Court Opinion

ID: 9445863
Source: CourtListenerOpinion
Date Created: 2023-08-03 21:39:25.122587+00
Date Added: 2024-06-11T17:30:25.701049
License: Public Domain

HINCKS, Circuit Judge
(dissenting).
I accept the account of the agreement charged, as recited in the majority opinion and will not repeat the recitals thereof. But I cannot accept my brothers’ opinion that the evidence of a conspiratorial agreement to advocate proscribed action was in any respect insufficient to support the jury’s verdict. There was ample evidence of the following.
The Communist Party, U. S. A. (hereinafter referred to as the Party) was founded in 1919 on the teachings of Marx and Engels. In 1943, the Party was succeeded by the Communist Political Association (herein C. P. A.) which had been formed under the leadership of Browder, as General Secretary of the Party, to carry out the decisions arrived at by the leaders of the United States, Great Britain and Russia at Teheran.
On June 2, 1945 the National Board of C. P. A. which included co-conspirators Foster, Dennis, Williamson, Davis, Green and Thompson adopted a resolution (hereinafter referred to as the National Resolution) criticizing the Browder regime for its revision of basic Marxist-Leninist theories.
At the National Convention of C. P. A. in July 1945 it was unanimously voted to reconstitute the Party with co-conspirator Foster as its head and other co-conspirators were elected to the National Committee or the National Board. A Constitution was adopted which dedicated the Party “to the principles of scientific socialism, Marxism-Leninism.” It is true that the Constitution ostensibly called for the “establishment of socialism by the free choice of the majority of the American people.” And it not only contained no express provision calling for the use of force but even purported to require the expulsion of members who conspired to overthrow the Government by force.
However, that the Constitution was in truth a charter of violence is demonstrated by a mass of evidence that it accomplished a “reconstitution” of the Party as it existed prior to the C. P. A. interlude and again dedicated itself to Marxism-Leninism. Thus there was evidence that at a school sponsored by the old Party in 1939 of which the appellant Stone was the leader, co-conspirator Flynn was followed as a lecturer by another emissary of the Party, Bittleman, who said (inter alia) that, the working class throughout the world and in America needed a Party of a new type, a Party that was well disciplined, a Party based in the fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism, a Party that was able to mobilize and organize the people to overthrow their own government, a Party that was able to through the dictatorship of the proletariat, smash the rule of the capitalist class in their own government and in its place set up a new form of government, the dictatorship of the proletariat. Bittleman further said that he was sure that the students understood by that time that the basic foundation of Marxism-Leninism was the dictatorship of the proletariat, and that it was the dictatorship of the proletariat that guaranteed that *688the Party’s drive for power would be successful. It guaranteed that the Party would mobilize the workers to overthrow their own government. It guaranteed through force and violence, that the old remnants of the capitalist class would. be destroyed and it guaranteed that the new form of government under the leadership of the Party would continue to reorganize the government of the country that was overthrown. Bittleman further stated that he believed by now that the students understood the necessity for understanding Communist theory, the theory of Leninism, which is the experience of the working class of the world as presented in the writings and teachings of Engels, Marx, Lenin and Stalin and that the students understood that Leninism could be applied and used by the Communist Party in every country of the world to organize and. mobilize the people to overthrow one’s government.
Such were the teachings and objectives to which the Party returned upon its reconstitution in 1945.
The Constitutional express dedication to Marxism-Leninism necessarily imports that the violent overthrow of government was a Party objective. The Party generally, and the defendants and their co-conspiratórs in particular, recognized Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin as authoritative exponents of the Marxist-Leninist classics.1 Although Marx, writing in the mid-nineteenth century, may have believed that socialism could be achieved in the United States without violence, the writings of Lenin and of Stalin, who was living and in power until long after the conspiracy charged was formed in 1945, plainly teach that for that end the violent overthrow of the United States is necessary. Stalin wrote:
“Lenin is right in saying: ‘The proletarian revolution is impossible without the forcible destruction of the bourgeois state machine and the substitution for it of a new one.’ ”
And again:
“Marx's qualifying phrase about the Continent gave the opportunists and Mensheviks of all the countries a pretext for proclaiming that Marx had thus conceded the possiblity of the peaceful evolution of bourgeois democracy into a proletarian democracy, at least in certain countries- outside the European continent (England, America). Marx did in fact concede that possibility, and he had good grounds for conceding it in regard to England and America in the ‘seventies’ of the last century, when monopoly capitalism and imperialism did not yet exist, and when those countries, owing to the special conditions of their development, had as yet no developed militarism and bureaucracy. That was the situation before the appearance of developed imperialism. But later, after a lapse of thirty or forty years, when the situation in those countries had radically changed, when imperialism had developed and had embraced all capitalist countries without exception, when militarism and bureaucracy had appeared in England and America also, when the special conditions for peaceful development in England and the United States had disappeared— then the qualification in regard to those countries necessarily could no longer hold good.
* * * Today, both in England and in America, the ‘preliminary condition for every real people’s revolution’ is the smashing, the destruction of the ‘ready-made state machine’ (brought in those countries, between 1914 and 1917, to general ‘European’ imperialist perfection) .”
Lenin in his writings adopted Engels’ definition of “revolution,” viz.:
*689“ * * * Revolution is undoubtedly the most authoritative thing possible It is an act in which one section of the population imposes its will on the other by means of rifles, bayonets, cannon, i. e., by highly authoritative means, and the victorious party is inevitably forced to maintain its supremacy by means of that fear which its arms inspire in the reactionaries * *
There was credible evidence that the provision in the Constitution of 1945 proscribing, under pain of explusion, advocacy of violence, was a sham and a blind to conceal the real purpose of the Party. And for its devastating impact on the sincerity of that provision it is significant that this same Bittleman without sacrifice to his standing as a Party member, in the December, 1949, issue of the magazine “Political Affairs” which received wide distribution not only in Connecticut but also throughout the Party generally, published an article asserting that Stalin’s History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union “is a fountain-head of Marxist-Leninist knowledge * * * ” and “a guide to Marxist-Leninist action * * * ” embodying “the theoretical and programmatic positions of Marxism-Leninism.” (Emphasis added.) And he quotes Stalin as saying “one must be a revolutionist, not a reformist; one must follow and practice the policy of class struggle in all fields, not of class collaboration.”
The Connecticut Branch of the Party and its officers did not stand aloof from the Party policy of violent overthrow. In June of 1945, Andrew Onda, a named co-conspirator who then was President of the C. P. A. of Connecticut, at Bridgeport and New Haven meetings of C. P. A. advocated return to Marxism-Leninism and attacked Browder’s revisionism because it contained no revolution which, he said, in the Communist sense meant sudden and violent death and seizure of the Government overnight. One Kreas, later a member of the State Committee of the Party, supported Onda’s advocacy of violence and revolution. Shortly thereafter, at the State Convention of C. P. A. in Bridgeport, attended by about 100 persons, including the appellant Goldring, Onda urged members to establish Marxist-Leninist classes and to put the Party program into practice; and another delegate had stated that a peaceful transition to socialism was impossible. It was then voted to accept the National Resolution referred to above and Onda was elected to represent the C. P. A. of Connecticut at the forthcoming National Convention (which took the unanimous action described above).
In August 1945 the C. P. A. of Connecticut held a convention at Bridgeport at which the State C. P. A. was dissolved and the Communist Party in Connecticut was reconstituted as a Marxist-Leninist Party in line with the action taken at the National Convention. The State Convention elected a State Committee and voted to initiate Marxist-Leninist classes. Thereafter the Party in Connecticut proceeded to implement within the state the general plans and policies of the National Party. It operated under the Party principle of “democratic centralism” whereby all decisions of the National Convention, mandated to the National Committee between Conventions, were obligatory on all members of the Party throughout the United States. Representatives of the National Party, including Pittman, Betty Gannett, Siskind, Elizabeth Flynn, Beitenkapp, Levine, Wilkerson, and Stachel spoke at Party meetings in Connecticut. In 1947, Henry Winston came to Connecticut and, during dinner with the appellant Taylor, discussed Party policies. The same year, Stachel, addressing a local party gathering in New Haven, stated that the strategy of the Party was to destroy capitalism and establish a dictatorship of the proletariat. For many of the above-mentioned Connecticut classes in Marxism-Leninism, the local teachers distributed and taught from an outline based upon “The Fundamentals of Marxism,” drafted by and distributed from the National Office. And later, with* *690in the indictment period, the- appellants who were leaders in the State Party, gave unquestioning obedience to an order from the National Office requiring them to go into a hidden underground apparatus and personally bestirred themselves to implement the National policy of union infiltration.
Taking into account the offices which the appellants (other than Stone) held in the State apparatus and the offices held by Stone and the named co-conspirators in the National organization, the unbroken cooperation in different lines of activity between the National Party and the State Party, the numerous contacts between the appellants and officers and representatives of the National Party, the nature of the activities undertaken by the appellants in implementing the policies of the National Party and the documentary evidence showing that violent overthrow was a Party objective, the jury, in my opinion, could properly find the existence of the conspiracy charged.
But my brothers say that proof of the conspiracy charged is insufficient for lack of proof of advocacy, and especially advocacy which incites to action, citing Yates v. United States, 354 U.S. 298, 77 S.Ct. 1064, I disagree. I think that nowhere do- the convictions now on appeal conflict with Yates. Certainly- the charge below was not subject to the defect which was found in the Yates charge: the Silverman jury was plainly instructed that, to convict a defendant, the Government must prove as one element of the offense that while a member of the conspiracy to teach and advocate violent overthrow he had “knowledge of its unlawful purpose” and had the “intent that such teaching and advocacy be a rule or principle of action, and with the intent that such teaching and advocacy be in language reasonably and ordinarily calculated to incite persons to action.” 2 This was the very instruction approved in Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494, 71 S.Ct. 857, 95 L.Ed 1137, for lack of which the convictions in the Yates case were reversed. Not even the appellants criticize the judge’s charge which in my opinion was lucid, fair and adequate in every respect.
I turn, therefore, to examine the record for evidence of advocacy of action in the light of the Yates opinion. I note that the appellant Ekins, who alone of the defendants below took the stand in his own defense, testified on direct examination that his understanding of Marxism-Leninism was illustrated by passages in the History of the Commu*691nist Party of the Soviet Union from which he read to the jury the following:
“Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means assimilating the substance of this theory and learning to use it in the solution of the practical problems of the revolutionary movement under the varying conditions of the class struggle of the proletariat.
***** *
“The Marxist-Leninist theory is not a dogma, but a guide to action.” (Emphasis added.)
Moreover, there was a volume of evidence that the Communist Party of Connecticut in conformity with instructions from the National Board initiated classes for instruction in Marxism-Leninism. This policy was adopted at the very time when the Connecticut Communist in 1945 voted to go along with the Reconstituted Party; it was supplemented by activity in selling Marxist literature. The appellant Dimow under date of February 3, 1947 sent out a letter to “Dear Comrades” advocating that “we must increase our study of the basic Marxist theories” and announcing that “taking steps in this direction, the education committee of the Party has organized a class on the fundamentals of Marxism.” In the list of recommended reading material accompanying this letter was Foundations of Leninism, Chapter on Party History of C. P. S. U. At one of these classes the instructor said “Socialism is inevitable because we Communist will fight for it.” At another, the appellant Taylor said: “Come the revolution, we’ll allow the people to have the church for a little while.” And at still another, the appellant Dimow said “that the capitalists sought war with Russia, and if we could stall them off with a peace talk and give us time to develop China, that if they didn’t attack us within the next few years why, Russia would be able to take over the capitalistic world.” At classes in 1947 in Connecticut, organized by Taylor and attended by Goldring, open only to Party members, conducted by an instructor from the National Office in New York, it was said that Facism could be prevented by the working class led by the Communist Party taking action at the proper time to overthrow the present system of government. At a class in Bridgeport in 1953, the appellant Ekins said “that we Communists support a just war [such as] one where the workers are trying to revolt and overthrow the yoke of capitalism * * * ” and “that it was up to us Communists to see that they [the workers] were ready and willing to fight for their freedom.”
The advocacy of classes for instruction of Marxism-Leninism as a means to the violent overthrow of the Government was by no means confined to co-conspirators not named as defendants. Also directly and personally involved in such activities were Ekins, Taylor, Dirnow and Gold-ring. Against the background evidence of this case the jury might properly have concluded that these classes were not “a seminar in political theory,” to use again Justice Frankfurter’s phrase in his concurring opinion in Dennis v. United States, supra, 341 U.S. at page 546, 71 S.Ct. at page 886. Cf. Wellman v. United States, 6 Cir., 227 F.2d 757.3
In my opinion, the formation and operation of such classes constituted some evidence of a conspiracy of advocacy in terms of action. As the defendant Ekins testified, “there is a very very close relationship between the immediate and the ultimate aims of the Party.” That advocacy to initiate and conduct Marxist-Leninist classes may constitute a call to action finds direct support in the Yates opinion, 354 U.S. at page 331, 77 S.Ct. at page 1083, which recognized the incriminating effect of evidence tying certain of the defendants in that case to Party classes “conducted in the San *692Francisco area during the year 1946, where there occurred what might be considered to be the systematic teaching and advocacy of illegal action which is condemned by the statute.” As Justice Harlan said in that opinion:
“It might be found that one of the purposes of such classes was to develop in the members of the group a readiness to engage at the crucial time, perhaps during war or during attack upon the United States from without, in such activities as sabotage and street fighting, in order to divert and diffuse the resistance of the authorities and if possible to seize local vantage points.”
But that was by no means all. There was massive evidence, in connection with the activities of the Connecticut Branch, of advocacy of “industrial concentration,” i. e., the Communist infiltration of union labor. In classes and meetings Party members were urged to join unions in key industries concealing their membership in the Party. At most of the monthly meetings of the Connecticut State Committee of the Party from 1945 to 1947, pursuant to advocacy by the National Office the local leaders mapped out plans for infiltrating unions and increasing Communist membership in basic Connecticut industries. The committee at that time was mainly interested in recruiting workers in the brass industry (so vital to our national munitions potential) in Waterbury and Bridgeport; as a result of many discussions, the Party assigned the State Secretary to direct infiltration in Bridgeport and a full time salaried organizer to the Waterbury area. In that connection the State Committee recommended that the local city branches be broken down into cells or clubs for particular industrial corporations, such as the club in the General Electric plant in Bridgeport, and urged members to take jobs not only in the brass industry but also in Pratt & Whitney in Hartford (so essential to our aviation potential). At the State Committee meetings reports were made on the progress of this program of “industrial concentration”; local leaders were criticized for lack of greater progress in infiltration into the principal union in the brass industry; this policy of “industrial concentration” was generally discussed and reports of the industry-branches were given.4
In the General Electric club the leaders normally conducted a caucus in advance of union meetings5 at which the Communist members, according to testimony of a Government witness, “agreed on a program of action that should be taking place at the next union meeting,” and “followed out the agreed upon program at the next union meeting.” This was in accordance with the order of the state chairman of the Party who said that “the Party policy was that once a program had been agreed upon by the members that was the obligation of all the members to follow up that program.” Slates of persons to be nominated for union office were agreed on at such meetings of the Communist locals and with Communist support Communists were thus elected to union office in the General Electric union. In a New Haven meeting in 1947, Stachel, a representative of the National organization, stated “that the Party’s main strategy today was to attach ourselves to many groups and organizations in order to curb capitalism whenever possible.” And in answer to a question by the appellant Goldring he advocated “that we should always recruit as many among the working class as possible.” In a Bridgeport committee meeting in 1953, Goldring is reported to have said that he knew it was difficult for women members, especially those with children, to go to work, but that “it was necessary for these women to make a sacrifice, of even hiring baby sitters, if necessary, for their children, so that they could go into the basic industry in the *693area * * *. This is the only way that the Party can get its program to the masses in the shops.”
The call for industrial concentration continued well into the indictment period. In January 1953, a special meeting was called of the General Electric cell in Bridgeport. The appellants Taylor and Goldring were present. Taylor introduced the appellant Stone as “Comrade Ruth, a member of the National Committee of the Communist Party.” She stated that the purpose of the meeting was to formulate plans for concentration in the General Electric plant. She was reported as having said: “The best way to accomplish this * * * is by getting a person who is not known as a member6 of the Party to infiltrate the leadership of the union in the General Electric plant.” Goldring agreed that the Party should bring in more members from the outside into the plant to work. Stone then is •reported to have added that the Party “should make very effort to locate this person who was not known as a Party member or even a left wing [sic] to infiltrate the leadership of the union, and that we in Bridgeport should get more people into some of the key departments in the shop as the maintenance department and the powerhouse.” A month later another meeting was held at Bridgeport. The same appellants were present. Stone announced a change of tactics: thereafter the members were to have nothing to do with the United Electrical Workers Union in G. E. because that union was dead; instead they were to join and work in the “right wing” union at the plant.
There was a meeting of an industrial cell in New Britain, in March 1953, organized for the “Niles-Bement-Pond” plant. Taylor attended the meeting and after informing the cell members that a Local 405 U.A.W., C.I.O. election was pending urged two members to “get themselves elected” to union offices. He was reported to have said “You go back, make sure you find someone that will nominate you. I don’t care how you do it. Make sure you get yourselves elected into office.” In May 1954, the witness Pires, then a Party member, was told by one Vittoria, the Hartford chairman, that Taylor had ordered Pires not to attend any Communist front meetings in the future and was to concentrate on Niles-Bement-Pond alone. The same month, a regional trade council meeting of the Party was held in New Rochelle, New York. The appellant Stone, who led the meeting, received industrial concentration reports on New Jersey, Connecticut and Boston.
There was further proof of advocacy of action in connection with the organization and continuing functioning of a carefully conceived underground apparatus as a part of the conspiracy charged. This was an accepted communist tactic, to be utilized when the Party was weak and the opposition strong. Lenin pointed out that “during the period of reaction they [the Party] should learn how to retreat properly, how to go underground, how to preserve and strengthen the illegal party, how to make use of legal opportunities of all legally existing organizations, especially mass organizations, in order to strengthen their connections with the masses.”
Elaborate plans were formulated and put into effect in New York state by the National Office in 1948. The immediate objective of the plan was to avoid surveillance while allowing the Party to conserve membership strength and continue, and by means of subterfuge and infiltration to maintain and increase Party influence in various sectors of the economy, especially industrial labor. The master plan comprised a pyramidal *694organization of three-man cells, each of which appointed a committee to organize and direct cells in successively lower echelons with vertical, but no horizontal, communication between cells. Thus the organization was such that directions could be transmitted, but only downwardly, through a chain of command from headquarters to the lowest echelon without disclosure of other cells and a minimum disclosure of Party membership. By March of 1953, there had been established in Connecticut an underground apparatus which if not identical with that in New York state at least had strong points of resemblance.
In 1951 the Connecticut leaders including Taylor, Ekins and Goldring were instructed to go underground and left their homes and jobs for extended periods. Taylor, the Connecticut chairman, under-instructions from the National Office, went to New York, started to wear a hat, grew a bushy mustache, lost considerable weight, assumed the alias of Vito, dyed his hair, and started to learn Italian so that he might open a barber shop as a front for Party activities. -He was in. hiding from 1951 to 1954; during most of this time he was being financed by the National Office and kept in contact with the Communist Party through a courier. Other appellants under similar instructions affected disguises, assumed aliases and went into hiding for their continuing operations.
In February 1954, in anticipation of a Senatorial Committee investigation of Communist infiltration into Bridgeport industries, the entire governing structure of the Connecticut Party was reorganized. A five-man “Concealed State Board” was put in charge of Party activities in Connecticut, subject of course to the National Board. Taylor, who was chiefly responsible for the reorganization, was its chairman; Ekins was the secretary and Goldring was a member.7 The Government informer Kent was made a member of the Board upon recommendation by Stone and approval by the National Office. The officers, with the exception of Goldring, were “unavailable persons”; i. e., not to be communicated with by any members of the Party other than superior personnel in the National Office. Goldring was the sole “open Party member” for the state of Connecticut to whom communication might be directed. He was provided with a post office box in Bridgeport, and it was his job to do all the corresponding for the Connecticut Party. The Party in the State also maintained its private communication system whereby secret “drops” were provided by the receipts, of messages which were relayed by trusted couriers. The meetings of the Concealed State Committee were held mostly in New York and elaborate precautions were required of, and practiced by, members to prevent discovery of the time and place of such meetings. These security measures were deliberately and immediately designed to avoid surveillance of the F. B. I. and disclosure of Party activities.
In the Yates case there was evidence-that “individuals considered to be particularly trustworthy were taken into-an ‘underground’ apparatus and there instructed in tasks which would be useful when the time for violent action arrived.” As to this it was held: “we are not prepared to say, at this stage of the case, that it would be impossible for a. jury, * * * to find that advocacy of action was also engaged in * * 354 U.S. at page 332, 77 S.Ct. at page 1083. .In the case now before us the advocacy of action seems plain. As advocated by co-conspirators in the National-Office the appellants Taylor, Ekins and Goldring forthwith formed an underground apparatus, left their homes and' jobs, dyed their hair, took on false names- and then under the rigid discipline off the Party carried on Party activities throughout the principal cities of the-State of Connecticut under the supervision of “Comrade Ruth,” the appellant Stone, who when previously asked as to. *695how far the Party would go had replied: “Frankly, * * * if necessary we’ll have bloodshed.” In connection with the proofs of a conspiracy of advocacy, surely the jury might treat the appellants’ furtive conduct in connection with the “underground” as evidence that the conspiratorial advocacy was in terms which called for action.
To summarize. These appellants who were the leaders of the Party in the State of Connecticut and who submitted themselves to the rigid discipline of the Party which was under the control of their co-conspirators in the top echelon of the National organization, joined in an agreement not only to advocate the duty and necessity of violent overthrow as exemplified in the Marxist-Leninist classics but also themselves promptly and continually throughout the conspiracy period took prompt action to put into effect such advocacy by initiating and supporting classes in the Communist classics. They also joined in advocating the Party policy of industrial concentration and in advocating Party operation through an underground apparatus. They personally and over a period of years extending into the indictment period responded to such advocacy by prompt action in practicing the policy of industrial concentration and the formation of an underground apparatus through which they managed the Party throughout Connecticut.
To be sure, their advocacy and their action did not involve present use of dynamite or bayonets. But the evidence amply supported a finding that their systematic advocacy and practice of propaganda, industrial concentration and furtive underground operation were all advocated and practiced as a means to the accomplishment of state socialism by violent overthrow of the existing government; that, as the appellant Ekins put it, these immediate objectives had “a very very close relationship to the ultimate aims of the party.” In the Yates opinion it was said that the test of advocacy of action, which is essential to the offense denounced by the Smith Act, is “that those to whom the advocacy is addressed must be urged to do something, now or in the future, rather than merely to believe in something.” I think the jury’s verdict was in no respect-inconsistent with that test.
My brothers concede that on the evidence “it is reasonable to find that the bulk of the Party membership was in agreement on the desirability of the Party some day leading a violent insurrection against the Federal Government” and that “[t]he record would thus afford proof of seditious conspiracy or conspiracy to commit insurrection or revolution.” But they hold that there was a total failure to prove conspiracy to violate the Smith Act because “[t]his line of proof at most establishes the conspirators’ long-range objectives; it does not cast light on' their agreement as to tactics to be pursued in the period 1952-1955.” I agree except as to the last-quoted clause. As to that, it appears to me that the evidence of continuing advocacy as to the necessity for violent overthrow, of advocacy of union infiltration, and of advocacy of Party operation by an elaborate underground apparatus casts a brilliant light on their agreement as to 1952-1955 tactics, which silhouettes a present program of integrated action.
My brothers also say the critical issue is whether the appellants or the Party “engaged in criminal speech during the three years prior to the indictment.” I find the phrase “criminal speech” neither in the Smith Act nor in the Conspiracy Act. But I do find an abundance of evidence to show that within that period the appellants and their co-conspirators agreed to advocate the violent overthrow of our government and to advocate a present program of action directed to that end. In my opinion, the evidence of conspiracy was enough to sustain the convictions without any collision whatever with the Constitutional guarantees of free trial and free speech.
The appellants have pressed on appeal several other claims of error. All of these I have carefully studied and find without merit. However, since my *696brothers order the convictions reversed and the appellants acquitted on the sole ground that there is insufficient evidence of a conspiracy having as its object advocacy of action, I too will not extend my discussion beyond that issue. I would affirm as to all appellants.

. The appellant Ekins testified that Party instruction contained in these “classics” came from “the horse’s mouth.”

. This instruction was supplemented in the Silverman charge by the following:
“The words ‘rule or principle of áction’ refer to the nature of the things to be advocated. They mean that the advocacy must be a rule or principle which the alleged co-conspirators intend and calculate people will act upon, and this rule or principle must call for overthrow and destruction of the Government by force and violence as speedily as circumstance will permit.
“The words ‘reasonably and ordinarily' calculated to incite’ refer to the nature of the words to be used. They mean words which would arouse or stir a reasonable person to act, and not merely to study or think things over; and ‘to act’ means simply to do something affirmative in furtherance of overthrowing and destroying the government of the United States by force and violence as speedily as circumstances would permit. It need not be shown the words actually had that effeet on anyone but that the words are suck as are reasonably and ordinarily calculated to have such an effect and were intended to have such effect.
* # * * *
“No intent such as is charged in this case could be inferred from the teaching of the abstract doctrine of overthrowing and destroying the Government by force and violence or by teaching a course on the principles, doctrines and implications of Marxism-Leninism or Communism.
“The expression of a belief or opinion that the violent overthrow and destruction of the Government is probable or inevitable does not constitute teaching or advocacy. Likewise, prediction or prophecy is not advocacy. The Smith Act is not concerned with the violent overthrow and destruction of some imaginary future government which would not permit the majority of the people freely to select their form of government through the ballot box.”

. I do not overlook the fact that in Wellman, Wellman v. U. S., on June 24, 1957, certiorari was granted, the judgment of the Court of Appeals was vacated, and the case “remanded for consideration in the light of Yates” and its companion cases. 354 U.S. 931, 77 S.Ct. 1403, 1 L.Ed.2d 1535.

. This evidence came in part from a Government witness who at the time was a member of the State Committee.

. Goldring was reported to have attended such a caucus.

. One of the witnesses, Americo (Amie) Fiori, who had been a labor official in the I. U. E. testified that Stone had approached him in 1947 and solicited him for membership in the Party; that previously he had asked her how far the Party would go in this country to gain their objectives and she had answered “Frankly, Amie, if necessary we’ll have bloodshed”; that he refused to join and Stone offered to keep his membership secret if he would join.

. The other member was a representative of an international union having locals in the brass industry.