Court Opinion

ID: 9427674
Source: CourtListenerOpinion
Date Created: 2023-08-02 23:21:33.752223+00
Date Added: 2024-06-11T17:23:08.965261
License: Public Domain

Mr. Chief Justice Burger,
dissenting.
The Court reaches a result I would be inclined to vote for were I a Member of Congress considering a proposed amendment of Title VIL I cannot join the Court’s judgment, however, because it is contrary to the explicit language of the statute and arrived at by means wholly incompatible with long-established principles of separation of powers. Under the guise of statutory “construction,” the Court effectively rewrites Title VII to achieve what it regards as a desirable result. It “amends” the statute to do precisely what both its sponsors and its opponents agreed the statute was not intended to do.
When Congress enacted Title VII after long study and searching debate, it produced a statute of extraordinary clarity, which speaks directly to the issue we consider in this case. In § 703 (d) Congress provided:
“It shall be an unlawful employment practice for any employer, labor organization, or joint labor-management committee controlling apprenticeship or other training or *217retraining, including on-the-job training programs to discriminate against any individual because of his race, color, religion, sex, or national origin in admission to, or employment in, any program established to provide apprenticeship or other training.” 42 U. S. C. § 2000e-2 (d).
Often we have difficulty interpreting statutes either because of imprecise drafting or because legislative compromises have produced genuine ambiguities. But here there is no lack of clarity, no ambiguity. The quota embodied in the collective-bargaining agreement between Kaiser and the Steelworkers unquestionably discriminates on the basis of race against individual employees seeking admission to on-the-job training programs. And, under the plain language of § 703 (d), that is “an unlawful employment practice.”
Oddly, the Court seizes upon the very clarity of the statute almost as a justification for evading the unavoidable impact of its language. The Court blandly tells us that Congress could not really have meant what it said, for a “literal construction” would defeat the “purpose” of the statute — at least the congressional “purpose” as five Justices divine it today. But how are judges supposed to ascertain the purpose of a statute except through the words Congress used and the legislative history of the statute’s evolution? One need not even resort to the legislative history to recognize what is apparent from the face of Title VII — that it is specious to suggest that § 703 (j) contains a negative pregnant that permits employers to do what §§ 703 (a) and (d) unambiguously and unequivocally forbid employers from doing. Moreover, as Mr. Justice Rehnquist’s opinion — which I join — conclusively demonstrates, the legislative history makes equally clear that the supporters and opponents of Title VII reached an agreement about the statute’s intended effect. That agreement, expressed so clearly in the language of the statute that no one should doubt its meaning, forecloses the reading which the Court gives the statute today.
*218Arguably, Congress may not have gone far enough in correcting the effects of past discrimination when it enacted Title VII. The gross discrimination against minorities to which the Court adverts — particularly against Negroes in the building trades and craft unions — is one of the dark chapters in the otherwise great history of the American labor movement. And, I do not question the importance of encouraging voluntary compliance with the purposes and policies of Title VII. But that statute was conceived and enacted to make discrimination against any individual illegal, and I fail to see how "voluntary compliance” with the no-discrimination principle that is the heart and soul of Title VII as currently written will be achieved by permitting employers to discriminate against some individuals to give preferential treatment to others.
Until today, I had thought the Court was of the unanimous view that “[discriminatory preference for any group, minority or majority, is precisely and only what Congress has proscribed” in Title VII. Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U. S. 424, 431 (1971). Had Congress intended otherwise, it very easily could have drafted language allowing what the Court permits today. Far from doing so, Congress expressly prohibited in §§ 703 (a) and (d) the very discrimination against Brian Weber which the Court today approves. If “affirmative action” programs such as the one presented in this case are to be permitted, it is for Congress, not this Court, to so direct.
It is often observed that hard cases make bad law. I suspect there is some truth to that adage, for the “hard” cases always tempt judges to exceed the limits of their authority, as the Court does today by totally rewriting a crucial part of Title VII to reach a “desirable” result. Cardozo no doubt had this type of case in mind when he wrote:
“The judge, even when he is free, is still not wholly free. He is not to innovate at pleasure. He is not a knight-errant, roaming at will in pursuit of his own ideal of *219beauty or of goodness. He is to draw his inspiration from consecrated principles. He is not to yield to spasmodic sentiment, to vague and unregulated benevolence. He is to exercise a discretion informed by tradition, meth-odized by analogy, disciplined by system, and subordinated to 'the primordial necessity of order in the social life.’ Wide enough in all conscience is the field of discretion that remains.” The Nature of the Judicial Process 141 (1921).
What Cardozo tells us is beware the “good result,” achieved by judicially unauthorized or intellectually dishonest means on the appealing notion that the desirable ends justify the improper judicial means. For there is always the danger that the seeds of precedent sown by good men for the best of motives will yield a rich harvest of unprincipled acts of others also aiming at “good ends.”