation that delivers regulatory rents to the greater detriment of society. A little more specifically, special interest regulation denotes regulatory decisions that deliver profits to interest groups that exceed the efficient, competitive return to the members of such groups. In addition, such rents, delivered in the form of implicit subsidies, barriers to entry, and so on, undermine social welfare because the losses associated with those supercompetitive returns harm the rest of society—the group members’ competitors or citizen-consumers generally—by an amount greater than the benefits accruing to the special interest group. Put differently, special interest regulation is regulation an omnipotent and benign regulator would never produce.
Public interested regulation, then, denotes the alternative: regulation that improves social welfare. It is not the result of regulatory decisions intended to improve the interests of a select few at the greater expense of the many. Public-interested regulation delivers no rents or, if it does, the gains to those who benefit from the regulatory decision outweigh any losses to the rest of society. Public-interest regulation is therefore beneficial on net; in economic terms, it is Kaldor-Hicks efficient. An omnipotent and benign regulator would produce only public-interested regulation.(Alternative, and complementary, conceptions of public interest regulation will be considered in chapter 13.)
Preliminary definitions aside, evaluating the public choice account of regulation also requires specification of that account’s logic, according to which regulatory institutions produce regulations that reduce social welfare. If the public choice account is a model, in other words, then it is a model that embodies specific claims about how and why regulatory institutions do what they do. Assessing the strength of the model accordingly requires analysis of those claims.
Without belaboring the subject, quick attention to the methods by which the public choice account—indeed by which any theory of regulation—is properly assessed will help to frame what is next to come. One evaluative approach scrutinizes a theory’s logical and conceptual rigor: A strong theory is coherent. Its premises are mutually compatible. And its conclusions follow from its premises. A strong theory is also complete.The scope of its premises and conclusions encompass the empirical phenomena it purports to explain. Finally, a strong theory is refutable. It generates predictions that can be falsified, at least in principle. It does not slip into modifying, corrective assumptions whenever confronted with information inconsistent with its predictions. A strong theory is therefore conceptually stable. Accordingly, one way of evaluating a theory of regulation assesses its conceptual stability.
An alternative method of evaluation focuses less on a theory’s internal analytical strength and more on whether its premises and assumptions are plausible given what is otherwise known about human and organizational behavior. Whatever the logical relationships among a theory’s premises and conclusions, this methods asks whether the theory’s premises resonate with empirical observations of the real world—in particular, of the regulatory institutions it contemplates. A strong theory employs established understandings of the way real people behave and real organizations operate. A strong theory does not challenge common understandings of behavior that, for independent reasons, themselves enjoy considerable empirical support. Put simply, this method considers a theory’s realism. At best, an unrealistic theory may yield reliable predictions; it cannot provide illuminating explanations.
Yet another approach focuses on the reliability of a theory’s predictions, asking whether actual regulatory outcomes are those which the theory predicts. Strong theories predict well. Tenable theories encounter out comes that are not predicted by them, but at least are not inconsistent with them. Weak theories encounter outcomes that unambiguously contradict their expectations.
Finally, a related method of evaluating the public choice theory asks whether the rules and procedures through which actual regulatory decisions are made comport with the theory’s expectations. Here the evaluation considers whether existing procedural decisionmaking rules seem well suited for generating the types of substantive regulatory outcomes a theory predicts, whether, in other words, regulatory process rules themselves are the kinds of decisionmaking mechanisms that the theory would expect, given its assumptions about the forces operating on regulatory decisionmaking and given the types of substantive regulatory outcomes the theory predicts. One subquestion here asks whether agencies’ decisionmaking procedures seem likely to encourage participation in regulatory decisionmaking by those whom the theory contemplates will most affect the shape of regulatory outcomes, and similarly whether those processes seem well tailored to generate or conceal whatever type of information the theory contemplates regulatory decisionmakers require or lack. Likewise, this process-oriented inquiry considers whether regulatory decisionmakers themselves possess sufficient authority for producing the regulatory outcomes that the theory envisions they produce.
To be sure, these evaluative criteria overlap, differing in part according to emphasis. Assessing a theory’s predictive power, for example, obviously requires some assessment of its conceptual power: A theory’s predictions can be tested only insofar as its conceptual apparatus generates coherent, identifiable predictions in the first place. For another example, the procedural approach overlaps with the methods that assess a theory’s realism and predictive power: Asking whether existing regulatory decisionmaking procedures square with a theory’s process expectations is to ask about its realism, and, similarly, asking whether those expectations find real-world support is an alternative way of measuring the theory’s predictive power, albeit along procedural rather than substantive lines.
But while these assessment devices overlap to some extent, they nevertheless provide distinct vantage points from which to evaluate different theories of regulation. Moreover, some of these methods are much easier to employ than others. For example, measuring the effects of substantive regulatory outcomes can be difficult. As many students of regulation have observed, it is often hard to determine just what the full consequences of a given regulatory decision are—to know just who benefits (and by how much) and who bears its costs. Insofar as such effects are difficult to measure, it is difficult to assess a theory’s predictive power solely by comparing its expectations against substantive policy outcomes. Where one gets only a hazy picture of regulatory outcomes, more evaluative weight must be borne by other methodologies. Even so, ideally all of these methods should be brought to bear on any theory, as far as practicable, and accordingly what follows employs all of them.
But not all at once. The following chapter first lays the groundwork for close scrutiny of the conceptual and, later, the empirical power of the public choice theory of regulation. It does so by articulating that account’s main claims.
JUST WHAT IS THE CYNICAL view of regulation a cynical view of? It is, in short, a view of the legal work-product of the administrative state. It is not, for example, principally a theory of legislation, even though (as will be seen below) students of regulation focus unduly on legislators and legislative incentives. For as observed above, the innumerable activities of everyday life are deeply affected by the legal work-product of federal administrative agencies, the fourth branch of government. From the food and water citizens ingest to the air they breathe, every aspect of modern life is thoroughly shaped by the decisions of regulatory agencies. Such agencies, which by legal definition include all authorities of the United States excluding the Congress, the courts, and the governments of the territories or possessions of the United States and of the District of Columbia,¹ promulgate regulations prescribing, proscribing, and conditioning the behavior of individuals, groups, and firms. Federal regulatory agencies are commonly charged with generating and enforcing regulatory policy governing areas such as communications, consumer safety, energy, environmental protection, industrial relations, securities, transportation, and workplace safety, to name just a few. Their decisions dwarf those of the other three branches, certainly by volume and arguably by importance as well. Simply put, modern government is administrative government.
The size and sheer power of the administrative state immediately raise questions about its efficacy as well as its political legitimacy. If modern government is administrative government, the question becomes, for good or ill? One standard justification for the administrative state holds that administrative regulation is justified to correct market failures. By this account, regulation is justified because it corrects for concentrated market power, imperfect information, externalities, undelineated property rights, collective-action problems, and high transaction costs. Further, agencies do so by filling the gaps in legislation that, because of scarcity of congressional time, information, or political capital, is inevitably vague and open-ended. Better, the fact that agencies, though themselves not electorally accountable, are the surrogates of accountable legislators (and an elected president) justifies administrative regulation politically as well as economically; agencies correct market failures as agents of the citizenry, once removed.²
Yet the mere presence of market failures and the scarcity of congressional resources hardly justify agency authority. A pressing question remains whether agencies can fill statutory gaps to address market failures effectively. One view critical of administrative regulation holds that agencies are at best inefficient and at worst counterproductive. Thus phrases like bureaucratic red tape, regulatory overhead, and the need to streamline the bureaucracy and reinvent government are commonplace in popular political discourse. A far more critical view finds the standard rationale for administrative regulation perverse. On this view, agencies serve not to correct but rather exactly to exacerbate market failures by delivering illicit regulatory favors to those who already enjoy excessive market power.
This cynical view of regulation sees it as the consequence of unfortunate political dynamics, the result of a regime that enables certain groups to demand or elicit from agencies regulations that advance their interests to the greater detriment of others. This view might be right. But it raises questions about the exact mechanisms by which such regrettable results are produced. That basic story runs as follows.
A GENERAL STATEMENT OF THE PUBLIC CHOICE ACCOUNT
Elected politicians prefer to remain in office. They are able to remain in office only so long as they continue to win the electoral favor of their constituencies. Winning that support requires substantial political resources, in particular, votes and money to attract votes during political campaigns. Because very few politicians can finance their own political causes independently, they seek to attract resources from supporters and potential supporters.
Enter organized interest groups. Interest groups possess the very resources politicians require for their political survival. Sometimes such groups are large and well disciplined such that their membership can deliver a significant number of votes to a political candidate. Much more often, interest groups do not themselves contribute significant numbers of votes directly to politicians, but instead contribute financial support to political campaigns, which turn money into votes through campaign advertising and the like. Either way, the important point is that interest groups can supply invaluable resources to those politicians who secure their support.³
Naturally, interest groups have their own goals as well; they exist not simply to meet elected politicians’ needs. Rather, they seek to advance particular policies that further the interests of their members and, similarly, to defeat or dismantle policies that retard their members’ interests. Politicians, as policymakers and policy-breakers, are well positioned to advance interest groups’ goals. They can do so by providing the very policies that an organized interest group seeks or by defeating one that it opposes, powers they exercise in exchange for the group’s support. Each side gains: Politicians receive the political resources necessary for their continued political survival, and interest groups enjoy the benefits of the policies they favor.
Although this exchange relationship between elected politicians and organized interest groups constitutes the linchpin of most critiques of regulatory government,⁴ it tells only half of the story, or rather two-thirds of it. Administrative agencies figure into the exchange equation as well, given that they implement legislative directives by filling in the innumerable gaps in virtually all legislation. As already observed, Congress commonly delegates to administrative agencies the power to make countless regulatory decisions. Agencies in turn exercise that delegated power by creating, defining, and enforcing the legal rules that govern much of modern society. Thus, regulation is best understood as the work product of agencies; regulatory decisionmaking almost always (though implicitly) references the administrative implementation of very general legislative directives, as the discussion in chapters 5 and 6 will demonstrate in detail.
The implication here is crucial: Because regulation infrequently takes the form of highly specified legislation, interest groups seeking to advance their regulatory policy goals require much more than a friendly legislator or legislature. They also require a willing bureaucrat or agency. This means either that interest groups must successfully press their concerns directly before administrative agencies, or that legislators must be able to control agencies well enough to deliver the policies that interest group constituencies seek, or both. If agencies are not responsive to interest group goals, and if legislators cannot influence agencies enough to implement the regulatory policies sought by their interest group supporters, then all of the votes and campaign contributions in the world (resources of no use to agencies themselves) will not generate the regulatory outcome an interest group seeks.
Fortunately for groups demanding favorable regulation, as well as for legislators seeking to earn electoral-political support from appreciative interest groups, Congress has at its disposal a set of carrots and sticks with which to influence agency behavior. That influence extends ultimately from Congress’s fundamental power of legislation, including the power to repeal legislation, and its corollary power to spend, or refuse to spend, money. From an agency’s point of view, the possible consequences of these powers are straightforward. Congress can increase or decrease an agency’s budget, depending in part on Congress’s assessment of the agency’s performance. Similarly, Congress can expand or contract the scope of an agency’s authority by amending or, in the extreme, by repealing the agency’s enabling act or other important pieces of legislation that give the agency its power. Agencies unresponsive to congressional cues about what regulation should look like may thus see their regulatory jurisdiction curtailed. Finally, though cumbersome, Congress can also by legislation undo any agency decision, giving Congress one form of veto power over agencies. Conversely to all of these possibilities, Congress can provide cooperative agencies with more generous funding, greater statutory authority, legislative blessing of agency decisions, and so on.
Of course, exercising these powers requires Congress keep abreast of what an agency does; punishment and reward presuppose information about which of them is warranted. Here too, Congress has several mechanisms in its repertoire.⁵ For example, it can order studies and reports of agency action. Congress can also hold oversight hearings to evaluate specific action or proposed action. In addition, Congress can and does monitor agencies through congressional offices, informal staff contacts, and agency liaisons. And if all of that is not enough, Congress can also rely on information from interest groups themselves, who have their own strong incentives to keep abreast of agency behavior.
Now for the punch line: These various methods of congressional control allow legislators to satisfy interest groups’ regulatory demands by prompting agencies, the ground-level regulators, to make the regulatory decisions interest groups seek, if agencies are disinclined to do so on their own. Obtaining favorable budgetary and statutory treatment from legislators motivates agencies to supply desired regulatory treatment.⁶ Interest groups are happy to provide electoral resources to legislators who can inspire desired regulatory treatment by agencies. Legislators, in order to secure needed electoral resources, are motivated to ensure that agencies supply the regulation that their interest group supporters seek. Hence the iron triangle ⁷ or, less darkly, the issue network ⁸ relationship among groups, legislators, and administrative agencies that typically characterizes the public choice account of regulation. According to this account, agencies become captured by the very parties whose behavior the agencies are supposed to shape; perversely, control runs in the direction from interest group to agency, opposite from what might be hoped for or supposed by a public-interest model of regulation.⁹
But it’s a free country. Nothing about the dynamics so far described indicates what is normatively undesirable about the legislator-agency-interest group triad. Indeed, the image of legislators who are sensitive to the preferences of their constituencies, of interest groups that mobilize to advance lawful goals and to participate in open elections, and of legislators who control (unelected) agencies that they themselves have (after all) created is hardly an undemocratic one. The question thus becomes what makes this account of regulation so troubling.
The trouble is twofold. First, interest group competition for the loyalties of elected legislators is lopsided. That is, certain types of interest groups dominate the electoral system because they are unusually effective at mobilizing.¹⁰ This is true because small groups are better situated, relative to groups with many members, to overcome the collective-action problems that generally impede group mobilization.¹¹ Similarly, groups whose individual members have a large absolute stake in the matter are also better able to mobilize; from their members’ points of view, more depends on their successful mobilization. Often these two characteristics—few members and large stakes—coincide, which makes mobilization easier still. The flip side is that groups whose members are numerous, and groups whose members have a small individual stake in a given matter, will tend not to organize, which is to say that they will not exist in a group structure at all.
Interest-group participation in regulatory politics is further skewed, the story continues, given that regulatory decisions often would generate diffuse benefits but impose concentrated costs—consider most workplace safety or environmental regulation, for example—or provide concentrated benefits while imposing diffuse costs—as is true for regulation that restricts market entry. Either way, parties on one side of a regulatory program will be spread much more thinly than those on the other. That distribution translates into pitting mobilized groups against unorganized interests, with the predictable result that regulators will feel pressure from, and will respond to, only one side of the regulatory interests at stake. Far from the balanced interest group competition contemplated by pluralist theories of politics, which the public choice account explicitly rejects, interest group activity in this light essentially means that the organized few accomplish their regulatory aims over the unorganized many.
That’s not the worst of it. More disturbing, self-serving interest groups are able to advance their policy goals even where their gains are outweighed by greater losses borne by the unorganized.¹² Precisely because the many are no competition for the few, there are numerous occasions for those able to mobilize to achieve regulatory successes that harm the unorganized substantially.¹³ Although the losses to any individual among the unorganized may be imperceptible, their total magnitude may far outweigh the gains enjoyed by members of the mobilized special interest group. And even where those losses are perceptible to the regulatory losers, by hypothesis there is little they can do about it.
The consequences of lopsided interest group influences on regulatory policy, in other words, are not merely distributional. Instead, powerful and narrowly interested groups often realize their policy preferences to the much greater expense of those who, unorganized or poorly organized, are unable to advance their competing regulatory preferences very far. That regulatory policies generate net social losses is what gives the public theory its pejorative ring. Interest group rents are detrimental to society as a whole. They undermine social welfare.
The public choice theory of regulation thus analogizes regulatory decisionmaking to market decisionmaking,¹⁴ treating legislative, regulatory, and electoral institutions as an economy in which citizens, legislators, agencies, and interest groups exchange regulatory goods, which are demanded and supplied according to the same basic principles governing the demand and supply of ordinary economic goods.¹⁵ Such regulatory goods include, for example, regulations that affect control over entry into a market and accessibility to the substitutes and complements of certain goods.¹⁶ These regulatory outcomes are demanded by those who stand to gain from them. A producer of a given good, for example, would enjoy great economic benefit from regulations that made substitute goods more expensive and complement goods cheaper.¹⁷ As the sole supplier of regulation, only the state can supply demanded regulatory goods, which legislators, through agencies, are willing to do in exchange for the political support they need to stay in office. Regulatory trades take place, then, because they further the (private) economic interests of those on the demand side and the (private) political interests of those on the supply side. The resources necessary to meet suppliers’ political needs constitute the price of regulatory goods.
But then the outcome of these forces of supply and demand is, as always, a function of the constraints under which the participants in the regulatory marketplace operate. And therein lies the difficulty, for while the public choice theory analogizes regulatory behavior to market behavior, it also implies that the analogy ultimately breaks down. The regulatory state operates like a market, but not nearly as well. Due to interest group power, the market for regulation is far from competitive.
To be more precise, there are three crucial differences between regulatory decisions and competitive market decisions. First, regulatory decisions are all-or-nothing propositions. Whereas in the economic marketplace citizens can decide, for a famous example, to patronize airlines or rail lines or neither, according to their individual preferences, the state’s regulatory decision about whether to provide favorable regulation to the airlines or else to the railroads affects all citizens, whether they fly, ride the rails, or do neither.¹⁸ And once the state makes a decision about which package of regulatory goods to supply, individual citizens and taxpayers have no opportunity to exit the regulatory market.
Second, regulatory decisions are more lasting than marketplace decisions. Whereas a citizen could elect to fly one week, and then ride a train the next week, the decision to provide a federal regulatory subsidy to the airlines or to the railroads will not be frequently reexamined once made. Finally, regulatory decisions are collective decisions, and as such must be made simultaneously. Whereas citizens can make market choices one at a time, they can express their regulatory preferences only in crude bundles during elections.
Because regulatory decisions are, relative to market decisions, global, infrequent, and simultaneous, regulatory outcomes are undisciplined: Individual citizens have little or no occasion for registering their particular regulatory interests, including their interests against regulatory policies that bring them no benefits. As George Stigler, principal architect of the public choice theory, explains:
The condition of simultaneity imposes a major burden upon the political decision process. It makes voting on specific issues prohibitively expensive: it is a significant cost even to engage in the transaction of buying a plane ticket when I wish to travel; it would be stupendously expensive to me to engage in