Court Opinion

ID: 9423543
Source: CourtListenerOpinion
Date Created: 2023-08-02 23:08:11.363769+00
Date Added: 2024-06-11T17:22:44.762414
License: Public Domain

Mr. Justice White,
with whom Mr. Justice Harlan joins,
dissenting.
The Court holds that because of the First Amendment a member of the Communist Party who knows that the Party has been held to be a Communist-action organization may not be barred from employment in defense establishments important to the security of the Nation. It therefore refuses to enforce the contrary judgments of the Legislative and Executive Branches of the Government. Respectfully disagreeing with this view, I dissent.
The constitutional right found to override the public interest in national security defined by Congress is the right of association, here the right of appellee Robel to remain a member of the Communist Party after being notified of its adjudication as a Communist-action organization. Nothing in the Constitution requires this result. The right of association is not mentioned in the Constitution. It is a judicial construct appended to the First Amendment rights to speak freely, to assemble, and *283to petition for redress of grievances.1 While the right of association has deep roots in history and is supported by the inescapable necessity for group action in a republic as large and complex as ours, it has only recently blossomed as the controlling factor in constitutional litigation; its contours as yet lack delineation. Although official interference with First Amendment rights has drawn close scrutiny, it is now apparent that the right of association is not absolute and is subject to significant regulation by the State. The law of criminal conspiracy restricts the purposes for which men may associate and *284the means they may use to implement their plans. Labor unions, and membership in them, are intricately controlled by statutes, both federal and state, as are political parties and corporations.
The relevant cases uniformly reveal the necessity for accommodating the right of association and the public interest. NAACP v. Alabama, 357 U. S. 449 (1958), which contained the first substantial discussion of the right in an opinion of this Court, exemplifies the judicial approach. There, after noting the impact of official action on the right to associate, the Court inquired “whether Alabama has demonstrated an interest in obtaining the disclosures it seeks from petitioner which is sufficient to justify the deterrent effect which we have concluded these disclosures may well have on the free exercise by petitioner’s members of their constitutionally protected right of association.” 357 U. S., at 463. The same path to decision is evident in Bates v. City of Little Rock, 361 U. S. 516 (1960); NAACP v. Button, 371 U. S. 415 (1963); and Railroad Trainmen v. Virginia Bar, 377 U. S. 1 (1964). Only last week, in United Mine Workers v. Illinois Bar Assn., ante, p. 217, the Court weighed the right to associate in an organization furnishing salaried legal services to its members against the State’s interest in insuring adequate and personal legal representation, and found the State’s interest insufficient to justify its restrictions.
Nor does the Court mandate a different course in this case. Apparently “active” members of the Communist Party who have demonstrated their commitment to the illegal aims of the Party may be barred from defense facilities. This exclusion would have the same deterrent effect upon associational rights as the statute before us, but the governmental interest in security would override that effect. Also, the Court would seem to permit barring appellee, although not an “active” member of the *285Party, from employment in “sensitive” positions in the defense establishment. Here, too, the interest in anticipating and preventing espionage or sabotage would outweigh the deterrent impact of job disqualification. If I read the Court correctly, associating with the Communist Party may at times be deterred by barring members from employment and nonmembership may at times be imposed as a condition of engaging in defense work. In the case before us the Court simply disagrees with the Congress and the Defense Department, ruling that Robel does not present a sufficient danger to the national security to require him to choose between membership in the Communist Party and his employment in a defense facility. Having less confidence than the majority in the prescience of this remote body when dealing with threats to the security of the country, I much prefer the judgment of Congress and the Executive Branch that the interest of appellee in remaining a member of the Communist Party, knowing that it has been adjudicated a Communist-action organization, is less substantial than the public interest in excluding him from employment in critical defense industries.
The national interest asserted by the Congress is real and substantial. After years of study, Congress prefaced the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, 64 Stat. 987, 50 U. S. C. §§ 781-798, with its findings that there exists an international Communist movement which by treachery, deceit, espionage, and sabotage seeks to overthrow existing governments; that the movement operates in this country through Communist-action organizations which are under foreign domination and control and which seek to overthrow the Government by any necessary means, including force and violence; that the Communist movement in the United States is made up of thousands of adherents, rigidly disciplined, operating in secrecy, and employing espionage and sabotage tactics *286in form and manner evasive of existing laws. Congress therefore, among other things, defined the characteristics of Communist-action organizations, provided for their adjudication by the SACB, and decided that the security of the United States required the exclusion of Communist-action organization members from employment in certain defense facilities. After long and complex litigation, the SACB found the Communist Party to be a Communist-action organization within the meaning of the Act. That conclusion was affirmed both by the Court of Appeals, Communist Party v. Subversive Activities Control Board, 107 U. S. App. D. C. 279, 277 F. 2d 78 (1959), and this Court, 367 U. S. 1 (1961). Also affirmed were the underlying determinations, required by the Act, that the Party is directed or controlled by a foreign government or organization, that it operates primarily to advance the aims of the world Communist movement, and that it sufficiently satisfies the criteria of Communist-action organizations specified by 50 U. S. C. § 792 (e), including the finding by the Board that many Party members are subject to or recognize the discipline of the controlling foreign government or organization. This Court accepted the congressional appraisal that the Party posed a threat “not only to existing government in the United States, but to the United States as a sovereign, independent nation . . . 367 U. S., at 95.
Against this background protective measures were clearly appropriate. One of them, contained in 50 U. S. C. § 784 (a) (1) (D), which became activated with the affirmance of the Party’s designation as a Communist-action organization, makes it unlawful “[f]or any member of such organization, with knowledge or notice . . . that such order has become final... to engage in any employment in any defense facility . . . .” A defense facility is any of the specified types of establishment “with respect to *287the operation of which [the Secretary of Defense] finds and determines that the security of the United States requires” that members of such organizations not be employed. Given the characteristics of the Party, its foreign domination, its primary goal of government overthrow, the discipline which it exercises over its members, and its propensity for espionage and sabotage, the exclusion of members of the Party who know the Party is a Communist-action organization from certain defense plants is well within the powers of Congress.
Congress should be entitled to take suitable precautionary measures. Some Party members may be no threat at all, but many of them undoubtedly are, and- it is exceedingly difficult to identify those in advance of the very events which Congress seeks to avoid. If Party members such as Robel may be barred from “sensitive positions,” it is because they are potential threats to security. For the same reason they should be excludable from employment in defense plants which Congress and the Secretary of Defense consider of critical importance to the security of the country.
The statute does not prohibit membership in the Communist Party. Nor are appellee and other Communists excluded from all employment in the United States, or even from all defense plants. The touchstones for exclusion are the requirements of national security, and the facilities designated under this standard amount to only about one percent of all the industrial establishments in the United States.
It is this impact on associational rights, although specific and minimal, which the Court finds impermissible. But as the statute’s dampening effect on associational rights is to be weighed against the asserted and obvious government interest in keeping members of Communist-action groups from defense facilities, it would seem important to identify what interest Robel has in *288joining and remaining a member of a group whose primary goals he may not share. We are unenlightened, however, by the opinion of the Court or by the record in this case, as to the purposes which Robel and others like him may have in associating with the Party. The legal aims and programs of the Party are not identified or appraised nor are Robel’s activities as a member of the Party. The Court is left with a vague and formless concept of associational rights and its own notions of what constitutes an unreasonable risk to defense facilities.
The Court says that mere membership in an association with knowledge that the association pursues unlawful aims cannot be the basis for criminal prosecution, Scales v. United States, 367 U. S. 203 (1961), or for denial of a passport, Aptheker v. Secretary of State, 378 U. S. 500 (1964). But denying the opportunity to be employed in some defense plants is a much smaller deterrent to the exercise of associational rights than denial of a passport or a criminal penalty attached solely to membership, and the Government’s interest in keeping potential spies and saboteurs from defense plants is much greater than its interest in keeping disloyal Americans from traveling abroad or in committing all Party members to prison. The “delicate and difficult” judgment to which the Court refers should thus result in a different conclusion from that reached in the Scales and Aptheker cases.2
*289The Court’s motives are worthy. It seeks the widest bounds for the exercise of individual liberty consistent with the security of the country. In so doing it arrogates to itself -an independent judgment of the requirements of national security. These are matters about which judges should be wary. James Madison wrote:
“Security against foreign danger is one of the primitive objects of civil society. . . .
“. . . The means of security can only be regulated by the means and the danger of attack. They will in fact be ever determined by these rules, and by no others. It is in vain to oppose constitutional barriers to the impulse of self-preservation. It is worse than in vain; because it plants in the Constitution itself necessary usurpations of power, every precedent of which is a germ of Unnecessary and multiplied repetitions.” 3

 If men may speak as individuals, they may speak in groups as well. If they may assemble and petition, they must have the right to associate to some extent. In this sense the right of association simply extends constitutional protection to First Amendment rights when exercised with others rather than by an individual alone. In NAACP v. Alabama, the Court said that the freedom to associate for the advancement of beliefs and ideas is constitutionally protected and that it is “immaterial whether the beliefs sought to be advanced by association pertain to political, economic, religious or cultural matters 357 U. S. 449, 460 (1958). That case involved the propagation of ideas by a group as well as litigation as a form of petition. The latter First Amendment element was also involved in NAACP v. Button, 371 U. S. 415 (1963); Railroad Trainmen v. Virginia Bar, 377 U. S. 1 (1964); and United Mine Workers v. Illinois Bar Assn., ante, p. 217. The activities in Eastern R. Presidents Conference v. Noerr Motor Freight, Inc., 365 U. S. 127 (1961), although commercially motivated, were aimed at influencing legislative action. Whether the right to associate is an independent First Amendment right carrying its own credentials and will be carried beyond the implementation of other First Amendment rights awaits a definitive answer. In this connection it should be noted that the Court recently dismissed, as not presenting a substantial federal question, an appeal challenging Florida regulations which forbid a Florida accountant from associating in his work, whether as partner or employee, with any nonresident accountant; out-of-state associations are barred from the State unless every partner is a qualified Florida accountant, and in practice only Florida residents can become qualified there. Mercer v. Hemmings, ante, p. 46.

 1 cannot agree with my Brother BrenNAN that Congress delegated improperly when it authorized the Secretary of Defense to determine “with respect to the operation of which [defense facilities] . . . the security of the United States requires the application of the provisions of subsection (a) of this section.” Rather I think this is precisely the sort of application of a legislative determination to specific facts within the administrator’s expertise that today’s complex governmental structure requires and that this Court has *289frequently upheld. E. g., Yakus v. United States, 321 U. S. 414 (1944). I would reject also appellee’s contention that the statute is a bill of attainder. See United States v. Brown, 381 U. S. 437, 462 (1965) (White, J., dissenting).

 The Federalist No. 41, pp. 269-270 (Cooke ed. 1961).