Court Opinion

ID: 9629365
Source: CourtListenerOpinion
Date Created: 2023-08-22 09:41:38.850996+00
Date Added: 2024-06-11T18:07:18.585041
License: Public Domain

*122GIBSON, J., Dissenting.
I dissent. The law as laid down in the Bridges ease is controlling in this jurisdiction on the power of a court to punish summarily for constructive contempt. But, as I did not participate in the Bridges case, and the question is before me for the first time, it seems appropriate to express my views thereon. I disagree with the conclusion reached in the Bridges case and in the majority opinion herein, and I concur in the views of Justice Edmonds, dissenting in each case.
The rules laid down in these cases do not give adequate recognition to or protection for the constitutional right of free speech and press, but instead sacrifice that fundamental right for a need which is fancied rather than real. The integrity and independence of the court is not the only matter to be considered. There is the equally important and equally fundamental need of fearless comment on all activities affecting the public welfare, including the operations of the courts. To preserve one basic right at the expense of another is a doubtful gain. And, as very clearly appears from this and other proceedings, the two rights frequently come into conflict. When this happens, each must give way in some degree in order that a proper balance may be maintained, and both preserved. A court is usually most concerned with the immediate problem of safeguarding itself from outside influences during a pending proceeding; but in invoking drastic measures toward that end, it may do irreparable damage to the other fundamental right.
The assumption that to permit legislative regulation of the asserted inherent power of a court to punish summarily for constructive contempt would ultimately lead to its destruction, is without foundation.
There is doubtless some justification for this fear where direct contempts, those which actually interrupt the court proceedings, are involved; but constructive contempts do not demand the same prompt and summary action. Their effect is indirect and not immediately felt; their punishment can likewise be delayed without injury to the court’s prestige or procedure. If the courts should actually be subjected to intimidation or other improper influences by persons immune from any punishment or restraint under the statute law, then the court could doubtless assert its power as an arm of the government in its own behalf. But no such situation has *123arisen either here or elsewhere, and I doubt whether it ever could arise in normal times. However desirable it might seem from the viewpoint of the court to have this power, it is not in fact necessary to enable it to function and it is both safe and consistent with democratic principles to leave the matter within the control of the legislature.
The experience of those few states which have acquiesced in the legislative regulation of the court’s power to punish for constructive contempt is ample proof of the fact that the courts function just as well and safely under such regulation as they do where they are entirely free from it. We have seen no signs and have heard no charges of disrespect or impaired efficiency with regard to the courts of Pennsylvania, Kentucky, New York or South Carolina, where the inherent power doctrine is not followed. In our own state an example of peculiar inconsistency is found in the rule on disqualification of judges. If, as the majority opinion holds, the inherent power of the courts makes them immune from legislative interference, no regulation which limits that power can be valid. But we have upheld legislation which permits the challenge of a judge for bias or other disqualification in proceedings for constructive contempt. (See, Briggs v. Superior Court, 211 Cal. 619 [297 Pac. 3].)
There is a growing belief among thoughtful students of this problem that the solution is to eliminate summary punishment and make the offense subject to the usual rules of criminal trial. The court’s integrity may be protected in the same manner as other rights of person and property and other institutions of government are protected. This is indeed, as Justice Edmonds shows, the historically correct position; the venture into summary punishment has been demonstrated to be both bad history and bad law. Today the security of the state and all of its departments, officers, and branches, except the judiciary, is protected from improper influences only by the general statute law enforceable by trial of the offender in the courts before a jury. We would, I am sure, be amazed at the suggestion that any other officer or body of government, executive or legislative, be given this potent power; yet to the intelligent observer who is not a judge of a court, the spectacle of a judicial officer acting as prosecutor and judge, and meting out punishment besides, must seem equally amazing. The same observer might further reflect on the fact *124that matters having a purely hypothetical tendency to interfere with a judicial proceeding are conceived to require a more drastic system of suppression and punishment than overt acts of treason or rebellion striking at the very foundation of the government. In time we shall, I believe be brought to the conclusion that the normal course of trial is adequate and proper, and that either by a change in judicial viewpoint or by a constitutional amendment the legislative control will be recognized. (See, comments, 48 Tale L. J. 54; 7 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 234, 241.)
But this point is for the present settled by the Bridges case, and must be accepted as the basis of decision in the instant ease. Conceding the power, therefore, a problem of equal importance and perhaps greater difficulty arises in defining its scope. The test adopted by the majority opinion is the tendency of the publication to influence the proceeding. Under this test the inquiry is not as to what happened, but as to what might have happened. It is the supposed tendency of the publication to affect and not its actual effect which is involved. It is not the trial judge himself, but an hypothetical judge with whom the test is concerned. Denial by the accused of any intention to influence is futile, since the tendency alone is considered. Denial by the judge that he was in fact influenced is likewise no defense, and indeed is not even relevant. It is not material to inquire whether the publication was seen or read by the judge or jury, since this would throw light only upon its actual effect.
This test is so vague and elastic, varying with the viewpoint of the individual judge who cites the offender, that it necessarily places an unreasonable restraint upon free speech and press. In the first place, the establishment of so loose a rule provides a temptation for the judge to invoke the power over contempt as a means of prohibiting political or personal attacks upon him or his views. We are all well aware of the constantly broadening scope of the judiciary as an interpreter of constitutional and statutory policies in the field of government, and there is grave danger in permitting a court to ward off criticisms directed at its policies, under the guise of protecting a particular court proceeding from improper influences. As Mr. Chief Justice Taft said, concurring in Craig v. Hecht, 263 U. S. 255, 279 [44 Sup. Ct. 103, 68 L. Ed. 293] : “ . . . the delicacy there is in the judge’s deciding whether *125an attack upon Ms own judicial action is mere criticism or real obstruction, and the possibility that impulse may incline his view to personal vindication, are manifest”.
In the second place the test permits the placing of restraints on speech and press as varied as the sensitivities of a particular judge. The present case furnishes us an excellent example of the confusion thus engendered. The Los Angeles Bar Association Committee, the trial judge and this court do not agree on the character of certain of the publications. The necessary result of such differences of opinion is to cause critics and commentators to limit or entirely forego their public function rather than to risk the uncertainties of contempt charges by temperamental judges.
In sharp contrast is the view of a few courts and nearly all of the writers that the publication should not be considered contemptuous unless it actually interferes with the orderly administration of justice. Under this test no remote possibility or tendency toward obstruction is sufficient. Nor is the effect of the publication on a weak judge or a purely hypothetical judge the controlling factor. The judge is assumed to be possessed of a character commensurate with his position, and able to withstand the incidental effects of free public discussion of issues involved in a judicial proceeding. This attitude is well stated in Mr. Justice Holmes’ dissenting' opinion in Toledo Newspaper Co. v. United States, 247 U. S. 402 [38 Sup. Ct. 560, 62 L. Ed. 1186], And in the leading case of State v. American News Co., 64 S. D. 385 [266 N. W. 827, 833], the court said: “We believe that any publication to be punishable as contempt, should be embarrassing or obstructive to the administration of justice in a pending case, and obstructive in fact rather than in theory or by possibility. ... We think the courts should reserve the use of the weapon of contempt for such publications as can fairly and reasonably be said likely in point of actual fact to intimidate, influence, impede, embarrass, or obstruct the court in the due administration of justice in an actually pending matter. Anri we entertain the opinion that if error is made in either direction in determining that question, it is better and wiser to err in favor of absolute and unrestricted freedom of speech rather than in the other direction.”
It. seems to me that if we are to accept the doctrine of summary punishment for constructive contempt, the extraordi*126nary power thus created and applied in defiance of the legislative will should be used sparingly and cautiously. We should not ignore the growing suspicion that courts are prone to place their own security above all other considerations. We should recognize the importance, indeed, the vital necessity of the fullest comment and criticism in matters of public interest, and not seek to exempt the courts from such criticism. The course of reform in the judicial field itself depends in part upon a free and vigorous press which should not hesitate to condemn where it finds the actions of the court subject to condemnation, and the editorial page cannot be confined to abstract academic discussion of non-controversial matters or of issues long dead. In short, we must look frankly at the realities; we must remember that many factors consciously or unconsciously influence judges, and that some are accepted as normal or unavoidable. We should apply the summary power, if at all, only to those publications which appear to ordinary persons intended and calculated to work an unmistakable and unjustifiable influence upon a particular case.
In reading over the editorials adjudged contemptuous in the present proceedings, it is difficult to perceive the manner in which they were found to constitute an improper interference with the administration of justice. Not one of them appeared until the verdict of the jury had been rendered after the conclusion of the trial. It was not proved that they were intended to exercise a prejudicial influence on the judge, nor that he saw or read them. The asserted contempt is derived entirely from the supposed tendency of the language used. We should expect, therefore, to find in them some formidable threat or intimidation, or at least some demands on the judge for specific action, coupled with suggestions or reprisal if the demands go unheeded. But these writings are not of this character.
The first editorial “Sit-Strikers Convicted” commends the conviction of certain persons as a victory for law. and order and expresses pride in the functioning of local courts and juries. It refers to a radio address made by the district attorney and quotes a statement made by him congratulating the jury on one of the “most far reaching verdicts in the history of this country”. There is certainly nothing in this editorial which should influence any judge in the performance of his duty.
*127The second editorial “The Fall of an Ex-Queen” is a brief and penetrating commentary on the political activities of Helen M. Werner. The subject of the editorial is used as an object lesson and the principal thought expressed therein is that political bosses rise and fail with changing times. I cannot find anything in this editorial which can be said to have even a remote tendency to obstruct the administration of justice or to influence or embarrass any judge.
The third editorial is entitled “Probation for Gorillas?” It is a denunciation of certain defendants found guilty of deadly assaults in connection with a labor dispute. It abounds with such scathing terms as “wrecking crew”, “sluggers for pay” and “thugs”; it urges that an example be made of them, and adds: “Judge A. A. Scott will make a serious mistake if he grants probation” to these men. Now this is strong language, and the statement just quoted was ill advised and unfortunate, but it does not necessarily follow that it was contemptuous. The publisher’s affiadvit calls attention to the familiar fact that in probation proceedings outside opinions and recommendations are invited. It is further pointed out that a former presiding judge of the superior court advised the Times that a criticism of a certain probation order published after it was granted, should have been made while the matter was pending. It appears that the Times has blundered in following the example of a district attorney, and in taking the suggestion of a superior court judge, with reference to the propriety of commenting on judicial proceedings.
Consider, however, the character of the case, and the circumstances surrounding it. This was no everyday affair, but one in which the public interest was aroused, and the events were widely discussed in the community. The views expressed by the Times were those held and freely expressed by many others. The attitude of the Times is made abundantly clear, and its bitter feeling toward certain labor leaders colors its opinions, but what of that? The Times is not on trial for its opinions; its readers will judge those for themselves. The Times is charged with obstructing justice and interfering with a pending judicial proceeding, and there is no evidence whatever of such obstruction or interference. The case had been tried, and verdict rendered; the jury was gone, and matters of sentence and probation were before the *128judge alone. In deciding these matters the judge has few, if any definite rules to guide hini; he is influenced by countless experiences and observations, as well as by the total sum of impressions received from public and private comment on similar problems throughout his judicial life. In this group of impressions the present editorial, if actually seen and read, could hardly be said to occupy such a dominant place as to be obstructive or embarrassing.
And what if the judge was, in fact, aware of the views expressed in the third editorial; -can it be said he was being informed for the first time of the position of the Times in cases of this character? Could there be any possible doubt in the mind of any informed resident of Los Angeles on the attitude of the Times in regard to the use of violence in labor disputes ? The position maintained by the Times over many years on these matters is clearly established by the record. Its Los Angeles readers would find nothing unusual in the editorial; a judge who felt that it was obstructive or embarrassing would have to confess ignorance of one of the most familiar facts of the daily life of his community.
If the power over contempt is to be fairly and reasonably applied, two essential limitations on the test of constructive contempt must be recognized. First, it should be applied only to those publications of an unusual and abnormal character, those which to a layman are obviously improper and dangerous, because vindictive, threatening or inciting to violence. It should be inapplicable to comments of the usual, normal and expected type which the ordinary intelligent layman constantly meets with in the public press, the radio and informal discussion. Second, it should be applied only where it clearly appears that the publication was intended to reach the particular judge and was seen and read by him; and then only where it was of such a nature as to influence improperly a judge of ordinary firmness. We should assume that judges specially chosen for their important positions are capable of maintaining an impartiality and independence where others might weaken; we should realize that a judge of ordinary firmness should be a person of exceptional independence and integrity, immune from all but extraordinary influences.
Finally, in determining whether there is a tendency to obstruct justice, we should give due consideration to the stage *129of the case at which the publication occurs. When a period of relative finality is reached, as by the rendition of a jury’s verdict, the dangers of outside influence have been reduced to a minimum, and comment thereafter should be freely permitted. At this stage, the newspapers must fulfil their proper function of criticism, and if they fail to comment when a matter is timely, they will be ignored when their belated observations are eventually made. To say that a case is pending until its final adjudication is to state a legal platitude in place of a practical doctrine. If the case is beyond the reach of discussion even after a jury’s verdict, and until the final conclusion of proceedings for probation, new trial and appeal, there can never be anything of value in public discussion of such matters. In truth, both from the point of view of the law and practice, no such theory is followed. There are but few cases which hold that comment after a jury’s verdict and before sentence or judgment on appeal is contemptuous. (See 48 Yale L. J. 54, 61.)
Viewed in retrospect, these contempt charges were a regrettable mistake. No evidence of actual interference with any legal proceeding was produced. Nothing in the editorials was intended or calculated to thwart the rendition of impartial justice in the matters then before the court. No judge seems to have felt the pressure of improper influences. No disturbance of judicial calm occurred until after the accusations were filed.
All this is indicative of the lengths to which imagination may go in building groundless fears and in imputing potent and obstructive purposes foreign to the intent of the writer. I think that by our decision in this and the Bridges case we have sacrificed a substantial part of our cherished freedom of speech and press in order to stamp out an evil that does not exist.
The judgments should be reversed.
Rehearing denied. Edmonds, J., and Gibson, J., voted for a rehearing.