Source: http://supreme.nolo.com/us/556/07-689/index.html
Timestamp: 2018-09-26 05:46:13
Document Index: 637653464

Matched Legal Cases: ['§2', '§2', '§2', '§2', '§1973', '§2', '§2', '§2', '§2', '§2', '§2', '§2', '§1973', '§2', '§2', '§2']

Bartlett v. Strickland - Volume 556 - Docket Number 07-689 - 2009 - Syllabus - US Supreme Court Center - USSC Cases - Nolo
US Supreme Court Center > Volume 556 > Bartlett v. Strickland 07-689 (2009)
Bartlett v. Strickland - 07-689 (2009)
Dissent [ Justice Breyer, ] (pdf)
(a) A party asserting §2 liability must show by a preponderance of the evidence that the minority population in the potential election district is greater than 50 percent. The Court has held both that §2 can require the creation of a “majority-minority” district, in which a minority group composes a numerical, working majority of the voting-age population, see, e.g., Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U. S. 146, 154–155, and that §2 does not require the creation of an “influence” district, in which a minority group can influence the outcome of an election even if its preferred candidate cannot be elected, see League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry, 548 U. S. 399, ___ (LULAC). This case involves an intermediate, “crossover” district, in which the minority makes up less than a majority of the voting-age population, but is large enough to elect the candidate of its choice with help from majority voters who cross over to support the minority’s preferred candidate. Petitioners’ theory that such districts satisfy the first Gingles requirement is contrary to §2, which requires a showing that minorities “have less opportunity than other members of the electorate to … elect representatives of their choice,” 42 U. S. C. §1973(b). Because they form only 39 percent of District 18’s voting-age population, African-Americans standing alone have no better or worse opportunity to elect a candidate than any other group with the same relative voting strength. Recognizing a §2 claim where minority voters cannot elect their candidate of choice based on their own votes and without assistance from others would grant special protection to their right to form political coalitions that is not authorized by the section. Nor does the reasoning of this Court’s cases support petitioners’ claims. In Voinovich, for example, the Court stated that the first Gingles requirement “would have to be modified or eliminated” to allow crossover-district claims. 507 U. S., at 158. Indeed, mandatory recognition of such claims would create serious tension with the third Gingles requirement, that the majority votes as a bloc to defeat minority-preferred candidates, see 478 U. S., at 50–51, and would call into question the entire Gingles framework. On the other hand, the Court finds support for the clear line drawn by the majority-minority requirement in the need for workable standards and sound judicial and legislative administration. By contrast, if §2 required crossover districts, determining whether a §2 claim would lie would require courts to make complex political predictions and tie them to race-based assumptions. Heightening these concerns is the fact that because §2 applies nationwide to every jurisdiction required to draw election-district lines under state or local law, crossover-district claims would require courts to make predictive political judgments not only about familiar, two-party contests in large districts but also about regional and local elections. Unlike any of the standards proposed to allow crossover claims, the majority-minority rule relies on an objective, numerical test: Do minorities make up more than 50 percent of the voting-age population in the relevant geographic area? Given §2’s text, the Court’s cases interpreting that provision, and the many difficulties in assessing §2 claims without the restraint and guidance provided by the majority-minority rule, all of the federal courts of appeals that have interpreted the first Gingles factor have required a majority-minority standard. The Court declines to depart from that uniform interpretation, which has stood for more than 20 years. Because this case does not involve allegations of intentional and wrongful conduct, the Court need not consider whether intentional discrimination affects the Gingles analysis. Pp. 7–15.
(b) Arguing for a less restrictive interpretation, petitioners point to §2’s guarantee that political processes be “equally open to participation” to protect minority voters’ “opportunity … to elect representatives of their choice,” 42 U. S. C. §1973(b), and assert that such “opportunit[ies]” occur in crossover districts and require protection. But petitioners emphasize the word “opportunity” at the expense of the word “equally.” The statute does not protect any possible opportunity through which minority voters could work with other constituencies to elect their candidate of choice. Section 2 does not guarantee minority voters an electoral advantage. Minority groups in crossover districts have the same opportunity to elect their candidate as any other political group with the same relative voting strength. The majority-minority rule, furthermore, is not at odds with §2’s totality-of-the-circumstances test. See, e.g., Growe, supra, at 40. Any doubt as to whether §2 calls for this rule is resolved by applying the canon of constitutional avoidance to steer clear of serious constitutional concerns under the Equal Protection Clause. See Clark v. Martinez, 543 U. S. 371, 381–382. Such concerns would be raised if §2 were interpreted to require crossover districts throughout the Nation, thereby “unnecessarily infus[ing] race into virtually every redistricting.” LULAC, supra, at 446. Pp. 16–18.
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