Court Opinion

ID: 9688500
Source: CourtListenerOpinion
Date Created: 2023-08-24 17:52:09.395292+00
Date Added: 2024-06-11T18:18:39.699495
License: Public Domain

MERRILL, Justice
(dissenting).
I would affirm the judgment of the circuit court and, therefore, I dissent.
The statement the “King can do no wrong” appears three times in the majority opinion, and a casual reader of that opinion might get the idea that that concept is the basis of American and Alabama decisions upholding the doctrine of governmental immunity. That obviously is not the case.
Most of the words in our revered Declaration of Independence, 200 years old in 1976, catalogue wrongs of the King, and those wrongs were the reasons for the support of our long war for independence from England and the rule and wrongs of the King. Then our own government, first under the Articles of Confederation and later the Constitution of the United States made certain that this new country would have no king.
Our doctrine of governmental immunity, both state and national, grew out of the common sense approach that the people had created a democracy under a republican form of government; that the government was the people, and the people’s government should not be weakened by allowing the people to sue themselves when the government committed a tortious act while engaged in a governmental function. In McQuillin, Municipal Corporations, Vol. 18, 3rd Ed. Rev., Section 53.24, pp. 167 et seq., a recognized and oft-quoted authority, states:
“In the absence of statute, it has always been the law that no private action for tort will lie against the state, since negligence cannot be imputed to the sovereign. So, in the various localities or local areas where the state agencies merely perform governmental functions of the state and acquire no individual corporate existence, they stand as the state, and, therefore, to hold them responsible for negligence would be the same as holding the sovereign power answerable for its action. It is assumed that no provate legal duty rests upon a city to perform governmental functions, and, moreover, ‘their character precludes the idea of the common law rule of responsibility, for there is no standard of reasonable care by which the acts of the government may be tested. The state, through its representatives, namely, the municipal corporation, acts in its sovereign capacity, and does not submit its actions to the judgment of the courts.’ ‘The reason is that it is inconsistent with the nature of their powers that they should be compelled to respond to individuals in damages for the manner of *601their exercise. They are conferred for public purposes, to be exercised in their prescribed limits, at discretion, for the public good; and there can be no appeal from the judgment of the proper municipal authorities to the judgment of courts and juries.’
“The doctrine exempting a municipal corporation from private action for torts resulting from the performance of its governmental functions, steadily adhered to by the most recent judicial decisions, as above indicated, is based on the familiar reason that the undertaking is not to promote the private interests of the municipality as a corporate entity, but rather for the public benefit, and in the performance of such obligation the municipality is a mere public agent, either of the state or of the local community. The reason, as often expressed, it one of public policy, to protect public funds and public property. ‘Taxes are raised dor certain specific governmental purposes; and, if they could be diverted to the payment of the damage claims, the more important work of government, which every municipality must perform regardless of its other relations, would be seriously impaired if not totally destroyed. The reason for the exemption is sound and unobjectionable.’ ”
In Alabama, the people have tried the doctrine both ways insofar as the State government is concerned. The Constitution of 1819, our first, provided: “The general assembly, shall direct, by law, in what manner, and in what courts, suits may be brought against the State.”. Statutes were passed in accordance with this provision. Clay’s Dig. 339, §§ 143-146. In the Constitutions of 1865 and 1868, the people said “That suits may be brought against the State, in such manner, and in such courts, as may be by law provided.” In Ex parte State, 52 Ala. 231 (1875), this court held that since the statutes authorizing suits against the state had been repealed, no such suits could be brought. But in the Constitution of 1875 and our present Constitution of 1901 (§ 14), the people had changed their minds and said, “That the State of Alabama shall never be made a defendant in any court of law or equity.” No king or kingly concept had anything to do with those provisions of our Constitution.
Earlier in 1857 in the case of Dargan v. Mobile, 31 Ala. 469, where the City of Mobile was sued for a tortious act of a policeman, this court held that the city was “executing a governmental power vested in it for the public benefit” and said:
“Because the corporation is, as to the passage of the ordinances and the appointment of the officer described in the pleadings, a government, exercising political power, it is irresponsible for the official misconduct alleged, upon the same principle which generally protects governments and public officers from liability for the misfeasances and malfeasances of persons necessarily employed under them in the public service. —Story on Agency, §§ 319, 319 a, 319 b, 320, 321; Dunlap’s Paley’s Agency, 376. Municipal corporations, quoad hoc, stand upon the same foundation with public officers, counties, townships, and other quasi corporations, charged with some public duty, or invested with some portion of the authority of the government, where the employment of officers is necessary and lawful.”
So it can be seen that the common-law rule of governmental immunity was in effect before any provisions were placed in the Constitution.
In 1907, the Legislature passed a new municipal corporations act, a part of which is Tit. 37, §§ 502-504, quoted in the majority opinion. It was the duty and power of the judiciary of this state to interpret those sections. They were interpreted by both this court and the then Court of Appeals as not abrogating the rule of governmental immunity when a municipality was engaged in a governmental function for the benefit of the people. But this court has *602recognized the power of the Legislature to diminish that immunity in §§ 502-504. In 1954, this court, in discussing a dedicated street said in Oliver v. Water Works & Sanitary Sewer Board, 261 Ala. 234, 73 So.2d 552:
“ * * * It requires some distinct act by the city to constitute an acceptance, such as a formal resolution or by acts and conduct of the city authorities recognizing it as a dedicated street. After the city has accepted its dedication there are certain duties and responsibilities imposed by statute upon the city. They result from what is now Title 37 beginning with section 502. Prior to that enactment the upkeep of the streets was a governmental function and not a legal duty, except as otherwise provided by some special law. Albrittin v. Mayor & Alderman of City of Huntsville, 60 Ala. 486. Thereafter it has been a legal duty, imposing responsibility upon the city for negligence in performing it. The power and authority to control streets was made the exclusive prerogative of the city, which created a corresponding and coextensive duty and therefor a civil liability for the consequences of a default therein.” (Citations omitted.)
In City of Decatur v. Parham, 268 Ala. 585, 109 So.2d 692, this court, in replying to the same argument which was made and presented in the instant case, said:
“We have consistently adhered to the principle that legislative action is required to make a municipal corporation responsible for personal injuries or death caused by the negligence of its servants, agents or employees while engaged in governmental functions and we think it unsound to extend the nuisance exception to cover such injuries, thereby requiring the City to defend every personal injury negligence further confused by attempts to force a coverage of the individual case.
“Although, as we have observed, some courts engage in chipping away bit by bit at the doctrine of governmental immunity from one point of view or another where distinctions, defensible or indefensible, are seen, the general doctrine is so firmly embedded in our jurisprudence that we entertain the view that correction, if needed, must come from the legislature. Only the legislature can provide the regulations and limitations necessary to protect the public interest and provide the fiscal basis for payment of such claims.”
It is my opinion that the holding in this case will be a heavy blow to law enforcement in Alabama. In practically every arrest or even detention for investigation, there is a physical touching of the suspect by the officer, either in frisking the person or handcuffing him, or both. An allegation and evidence that the officer used more force than was reasonably necessary would make a jury question in every suit against the officer and the municipality that employed him. Not only would the courts soon become clogged with such cases, but many of them would be filed merely as a permissible form of blackmail to force the city to settle for a dismissal or a lighter sentence or to force the officer to change his testimony in many such cases. Many arrests are made in unfriendly surroundings and the officer could easily be outsworn as to what happened. It is not to be expected that too many deputy sheriffs or policemen would physically block entrance to private or public buildings when faced with a large group of demonstrators, rioters or hoodlums when he knew that any act on his part, other than talking, would result in a suit against him and his employer.
Then, there is a tremendous economic impact on the municipalities. This policy decision changes the rule drastically and it will come upon municipalities in Alabama without warning because for over 100 years the appellate courts of this state have applied the doctrine of governmental immunity when the agent or employee was engaged in a governmental function. *603There will be consideration of closing “public squares, parks, playgrounds and recreational facilities (all governmental functions, Jones v. City of Birmingham, 284 Ala. 276, 224 So.2d 632), reducing other public services and hunting funds to pay additional and higher insurance premiums. It seems to me that some warning could have been given by this court that such a drastic change in the law was imminent. I also fear that the position of the majority probably means the future closing of many city and county Hill-Burton hospitals that are presently barely able to stay open.
This dissent is already too long. I close with some words of Justice Thomas E. Brennan of the Supreme Court of Michigan. These words express my sentiments. The background for the writing follows. In 1961, the Supreme Court of Michigan, in Williams v. City of Detroit, 364 Mich. 231, 111 N.W.2d 1, by a 5 to 4 vote (one of the majority only concurred in the result), affirmed a decision which did away with governmental immunity from ordinary torts in Michigan and approved the holding in subsequent cases. On July 1, 1965, the Legislature of Michigan reimposed the doctrine by statute. In Smith v. Ginther, 379 Mich. 208 150 N.W.2d 798 (1967), the plaintiff was injured in a collision with a car driven by a volunteer fireman while responding to a fire alarm. The accident occurred after the decision in Williams but before the Legislature reinstated governmental immunity. The trial court ruled that the legislative enactment did not control. The vote was 4 to 3 and Brennan, J., dissented. In his dissent, he said in part:
“ * * * When judges get into the area of deciding policy they get into trouble. Those who sought unsuccessfully and later successfully to abolish governmental immunity have thought it the wiser policy. The legislature has since vindicated the minority who felt otherwise. If the common-law rule holding the various levels of government immune from civil liability by reason of the tortious acts of their agents when engaged in governmental functions was indeed an ancient wrong crying out for redress, we must marvel that it has been re-perpetrated by a modern legislature. The truth is that the rule is not a wrong, ancient or recent. It is simply a rule of reason ordained for the common good. In the last analysis, the preservation of civil government is thought to be a greater good, even for the unfortunate plaintiff than compensation of his injuries from the public coffers. In a government whose power to borrow money is constitutionally circumscribed, it is thought to be a prudent policy to deny to civil juries the unfettered power to increase the public indebtedness.
“This is no outmoded theory that ‘the King can do no wrong.’ It is merely a recognition that in a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, the wrongs inflicted by government upon the people are wrongs they inflict upon themselves. Defendant Ginther was a volunteer fireman on his way to a fire in his own car. Plaintiff can sue Mr. Ginther. Plaintiff can collect from Mr. Ginther, if he was at fault. The people of Croswell didn’t injure this plaintiff. Mr. Ginther did. The City merely maintained a volunteer fire department for the protection of the lives and property of persons in its area, including the plaintiff.
“When fire rages, when the dam breaks, when the enemy attacks, the people, through their government must act. They must act vigorously and boldly or they perish. It is not for judges, serene in their robes and far removed by time and space from the common peril, to brand them negligent in their travail and suffer their fortunes and their labors to be further taxed to pay compensatory damages to those who chanced to be injured in the community’s efforts to overcome the disaster rather than in the disaster itself.”
*604I would affirm the judgment of the trial court because this being a matter of important state policy, I remain of the opinion that it is a legislative rather than a judicial matter.
MADDOX, J., concurs.