Court Opinion

ID: 9389809
Source: CourtListenerOpinion
Date Created: 2023-04-26 15:01:30.207185+00
Date Added: 2024-06-11T17:18:29.856561
License: Public Domain

USCA11 Case: 21-10034      Document: 78-1      Date Filed: 04/26/2023    Page: 1 of 106

                                                                    [PUBLISH]
                                       In the
                 United States Court of Appeals
                           For the Eleventh Circuit

                             ____________________

                                    No. 21-10034
                             ____________________

        TREVA THOMPSON,
        individually and behalf of all others similarly situated,
        TIMOTHY LANIER,
        individually and behalf of all others similarly situated,
        GREATER BIRMINGHAM MINISTRIES,
                                                        Plaintiffs-Appellants,
        DARIUS GAMBLE,
        PAMELA KING,
        individually and behalf of all others similarly situated,
         Plaintiff,
        versus
        STATE OF ALABAMA, et al.,
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        2                         Opinion of the Court                     21-10034

                                                                       Defendants,

        SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE STATE OF ALABAMA,
        LEIGH GWATHNEY,
        in her official capacity as Chairman of the Board of Pardons and
        Paroles,
        JAMES SNIPES, III,
        in his official capacity as Chairman of the Montgomery County
        Board of Registrars and on behalf of a class of all voter registrars
        in the State of Alabama,

                                                           Defendants-Appellees.

                               ____________________

                    Appeal from the United States District Court
                        for the Middle District of Alabama
                     D.C. Docket No. 2:16-cv-00783-ECM-SMD
                             ____________________

        Before ROSENBAUM, TJOFLAT, Circuit Judges, and MOODY,* District
        Judge.
        TJOFLAT, Circuit Judge:

        * The Honorable James S. Moody, Jr., United States District Judge for the Mid-
        dle District of Florida, sitting by designation.
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        21-10034                   Opinion of the Court                                3

               Greater Birmingham Ministries (“GBM”), an Alabamian
        non-profit organization dedicated to aiding low-income individu-
        als, and several Alabamian felons 1 (collectively “Appellants”) ap-
        peal the District Court for the Middle District of Alabama’s sum-
        mary judgment denying their Equal Protection Clause, U.S. Const.
        amend. XIV, § 1, challenge to Amendment 579 of the Alabama state
        constitution, their Ex Post Facto Clause, U.S. Const. art. I, § 9, cl. 3,
        challenge to Amendment 579’s disenfranchisement provisions, and
        their National Voting Registration Act of 1993 (“NVRA”), 52 U.S.C.
        § 20501 et seq., challenge to the format of Alabama’s mail voting
        registration form. Because we hold that (1) Amendment 579 suc-
        cessfully dissipated any taint from the racially discriminatory mo-
        tives behind the 1901 Alabama constitution; (2) Amendment 579
        does not impose punishment for purposes of the Ex Post Facto
        Clause; and (3) Alabama’s mail voting registration form complies
        with the NVRA, we affirm.
                                               I.
               As both the Supreme Court and this Court have previously
        explained, the 1901 Alabama state constitution was intentionally

        1 This case was initially filed as a putative class action with ten named defend-
        ants. The District Court denied class certification, and on appeal only two
        individual plaintiffs remain: (1) Treva Thompson, a black woman convicted of
        theft of property in the first degree, and (2) Timothy Lanier, a black man con-
        victed of attempted murder and two counts of burglary in the first degree.
        Ala. Code § 17-3-30.1(c) specifies that each of these felonies involve moral tur-
        pitude.
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        4                         Opinion of the Court                      21-10034

        enacted to discriminate against and disenfranchise black Alabami-
        ans. See Underwood v. Hunter (Hunter I), 730 F.2d 614 (11th Cir.
        1984) (explaining the history of the 1901 Alabama constitution),
        aff’d, Hunter v. Underwood (Hunter II), 471 U.S. 222, 105 S. Ct.
        1916 (1985) (same). The express goal of the 1901 constitutional
        convention was “to establish white supremacy” in Alabama
        “within the limits imposed by the Federal Constitution.” Hunter
        I, 730 F.2d at 619 (quoting John B. Knox, President of the 1901 Con-
        vention, I Off. Proceedings of the Const. Convention of the State
        of Ala., May 21st, 1901, to Sept. 3rd, 1901, at 8 (1940)). To accom-
        plish their goal of disenfranchising black Alabamians, the 1901
        drafters resorted to “facially neutral tests that took advantage of
        differing social conditions. Property tests, literacy tests, residence
        requirements, the poll tax, and disqualification for conviction of
        certain crimes all fell into this category.” Id. (internal quotation
        marks omitted).
               While § 182 enumerated a great many crimes resulting in
        disenfranchisement, 2 of relevance to this case is the provision of

        2 Section 182 disenfranchised the following individuals:
               All idiots and insane persons; those who shall by reason of con-
               viction of crime be disqualified from voting at the time of the
               ratification of this Constitution; those who shall be convicted
               of treason, murder, arson, embezzlement, malfeasance in of-
               fice, larceny, receiving stolen property, obtaining property or
               money under false pretenses, perjury, subornation of perjury,
               robbery, assault with intent to rob, burglary, forgery, bribery,
               assault and battery on the wife, bigamy, living in adultery,
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        21-10034                    Opinion of the Court                               5

        § 182 disenfranchising individuals convicted of “any . . . crime in-
        volving moral turpitude.” In Hunter I, we held that “discrimina-
        tory intent was a motivating factor in the adoption of section 182”
        and that the Alabama registrars could not show that “[t]here was
        no evidence from which the district court could have found that
        section 182 would have been adopted had a permissible reason
        been the sole consideration” under the approach adopted by the
        Supreme Court in Vill. of Arlington Heights v. Metro. Hous. Dev.
        Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 270 & n.21, 97 S. Ct. 555, 566 & n.21 (1977).
        Hunter I, 730 F.2d at 620–21. Accordingly, we struck down the
        provisions of § 182 “that disfranchise[d] nonprison offenders.” Id.
        at 621. The Supreme Court unanimously affirmed our decision in
        Hunter II, specifying that § 182 could not “deny the franchise to
        persons who commit misdemeanors involving moral turpitude”
        under the Equal Protection Clause. 471 U.S. at 233, 105 S. Ct. at
        1922–23.

                sodomy, incest, rape, miscegenation, crime against nature, or
                any crime punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary, or
                of any infamous crime or crime involving moral turpitude;
                also, any person who shall be convicted as a vagrant or tramp,
                or of selling or offering to sell his vote or the vote of another,
                or of buying or offering to buy the vote of another, or of mak-
                ing or offering to make a false return in any election by the
                people or in any primary election to procure the nomination
                or election of any person to any office, or of suborning any
                witness or registrar to secure the registration of any person as
                an elector.
        Ala. Const. art. VIII, § 182.
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        6                      Opinion of the Court                21-10034

                However, long before the Hunter decisions, Alabama had
        already begun the process of repealing and replacing the disenfran-
        chisement provisions of Article VIII of the 1901 Alabama constitu-
        tion, including § 182. In 1970, Alabama convened a Constitutional
        Revision Commission to consider potential amendments to the Al-
        abama constitution. As part of that process, Dr. Samuel A. Beatty,
        a Commission staff member, wrote a report to the Commission
        members suggesting, inter alia, that § 182 be rewritten to disqualify
        voters in “general terms” instead of “a long, scattered and redun-
        dant list of disqualifying crimes.” Dr. Beatty’s proposed language
        (very similar to what Alabama ultimately adopted in 1996) stated
        that “[n]o person convicted of a felony involving moral turpitude,
        or having been adjudicated in this or any other state, territory, or
        district to be mentally incompetent, shall be qualified to vote until
        restoration of civil rights or removal of disability.” The Commis-
        sion agreed with Dr. Beatty’s proposed language and submitted it
        as part of their recommendations to the Alabama legislature in
        1973. Nevertheless, the 1973 Alabama legislature did not approve
        the proposed amendments. The Commission’s proposed amend-
        ments were reintroduced in 1976, and again were not approved by
        the legislature.
               In 1979, newly elected Alabama Governor Fob James assem-
        bled a “working group” to amend the Alabama constitution headed
        by Michael Waters. Waters testified in a deposition that the work-
        ing group began with the Commission’s 1973 proposal as a starting
        point. According to Waters, the working group agreed with Dr.
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        21-10034               Opinion of the Court                          7

        Beatty and the 1973 Commission’s proposal because “by eliminat-
        ing that laundry list and keeping it general, you’re saying, we don’t
        endorse what the 1901 Constitution was doing.” Further, Waters
        and his group did not read the “moral turpitude” language from
        the 1973 draft “as meaning we hereby endorse any segregationist
        or racial philosophy that was part of the 1901 Constitution.”
               Besides Waters’s working group, Alabama state legislators
        also discussed the working group’s proposed amendments in the
        “Joint Interim Committee to Study New Constitution.” There,
        Representative Tony Harrison praised the proposed amendment
        to § 182 as “one of the best sections that was proposed” because “it
        has less language and has chopped out some of the most unneces-
        sary language that was in the Constitution.” Representative Harri-
        son then asked Senator Bob Harris, a member of the working
        group, about “the legal definition of moral turpitude.” Senator
        Harris responded
              It means doing wrong. I don’t know that there is an
              ironclad definition of moral turpitude. I could proba-
              bly look in Webster’s and there is, Tony. I am not
              being short about it. You know as well as I do that
              the Courts have wrestled with this question since we
              have had Court. And if you go back to the 1901 Con-
              stitution, they try to go at it maybe a little bit differ-
              ent. I doubt that you want to go back to that.

        Representative Harrison replied, “You know that I don’t want to
        go back to it, Senator.” Following this, the two legislators
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        8                     Opinion of the Court                21-10034

        discussed whether the state constitution should disenfranchise fel-
        ons at all after they have served their sentence and whether the
        proposed amendments would allow the state legislature to restore
        voting rights to felons immediately after completion of their sen-
        tence. The discussion then returned to the moral turpitude lan-
        guage:
              SENATOR MAC PARSONS: Wouldn’t it have been
              simpler just to have left moral turpitude out? The
              way I understand it, there is just one or two felonies
              that don’t include moral turpitude. I think stealing
              whiskey and transporting are about the only two.

              SENATOR HARRIS: I think that is all. There may be
              some other. Somebody around here is bound to tell
              me. There are a very limited number of felonies that
              do not involve -- that the Courts have said don’t in-
              volve moral turpitude.

              SENATOR PARSONS: Wouldn’t it have just been
              simpler if you just said “felony,” then?

              SENATOR HARRIS: Well, of course, that would dis-
              enfranchise some moonshiners, I guess, then. It
              might not be a bad idea.

        Representative Martha Smith then suggested that misdemeanors
        involving moral turpitude should also result in disenfranchisement.
        Senator Harris responded:
              Well, let me simply say that what we were trying to
              do is get away from the restraints and restrictions of
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        21-10034               Opinion of the Court                         9

               the 1901 Constitution as far as we could, as safely as
               we could, in the simplest language that we could, in-
               vest in the Legislator as much power as we could con-
               sonant with Federal laws and Federal decisions to
               govern the election process and the qualification of
               voters.

        The joint committee then moved on to discuss other topics.
               The joint committee also held public hearings on the pro-
        posed amendments in February 1979. At one of these public hear-
        ings, Mary Weidler of the Civil Liberties Union of Alabama ob-
        jected to the felony disenfranchisement provision because “there is
        no reason to continue to penalize those convicted of felonies once
        they have served their time.” Weidler also criticized the “moral
        turpitude” language as “vague and indefinite” and “unwarranted
        and discriminatory,” arguing that “[i]t was clear from the legislative
        history of the 1901 Alabama Constitution” that the disenfranchise-
        ment section was specifically adopted with the intent to “disenfran-
        chise blacks” and a “continuation of that thinking today is clearly
        unacceptable.” At another public hearing, Tom Leonard of Appel-
        lant GBM argued that felon disenfranchisement punishes those
        who have served their sentence and is “a constitutionally-imposed
        disability [that] serves to mark an ex-convict with an additional
        badge of inferiority.” A 1979 Alabama House bill removed the
        phrase “moral turpitude” from the proposed amendment, instead
        proposing that no person convicted “of a felony” shall be qualified
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         10                     Opinion of the Court               21-10034

         to vote. Like the previous proposed amendments in 1973 and 1976,
         this bill did not gain final passage.
                 In 1983, the Alabama legislature attempted to replace the
         1901 constitution entirely with a new state constitution. This ef-
         fort, spearheaded by Lieutenant Governor Bill Baxley, State Sena-
         tor Ryan deGraffenreid, and State Representative Jack Venable,
         was undertaken by a specially formed constitutional revision com-
         mittee comprised of members from both chambers of the Alabama
         legislature. The committee spent seven weeks debating and draft-
         ing a new state constitution and, relevantly, adopted the disenfran-
         chisement amendments proposed by the 1973 and 1979 commis-
         sions. The Alabama legislature ultimately passed the proposed
         constitution as Act 83-68. As Senator deGraffenreid explained in a
         memorandum,
               The proposed new constitution completely rewrites
               the provisions relating to voting and elections in the
               current constitution. The provisions of the Constitu-
               tion of 1901 relating to voting and elections were spe-
               cifically designed to prevent blacks from voting and
               also prevented women and persons under the age of
               21 years from voting. These lengthy and complex
               provisions of the present Constitution have been held
               to be unconstitutional under the Constitution of the
               United States. The new provisions relating to voting
               and elections are very short and concise and conform
               to the requirements of the United States Constitu-
               tion.
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         21-10034               Opinion of the Court                       11

         Despite the state legislature’s approval, however, the proposed
         1983 constitution failed because the Alabama Supreme Court held
         that the Alabama legislature lacked the authority to replace the
         state constitution. State v. Manley, 441 So. 2d 864 (Ala. 1983). Five
         months later, on April 10, 1984, this Court decided Hunter I, which
         the Supreme Court affirmed in 1985 with Hunter II.
                In 1995, Representative Venable introduced House Bill 38 to
         repeal and replace Article VIII of the 1901 constitution. The bill
         incorporated the language proposed by the 1973 and 1979 commis-
         sions and passed in the 1983 constitutional replacement effort, in-
         cluding the provision to disenfranchise persons convicted of felo-
         nies involving moral turpitude. House Bill 38 was favorably re-
         ported out of committee, received three procedural readings as re-
         quired by the Alabama Constitution, Ala. Const. art. XVIII, § 284,
         and then passed the Alabama House unanimously without debate.
         Representative Seth Hammett, who later served as Speaker of the
         Alabama House of Representatives from 2001 to 2010, recalled that
               The article on voting was brought to the floor by Jack
               [Representative Venable], and he spoke on the bill.
               There was limited, really no debate on the bill. The
               amendment was viewed as non-controversial. We
               knew Jack was very passionate about revising the
               constitution, and he had worked hard on these bills.
               We passed it and there was no controversy.

         House Bill 38 then moved to the Alabama Senate, where it was also
         favorably reported out of committee, received three procedural
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         12                     Opinion of the Court               21-10034

         readings, and approved unanimously without debate or amend-
         ment.
                 The proposed amendment was then placed on the ballot of
         the June 4, 1996, primary election. Two days before the primary
         election, Representative Venable was quoted in a newspaper arti-
         cle as saying that the constitutional changes were “strictly house-
         keeping” to reflect “the voting requirements of the state today, ra-
         ther than in 1901 when the constitution was written.” The news-
         paper article also quoted Secretary of State Jim Bennett as saying,
         “It’s an amendment whose time has come” and that “he wished the
         proposed constitutional amendment could have been on the ballot
         many years ago. If we had passed the amendment in 1902, we
         could have avoided all the pain and suffering we went through in
         the 1950s and 60s.” No public hearings were held on the amend-
         ment. The proposed amendment was approved by 76% of the vot-
         ers, including eight of the ten counties in Alabama with majority
         black populations, and so became Amendment 579 to the Alabama
         constitution. Amendment 579, now codified as Ala. Const. art.
         VIII, § 177, provides that
               (a) Every citizen of the United States who has attained
               the age of eighteen years and has resided in this state
               and in a county thereof for the time provided by law,
               if registered as provided by law, shall have the right
               to vote in the county of his or her residence. The Leg-
               islature may prescribe reasonable and nondiscrimina-
               tory requirements as prerequisites to registration for
               voting. The Legislature shall, by statute, prescribe a
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         21-10034                   Opinion of the Court                               13

                 procedure by which eligible citizens can register to
                 vote.

                 (b) No person convicted of a felony involving moral
                 turpitude, or who is mentally incompetent, shall be
                 qualified to vote until restoration of civil and political
                 rights or removal of disability.

                Before implementing Amendment 579, Alabama was re-
         quired to receive preclearance by the United States Justice Depart-
         ment or a three-judge panel. See 52 U.S.C. § 10304(a). 3 In support
         of that request, Representative Venable wrote a letter to the Office
         of the U.S. Attorney General stating that he knew of “no effect”
         Amendment 579 would have on minority groups “because Ala-
         bama is already using the provisions of the proposed Article.” 4 Ad-
         ditionally, Representative Venable noted that

         3 Section 10304(a) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 requires certain covered
         states and counties, which in 1996 included Alabama, to receive preclearance
         from a three-judge panel before implementing any changes to the state or
         county’s voting requirements unless the Attorney General declined to object
         to the change within sixty days. In 2013, the Supreme Court struck down the
         coverage formula used in § 10304(a), 52 U.S.C. § 10303(b), in Shelby County,
         Ala. v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 133 S. Ct. 2612 (2013), rendering § 10304(a)’s pre-
         clearance requirement inoperative.
         4 This statement was not entirely correct. Section 182 prohibited persons con-
         victed of all felonies from voting, not just felonies involving moral turpitude.
         Accordingly, Amendment 579 expanded Alabama’s franchise to those con-
         victed of felonies not involving moral turpitude.
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         14                      Opinion of the Court                 21-10034

                The proposed Article has been a part of the last three
                Constitutional Revision efforts. There was numerous
                public hearings held during the 1973, 1979 and 1983
                efforts, and I recall no opposition to this Article from
                any group. There were no public hearings when the
                Article passed the legislature in 1995, and I do not re-
                call any opposition.

         The U.S. Attorney General’s Office then granted preclearance to
         Amendment 579 on June 24, 1996.
                 After Amendment 579 came into effect, Alabama voting reg-
         istrars had to make determinations about which felonies involved
         “moral turpitude” because there was no definitive list of morally
         turpitudinous felonies. See Ala. Op. Atty. Gen. No. 2005-092, 2005
         WL 1121853, at *2 (March 18, 2005) (Ala. A.G.) (“[T]his Office can-
         not provide an exhaustive list of every felony involving moral tur-
         pitude.”). In fact, at least some voting registrars refused to register
         any convicted felon whose civil rights had not been restored after
         Amendment 579 passed, regardless of whether the felony involved
         moral turpitude, until the Alabama Attorney General and the Ala-
         bama Supreme Court intervened. See Chapman v. Gooden, 974
         So. 2d 972, 987–91 (Ala. 2007); Order, Worley v. Gooden, Case No.
         1051712 (Ala. Oct. 25, 2006) (“[P]ursuant to Amendment No. 579
         the voter registrars cannot deny voter registration to an individual
         otherwise qualified to vote simply because he or she has been con-
         victed of some felony; denial of voter registration based on a felony
         conviction is appropriate only if the felony involved moral turpi-
         tude.” (emphasis in original)). In an attempt to provide some
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         21-10034               Opinion of the Court                       15

         guidance to voting registrars, in 2007 the Alabama Administrative
         Office of the Courts (the “AOC”) circulated a non-binding list of
         felonies that Alabama case law, state statutes, or Attorney Gen-
         eral’s opinions had identified as involving moral turpitude. How-
         ever, some Alabama registrars continued to deny voting registra-
         tion to felons convicted of crimes not on the AOC’s list. In 2014,
         Alabama Secretary of State Jim Bennett also circulated a list of
         crimes involving moral turpitude based off a Wikipedia entry on
         federal immigration law. Finally, in 2017, the Alabama legislature
         passed Ala. Code § 17-3-30.1 to “provide a comprehensive list of
         acts that constitute moral turpitude for the limited purpose of dis-
         qualifying a person from exercising his or her right to vote.” Ala.
         Code § 17-3-30.1(b)(2)(c).
                Prior to 2019, Alabama’s mail voting registration form listed
         as a registration requirement that eligible voters must “[n]ot have
         been convicted of a disqualifying felony, or if you have been con-
         victed, you must have had your civil rights restored.” In 2018, the
         federal Election Assistance Commission (the “EAC”) contacted Ed
         Packard, Alabama’s Administrator of Elections, to ask how the pas-
         sage of Ala. Code § 17-3-30.1 would change Alabama’s voter regis-
         tration form. In response, Packard drafted new language for the
         registration requirements section of Alabama’s voting form. The
         EAC approved this new language, which took effect in June 2019
         and clarifies that “[t]o register in Alabama you must: . . . not have
         been convicted of a felony involving moral turpitude (or have had
         our civil and political rights restored). The list of moral turpitude
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         16                      Opinion of the Court                   21-10034

         felonies is available on the Secretary of State web site at: sos.ala-
         bama.gov/mtfelonies.”
                Appellants filed the instant action on September 26, 2016, as
         a putative class action with fifteen different claims. After extensive
         discovery, the District Court granted summary judgment in favor
         of Alabama on all claims on December 3, 2020. Thompson v. Ala-
         bama, 505 F. Supp. 3d 1239 (M.D. Ala. 2020). On appeal, Appellants
         raise only three substantive issues: (1) whether Amendment 579
         eliminated the taint of discriminatory intent behind § 182, (2)
         whether Amendment 579 violates the Ex Post Facto Clause of the
         U.S. Constitution, and (3) whether Alabama’s mail voter registra-
         tion form violates the NVRA.5
                                            II.
                We review grants of summary judgment de novo. Brown
         v. Nexus Bus. Sols., LLC, 29 F.4th 1315, 1317 (11th Cir. 2022). Sum-
         mary judgment is proper “if the movant shows that there is no gen-
         uine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled
         to judgment as a matter of law.” Id. (quoting Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a)).
         On summary judgment review, we view all evidence in “the light
         most favorable to the nonmoving party” and draw “all justifiable
         inferences in that party’s favor.” Id. (internal quotation marks
         omitted).

         5 Appellants also contend that the District Court applied the wrong legal
         standard for summary judgment, which we address infra in Part II.
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         21-10034               Opinion of the Court                       17

                The parties argue about whether the District Court below
         correctly drew inferences based on incontrovertible facts under the
         Nunez framework. See Nunez v. Superior Oil Co., 572 F.2d 1119,
         1123–24 (5th Cir. 1978). While we have since approved the Nunez
         framework, we have also explained that our standard of review on
         appeal is “unaffected by any inferential conclusions reached be-
         low.” Fla. Int’l Univ. Bd. of Tr. v. Fla. Nat’l Univ., Inc., 830 F.3d
         1242, 1252 (11th Cir. 2016) (quoting Usden v. Acker, 947 F.2d 1563,
         1573 n.14 (11th Cir. 1991)). And the parties agree that we should
         review the District Court’s decision in this case de novo. Accord-
         ingly, we will proceed under our usual standard of review for ap-
         peals from summary judgment.
                                         III.
                As the appellants raise three separate issues on appeal, we
         will address each in turn. In Part A, we discuss the enactment of
         Amendment 579 and hold that it successfully dissipated any taint
         from the 1901 convention. In Part B, we explain that Amendment
         579’s felon disenfranchisement provision does not impose punish-
         ment for purposes of the Ex Post Facto Clause. In Part C, we con-
         clude that Alabama’s voter form “specifies each eligibility require-
         ment” for voting in compliance with the NVRA.
                                          A.
                Appellants first claim that Amendment 579’s felon disenfran-
         chisement provision violates the Equal Protection Clause because
         the re-enactment process did not adequately dissipate the taint of
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         18                         Opinion of the Court                        21-10034

         the discriminatory intent behind § 182 of the 1901 constitution. To
         start with, “[a] state’s decision to permanently disenfranchise con-
         victed felons does not, in itself, constitute an Equal Protection vio-
         lation.” Johnson v. Gov. of Fla., 405 F.3d 1214, 1217 (11th Cir.
         2005) (en banc) (citing Richardson v. Ramirez, 418 U.S. 24, 53–55,
         94 S. Ct. 2655, 2670–71 (1974)). However, the Equal Protection
         Clause does prevent states from disenfranchising voters based on
         race, and a “facially-neutral law violates the Equal Protection
         Clause if adopted with the intent to discriminate against a racial
         group.” Id. at 1222 (citing Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 239,
         96 S. Ct. 2040, 2047 (1976)). Determining whether a facially neutral
         law violates the Equal Protection Clause involves a two-step anal-
         ysis. First, we “examine whether racial discrimination was a sub-
         stantial or motivating factor in the state’s decision to deny the right
         to vote to felons.” Id. at 1223. If the plaintiffs succeed in making
         this showing, “we then ask whether the state can show that the
         provision would have been enacted in the absence of any racially
         discriminatory motive.” Id.
              However, here Appellants do not contend that Amendment
         579 was enacted with discriminatory intent in 1996. 6 Instead,

         6 Appellants did make this argument in the District Court. Thompson, 505 F.
         Supp. 3d at 1259–61. The Court found that Appellants had presented insuffi-
         cient evidence of discriminatory intent to survive summary judgment under
         the Arlington Heights factors. Id. Appellants have forfeited this issue on ap-
         peal by not raising it in their opening brief, so we decline to address it. United
         States v. Campbell, 26 F.4th 860, 873 (11th Cir. 2022) (en banc).]
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         21-10034                  Opinion of the Court                            19

         Appellants argue that Amendment 579 failed to eliminate the dis-
         criminatory intent behind § 182 by re-enacting the “moral turpi-
         tude” language of § 182. To determine “whether a subsequent leg-
         islative re-enactment can eliminate the taint from a law that was
         originally enacted with discriminatory intent,” we consider
         whether the law was re-enacted “through a deliberative process”
         while paying special attention to whether the re-enactment re-
         sulted in any substantive changes. Johnson, 405 F.3d at 1223–24
         (citing Cotton v. Fordice, 157 F.3d 388, 391 (5th Cir. 1988)).
                In Johnson, this Court sitting en banc considered whether a
         felon disenfranchisement provision in the 1968 Florida constitution
         successfully dissipated the assumed racial motivations behind the
         criminal disenfranchisement provisions of Florida’s 1868 constitu-
         tion.7 Id. at 1220–22. Because Florida had followed its normal de-
         liberative procedures and “narrowed the class of disenfranchised
         individuals to those convicted of felonies” when enacting its 1968
         provision, we found that “Florida’s 1968 re-enactment eliminated
         any taint from the allegedly discriminatory 1868 provision.” Id. at
         1223–24.
                Likewise, Amendment 579 was also passed through a delib-
         erative process. Alabama considered reforms to § 182 as part of
         three different constitutional reform efforts in 1973, 1979, and 1983

         7 As Johnson was an appeal from summary judgment, we assumed without
         deciding that the 1868 Florida constitution’s felon disenfranchisement provi-
         sion was racially motivated. Johnson, 405 F.3d at 1223.
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         20                     Opinion of the Court                21-10034

         before Amendment 579 finally passed the Alabama legislature
         unanimously in 1995 and was ratified by 76% of the Alabama pop-
         ulation in 1996. Further, Amendment 579 also resulted in substan-
         tive changes to Alabama law; while § 182 disenfranchised all felons,
         Amendment 579 expanded the franchise by only disenfranchising
         persons convicted of felonies involving moral turpitude. Accord-
         ingly, Alabama has successfully eliminated any taint from the ra-
         cially discriminatory motives behind § 182 under the test we set
         forth in Johnson.
                Appellants argue that because Amendment 579 was de-
         scribed as “strictly housekeeping,” it lacked the legislative intent
         necessary to cleanse the discriminatory motivations behind § 182.
         However, in Johnson we rejected the proposition that a state legis-
         lature must demonstrate an intent to remove the discriminatory
         intent of previous provisions when re-enacting a law. 405 F.3d at
         1224–25. The Johnson plaintiffs argued that “Florida must affirm-
         atively prove that racial discrimination was not a substantial or mo-
         tivating factor behind the disenfranchisement law in 1968” by
         “demonstrat[ing] that it acknowledged that racial discrimination
         tainted the 1868 provision, and yet it knowingly reenacted the dis-
         enfranchisement provision for non-discriminatory reasons in
         1968.” Id. We rejected that argument because “[t]he result would
         be to reverse the presumption that a State’s laws are constitutional,
         and plunge federal courts into far-reaching expeditions regarding
         the sins of the past in order to question the laws of today.” Id. at
         1225 n.21. The question is whether the re-enactment was done
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         21-10034               Opinion of the Court                        21

         through a deliberative process and without discriminatory intent,
         not whether the legislature intended the re-enactment to eliminate
         the earlier provision’s discriminatory intent. Appellants point to
         no evidence on appeal that Amendment 579 was enacted with dis-
         criminatory intent. Id. at 1225.
                 Appellants also argue that the amendment process was not
         sufficiently deliberate because there was no debate when the
         amendment passed the Alabama legislature in 1995 and because
         the prior reform efforts did not, in their view, adequately consider
         the history and potential impacts of disenfranchising individuals
         convicted of felonies involving moral turpitude. Appellants urge
         us to review the “nature of the deliberations” when deciding
         whether Alabama re-enacted its felony disenfranchisement provi-
         sion through a deliberative process. However, Appellants’ argu-
         ment misstates the “deliberative process” requirement for re-enact-
         ment. When evaluating Florida’s deliberative process in Johnson,
         we looked only to see whether Florida had passed its 1968 provi-
         sions in accordance with its normal deliberative procedures for
         amending the state constitution:
               The provision first was considered by the Suffrage
               and Elections Committee. The Committee sent its
               final proposal to the [Constitutional Revision Com-
               mission]. The CRC reviewed the changes to the Con-
               stitution and sent a draft to the legislature, which ap-
               proved the new Constitution. Finally, the voters ap-
               proved the new Constitution. Thus, as in Cotton v.
               Fordice, Florida’s 1968 re-enactment eliminated any
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         22                      Opinion of the Court                  21-10034

                taint from the allegedly discriminatory 1868 provi-
                sion.

         405 F.3d at 1224. Cotton v. Fordice, the Fifth Circuit case Johnson
         relied on, performed a similar analysis:
                The [Fifth Circuit] emphasized the deliberative pro-
                cess through which the provision had twice been
                amended: First, both houses of the legislature had to
                pass the amendment by a two-thirds vote; then the
                Mississippi Secretary of State had to publish the full
                text of the provision at least two weeks before the
                popular election; finally, a majority of the voters had
                to approve the full text of the provision. Thus, the
                Fifth Circuit held that “because Mississippi’s proce-
                dure resulted both in 1950 and in 1968 in a reenact-
                ment of the provision, each amendment superseded
                the previous provision and removed the discrimina-
                tory taint associated with the original version.”

         Id. (citing Cotton, 157 F.3d at 191) (internal citations and alterations
         omitted).
                Alabama adopted Amendment 579 through its normal delib-
         erative process for amending the state constitution, which required
         three readings of the amendment in each chamber of the state leg-
         islature, approval by three-fifths of each chamber of the state legis-
         lature, publication to the public, and then ratification by the Ala-
         bama electorate. Ala. Const. art. XVIII, § 284. Further, Alabama
         even had to receive preclearance from the federal government be-
         fore Amendment 579 could come into effect. See 52 U.S.C.
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         21-10034               Opinion of the Court                      23

         § 10304(a). As the deliberate process by which Amendment 579
         was enacted was like the deliberate process used in Johnson and
         Cotton, it suffices under our re-enactment test. Appellants’ pro-
         posed standard, by contrast, would “reverse the presumption that
         a State’s laws are constitutional” by requiring the Alabama legisla-
         ture to show, to this Court’s arbitrary satisfaction, that it suffi-
         ciently debated the moral turpitude standard. See Johnson, 405
         F.3d at 1225 n.21. The Equal Protection Clause only permits fed-
         eral courts to review state legislation for discriminatory intent or
         purpose. See Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 265, 97 S. Ct. at 563
         (“Proof of racially discriminatory intent or purpose is required to
         show a violation of the Equal Protection Clause.”). Even if we
         agreed with Appellants that Alabama did not sufficiently deliberate
         over the moral turpitude standard, the Equal Protection Clause
         would not permit us to overturn a validly enacted, nondiscrimina-
         tory state law. Accordingly, we reject Appellants’ invitation to re-
         view the extent the Alabama legislature debated the “moral turpi-
         tude” language of Amendment 579.
                Finally, Appellants purport to make a separate argument
         that Alabama’s re-enactment of the moral turpitude standard “per-
         petuated” the “racially discriminatory substance” of § 182. They
         argue that there is “substantial evidence that the moral turpitude
         standard itself gave substance to the 1901 framers’ discriminatory
         intent” and that “[e]liminating redundancies and restating the pro-
         vision in ‘general terms’ did not change the underlying
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         24                     Opinion of the Court                21-10034

         discriminatory purpose of the moral turpitude standard.” This ar-
         gument fails for two reasons.
                First, the moral turpitude standard is not inherently discrim-
         inatory. Both federal and state statutes use the standard in other
         contexts. See 8 U.S.C. § 1227(a)(2)(A)(i) (permitting deportation of
         any alien “convicted of a crime involving moral turpitude”); Ala.
         Code § 5-17-55(c)(1) (providing for removal of members of finan-
         cial boards “convicted of a felony or any other crime involving
         moral turpitude”); Ala. Code § 34-8A-16(a)(1) (permitting the revo-
         cation of counselor licenses for individuals convicted “of a felony
         or any offense involving moral turpitude”). While Alabama once
         used the moral turpitude standard as part of a racially discrimina-
         tory disenfranchisement scheme, it is not forever barred from dis-
         enfranchising individuals convicted of felonies involving moral tur-
         pitude.
                 Second, this argument is merely a restatement of Appellants’
         argument that the Alabama legislature needed to affirmatively in-
         tend to eliminate the discriminatory intent behind § 182 when en-
         acting Amendment 579. Under Johnson, it is sufficient that Ala-
         bama re-enacted its disenfranchisement provision through a delib-
         erative process and with a substantial change. Even if the Alabama
         legislature and electorate only enacted Amendment 579 for
         “strictly housekeeping” purposes like Appellants contend, that is
         sufficient to eliminate the discriminatory taint from § 182 of the
         1901 constitution. Because we hold that Amendment 579 success-
         fully dissipated the racially discriminatory taint from § 182 and
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         21-10034                Opinion of the Court                         25

         because Appellants do not argue the Alabama legislature had dis-
         criminatory intent when enacting Amendment 579, we need not
         reach the second step of the Equal Protection Clause analysis and
         determine whether Alabama would have enacted Amendment 579
         without discriminatory intent.
                                           B.
                 The Ex Post Facto Clause prohibits “retroactive punish-
         ment.” Smith v. Doe, 538 U.S. 84, 92, 123 S. Ct. 1140, 1146 (2003).
         Accordingly, for a state law to violate the Ex Post Facto Clause, it
         must either have been intended by the state legislature to “impose
         punishment” or it must be “so punitive either in purpose or effect
         as to negate the State’s intention to deem it civil.” Id. at 92, 123 S.
         Ct. at 1147 (quotation and alteration omitted). Appellants argue
         that the lack of a definitive list of felonies involving moral turpitude
         before 2017 violated the Ex Post Facto Clause by failing to give any
         Alabamian felon fair warning of whether his or her crime involved
         moral turpitude. Appellants further argue that retroactive applica-
         tion of Ala. Code § 17-3-30.1(c) to felons convicted before 2017 is
         “itself an ex post facto violation” because it changed what qualified
         as a felony involving moral turpitude under Amendment 579.
         However, Appellants do not argue on appeal that Alabama in-
         tended Amendment 579’s felon disenfranchisement provision to
         impose punishment or that felon disenfranchisement is so punitive
         as to override the intent of the Alabama legislature. Instead, Ap-
         pellants urge us to affirm the District Court’s determination that
         binding Eleventh Circuit precedent held that disenfranchisement is
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         26                      Opinion of the Court                  21-10034

         inherently punishment. Thompson, 505 F. Supp. 3d at 1262–63.
         We begin by analyzing whether we are bound by our prior panel
         precedent rule to hold that felon disenfranchisement is punishment
         for purposes of the Ex Post Facto Clause. As we conclude we are
         not, we then analyze whether Amendment 579’s disenfranchise-
         ment provision constituted punishment under the Supreme
         Court’s two-prong test.
                                           i.
                “The prior-panel-precedent rule requires subsequent panels
         of the court to follow the precedent of the first panel to address the
         relevant issue, ‘unless and until the first panel’s holding is overruled
         by the Court sitting en banc or by the Supreme Court.’” Scott v.
         United States, 890 F.3d 1239, 1257 (11th Cir. 2018) (quoting Smith
         v. GTE Corp., 236 F.3d 1292, 1300 n.8 (11th Cir. 2001)). Later pan-
         els “must faithfully follow the first panel’s ruling” even when “con-
         vinced the earlier panel is wrong.” Id. (quoting United States v.
         Steele, 147 F.3d 1316, 1317–18 (11th Cir. 1998) (en banc) (alteration
         omitted)). Although we are not bound by “mere dictum,” “we
         must follow the reasoning behind a prior holding if we cannot dis-
         tinguish the facts or law of the case under consideration.” Id. (cita-
         tions omitted). Appellants point to three Eleventh Circuit deci-
         sions they contend held that disenfranchisement is punishment for
         purposes of the Ex Post Facto Clause: Johnson v. Gov. of Fla., 405
         F.3d at 1218 n.5, 1228, Jones v. Gov. of Fla. (Jones I), 950 F.3d 795
         (11th Cir. 2020), and Jones v. Gov. of Fla (Jones II), 975 F.3d 1016
         (11th Cir. 2020) (en banc). We examine each case in turn.
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         21-10034               Opinion of the Court                        27

                In Johnson, this Court considered whether a section of the
         Voting Rights Act of 1965, 52 U.S.C. § 10301, “applie[d] to Florida’s
         felon disenfranchisement provision.” 405 F.3d at 1227. Congress
         enacted § 10301 “for the remedial purpose of eliminating racially
         discriminatory voting practices” and, to achieve that purpose, al-
         lowed plaintiffs to challenge state voting regulations based on ra-
         cially disparate impacts “without proving discriminatory intent.”
         Id. We held that § 10301 did not apply to felon disenfranchisement
         provisions under the doctrine of constitutional avoidance after ex-
         amining the legislative history of § 10301. Id. at 1227–34. As part
         of our discussion about the history and constitutionality of felon
         disenfranchisement provisions, we stated that “[f]elon disenfran-
         chisement laws are unlike other voting qualifications. These laws
         are deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and are a punitive device
         stemming from criminal law.” Id. at 1228 (citing Richardson, 418
         U.S. at 48–52, 94 S. Ct. at 2668–70). We also noted that
               Indeed, throughout history, criminal disenfranchise-
               ment provisions have existed as a punitive de-
               vice. See Harvard Law Review Association, One Per-
               son, No Vote: The Laws of Felon Disenfranchise-
               ment, 115 Harv. L. Rev. 1939, 1939–42 (2002). When
               the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified, twenty-
               nine of thirty-six states had some form of criminal dis-
               enfranchisement law. See Richardson, 418 U.S. at 48,
               94 S. Ct. [at 2668]. Today, forty-eight states have
               some form of criminal disenfranchisement provision.
               Although Florida’s felon disenfranchisement law may
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         28                      Opinion of the Court                 21-10034

                be among the most restrictive, Florida hardly stands
                alone in its long-standing use of these laws.

         Id. at 1218 n.5.
                Our two references to felon disenfranchisement as histori-
         cally “a punitive device” in Johnson did not constitute a holding
         that all felon disenfranchisement provisions are punishment for
         purposes of the Ex Post Facto Clause. Johnson did not concern the
         Ex Post Facto Clause or any other constitutional or statutory pro-
         vision where disenfranchisement being “punishment” is analyti-
         cally relevant. If it had, we would have performed the two-prong
         analysis set forth by the Supreme Court for determining whether a
         law is penal or nonpenal. See Doe, 538 U.S. at 92, 123 S. Ct. at 1147;
         see also Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 96–97, 78 S. Ct. 595 (1958) (plu-
         rality opinion) (explaining that a felon disenfranchisement provi-
         sion can be penal or nonpenal).
                Instead, Johnson concerned whether § 10301 of the Voting
         Rights Act applied to felon disenfranchisement provisions, a sepa-
         rate statutory analysis that turned on felon disenfranchisement’s
         unique constitutional status and the legislative history of the Vot-
         ing Rights Act. 405 F.3d at 1227–34. Our two off-hand references
         to felon disenfranchisement as historically a “punitive device” were
         thus non-binding dicta. See United States v. Gillis, 938 F.3d 1181,
         1198 (11th Cir. 2019) (“[D]icta is a statement that neither consti-
         tutes the holding of a case, nor arises from a part of the opinion that
         is necessary to the holding of the case.”) (internal quotation marks
         omitted).
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         21-10034                   Opinion of the Court                               29

                By contrast, we did outright hold in Jones I that “[d]isenfran-
         chisement is punishment.” 950 F.3d at 819. Jones I involved an
         appeal from a preliminary injunction requiring Florida to restore
         the voting rights of felons who had completed their sentence and
         parole but who could not pay the fines and costs imposed as part
         of their sentence. See Jones v. DeSantis, 410 F. Supp. 3d 1284 (N.D.
         Fla. 2019); see also Fla. Const. art. VI, § 4. The Jones I panel held
         that Florida’s requirement that indigent felons pay all fines and fees
         before being re-enfranchised constituted a wealth classification
         subject to heightened scrutiny under the Supreme Court’s deci-
         sions in Griffin v. Illinois, 351 U.S. 12, 76 S. Ct. 585 (1956) and
         Bearden v. Georgia, 461 U.S. 660, 103 S. Ct. 2064 (1983). Jones I,
         950 F.3d at 817–25. As part of its holding, 8 the Jones I panel con-
         cluded that “[d]isenfranchisement is punishment.” Id. at 819. The
         Jones I panel did not reach this conclusion after performing the Su-
         preme Court’s two-prong analysis for determining whether a law
         is penal or nonpenal. Id; see Doe, 538 U.S. at 92, 123 S. Ct. at 1147.
         Instead, the Jones I panel relied on the dicta in Johnson, an off-hand
         reference to disenfranchisement as “not an unusual punishment”

         8 Because the Jones I panel held that Bearden and Griffin applied whenever a
         state “alleviate[s] punishment for some, but mandates that punishment con-
         tinue for others, solely on account of wealth,” its determination that disenfran-
         chisement constituted punishment was essential for its holding. See Jones I,
         950 F.3d at 817–820.
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         30                         Opinion of the Court                      21-10034

         in a separate opinion by Justice Scalia, 9 a vacated Second Circuit
         panel opinion,10 and two law review articles11 for its conclusion
         that disenfranchisement is punishment. Id. at 819.
                However, Jones I is no longer good law. After the Jones I
         panel affirmed the district court’s preliminary injunction, the dis-
         trict court issued a permanent injunction. Jones II, 975 F.3d at
         1027–28. Florida appealed and petitioned this Court for initial hear-
         ing en banc, which we granted. Id. at 1028. The en banc Court
         then explicitly overruled Jones I and held that the “Bearden and
         Griffin lines of precedent are limited to the contexts in which they
         arose,” i.e., “poverty-based imprisonment.” Id. at 1032–33. Be-
         cause disenfranchisement is not poverty-based imprisonment,
         Bearden and Griffin were inapplicable and only “rational basis re-
         view applie[d].” Id. at 1033. The en banc Court did note that “even
         if Bearden applied beyond poverty-based imprisonment,” Florida’s
         re-enfranchisement scheme was distinguishable from Bearden be-
         cause Florida did not impose “additional punishment” on con-
         victed felons as “Florida automatically disenfranchises all felons

         9 Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U.S. 957, 983, 111 S. Ct. 2680, 2695 (1991) (Scalia,
         J., separate opinion).
         10 Muntaqim v. Coombe, 366 F.3d 102, 123 (2d Cir. 2004), vacated en banc,
         449 F.3d 371 (2d Cir. 2006).
         11 Pamela A. Wilkins, The Mark of Cain: Disenfranchised Felons and the Con-
         stitutional No Man's Land, 56 Syracuse L. Rev. 85, 133–34 (2005); Note, One
         Person, No Vote: The Laws of Felon Disenfranchisement, 115 Harv. L. Rev.
         1939, 1939–42 (2002).
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         21-10034                   Opinion of the Court                              31

         upon conviction, and the challenged laws only lift that punishment
         for felons who have completed all terms of their sentences.” Id. at
         1032 (emphasis in original). But as with Johnson, Jones II’s off-hand
         reference to disenfranchisement as punishment, made without
         analysis or citation, was neither a holding of the case nor a neces-
         sary component of the case’s holding. Accordingly, Jones II’s ref-
         erence to disenfranchisement as punishment was non-binding
         dicta. Gillis, 938 F.3d at 1198. 12 As both Johnson and Jones II’s
         references to disenfranchisement as punishment are dicta and Jones
         I has been overruled by this Court sitting en banc, we will proceed
         to analyze de novo whether Amendment 579’s felon disenfran-
         chisement provision constitutes punishment for purposes of the Ex
         Post Facto Clause.
                                               ii.
                Disenfranchisement can be penal or nonpenal. As a plurality
         of the Supreme Court explained in Trop v. Dulles,
                The [Supreme] Court has recognized that any statute
                decreeing some adversity as a consequence of certain
                conduct may have both a penal and a nonpenal effect.

         12 Jones II also briefly referred to disenfranchisement as punishment in a later
         section of the opinion analyzing whether Florida’s re-enfranchisement scheme
         was an unconstitutional poll tax. 975 F.3d at 1039 (“Some punishments, like
         disenfranchisement, are imposed on all felons alike regardless of the severity
         of their crimes.”). This reference, again without analysis or citation, is also
         dicta because it was not a holding of Jones II nor necessary to the en banc
         Court’s holdings. Gillis, 938 F.3d at 1198.
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         32                     Opinion of the Court                  21-10034

               The controlling nature of such statutes normally de-
               pends on the evident purpose of the legislature. The
               point may be illustrated by the situation of an ordi-
               nary felon. A person who commits a bank robbery,
               for instance, loses his right to liberty and often his
               right to vote. If, in the exercise of the power to pro-
               tect banks, both sanctions were imposed for the pur-
               pose of punishing bank robbers, the statutes author-
               izing both disabilities would be penal. But because
               the purpose of the latter statute is to designate a rea-
               sonable ground of eligibility for voting, this law is sus-
               tained as a nonpenal exercise of the power to regulate
               the franchise.

         356 U.S. at 96–97, 78 S. Ct. at 596. Accordingly, courts must deter-
         mine the legislative intent behind the felon disenfranchisement
         statute or constitutional provision under consideration before
         holding that it is penal or nonpenal for constitutional purposes. Id.
                Alabama urges us to hold that all felon disenfranchisement
         provisions are always nonpenal based on the decisions of three of
         our sister circuits. See Johnson v. Bresdesen, 624 F.3d 742, 753 (6th
         Cir. 2010) (“Moreover, in Trop v. Dulles, the Supreme Court ex-
         pressly stated that felon disenfranchisement laws serve a regula-
         tory, non-penal purpose. Accordingly, as a matter of federal law,
         disenfranchisement statutes do not violate the Ex Post Facto
         Clause of the U.S. Constitution.” (citation omitted)); Simmons v.
         Galvin, 575 F.3d 24, 43 (1st Cir. 2009) (“The Supreme Court has
         stated that felon disenfranchisement provisions are considered
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         21-10034                Opinion of the Court                        33

         regulatory rather than punitive.” (citing Trop, 356 U.S. at 96–97, 78
         S. Ct. at 596)); Green v. Bd. of Elections of City of N.Y., 380 F.2d
         445, 450 (2d Cir. 1967) (“Depriving convicted felons of the franchise
         is not a punishment but rather is a ‘nonpenal exercise of the power
         to regulate the franchise.’” (citing Trop, 356 U.S. at 97, 78 S. Ct. at
         596)).
                 But those three decisions all reached the conclusion that
         felon disenfranchisement is always nonpenal based on a misreading
         of Trop. Trop used felon disenfranchisement as the quintessential
         example of a “consequence” that “may have both a penal and a
         nonpenal effect.” 356 U.S. at 96, 78 S. Ct. at 596. “The controlling
         nature” of these provisions “normally depends on the evident pur-
         pose of the legislature.” Id. Thus, in Trop’s bank robbery example,
         if disenfranchisement was “imposed for the purpose of punishing
         bank robbers,” the disenfranchising provision “would be penal.”
         Id. But if the purpose of the disenfranchising provision “is to des-
         ignate a reasonable ground of eligibility for voting,” then the pro-
         vision is “a nonpenal exercise of the power to regulate the fran-
         chise.” Id. at 96–97, 78 S. Ct. at 596. Consequently, we reject Ala-
         bama’s argument that disenfranchisement is always nonpenal.
                The first step in determining whether a statute or constitu-
         tional provision imposes retroactive punishment for purposes of
         the Ex Post Facto Clause is to “ascertain whether the legislature
         meant the [provision] to establish ‘civil’ proceedings.” Doe, 538
         U.S. at 92, 123 S. Ct. at 1146–47 (quoting Kansas v. Hendricks, 521
         U.S. 346, 361, 117 S. Ct. 2072, 2082 (1997)). And determining
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         34                       Opinion of the Court                   21-10034

         “[w]hether a statutory [or constitutional] scheme is civil or criminal
         ‘is first of all a question of statutory construction.’” Id. at 92, 123 S.
         Ct. at 1147 (quoting Hendricks, 521 U.S. at 361, 117 S. Ct. at 2081).
         Thus, we begin by considering Amendment 579’s “text and its
         structure” to determine whether the Alabama legislature “indi-
         cated either expressly or impliedly a preference for one label or the
         other.” Id. at 92–93, 123 S. Ct. at 1147 (quoting Hudson v. United
         States, 522 U.S. 93, 99, 118 S. Ct. 488, 493 (1997)).
                 Alabama’s felony disenfranchisement provision (as
         amended by Amendment 579) is located in Article VIII of the Ala-
         bama constitution. Ala. Const. art. VIII, § 177(b). This article, en-
         titled “Suffrage and Elections,” sets forth Alabama’s requirements
         for voter eligibility and empowers the Alabama legislature to pass
         legislation regulating voter registration and election administra-
         tion. Ala. Const. art. VIII, § 177. An individual is eligible to vote in
         Alabama if he or she is (1) a U.S. citizen, (2) “who has attained the
         age of eighteen years,” (3) “has resided in [Alabama] and in a
         county thereof for the time provided by law,” (4) has registered to
         vote “as provided by law,” (5) is not “mentally incompetent,” and
         (6) has not been “convicted of a felony involving moral turpitude”
         without having his or her “civil and political rights” restored. Id.
         While Article VIII is not expressly labeled as “civil,” it is clear from
         plain text of the article that the Alabama legislature intended Arti-
         cle VIII to set forth a civil scheme for regulating the franchise.
         There is no indication from the text that Alabama intended to crim-
         inally punish non-U.S. citizens, non-Alabama residents, non-
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         21-10034                Opinion of the Court                         35

         registered voters, minors, or the mentally incompetent by denying
         them the franchise in Article VIII. Nor could Alabama. Further,
         Article VIII disenfranchises individuals convicted of felonies involv-
         ing moral turpitude by other sovereigns, see Ala. Code § 17-3-
         30.1(c)(48), despite Alabama lacking the authority to punish felons
         convicted by other sovereigns. By placing Alabama’s felon disen-
         franchisement provision amongst its other voter eligibility provi-
         sions and in the article concerned with voter eligibility require-
         ments and election administration, Alabama implicitly indicated a
         preference that its felon disenfranchisement provision be consid-
         ered civil instead of criminal.
                 Besides the text and structure of the law, “[o]ther formal at-
         tributes of a legislative enactment, such as the manner of its codifi-
         cation or the enforcement procedures it establishes, are probative
         of the legislature’s intent.” Doe, 538 U.S. at 94, 123 S. Ct. at 1148.
         The felon disenfranchisement provision of Amendment 579 is cod-
         ified as Article VIII, “Suffrage and Elections,” of the Alabama con-
         stitution, which Amendment 579 repealed and replaced. Ala.
         Const. amend. DLXXIX. Codifying Alabama’s felon disenfran-
         chisement provision within an article of the Alabama constitution
         likewise indicates a civil, regulatory intent by the legislature, as the
         vast majority of the Alabama constitution—and all provisions of
         Article VIII—sets forth civil regulations.
               Further, while Article VIII does not set forth any enforce-
         ment provisions, the voter registration provisions of Article VIII
         are enforced by Chapter 3, “Voter Registration,” of Title 17,
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         36                      Opinion of the Court                 21-10034

         “Elections,” of the Alabama Code. See Ala. Code § 17-3-1 et seq.
         Chapter 3 sets forth a civil, regulatory scheme whereby registrar
         boards evaluate registration applications by potential voters to de-
         termine their eligibility without any discussion of criminal liability.
         Id. Of particular note is Ala. Code § 17-3-30.1, the Alabama statute
         defining felonies involving moral turpitude. Section 17-3-30.1, en-
         titled the “Felony Voter Disqualification Act,” repeatedly describes
         conviction of a felony involving moral turpitude as “disqualifying,”
         not as punishment, and states that one of the purposes of the Act is
         “[t]o ensure that no one is wrongly excluded from the electoral
         franchise.” See Ala. Code § 17-3-30.1(b),(c),(d),(e). While § 17-3-
         30.1 passed 21 years after Amendment 579 (unlike other provisions
         of Chapter 3), Alabama’s enforcement mechanisms clearly treat
         felon disenfranchisement as “a nonpenal exercise of the power to
         regulate the franchise.” Trop, 356 U.S. at 97, 78 S. Ct. at 596.
                Considering the text and structure of Article VIII, its codifi-
         cation in the Alabama constitution, and its enforcement mecha-
         nisms, we hold that the Alabama legislature intended Amendment
         579’s felon disenfranchisement provision to be a nonpenal regula-
         tion of the franchise. This conclusion, however, does not end our
         analysis; “we must further examine whether the statutory scheme
         is so punitive either in purpose or effect as to negate the State’s
         intention to deem it ‘civil.’” Doe, 538 U.S. at 92, 123 S. Ct. at 1147
         (quotation, quotation marks, and alterations omitted)). “Because
         we ordinarily defer to the legislature’s stated intent, only the clear-
         est proof will suffice to override legislative intent and transform
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         21-10034               Opinion of the Court                          37

         what has been denominated a civil remedy into a criminal penalty.”
         Id. (internal quotations and citations omitted). This analysis is con-
         ducted under the “useful framework” of the seven non-exhaustive
         and non-dispositive factors set forth in Kennedy v. Mendoza-Mar-
         tinez, 372 U.S. 144, 168–69, 83 S. Ct. 554, 567–68 (1963). Doe, 538
         U.S. at 97, 123 S. Ct. at 1149. Those factors are:
               [1] Whether the sanction involves an affirmative dis-
               ability or restraint, [2] whether it has historically been
               regarded as a punishment, [3] whether it comes into
               play only on a finding of scienter, [4] whether its op-
               eration will promote the traditional aims of punish-
               ment—retribution and deterrence, [5] whether the
               behavior to which it applies is already a crime, [6]
               whether an alternative purpose to which it may ra-
               tionally be connected is assignable for it, and [7]
               whether it appears excessive in relation to the alter-
               native purpose assigned.

         Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U.S. at 168–69, 83 S. Ct. at 567–68 (num-
         bering added and citations omitted). Of these seven factors, the
         most important are whether the sanction “has been regarded in our
         history and traditions as a punishment; imposes an affirmative dis-
         ability or restraint; promotes the traditional aims of punishment;
         has a rational connection to a nonpunitive purpose; or is excessive
         with respect to this purpose.” Doe, 538 U.S. at 97, 123 S. Ct. at
         1149. We examine each factor in turn.
                First, disenfranchisement is not an “‘affirmative disability or
         restraint’ as that term is normally understood.” Hudson, 522 U.S.
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         38                     Opinion of the Court                 21-10034

         at 104, 118 S. Ct. at 496. In Hudson, the Supreme Court considered
         whether occupational disbarment for violations of certain federal
         banking statutes was punishment for purposes of the Double Jeop-
         ardy Clause. Id. at 95–96, 118 S. Ct. at 491. The Court concluded
         that occupational disbarment did not impose an “affirmative disa-
         bility or restraint” as disbarment is “certainly nothing approaching
         the ‘infamous punishment’ of imprisonment.” Id. at 104, 118 S. Ct.
         at 496 (quoting Flemming v. Nestor, 363 U.S. 603, 617, 80 S. Ct.
         1367, 1376 (1960)). While the Hudson Court did not consider this
         factor further after concluding it did not impose imprisonment, we
         observe that felon disenfranchisement and occupational disbar-
         ment are similar in many ways. See Simmons, 575 F.3d at 44–45
         (also comparing occupational disbarment to felon disenfranchise-
         ment under this factor). Both remove the civil rights of individuals
         due to their criminal behavior as part of the State’s regulatory
         power. And Hudson ultimately held that occupational disbarment
         is nonpunitive. 522 U.S. at 105, 118 S. Ct. at 496.
                 The second factor, whether felon disenfranchisement has
         been historically regarded as punishment, is neutral. As the Su-
         preme Court explained in Trop, felon disenfranchisement has
         “both a penal and a nonpenal effect,” and the “controlling nature”
         is the “evident purpose of the legislature.” 356 U.S. at 96, 78 S. Ct.
         at 596. And there is evidence that American courts and legislatures
         have considered felon disenfranchisement provisions as both penal
         and nonpenal. Compare Washington v. State, 75 Ala. 582, 585
         (1884) (“It is quite common also to deny the right of suffrage, in the
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         21-10034                Opinion of the Court                          39

         various American States, to such as have been convicted of infa-
         mous crimes. The manifest purpose is to preserve the purity of the
         ballot box . . . The presumption is, that one rendered infamous by
         conviction of felony, or other base offense indicative of great moral
         turpitude, is unfit to exercise the privilege of suffrage, or to hold
         office, upon terms of equality with freemen who are clothed by the
         State with the toga of political citizenship. . . .The exclusion must
         for this reason be adjudged a mere disqualification, imposed for
         protection, and not for punishment--withholding an honorable
         privilege, and not denying a personal right or attribute of personal
         liberty.”), and Anderson v. Baker, 23 Md. 531, 626 (1865) (observing
         that the felon disenfranchisement provision of the 1864 Maryland
         constitution “is dissociated from any reference to penalty, and
         made the consequence of conviction, in the same connection with
         lunacy or persons non compos,” for purposes of the Ex Post Facto
         Clause), and Simmons, 575 F.3d at 45 (“[F]elon disenfranchisement
         has historically not been regarded as punitive in the United States,
         as the Supreme Court indicated in Trop v. Dulles. Indeed, in hold-
         ing that felon disenfranchisement has ‘affirmative sanction’ in
         § 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, Rich-
         ardson, 418 U.S. at 54, 94 S. Ct. [at 2670–71], the Supreme Court
         noted the historical prevalence of state felon disenfranchisement
         laws and never characterized even California’s broad disqualifica-
         tion of former felons as punitive. Id. at 55, 94 S. Ct. [at 2671].), with
         Richardson, 418 U.S. at 51–52, 94 S. Ct. 2669–70 (explaining that
         Congress readmitted states to the Union after the Civil War on the
         condition that their state constitutions “never be so amended or
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         40                      Opinion of the Court                  21-10034

         changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of the United
         States of the right to vote who are entitled to vote by the constitu-
         tion herein recognized, except as a punishment for such crimes as
         are now felonies at common law” (citations omitted)), and John-
         son, 405 F.3d at 1218 n.5, 1228 (noting in dicta that felon disenfran-
         chisement has historically functioned as a “punitive device”).
                The third and fifth factors—whether the sanction requires a
         finding of scienter and whether the behavior to which the sanction
         applies is already criminal—both weigh in favor of felon disenfran-
         chisement being nonpunitive. There is no scienter requirement for
         felon disenfranchisement; it is sufficient that the person be con-
         victed of a disqualifying felony. Likewise, felon disenfranchise-
         ment only sanctions behavior that is already criminal. That felon
         disenfranchisement laws are “tied to criminal activity . . . is insuffi-
         cient to render the [laws] punitive.” United States v. Ursery, 518
         U.S. 267, 292, 116 S. Ct. 2135, 2149 (1996); see also Simmons, 575
         F.3d at 45 (also finding the third and fifth factors weigh in favor of
         felon disenfranchisement being nonpunitive).
                Further, felon disenfranchisement does not “promote the
         traditional aims of punishment—retribution and deterrence” un-
         der the fourth factor. It is very unlikely that an individual consid-
         ering whether to commit a felony would be willing to risk impris-
         onment but not disenfranchisement. And even if there were a de-
         terrent effect, “[t]o hold that the mere presence of a deterrent pur-
         poses renders such sanctions ‘criminal’ . . . would severely under-
         mine the Government’s ability to engage in effective regulation.”
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         21-10034                Opinion of the Court                         41

         Doe, 538 U.S. at 102, 123 S. Ct. at 1152 (quoting Hudson, 522 U.S.
         at 105, 118 S. Ct. at 496)). Moreover, the text of Amendment 579
         reveals no retributive intent, and it is clear from the legislative his-
         tory of the amendment that its “strictly housekeeping” purpose
         was to update Alabama’s voting requirements for the modern day.
                Under the sixth factor, Alabama has a clear “alternative pur-
         pose” for felon disenfranchisement besides punishment. “The
         States have long been held to have broad powers to determine the
         conditions under which the right of suffrage may be exercised, ab-
         sent of course the discrimination which the Constitution con-
         demns.” Lassiter v. Northampton Cnty. Bd. of Elections, 360 U.S.
         45, 50, 79 S. Ct. 985, 989 (1959) (internal citation omitted). “Resi-
         dence requirements, age, [and] previous criminal record are obvi-
         ous examples indicating factors which a State may take into con-
         sideration in determining the qualifications of voters.” Id. at 51, 79
         S. Ct. at 990 (internal citations omitted). And Alabama, which
         could lawfully disenfranchise all felons permanently, Richardson,
         418 U.S. at 56, 94 S. Ct. at 2671, has not exceeded its interest per
         the seventh factor by choosing only to disenfranchise individuals
         who commit felonies Alabama considers especially heinous.
                 Besides the second factor, which is neutral, all seven Men-
         doza-Martinez factors weigh in favor of finding that Alabama’s dis-
         enfranchisement provision is not “so punitive either in purpose or
         effect as to negate the State’s intention to deem it ‘civil.’” Doe, 538
         U.S. at 92, 123 S. Ct. at 1147 (quotation, quotation marks, and al-
         terations omitted)). Even if the second factor weighed in the
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         42                     Opinion of the Court                 21-10034

         Appellants’ favor, we could not say that factor alone is “clearest
         proof” sufficient to “transform what had been denominated a civil
         remedy into a criminal penalty.” Id. (quoting Hudson, 522 U.S. at
         100, 118 S. Ct. at 493). Accordingly, we hold that the disenfran-
         chisement provision of Amendment 579 does not constitute pun-
         ishment for purposes of the Ex Post Facto Clause.
                                          C.
                 Finally, Appellants contend that Alabama’s mail voter regis-
         tration form violates the NVRA because the form does not explic-
         itly list all the disqualifying felonies under Alabama law. The
         NVRA requires the EAC to “develop a mail voter registration ap-
         plication form” in consultation with the states. 52 U.S.C.
         § 20508(a)(2). This form must “include a statement that . . . speci-
         fies each eligibility requirement.” 52 U.S.C. § 20508(b)(2)(A) (em-
         phasis added). The verb “specifies” is not defined by the NVRA.
         Under Appellants’ view, a state that disqualifies voters for some fel-
         onies but not others can only sufficiently specify its eligibility re-
         quirements on its mail voting form by listing each disqualifying fel-
         ony. So, the portion of Alabama’s form informing registrants that
         felonies involving moral turpitude are disqualifying and that regis-
         trants can access the list of disqualifying felonies by following a
         specified link is insufficient.
                Appellants, however, propose an absurd, unworkable, and
         internally inconsistent interpretation of § 20508(b)(2)(A). As the
         District Court observed, Appellants’ interpretation would require
         Alabama to list every state, federal, and foreign felony involving
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         21-10034                Opinion of the Court                         43

         moral turpitude to sufficiently specify disqualifying felonies under
         Alabama law. Thompson, 505 F. Supp. 3d at 1271. After all, Ala-
         bama’s felon disenfranchisement provision applies to all individu-
         als who have committed felonies involving moral turpitude,
         whether convicted by Alabama or another sovereign. Ala. Code
         § 17-3-30.1(c)(48) (disqualifying individuals who have committed
         “[a]ny crime as defined by the laws of the United States or by the
         laws of another state, territory, country, or other jurisdiction,
         which, if committed in this state, would constitute one of the of-
         fenses listed in this subsection” as involving moral turpitude). As-
         suming Alabama could even identify every such felony, the result-
         ing registration form would be of monstrous size. Appellants may
         as well ask Alabama to attach a copy of each state, federal, and for-
         eign criminal code to its voting form. And any time any state, fed-
         eral, or foreign government amended their criminal code, Alabama
         would have to update its list of disqualifying felonies and print
         anew its prodigious voter registration forms.
                 Appellants respond that this is a “strawman argument” and
         that listing the catchall provision of Ala. Code § 17-3-30.1(c)(48)
         would suffice for non-Alabama felony convictions. But this argu-
         ment renders Appellants’ position internally inconsistent. As the
         District Court put it, if “a catchall provision which generally refers
         to particular crimes is sufficiently specific to satisfy the requirement
         that the form ‘specify’ the qualification, then a specification of a
         qualification—disqualifying felony—which generally refers to
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         44                         Opinion of the Court                        21-10034

         particular crimes must also be specific enough.” Thompson, 505 F.
         Supp. 3d at 1271. We agree.
                 We have explained before that “[c]ourts should avoid slic-
         ing a single word from a sentence, mounting it on a definitional
         slide, and putting it under a microscope in an attempt to discern
         the meaning of an entire statutory provision.” Wachovia Bank,
         N.A. v. United States, 455 F.3d 1261, 1267 (11th Cir. 2006). Appel-
         lants’ attempt to do so here would produce a clearly absurd result.
         See United States ex rel. Hunt v. Cochise Consultancy, Inc., 887
         F.3d 1081, 1091 (explaining that courts “should refrain from inter-
         preting a statute in a way that produces a result that is not just un-
         wise but is clearly absurd” (quotation and quotation marks omit-
         ted)). Boiled down, § 20508(b)(2)(A) is a notice statute enacted for
         the convenience of voting registrants. Alabama’s mail-in voting
         form has provided sufficient notice by informing registrants that
         persons convicted of disqualifying felonies are not eligible to vote
         and providing an easily accessible link13 whereby voters convicted
         of felonies can determine their voter eligibility. Accordingly, Ala-
         bama has complied with the requirements of § 20508(b)(2)(A).

         13 Appellants argue in a footnote that “[i]ncluding a link to the State’s website
         does not satisfy the NVRA” as “[r]egistrants at a motor vehicle or other gov-
         ernment agency may not have access to the Internet, defeating the purpose of
         promoting on-site registration.” But § 20508(b)(2)(A) governs state mail vot-
         ing registration forms, not on-site voting registration forms. Registrants may
         thus access Alabama’s website for the list of disqualifying felonies at their lei-
         sure.
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         21-10034              Opinion of the Court                       45

                                         IV.
                For the reasons stated above, we affirm the District Court’s
         grant of summary judgment in favor of Alabama.
               AFFIRMED.
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         21-10034     ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part      1

         ROSENBAUM, Circuit Judge, Concurring in Part and Dissenting in
         Part:
                 Deceiving an elector in preparation of her ballot. 1 Altering
         another person’s ballot. 2 Failing to count legally cast absentee
         votes. 3 Illegally voting more than once in an election (second vio-
         lation).4 Willfully and intentionally signing the name of another
         elector in a poll book.5 Bribery of public servants. 6 And perjury. 7
                Perhaps this recitation sounds like a list of felonies that
         would disqualify an Alabamian from voting under Amendment 579
         to Alabama’s constitution—Alabama’s felon-disenfranchisement
         provision. Nope. Those convicted of any of these voting-fraud-
         related felonies are A-okay, good to go when it comes to voting in
         Alabama. Alabama exempts them from its felon-disenfranchise-
         ment provision, Amendment 579. Under that provision, only
         other felons—those convicted of felony crimes that Alabama says
         are crimes of “moral turpitude”—can’t vote.

         1 ALA. CODE § 17-17-19.
         2 ALA. CODE § 17-17-24(a).
         3 ALA. CODE § 17-17-27.
         4 ALA. CODE § 17-17-36.
         5 ALA. CODE § 17-17-15.
         6 ALA. CODE § 13A-10-61.
         7 ALA. CODE § 13A-10-101.
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         2   ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                Even worse, in the nearly thirty years since Alabama
         amended its felon-disenfranchisement provision, Alabama has de-
         fined the phrase “moral turpitude” in contradictory or non-uni-
         form ways. At one point, Alabama even allowed each local regis-
         trar to interpret the term for herself. In other words, when Ala-
         bama precluded those convicted of felony crimes of “moral turpi-
         tude” from voting, it may as well have excluded those convicted of
         “whatever felonies Alabama (or any of its local registrars) at any
         point in the future might say disqualify a voter,” as Alabama had
         no definition of the phrase “moral turpitude” in mind.
                All of this raises the question: just what was Alabama trying
         to accomplish with its felon-disenfranchisement provision?
                Going back some time to when Alabama adopted its original
         felon-disenfranchisement provision (which disenfranchised all fel-
         ons) in 1901, Alabama did so to further white supremacy and sup-
         press Black voting. Hunter v. Underwood, 471 U.S. 222, 229 (1985)
         (noting that no one “seriously dispute[d] the claim that this zeal for
         white supremacy ran rampant at the convention”) (“Hunter”).
                 So maybe when Alabama amended its felon-disenfranchise-
         ment provision in 1996, narrowing those prohibited from voting
         from all felons to only those convicted of felony crimes of moral
         turpitude, it sought to cleanse the taint of racism from the provi-
         sion’s history? Nope. We can’t say that. Alabama has never stated
         that it amended its felon-disenfranchisement provision to correct
         the provision’s racist origins.
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part       3

                Rather, when Alabama adopted Amendment 579, it de-
         scribed the purpose as “strictly housekeeping.” Doc. 257-17 at
         52. But that description is hard to believe both because of (1) the
         substantive changes the 1996 amendment made to Alabama’s fel-
         ony-disenfranchisement provision and (2) Alabama’s ongoing
         struggle to define what it means by felony crimes of moral turpi-
         tude.
                 Indeed, if Alabama’s purpose was “strictly housekeeping,”
         Alabama needs a new housekeeper. When Alabama amended its
         felon-disenfranchisement provision to preclude those convicted of
         felonies of moral turpitude from voting, it left felonies strewn all
         over without identifying whether they went into or outside the
         “moral turpitude” closet. In fact, Alabama had no idea what was
         in its closet and even less of an idea about what it wanted to put
         there. And the mismatch between Alabama’s stated purpose for
         amending its felon-disenfranchisement provision and the disarray
         in which Alabama’s amendment left its felon-disenfranchisement
         provision sure makes it seem like Alabama’s purpose was not
         “strictly housekeeping.”
                So let’s review the facts: (1) Alabama’s felon-disenfranchise-
         ment provision undisputedly began as a racist mechanism to sup-
         press the Black vote; (2) Alabama’s only stated purpose for reenact-
         ing an amended form of that provision is inconsistent with what
         Alabama actually did; and (3) Alabama’s construction of its felony-
         disenfranchisement provision—allowing those convicted of vot-
         ing-related fraud to continue to vote—is inconsistent the purpose
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         4   ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         of disenfranchising those convicted of felony crimes of “moral tur-
         pitude” (i.e., not letting those involved in fraud-related crimes vote
         because they damage the collective honor of the community).
                 But our Equal Protection Clause precedent requires us to ig-
         nore all these facts. Rather, we simply ask whether the amended
         version of the law that was originally enacted for discriminatory
         reasons went through both chambers of the legislature and was
         properly effected into law. See Johnson v. Governor of State of
         Fla., 405 F.3d 1214, 1223–25 (11th Cir. 2005) (en banc). What kind
         of test is that? None at all, for every law that comes before this
         Court has experienced bicameralism and presentment. So a law
         that is a law passes muster under our precedent.
                Nor is our deficient test consistent with Supreme Court
         precedent. When a law is challenged as discriminatory for the first
         time, the Supreme Court applies a variety of factors (known as the
         Arlington Heights factors)—including, among others, whether the
         law has a discriminatory impact, the historical background of a law,
         and the “substantive departures” the law makes from the reasons
         stated for its enactment—to assess whether the law violates the
         Equal Protection Clause. 8 So if a federal court concludes under
         these factors that a law violates the Equal Protection Clause, and
         that law is later reenacted, why should that law that continues to
         have a disparate impact get a free pass on the factors and be

         8 See Vill. of Arlington Heights v. Metro. Hous. Dev. Corp., 429 U.S. 252
         (1977).
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part        5

         reviewed instead solely to ensure it went through the proper legis-
         lative process? That makes no sense. It should be harder, not eas-
         ier, for a law to survive an Equal Protection Clause challenge when
         it has been reenacted after a federal court has found the law to vio-
         late the Equal Protection Clause.
                 Applying the Arlington Heights factors to assess whether a
         reenacted version of a law that a federal court has previously held
         to violate the Equal Protection Clause not only makes far more
         sense, but it is truer to Supreme Court precedent than is our test.
         And applying the Arlington Heights factors to Amendment 579 and
         its interpretive statute yields only one conclusion: a material issue
         of fact exists about whether these laws were adopted for a discrim-
         inatory purpose.
                Indeed, when, as here, the amended law does nothing to ad-
         vance its stated purpose, it cannot cleanse the taint of its discrimi-
         natory origins. For that reason, if I were not bound by our prece-
         dent, I would hold that Alabama’s felon-disenfranchisement provi-
         sion violates the Equal Protection Clause. But since I am bound, I
         cannot and must instead conclude that, under our case law, the
         provision does not violate the Equal Protection Clause.
               That said, though, Alabama’s felon-disenfranchisement stat-
         ute and its voter registration form do violate the Ex Post Facto
         Clause and the National Voter Registration Act, respectively. So I
         would reverse the district court’s denial of those challenges.
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         6      ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                My discussion proceeds in five parts. In Section I, I recount
         Alabama’s unfortunate history of discrimination against Black vot-
         ers. Section II tells the story of how Amendment 579 came to be. I
         address the Equal Protection Clause issue in Section III. In Section
         IV, I explain why Section 17-3-30.1 violates the Ex Post Facto
         Clause. And Section V shows that Alabama’s voter-registration
         form does not comply with the National Voter Registration Act’s
         requirements.

               I.ALABAMA’S HISTORY OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
                                        IN VOTING
                Black suffrage in the United States was a long time in com-
         ing. But after the Civil War, things began looking up for Blacks
         during Reconstruction. For instance, the United States ratified the
         Fourteenth Amendment on July 9, 1868. Among other functions,
         the Fourteenth Amendment began ensuring that Black people
         “born or naturalized in the United States” enjoyed citizenship and
         “equal protection of the laws.” U.S. Const. amend. XIV. And it
         reduced a state’s representation in the House of Representatives in
         proportion to that state’s refusal to allow male citizens over 21 to
         vote (other than for “participation in . . . [as relevant here,] crime”).
         Id.
                Two years later, on February 3, 1870, the United States rati-
         fied the Fifteenth Amendment. The Fifteenth Amendment guar-
         antees that “[t]he right of citizens of the United States to vote shall
         not be denied or abridged . . . by any State on account of race, color,
         or previous condition of servitude.” U.S. Const. amend. XV.
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         21-10034      ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part                 7

                These rights translated into results at the ballot box in Ala-
         bama. For the 42nd, 43rd, and 44th United States Congresses, Ala-
         bama elected a Black man to serve as one of its Representatives. 9
         But Alabama’s burgeoning nineteenth-century tradition of Black
         congressional representatives quickly and unceremoniously ended
         with the 44th Congress, which closed in 1877. Not coincidentally,
         1877 was also when Reconstruction ended with the Compromise
         of 1877. 10 Seminole Tribe of Fla. v. Florida, 517 U.S. 44, 120 (1996)
         (Souter, J., dissenting).

         9 From 1871 through 1873, in the 42nd Congress, Congressman Benjamin
         Sterling Turner represented Alabama. https://history.house.gov/Exhibi-
         tions-and-Publications/BAIC/Historical-Data/Black-American-Representa-
         tives-and-Senators-by-State-and-Territory/ (last visited Apr. 20, 2023). Con-
         gressman James Thomas Rapier represented the state from 1873 through 1875,
         in the 43rd Congress. Id. And Congressman Jeremiah Haralson had the honor
         from 1875 through 1877 in the 44th Congress. Id. Alabama didn’t elect an-
         other Black man or woman to Congress for almost 120 years. Id.
         10 The Compromise of 1877 resolved the disputed 1876 Presidential election.
         Nathan Colvin & Edward Foley, The Twelfth Amendment: A Constitutional
         Ticking Time Bomb, 64 U. MIAMI L. REV. 475, 502 (2010). In the 1876 Presi-
         dential election, Rutherford B. Hayes, the Republican nominee, ran against
         Samuel Tilden, the Democratic nominee. Id. At the time, 185 votes would
         clinch an Electoral College majority. But on election night, Tilden had 184
         votes and Hayes had 165. Chris Land & David Schultz, On the Unenforcea-
         bility of the Electoral Count Act, 13 RUTGERS J. LAW & PUB. POL’Y 340, 350–51
         (2016). Twenty votes remained outstanding because, in three states (including
         Florida, which shows that history does indeed repeat itself), both political par-
         ties’ electors said they were the winners. Id. at 351. Congress created an elec-
         toral commission to resolve the dispute. Id. Eventually, the commission
         awarded all twenty disputed electoral votes to Hayes, so Hayes won by one
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         8   ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                 The Compromise was this: following a disputed presiden-
         tial election, Democratic southern states would accede to the Re-
         publican northern states’ choice—Rutherford B. Hayes—provided
         that the new President withdraw federal troops from the south. Id.
         While “President-elect Hayes received assurances that the Demo-
         cratic governments of the southern states would take upon them-
         selves the responsibility to protect the civil rights of their [B]lack
         citizens . . . [t]h[o]se assurances . . . probably were . . . disingenu-
         ous.” Michael McConnell, The Forgotten Constitutional Moment,
         11 CONST. COMMENTARY 115, 130–31 (1994). “Once power shifted
         back to the southern states and away from Congress, the promises
         of continued respect for the rights of [B]lack Americans quickly
         proved illusory. This probably came as no surprise to anyone.” Id.
                 Alabama took this opening and ran with it. See Underwood
         v. Hunter, 730 F.2d 614, 618 (11th Cir. 1984) (“Underwood”). As
         we have recognized, “the white citizens of Alabama moved to re-
         assert their once unquestioned political supremacy” over Black Al-
         abamians. Id. In 1901, Alabama adopted a state constitution de-
         signed to restrict Black voting. Id. at 619.
              “When the Alabama constitutional convention assembled in
         May 1901, the question was not whether to disfranchise the Negro

         vote (185 to 184). Id. But Southern Democrats would not acknowledge Hayes
         as the President unless Republicans met certain demands, including giving
         Democrats in southern states the ability to legislate about Black citizens with-
         out northern interference. McConnell, The Forgotten Constitutional Mo-
         ment, infra at 130–31.
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part          9

         but rather how to do so constitutionally.” Id. at 619. As the presi-
         dent of the Alabama constitutional convention put it, “[a]nd what
         is it that we want to do? Why it is within the limits imposed by the
         Federal Constitution, to establish white supremacy in this State.”
         John B. Knox, President of the 1901 Convention, Off. Proceedings
         of the Const. Convention of the State of Ala., May 21st, 1901, to
         Sept. 3rd, 1901, at 2278 (1940). He continued, explaining that “if
         we would have white supremacy, we must establish it by law—not
         by force or fraud.” Id. at 2279. As the Supreme Court later noted,
         no one “seriously dispute[s] the claim that this zeal for white su-
         premacy ran rampant at the convention.” Hunter, 471 U.S. at 229.
                  To disenfranchise Black voters without expressly disenfran-
         chising Black voters, Alabama’s so-called “Suffrage” Committee
         adopted a Swiss-cheese approach, layering various voting re-
         strictions on top of each other. Together, those layers “would sub-
         vert the guarantees of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments
         without directly provoking a legal challenge.” Underwood, 730
         F.2d at 619. The committee settled on a combination of property
         tests, literacy tests, residency requirements, a poll tax, and, as rele-
         vant here, a felon-disenfranchisement provision, resulting in an
         “exceptionally byzantine suffrage scheme.” Id.
                The lynchpin of the plan—or, as newspapers owned by Ala-
         bama’s governor put it at the time, the “milk in the cocoanut
         [sic]”—were the county registrars. Doc. 270-3 at 46. The registrars,
         through the ability to require character affidavits and impose other
         opaque exclusions, had “a powerful set of instruments to shape the
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         10 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         state’s voting rolls nearly at-will.” Id. For instance, registrars could
         impose (then-permissible) tests, like an “understanding test” on
         particular would-be voters and not others. Id. at 47.
                Over the years, “[s]ome of the more blatantly discriminatory
         selections” were “struck down by the courts.” Hunter, 471 U.S. at
         233. Still, though, Black voter registration in Alabama lagged be-
         hind (and still lags behind) non-Black voter registration. For in-
         stance, in 1957, only 1% of Blacks in Dallas County, Alabama, were
         registered to vote. James Blacksher, Voting Rights in Alabama:
         1982–2006, 17 S. CAL. REV. L. & SOC. JUST. 249, 252 (2008) (herein-
         after “Voting Rights”). Every time the Department of Justice elim-
         inated one disenfranchising device, Dallas County implemented a
         new one. Id. In fact, in the legislative history for the Voting Rights
         Act, Congress cited Dallas County as an example of “[t]he insuffi-
         ciency of existing remedies and the need for stronger measures.”
         H.R. Rep. 89-439 (1965), U.S.C.C.A.N. 2437, 2441 (1965). And Ala-
         bama’s racial gerrymandering of districts led to the seminal one
         person, one vote case, Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964). Black-
         sher, Voting Rights, supra, at 272.
                 Unfortunately, the Voting Rights Act (“VRA”) didn’t end
         some Alabamians’ determination to restrict Black Alabamians from
         voting. In the seventeen years between 1965 and 1982, the Depart-
         ment of Justice had to object fifty-nine times to proposed re-
         strictions on voting by Alabama or a political subdivision in Ala-
         bama because the Department found those restrictions racially dis-
         criminatory. Blacksher, Voting Rights, supra, at 254. And in 1982,
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 11

         Congress amended the VRA in response to (yet another) Alabama
         voting restriction. Id. at 253 (citing City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446
         U.S. 55 (1980)).
                 The list of cases in which federal courts had to enjoin or
         strike down Alabama voting restrictions in the 1970s, 80s, and 90s
         just goes on and on. See, e.g., Pleasant Grove v. United States, 479
         U.S. 462, 472 (1987) (concluding that Pleasant Grove engaged in
         purposeful discrimination to minimize future Black voting
         strength); United States v. Marengo Cnty. Comm’n, 731 F.2d 1546,
         1574 (11th Cir. 1984) (“We hold that the record shows a clear vio-
         lation of the results test adopted by Congress in section 2 of the
         Voting Rights Act. . . . We note, however, that despite our repeated
         requests at oral argument, counsel for the defendants did not pro-
         vide this Court with any sign that would indicate that the political
         opportunities for Marengo County blacks have improved since
         1978.”); Harris v. Siegelman, 695 F. Supp. 517, 525 (M.D. Ala. 1988)
         (“The plaintiffs also presented compelling evidence that this his-
         tory of racial inhumanity continues into today, and, more specifi-
         cally, that, in the tradition established by this state, white poll offi-
         cials continue to harass and intimidate black voters. Witnesses de-
         tailed numerous instances of where white poll officials refused to
         help illiterate black voters or refused to allow them to vote, where
         they refused to allow black voters to cast challenged ballots, and
         where they were simply rude and even intimidating toward black
         voters.”); Dillard v. Crenshaw Cnty., 640 F. Supp. 1347, 1360 (M.D.
         Ala. 1986) (“From the late 1800s through the present, [Alabama]
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         12 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         has consistently erected barriers to keep black persons from full and
         equal participation in the social, economic, and political life of the
         state.” (cleaned up)); Dillard v. Baldwin Cnty. Bd. of Educ., 686 F.
         Supp. 1459, 1461 (M.D. Ala. 1988) (“[T]he evidence established that
         the legislature engaged in a century-long pattern and practice of
         switching between local at-large systems and local single-member
         district systems as needed to diminish black voting strength.”);
         Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630, 640 (1993) (“Alabama redefined the
         boundaries of the city of Tuskegee ‘from a square to an uncouth
         twenty-eight-sided figure’ in a manner that was alleged to exclude
         black voters, and only black voters, from the city limits.” (citing
         Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339, 340 (1960))).
                And this discrimination did not end with the close of the
         twentieth century. Rather, in 2010, the FBI recorded members of
         the Alabama State Senate referring to Black Alabamians as “Abo-
         rigines” and aiming to quash a referendum that might increase
         Black voter turnout. Shelby Cnty. v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 584
         (2013) (Ginsberg, J., dissenting) (citing United States v. McGregor,
         824 F. Supp. 2d 1339, 1334–48 (M.D. Ala. 2011)). That didn’t hap-
         pen in 1901 but just a few short years ago.

          II.   ALABAMA’S HISTORY OF FELON DISENFRANCHISE-
                                           MENT
                With this background, I return to Alabama’s felon-disenfran-
         chisement statute in particular. At the 1901 Convention, to choose
         which crimes—felonies and misdemeanors—would trigger loss of
         the right to vote, the Suffrage Committee perused the Alabama
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         21-10034   ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 13

         criminal code for statutes that were “peculiar to the Negro’s low
         economic and social status.” Underwood, 730 F.2d at 619.
         Though, on paper, the Committee disenfranchised all felons, Ala-
         bama did not equally enforce that restriction against Black and
         white felons, id. at 620. The Committee also selected a long list of
         disenfranchising non-felony crimes, adding the catchall category of
         “moral turpitude”:
               All idiots and insane persons; those who shall by rea-
               son of conviction of crime be disqualified from voting
               at the time of the ratification of this Constitution;
               those who shall be convicted of treason, murder, ar-
               son, embezzlement, malfeasance in office, larceny,
               receiving stolen property, obtaining property or
               money under false pretenses, perjury, subornation of
               perjury, robbery, assault with intent to rob, burglary,
               forgery, bribery, assault and battery on the wife, big-
               amy, living in adultery, sodomy, incest, rape, misce-
               genation, crime against nature, or any crime punish-
               able by imprisonment in the penitentiary, or of any
               infamous crime or crime involving moral turpitude;
               also, any person who shall be convicted as a vagrant
               or tramp, or of selling or offering to sell his vote or
               the vote of another, or of buying or offering to buy
               the vote of another, or of making or offering to make
               a false return in any election by the people or in any
               primary election to procure the nomination or elec-
               tion of any person to any office, or of suborning any
               witness or registrar to secure the registration of any
               person as an elector.
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         14 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         Ala. Const. art. VIII, § 182 (1901) (emphasis added).
                The Committee achieved its aim. Just two short years later,
         by 1903, the felon-disenfranchisement provision applied to roughly
         ten times as many Blacks as whites. Underwood, 730 F.2d at 620.
         The disparity continues until today. Doc. 215-13 ¶ 28.
                 Over the years, Alabama considered revisiting the felon-dis-
         enfranchisement provision from time to time, though it never
         made any changes until 1995. But during the late 1960s and early
         1970s, Governor Albert Brewer convened a commission to investi-
         gate the need to amend the constitution and to provide a final re-
         port to the legislature. That commission then formed a subcom-
         mission on Suffrage and Elections. And the subcommission sent a
         draft report to the full commission, which suggested moving from
         a list of enumerated crimes to one that proposed “general terms,”
         whereby “[a]s statutory offenses grow or change, their inclusion or
         exclusion becomes a matter of constitutional interpretation or con-
         stitutional amendment.” The subcommission on Suffrage and
         Elections also proposed “eliminating a long, scattered[,] and redun-
         dant list of disqualifying crimes.”
               The new draft proposal denied the vote (1) to only those
         convicted of a felony involving moral turpitude and (2) the incom-
         petent. Though the commission’s minutes do not reflect any de-
         bate on the proposed changes, the proposed changes were ap-
         proved by a vote of 11-2. The commission’s proposed constitu-
         tion—with the new language on felon disenfranchisement—was
         introduced into the Alabama Legislature with no debate or changes
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 15

         to the language. Ultimately, the Alabama Legislature did not pass
         the proposed language.
                In the late 1970s, Alabama tried again to amend its constitu-
         tion. Governor Fob James convened an informal working group
         to amend the constitution, stressing that the “subjects in which [he]
         was most interested” were “popular democracy . . . and low prop-
         erty taxes.” The working group briefly discussed which felonies
         revealed “moral turpitude.” Along these lines, the working group
         heard testimony from the ACLU that the phrase “moral turpitude”
         was “vague and indefinite” and appeared “unwarranted and dis-
         criminatory.” In the end, the working group suggested eliminat-
         ing the list of enumerated felonies, thereby simplifying the provi-
         sion. Again, the proposed new constitution was never passed.
                After a false start in the 1980s, Alabama returned to the
         felon-disenfranchisement question in 1995. State Representative
         Jack Venable introduced a bill that would amend the felon-disen-
         franchisement provision to prohibit only those convicted of felo-
         nies of moral turpitude (and the mentally incompetent) from vot-
         ing. No debate on the amendment occurred in committee. And
         no hearings on the amendment occurred in committee, either.
         Rather, the day after Representative Venable introduced the
         amendment, the Standing Committee on Constitution and Elec-
         tions simply returned it to the House with a favorable report.
         Then the full House passed the amendment without any debate or
         discussion. At no point did the legislature explain the meaning of
         “moral turpitude” in the amendment.
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         16 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                Once the amendment went to the Senate, it quickly moved
         through committee to the floor and passed. After it passed both
         houses of the Alabama Legislature, the amendment went to a vote
         before the Alabama voters. In an editorial to the public, Repre-
         sentative Venable urged the public to pass the amendment and de-
         scribed it as “strictly housekeeping.” The Alabama public ap-
         proved the change.
                The bill had one final step before it became a law. In 1996,
         because Alabama had been part of perpetrating “an insidious and
         pervasive evil . . . through unremitting and ingenious defiance of
         the Constitution” (meaning Jim Crow laws and segregation), it was
         required to obtain “preclearance” from the Department of Justice
         before it could implement a change to state election law. Shelby
         Cnty., 570 U.S. at 535, 537. While Alabama obtained the necessary
         approvals, it falsely told the Department of Justice that the bill
         didn’t make a change because Alabama was already using the pro-
         visions. Maj. Op. at 12–14. But the bill did make a change—it re-
         moved a laundry list of felonies and left in its place the ambiguous
         “moral turpitude” language, giving county registrars free rein to
         reject voting registrations for any crime they saw fit.
                And thus began Alabama’s decades-long struggle to explain
         what it meant by felonies of “moral turpitude.” As the history of
         Alabama’s varied interpretations of the phrase from Amendment
         579 show—since 1996, Alabama officials (including local registrars
         in the initial years) have construed crimes of “moral turpitude” to
         include anywhere from fifteen crimes to all felonies—Alabama’s
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 17

         selection of qualifying crimes is most accurately described as arbi-
         trary.
                As I’ve noted, upon adoption of Amendment 579, Alabama
         registrars were inconsistent in deciding which felonies were those
         of moral turpitude. Indeed, as the Majority Opinion acknowl-
         edges, some registrars refused to register any felons at all. Maj. Op.
         at 14–15. As a result, the moral-turpitude provision could be con-
         strued so that the same crime could be disqualifying in one county
         but not in another.
                Various Alabama governmental actors stepped up to fix the
         problem. First, in 2005, the Alabama Board of Pardons and Paroles
         asked the Attorney General which felonies involved moral turpi-
         tude. Ala Op. Atty. Gen. No. 2005-092 (Ala. A.G.), 2005 WL
         1121853. Conceding the vague nature of the phrase, the Attorney
         General explained that he could not provide “an exhaustive list” of
         felonies involving moral turpitude but that he could generate a list
         of crimes that Alabama courts had determined to be crimes of
         moral turpitude. Id. at *2. The Attorney General’s list had about
         fifteen crimes. Id.
               Second, between 2007 and 2008, the Alabama governor and
         the Alabama Administrative Office of the Courts (“AOC”) pro-
         duced dueling lists. Doc. No. 269-12 at 2. As background, the
         United States sued Alabama to comply with the Help America Vote
         Act. Id. at 11 (citing United States v. Alabama, 06-cv-392-WKW
         (M.D. Ala.)). The federal judge handling the case appointed the
         Alabama governor as a special master. Id. The governor “believed
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         18 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         that [his] obligations as [s]pecial [m]aster included making a deter-
         mination of what felonies involved moral turpitude.” Id. Accord-
         ing to the AOC, the governor’s office had an attorney and a law-
         student intern compile a list that ultimately took the position that
         about 480 felonies (out of the then-existing 575 felonies under Ala-
         bama law) involved moral turpitude. Id. at 11–12. The governor
         asked the AOC to review the list. Id. at 12.
                The AOC responded that the governor’s list was too expan-
         sive and instead identified only seventy or so felonies that it said
         involved moral turpitude. Id. In the AOC’s view, the governor’s
         list was too broad because it included more than those crimes that
         the Alabama courts had said involved moral turpitude. Id. “In light
         of the preeminent importance of the right to vote in our country
         and also the relatively recent history of voting rights strife, includ-
         ing voter and voter registrant intimidation, in [Alabama],” the
         AOC wrote, it would “not be a party” to denying citizens the right
         to vote. Id.
                 The Alabama Secretary of State insisted that the shorter
         AOC list, not the governor’s longer list, be supplied to county reg-
         istrars. Id. But the next fall, the AOC received disturbing reports:
         county registrars were refusing to register people to vote because
         those people had been convicted of crimes on the governor’s list.
         Id. In September 2008, the AOC learned that registrars were being
         sent lists entitled “Weekly Felon Check” that listed crimes that
         were definitively not crimes of moral turpitude. Id. at 13. For
         instance, one registrar refused to allow someone to register to vote
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         21-10034     ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 19

         because that person had been convicted of “having more beer in
         their car than the law allowed.” Id. Beer, for Pete’s sake!
                 The arbitrariness didn’t end there. When the AOC followed
         up with the governor’s office, it learned that the governor’s list had
         been used to disqualify voters. Id. at 15. The AOC sought to cor-
         rect the problem so that only the AOC list would be used to dis-
         qualify voters. But the governor’s office resisted, replying that “the
         big list” was “in the system” and taking it out would be “very ex-
         pensive.” Id. Ultimately, the governor’s office did not agree to
         change the report until the “end of October” 2008. Id. But that
         meant that Alabama enforced the wrong list and arbitrarily prohib-
         ited the registration of voters with nonqualifying felonies until just
         a week before the 2008 general election. Id.
                Unsurprisingly, the dueling lists caused confusion. At the
         time, two registrars (out of three) had to agree to register someone
         to vote. So the process (a best two-out-of-three system that in-
         volved no standardized list) led to unpredictable enforcement.
                And somehow, the situation got worse still.
                In 2014, Secretary of State John Merrill’s office tasked a col-
         lege-student-campaign-staffer-turned-employee 11 with compiling
         an official list of which crimes involved moral turpitude for inclu-
         sion in a registrar’s handbook. The student didn’t know much

         11 The record indicates that he was a college student at the time, given his
         testimony that he graduated college in 2015.
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         20 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         about moral turpitude, so he asked Wikipedia. Yes, Wikipedia.
         There, the student pulled the federal statutory list of crimes used
         to disqualify applicants from obtaining visas or citizenship and cop-
         ied it. The student didn’t check the list against Alabama law and
         didn’t do anything to learn more about moral turpitude. Then
         this arbitrarily assembled list was sent to state registrars.
                 Alabama took its next stab at what it meant by felonies of
         “moral turpitude” in late 2015. At that time, Secretary Merrill
         formed a “Voter Disenfranchisement and Restoration of Voting
         Rights Exploratory Committee.” (“The Exploratory Committee”).
         The Committee had a subcommittee, chaired by Edward Pack-
         ard—Alabama’s Administrator of Elections since 1994—on moral
         turpitude. That subcommittee recommended a list of fifteen dis-
         qualifying felonies to satisfy the moral-turpitude provision. The
         list of crimes of moral turpitude didn’t include crimes like bribery,
         public corruption, and perjury. Packard (who drafted the list) ad-
         mitted that “there wasn’t any particular reason for excluding”
         those crimes. In other words, he conceded the arbitrariness of his
         subcommittee’s suggested list.
                The subcommittee presented its findings to the Exploratory
         Committee. The Exploratory Committee considered the list and
         added one other crime: human trafficking. Had the Exploratory
         Committee’s list been adopted, Black Alabamians would not have
         been disenfranchised at a higher rate than their representation in
         the Alabamians-with-felony-convictions population.
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21

                Despite the Exploratory Committee’s recommendation,
         Secretary Merrill “redirected the discussion” to a longer list (of
         about forty crimes) patterned after a 2015 Alabama bill, H.B. 344.
         Packard—who was at the meeting and who had drafted Secretary
         Merrill’s longer list—didn’t know why Secretary Merrill had ig-
         nored the Committee’s recommendation. He didn’t remember
         being surprised that no one objected—even though the Committee
         had approved a shorter list the previous hour—and said that any
         impact the Committee had was in adding crimes—not removing
         them. Packard recalled that the Committee had gone through the
         longer list and “asked if people thought [particular crimes] should
         be removed from the list.”
                Along these lines, Packard didn’t remember any objection
         to including crimes like voter fraud or public corruption. In fact,
         Packard said, there were no set criteria by which crimes were in-
         cluded: none were discussed and everyone used their own per-
         sonal criteria. He didn’t “recall there being that much discussion”
         about the list all.
                 The longer list was sent to the legislature, introduced as H.B.
         282, and ultimately become Alabama Code Section 17-3-30.1,
         which lists felonies that automatically disenfranchise those con-
         victed of them as felony crimes of moral turpitude. ALA. CODE §
         17-3-30.1. Section 17-3-30.1 has a discriminatory impact: of those
         Alabamians convicted of a felony, Black Alabamians are more
         likely to be disenfranchised than white Alabamians by a rate of 35%
         of whites to 40% of Blacks.
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         22 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                                          ***
                 This sad history brings me to our case. The Plaintiff-Appel-
         lants are a group of Black Alabamians with convictions that cur-
         rently qualify as felony crimes of “moral turpitude” under Section
         17-3-30.1. They are therefore unable to exercise their constitution-
         ally protected right to vote under Amendment 579 and Section 17-
         3-30.1, and they challenge those provisions. The district court
         dismissed or granted summary judgment on all their claims. On
         appeal, they press just three: (1) that Alabama’s 1996 reenactment
         of its felon-disenfranchisement provision in its constitution is still
         tainted by the 1901 racist enactment and therefore violates the
         Equal Protection clause; (2) that Alabama’s 1996 reenactment and
         subsequent statutory clarification of which felons are disenfran-
         chised constitute “punishment” and thus violate the Ex Post Facto
         Clause; and (3) that Alabama’s voter-registration form doesn’t
         comply with the National Voter Registration Act’s requirements.
                I must concur with the Majority Opinion as to the first claim
         because our precedent requires it, even though it seems clear to me
         that Alabama has not done enough to cleanse the taint of Amend-
         ment 579’s discriminatory origins. As to the Ex Post Facto Clause
         and VRA claims, though, I respectfully dissent.

         III.   PROPERLY ANALYZED, ALABAMA’S REENACTMENT
                    VIOLATES THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE
                On a blank slate, I would remand this case to the district
         court for a trial on the Appellants’ Equal Protection Clause claim
         because Amendment 579 didn’t erase the racist taint of Alabama’s
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 23

         felon-disenfranchisement provision. Unfortunately, I don’t write
         on a blank slate, and our precedent requires me to vote to affirm.
                But in my view, our precedent is wrong: it allows states to
         simply reenact racially discriminatory laws without debate or dis-
         cussion, entirely undercutting the purpose of the Equal Protection
         Clause litigation that found the initial provision to have been en-
         acted for a discriminatory reason in the first place. We should re-
         visit our precedent. In Part III.A, I explain why our precedent re-
         quires me to vote to affirm and why our precedent is wrong. In
         Part III.B, I sketch out what the proper test should look like and
         apply it to this case.
          A. Our precedent sets the bar too low to remove discriminatory
                              taint from an earlier law.
                  Our precedent sets a meaningless “bar” to reenact discrimi-
         natory laws and is out of step with the Supreme Court’s jurispru-
         dence. Indeed, the standard to survive an Equal Protection Clause
         challenge in this Circuit is lower when a state reenacts a law that a
         court has already found to be enacted with discriminatory intent
         than when a state enacts a law without a predecessor that was
         found to have been enacted with discriminatory intent. In other
         words, it’s easier for a state to reenact a law with racist origins than
         it is for a state to enact a law without racist origins.
                Johnson v. Governor of State of Florida is our seminal prec-
         edent on reenactments of laws that were originally enacted with
         discriminatory intent. 405 F.3d at 1223. There, we approved Flor-
         ida’s reenactment of its discriminatory disenfranchisement
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         24 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         provision because the bill went through what we said was a delib-
         erative process: the law went through a committee, then the full
         legislature, and then was approved by the voters. Id. at 1224. We
         said that was enough. Id. And we rejected the notion that the Flor-
         ida legislature had to explicitly discuss (and discount) the racist mo-
         tivation underlying the earlier law. Id. We also did not consider
         requiring the state to provide a legitimate, non-discriminatory rea-
         son for reenacting the law that had previously been found to be
         discriminatory.
               Alabama’s reenactment sufficiently parallels Florida’s pro-
         cess. Like Florida’s version, Alabama’s Amendment 579 went
         through a committee, then the full legislature, and then was ap-
         proved by the voters.
                 To be sure, Alabama’s process was less deliberative than
         Florida’s. Representative Venable introduced the amendment into
         committee, where it spent a single day before being reported out
         favorably. No hearings were held. The next week, Representa-
         tive Venable offered it for a second reading, and it was brought to
         the House floor, where in Representative Venable’s words, “lim-
         ited, really no debate on the bill” occurred. But I can’t say that
         Alabama’s process is distinguishable in any meaningful way from
         the process we approved in Johnson. After all, as Judge Barkett
         pointed out in her dissent, as we used the term, “the adjective ‘de-
         liberative’ describes the procedural aspects of the decision, [but] it
         need not include any substantive component at all.” Johnson, 405
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 25

         F.3d at 1246 (Barkett, J., dissenting). So I am bound to vote to af-
         firm.
                Our precedent is wrong, though. Our precedent requires
         only bicameralism and presentment to “cleanse” a law of discrimi-
         natory taint. I see two problems with our minimal “test”: it is in-
         consistent with the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence in Arlington
         Heights, and it is so low a bar as to be meaningless.
                As to Arlington Heights, the Supreme Court has explained
         that we should consider a variety of indicators to determine
         whether the government enacted a law for discriminatory reasons
         (I discuss these factors later), in violation of the Equal Protection
         Clause. Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 267–68. But in Johnson, we
         skipped Arlington Heights’s multifactor test altogether in favor of
         a single question: did the law go through bicameralism and pre-
         sentment? 405 F.3d at 1224. We didn’t even mention the factors
         the Supreme Court enumerated in Arlington Heights. Id.
                 It cannot be that the bar is lower in a case like this—with a
         past finding of discrimination—than in an ordinary case. That is, if
         Alabama had passed this amendment with a disparate impact in the
         first instance, we would perform an Arlington Heights analysis to
         determine whether Alabama had discriminatory intent. But now
         that Alabama is reenacting an amended version of a provision the
         Supreme Court determined was originally adopted for discrimina-
         tory reasons, somehow, Alabama doesn’t have to pass an Arlington
         Heights analysis? That can’t be right.
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         26 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                Second, even taken on its own terms, the Johnson bicamer-
         alism-and-presentment requirement is meaningless. How could
         that requirement ever be unsatisfied in the real world? As a federal
         court, we will likely never be asked to rule on a law or constitu-
         tional amendment that didn’t go through that very process. In fact,
         a challenge before that process is completed might be unripe. But
         our standard—which doesn’t require the legislature to state a non-
         discriminatory basis for the new law that is actually furthered by
         the new law—lays the bar reenactments must clear flat on the
         floor. Any law can shuffle right over it so long as legislators are not
         obtuse enough to state out loud any discriminatory intentions.
         Such a requirement is meaningless. Cf. Dep’t of Comm. v. New
         York, 139 S. Ct. 2551, 2575–76 (“[We cannot ignore the disconnect
         between the decision made and the explanation given. Our review
         is deferential, but we are ‘not required to exhibit a naiveté from
         which ordinary citizens are free.’ United States v. Stanchich, 550
         F.2d 1294, 1300 (2d Cir. 1977) (Friendly, J.). The reasoned explana-
         tion requirement of administrative law, after all, is meant to ensure
         that agencies offer genuine justifications for important decisions,
         reasons that can be scrutinized by courts and the interested public.
         Accepting contrived reasons would defeat the purpose of the en-
         terprise. If judicial review is to be more than an empty ritual, it
         must demand something better than the explanation offered for
         the action taken in this case.”).
                 Think about how reenacting court-enjoined discriminatory
         legislation unfolds under our precedent. At Time 1, a legislature
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 27

         votes with a discriminatory purpose to prevent minority citizens
         from voting. Plaintiffs challenge the law or regulation and prove
         that the legislature acted with discriminatory intent, no small feat.
         At Time 2 (which, under our precedent, could be next year), a leg-
         islature reenacts the exact same statute, or tweaks the original stat-
         ute a little bit, and the law will sail through a court challenge, so
         long as no legislator is foolish enough to say the quiet part out loud.
         And after all, what legislator in modern times is? Cf. Rollins v.
         TechSouth, Inc., 833 F.2d 1525, 1528 (11th Cir. 1987) (“It is rare that
         direct evidence of discrimination exists.”); see also Price Water-
         house v. Hopkins, 490 U.S. 228, 271 (1989) (O’Connor, J., concur-
         ring), superseded in part by The Civil Rights Act of 1991, Title I, §
         107(a), 105 Stat. 1075 (codified at 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(m)) (“[T]he
         entire purpose of the McDonnell Douglas prima facie case is to
         compensate for the fact that direct evidence of intentional discrim-
         ination is hard to come by.”).
                Our precedent effectively clothes laws with a presumption
         of good faith—even if the law is a reenacted version of a law that
         has been established to have been enacted originally for a discrim-
         inatory purpose. See Johnson, 405 F.3d 1214. But when the impe-
         tus for the original version of a law was racial discrimination and
         the law is reenacted after an express finding of taint, the Supreme
         Court has suggested that the presumption that the government
         acted in good faith should not persist: “In these cases, we do not
         confront a situation like the one in Hunter [where the law was
         never struck down and therefore never reenacted]. Nor is this a
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         28 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         case in which a law originally enacted with discriminatory intent is
         later reenacted by a different legislature.” See Abbott v. Perez, 138
         S. Ct. 2305, 2325 (2018) (reversing lower courts for not applying
         presumption of good faith).
                For good reason. A presumption of good faith when a past
         finding of discriminatory animus exists isn’t consistent with other
         areas of Equal Protection Clause jurisprudence. Take employ-
         ment-discrimination cases, for instance. We have explained that
         discrimination claims under the Equal Protection Clause (and 42
         U.S.C. § 1981) and discrimination claims under Title VII “have the
         same requirements of proof and use the same analytical frame-
         work.” Lewis v. City of Union City, 918 F.3d 1213, 1220 n.5 (11th
         Cir. 2019) (en banc) (citation and quotation marks omitted).
                In those types of cases, in the usual situation—when no di-
         rect evidence of discrimination exists—we use the McDonnell
         Douglas burden-shifting framework to evaluate a claim. See id. at
         1220–21. Under that framework, the plaintiff must carry the initial
         burden of setting out a prima facie case of discrimination “by show-
         ing (1) that she belongs to a protected class, (2) that she was sub-
         jected to an adverse employment action, (3) that she was qualified
         to perform the job in question, and (4) that her government em-
         ployer treated ‘similarly situated’ employees outside her class more
         favorably.” Id. Once the plaintiff establishes these elements, the
         burden shifts to government defendant “to articulate a legitimate,
         nondiscriminatory reason for its actions.” Id. at 1221. If the gov-
         ernment satisfies that burden, the plaintiff then must establish that
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 29

         the government’s stated reason was “a pretext for unlawful dis-
         crimination, an obligation that merges with the plaintiff’s ultimate
         burden of persuading the factfinder that she has been the victim of
         intentional discrimination.” Id. (cleaned up).
                And that framework makes sense. It accounts for reality—
         in particular, both the near-impossibility of proving discriminatory
         purpose through direct evidence in modern times and the truth
         that the government doesn’t act without a purpose—so if its pur-
         pose is not discriminatory, the government should be able to artic-
         ulate that purpose and show how that purpose is advanced by its
         action.
                 The employment-discrimination Equal Protection Clause
         analysis differs from the legislative Equal Protection Clause analy-
         sis in one key way: there is no presumption that the governmental
         employer acted in good faith. And that’s true even though there’s
         no past finding of intentional discrimination by the government
         (employer) against the plaintiff.
                In the discriminatory-taint-legislation context, though, the
         situation is just the opposite: we’ve found discriminatory intent
         about the current law’s immediate predecessor. But under our
         precedent, we still give the current law a presumption of good
         faith. That is illogical.
               Our precedent’s sole taint-cleansing “requirement” (going
         through the “deliberative process”) is wholly insufficient for ensur-
         ing the government is not continuing to violate the Equal
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         30 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         Protection Clause. The requirement provides no assurance that
         the reenacted law that was previously found to have been adopted
         for discriminatory reasons was reenacted for nondiscriminatory
         reasons.
                                  B. A Better Way
                 In my view, if we are really interested in ensuring the enact-
         ment of an amended version of an acknowledged racist and dis-
         criminatory law has been cleansed of its taint, we should be faith-
         fully applying the Arlington Heights factors to the amended ver-
         sion of the reenacted law. This type of inquiry considers, among
         other things, whether the amended law has a disparate impact and
         if so, whether the new law advances the stated purpose for the law
         so as to outweigh the harm that the disparate impact of what began
         as a tainted law imposes. Only an inquiry like this, which peers
         under the hood to evaluate the legitimacy and sincerity of a state’s
         reason for reenactment, addresses the discriminatory-taint prob-
         lem. When, as here, the amended law has a disparate impact and
         does nothing to further (and in fact contradicts) its stated purpose,
         it cannot cleanse the taint of its discriminatory origins.
                    i. How to Remove Discriminatory Taint
                I begin by reviewing the framework under which we evalu-
         ate Equal Protection Clause challenges to legislation that has not
         previously been found to be discriminatory. I then compare that
         situation to the one here, where we must consider whether an
         amended version of a reenacted statute that was previously found
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 31

         to have been enacted for a discriminatory reason has been cleansed
         of its taint.
                The Supreme Court has explained that the Equal Protection
         Clause prohibits only laws that have both (1) a racially dispropor-
         tionate impact and (2) a racially discriminatory purpose. Hunter,
         471 U.S. at 228 (citing Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 239
         (1976)). Once plaintiffs have shown a disparate impact, we con-
         sider direct and indirect evidence of the legislature’s motivation or
         purpose in enacting the statute. Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 267;
         Burton v. Belle Glade, 178 F.3d 1175, 1189 (11th Cir. 1998) (“We
         evaluate all available direct and circumstantial evidence of intent in
         determining whether a discriminatory purpose was a motivating
         factor in a particular decision.”).
                 In a traditional Equal Protection analysis, we consider sev-
         eral factors: “(1) the impact of the challenged law; (2) the historical
         background; (3) the specific sequence of events leading up to its
         passage; (4) procedural and substantive departures; [] (5) the con-
         temporary statements and actions of key legislators;” (6) “the fore-
         seeability of the disparate impact; (7) knowledge of that impact,
         and (8) the availability of less discriminatory alternatives.” Greater
         Birmingham Ministries v. Sec’y of State of Ala., 992 F.3d 1299, 1322
         (11th Cir. 2021) (citing Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 267–68).
         We’ve explained that these factors are not exhaustive. Jean v. Nel-
         son, 711 F.2d 1455, 1485 (11th Cir. 1983). To determine whether a
         law violates the Equal Protection Clause in cases where no court
         has ruled that a predecessor provision of the challenged provision
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         32 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         violated the Equal Protection Clause, we apply these Arlington
         Heights factors (the Supreme Court has not yet decided a reenact-
         ment case). See Hunter, 471 U.S. at 233 (“As such, [the provision]
         violates equal protection under Arlington Heights.”).
                Although Arlington Heights governs our Equal Protection
         Clause analysis of laws with a discriminatory effect, our precedent
         does not appear to consider the Arlington Heights factors at all in
         a challenge to a reenacted law that was previously found to have
         been enacted for a discriminatory reason. Rather, our sole reenact-
         ment case assumed that the original statute had been passed with
         discriminatory animus. Johnson, 405 F.3d at 1223. Yet without
         mentioning the Arlington Heights factors and based solely on the
         reenacted law’s bicameralism and presentment, we concluded that
         the readoption had no indicia of discriminatory animus. Id.
                 In my view, this makes no sense. It should be harder, not
         easier, for a law that has been reenacted after a discriminatory find-
         ing to survive an Equal Protection Clause challenge than it is for a
         law facing an Equal Protection Clause challenge for the first time
         to satisfy such an inquiry. So the Arlington Heights factors should
         govern reenactment challenges to at least the same extent that they
         control the analysis in Equal Protection challenges to laws that
         have not previously been found to be discriminatory.
                 The Arlington Heights factors allow for consideration of bi-
         cameralism and presentment, as Johnson considers. More specifi-
         cally, the fourth Arlington Heights factor requires consideration of
         “procedural and substantive departures.” Greater Birmingham
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 33

         Ministries, 992 F.3d 1299 at 1322. A failure to engage in bicameral-
         ism and presentment could indicate a “procedural . . . departure[].”
         Id.
                 But that factor does not end the Arlington Heights inquiry.
         Rather, we consider seven other factors, as well as the other half of
         the fourth factor—“substantive departures.” The term “substan-
         tive departures” refers to substantive irregularities—for instance, a
         law that does the opposite of its claimed purpose. The category of
         “substantive departures” accounts for the fact that the state has ei-
         ther failed to give a reason for reenacting its law that a federal court
         has previously found to have been enacted for discriminatory rea-
         sons or failed to provide a reason that matches the effect of the
         reenacted law. See Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 564–65 (“Sub-
         stantive departures too may be relevant, particularly if the factors
         usually considered important by the decisionmaker strongly favor
         a decision contrary to the one reached.”); cf. Dep’t of Comm., 139
         S. Ct. at 2576 (“If judicial review is to be more than an empty ritual,
         it must demand something better than the explanation offered for
         the action taken in this case.”).
                 Either way, a substantive departure is a telltale sign that the
         state lacks a nondiscriminatory reason for reenactment. After all,
         as I’ve noted, the government doesn’t act without a purpose. And
         when what the legislature says it wants to do and what it actually
         does don’t match, we can find evidence of animus. Cf. Williams v.
         Valdosta, 689 F.2d 963, 975 (11th Cir. 1982) (reversing summary
         judgment where employee was denied promotion for not passing
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         34 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         an exam but adherence to the promotional policy was “incon-
         sistent and arbitrary at best”). As Justice Thomas has recognized,
         “if a policy remains in force, without adequate justification and de-
         spite tainted roots and segregative effect, it appears clear—clear
         enough to presume conclusively—that the State has failed to dis-
         prove discriminatory intent.” United States v. Fordice, 505 U.S.
         717, 747 (1992) (Thomas, J., concurring). For this reason, when an
         earlier finding of discriminatory intent exists, in a reenactment
         challenge, the most telling aspect of the Arlington Heights factors
         is any “substantive departure.”
                To see why, look at employment actions. Except for dis-
         crimination, a true reason for taking adverse action against an em-
         ployee favorably resolves an employment-discrimination action for
         the employer. So why offer a false reason—unless, of course, the
         true reason is discrimination, which would impose liability on the
         employer. The same is true in the legislation context. Just as a false
         reason for an employment action against a member of a protected
         group can suggest discrimination under the Equal Protection
         Clause, a false reason for the enactment of a law that has a discrim-
         inatory impact can indicate pretext for discrimination. And that is
         especially the case when the law is the reenactment of a law that a
         federal court has previously expressly found to have been enacted
         for a discriminatory purpose.
                To purge that taint, to assure citizens and courts that a leg-
         islature is not merely “taint laundering,” the reenacting legislature
         must identify its policy goal and justify any disparate impact, see
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         21-10034      ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 35

         W. Kerrel Murray, Discriminatory Taint, 135 HARV. L. REV. 1190,
         1244 (2022), as part of its showing that no impermissible substan-
         tive departures have occurred in the legislative process. Otherwise,
         “taint is a time-wasting paper tiger,” id. at 1264, because a state can
         reenact the same law that’s already been struck down as discrimi-
         natory—as long as the state doesn’t say it intends to discriminate.
         See Palmer v. Thompson, 403 U.S. 217, 225 (1971) (“[T]here is an
         element of futility in a judicial attempt to invalidate a law because
         . . . [i]f the law is struck down . . . it would presumably be valid as
         soon as the legislature or relevant governing body repassed it for
         different reasons.”). 12
         ii.   Alabama’s reenactment doesn’t remove the discriminatory
                      taint that the Supreme Court found in Hunter.
                With that in mind, I apply the Arlington Heights factors
         here. And in the light most favorable to the Plaintiffs-Appellants
         (as the nonmoving party), those factors reveal a genuine issue of
         fact about whether Alabama adopted Amendment 579 and its def-
         initions of “moral turpitude” with discriminatory animus.
                First, the Plaintiffs-Appellants have submitted evidence that
         the reenactment has a racially discriminatory effect. Of Alabami-
         ans convicted of felonies, 40% of Blacks and 35% of whites are

         12 Cf. Ne. Fla. Chapter of Associated Gen. Contractors v. Jacksonville, 508
         U.S. 656, 662 (1993) (refusing to deem a case moot if defendant repealed a
         challenged statute and replaced “it with one that differ[ed] only in some insig-
         nificant respect”).
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         36 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         disenfranchised. 13 Comparatively, that means that 14% more of
         the Black felon population than the white felon population is dis-
         enfranchised. 14
               So I proceed to the Arlington Heights factors. Of those, all
         but two weigh against Alabama.
                I begin with the second part of the fourth factor—“proce-
         dural and substantive departures”—because, as I’ve explained, the
         inquiry into substantive departures is the most revealing (and
         therefore the most important) in a case when a state reenacts a law
         that a federal court has previously established was enacted origi-
         nally for discriminatory reasons.
               Here, the “substantive departures” factor weighs heavily
         against Alabama for four reasons.
                One, Alabama’s only stated reason for adopting Amend-
         ment 579 is inconsistent with what Amendment 579 actually did.
         That makes Alabama’s stated reason suspect.

         13 Because the history of Alabama’s adoption and application of the constitu-
         tional amendment shows that the amendment’s reference to felony crimes of
         “moral turpitude” is meaningless in the absence of the statute, I use the statu-
         tory definition interchangeably with the amendment’s reference to felonies of
         “moral turpitude.”
         14 40 divided by 35 is 1.14. See Hunter, 471 U.S. at 227 (noting that the Elev-
         enth Circuit there found that Amendment 579’s predecessor made it “at least
         1.7 times as likely [that Blacks would] suffer disenfranchisement” as whites).
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 37

                Indeed, Alabama’s only stated purpose for adopting Amend-
         ment 579—“strictly housekeeping”—was, at best, an inaccurate de-
         scription of what the amendment actually did to Alabama’s felon-
         disenfranchisement law. When we think of housekeeping, we
         think of cleaning things up—in the context of legislation, clarifying
         the law.
                Amendment 579 did the exact opposite. Before the state
         adopted the amendment, Alabama’s constitution disenfranchised
         all convicted felons. Though it did so for an impermissible and dis-
         criminatory reason, the provision was clear on its face: convicted
         felons knew the law said they could not vote. But after adoption
         of Amendment 579, no one—not even the State of Alabama—
         knew which convicted felons were prohibited from voting. The
         law was in such a state of disarray that different local registrars en-
         forced the amendment to apply to different crimes. An amend-
         ment that throws so much uncertainty into a once-clear law cannot
         accurately be described as one adopted for “strictly housekeeping”
         reasons.
                Nor does Amendment 579—at least as Alabama has con-
         strued it—seem to match with the usual reasons given for disen-
         franchising those convicted of felonies of moral turpitude. Crimi-
         nals historically were disenfranchised because they did “damage to
         the ‘collective honor’ of the polis.” Aristotle, for instance, “be-
         lieved that ‘criminals who break laws cannot govern themselves
         and hence are not fit to govern others.’” And Rousseau asserted
         that “every offender who attacks the social right becomes through
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         38 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         his crimes a rebel and a traitor to his homeland; he ceases to be one
         of its members by violating its laws, and he even wages war against
         it.”
                As for disenfranchising those convicted of felonies of moral
         turpitude in particular, “moral turpitude,” insofar as it has gener-
         ally been defined, involves “fraud” or “fraudulent conduct,” see
         Jordan v. De George, 341 U.S 223, 227–28 (1951). 15 Indeed, the
         Supreme Court has said that, “[w]ithout exception, federal and
         state courts have held that a crime in which fraud is an ingredient
         involves moral turpitude.” Id. at 227.
                  But that doesn’t seem to be what Alabama thinks a crime of
         “moral turpitude” is. Consider what’s not on Alabama’s list. Ala-
         bama’s version of “moral turpitude” doesn’t disenfranchise those
         who’ve committed voting-fraud-related felonies like deceiving an
         elector in preparation of her ballot, 16 altering another person’s bal-
         lot, 17 failing to count legally cast absentee votes, 18 illegally voting

         15 The term “moral turpitude” was first used in an 1891 immigration statute
         accompanied without comment or debate. Brian C. Harms, Redefining
         “Crimes of Moral Turpitude”: A Proposal to Congress, 15 GEO. IMM. L.J. 259,
         262 (2001) (“The lack of legislative history makes it impossible to know
         whether Congress considered the term to be a new criterion, or . . . merely a
         synthesis of previously recognized distinctions.”) (cleaned up).
         16 ALA. CODE § 17-17-19.
         17 ALA. CODE § 17-17-24(a).
         18 ALA. CODE § 17-17-27.
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         21-10034     ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 39

         more than once in an election (second violation),19 willfully and
         intentionally signing the name of another elector in a poll
         book,20 bribery of public servants, 21 and perjury. 22 So Alabama
         doesn’t disenfranchise those who’ve been convicted of election-re-
         lated or government-corruption-related fraud.
                 This underinclusiveness “raises serious doubts about
         whether the government is in fact pursuing the interest” tradition-
         ally invoked for felon-disenfranchisement provisions that pertain
         to crimes of moral turpitude. Cf. Brown v. Ent. Merchants Ass’n,
         564 U.S. 786, 802 (2011); see also Fitzpatrick v. City of Atlanta, 2
         F.3d 1112, 1125 (11th Cir. 1993) (“[T]his underinclusiveness shows
         that the City’s claim that it was motivated by safety concerns is in
         fact pretextual.”). In other words, Alabama says that it is concerned
         about disenfranchising people who do collective damage to the po-
         lis’s honor (including election integrity) through what have histor-
         ically been viewed as fraud-related crimes. But then Alabama ex-
         empts from its felon-disenfranchisement provision those convicted
         of election-related fraud—which goes to the heart of the collective
         honor of our polis.

         19 ALA. CODE § 17-17-36.
         20 ALA. CODE § 17-17-15.
         21 ALA. CODE § 13A-10-61.
         22 ALA. CODE § 13A-10-101.
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         40 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                Let’s just say it: that’s really odd. And the incongruity be-
         tween the traditional purpose for disenfranchising those convicted
         of crimes of moral turpitude and those Alabama has actually disen-
         franchised—or more accurately, has not disenfranchised—should
         make a court question whether the traditional purpose of such a
         provision is in fact Alabama’s purpose here.
                Two, Amendment 579 employs vague language—“moral
         turpitude”—that was selected in Amendment 579’s predecessor for
         a discriminatory purpose and was enforced in a discriminatory
         way. Not coincidentally with that history, it has long been recog-
         nized that “the loose terminology of moral turpitude hampers uni-
         formity.” Note, Crimes Involving Moral Turpitude, 43 HARV. L.
         REV. 117, 121 (1930). As Justice Robert Jackson pointed out seven
         decades ago, the phrase was “not one which has settled significance
         from being words of art in the profession. If we go to the diction-
         aries, the last resort of the baffled judge, we learn little except that
         the expression is redundant, for turpitude alone means moral wick-
         edness or depravity and moral turpitude seems to mean little more
         than morally immoral.” Jordan, 341 U.S at 235 (Jackson, J., dissent-
         ing).
                Using a vague term like “moral turpitude” gives local regis-
         trars, who were the ultimate arbiters of what qualified as felonies
         of moral turpitude in the years immediately after Amendment 579
         was adopted, carte blanche to discriminate. Indeed, the govern-
         ment in Jordan conceded that “moral turpitude” was “a term that
         [was] not clearly defined,” and that “[t]he various definitions of
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 41

         moral turpitude provide no exact test by which we can classify the
         specific offenses here involved.” Id. In Justice Jackson’s view,
         “moral turpitude” was an “undefined and undefinable standard.”
         Id. In other words, we know that Alabama in 1901 used the phrase
         “moral turpitude” for racially discriminatory reasons. Hunter, 471
         U.S. at 233. So its use of that same phrase again should trigger
         closer inquiry.
                Alabama is of course free to use the same phrase again. But
         its unexplained choice to do so—especially when Alabama itself
         had not even settled on a definition for the term—counsels against
         finding the earlier impermissible intent was cleansed.
               Three, and relatedly, Alabama arbitrarily enforced the
         amendment in the immediate aftermath of its ratification, leaving
         it entirely to local registrars to construe the meaning of the term
         “moral turpitude.” As Clay Helms, the Assistant Director of Elec-
         tions and Supervisor of Voter Registration, acknowledged in his
         deposition, the moral-turpitude provision meant different things in
         different counties because local registrars made individual deci-
         sions without binding guidance from the state. As a result, the
         moral-turpitude provision could be interpreted so that the exact
         same crime could be disqualifying in one county but not another.
         That arbitrary enforcement of Amendment 579 undermines any
         conceivable legitimacy behind Alabama’s reason or the traditional
         reason for disenfranchising those convicted of felonies of moral tur-
         pitude.
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         42 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

               Four, Alabama’s whipsaw change in definitions of “moral
         turpitude” further belies the notion that Alabama adopted Amend-
         ment 579 for a legitimate purpose. As the history of the provision’s
         interpretation shows, Alabama went from leaving it up to the local
         registrars to construe the phrase to categorizing just 15 crimes as
         involving moral turpitude to including over 480—with stops along
         the way. Compare the Exploratory Committee’s list, Doc. 215-13
         ¶ 39, with the Governor’s list, Doc. 269-12 at 11–12. The huge var-
         iance in Alabama’s definition of felonies of “moral turpitude” over
         the years is perhaps unsurprising given that Alabama never had a
         meaning of the phrase in mind when it adopted Amendment 579
         and instead treated the task of determining qualifying convictions
         as a complete afterthought, assigning everyone from interns to
         committees to tell Alabama whom it had disenfranchised. But the
         point is this: Alabama’s process of determining what qualifies as a
         felony of moral turpitude was completely arbitrary. That sheer ar-
         bitrariness casts doubt on any conclusion that Alabama adopted
         Amendment 579 for a legitimate purpose.
                In sum, on the substantive-departure inquiry, the mismatch
         between Alabama’s stated purpose in adopting Amendment 579
         and the actual effect of that Amendment (not to mention the sheer
         arbitrariness of how Alabama has construed Amendment 579)
         strongly weighs in favor of finding discriminatory intent.
                Almost all the other Arlington Heights factors also weigh in
         favor of finding discriminatory intent.
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         21-10034     ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 43

                As to the first factor—“the impact of the challenged law”—
         as I’ve already noted, Alabama’s felon-disenfranchisement provi-
         sion has a racially disparate effect because under it, of Alabamians
         convicted of felonies, 40% of Blacks are disenfranchised and 35% of
         whites are disenfranchised. 23 So this factor weighs against Ala-
         bama.
                 On the second factor—“the historical background”—that
         also figures heavily in favor of a finding of intent here. Alabama
         has a long, long history of racial discrimination in general—espe-
         cially in the voting context. See supra at 6–22. Of course, the past
         is the past. But here, some of the discriminatory past is not so long
         ago. After all, it was less than fifteen years ago when Alabama state
         senators were caught on video referring to Blacks as “Aborigines”
         and strategizing to reduce the Black-voter turnout. Shelby Cnty.,
         570 U.S. at 584 (Ginsberg, J., dissenting). So we have direct evi-
         dence of discriminatory intent by Alabama legislators not just in
         the distant past but even after Amendment 579 was adopted. We
         cannot ignore that under the Arlington Heights framework. And
         this factor also weighs heavily against Alabama.
                I combine my consideration of the third factor—“the specific
         sequence of events leading up to [the law’s] passage”—the “proce-
         dural . . . departures” aspect of the fourth factor, and the fifth

         23 Consideration of a law’s disparate impact occurs twice in an Equal Protec-
         tion Clause analysis—once on its own as a requirement and again as part of
         the factor-based inquiry into intent. Of course, the analysis is the same here.
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         44 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         factor—“the contemporary statements and actions of key legisla-
         tors.” As I’ve mentioned, after its introduction on the floor, the
         amendment underwent no discussion in committee. Yet the day
         after introduction, the Standing Committee on Constitution and
         Elections returned it to the House with a favorable report. The
         full House passed the amendment without any debate or discus-
         sion. The amendment moved to the Senate, and it quickly moved
         through committee to the floor and passed. After it passed both
         houses of the Alabama Legislature, the amendment survived a vote
         by the Alabama voters. To be sure, the fact that the bill went
         through bicameralism and presentment (and was approved by the
         voters) reveals no “procedural . . . departures” and puts some
         weight on the scale in Alabama’s favor.
                 But then again, Alabama adopted the amendment (complete
         with the “moral turpitude” language) with no discussion—so we
         can’t evaluate “the contemporary statements and actions of key
         legislators.” And the law went through bicameralism and present-
         ment without discussion after the unsuccessful lead-ups to the 1996
         adoption, where Alabama heard evidence from the ACLU that the
         amendment’s use of the phrase “moral turpitude” was “vague and
         indefinite” and appeared “unwarranted and discriminatory.”
         Given this objection, Alabama’s historic use of the phrase “moral
         turpitude” to disenfranchise Blacks through Amendment 579’s pre-
         decessor, and Alabama’s lack of definition for “moral turpitude” at
         the time of Amendment 579’s adoption, that the amendment en-
         dured utterly no discussion on its way to adoption is certainly
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 45

         curious. And in that respect, it seems to me to outweigh any
         weight for Alabama that bicameralism and presentment otherwise
         would have accorded.
                 As to the sixth factor—“the foreseeability of the disparate
         impact”—that also weighs against Alabama. For starters, Alabama
         had historically used the phrase “moral turpitude” to disenfran-
         chise Black voters with Amendment 579’s predecessor. Plus, the
         ACLU warned Alabama previously that the phrase was “discrimi-
         natory” and “vague.” Even with that historic knowledge, Alabama
         still chose to use the phrase “moral turpitude” without defining it—
         and then it assigned its local registrars to construe it. It’s hard to
         imagine how it would have been unreasonable for Alabama to
         have foreseen the likelihood of the Amendment’s discriminatory
         effect.
                On the seventh factor—“knowledge of [the discriminatory]
         impact”—the record does not include direct evidence that legisla-
         tors who voted in favor of what became Amendment 579 would
         have a discriminatory impact. So I do not weigh that against Ala-
         bama. Still, it’s hard to understand how Alabama would not have
         known, given its history of using the phrase “moral turpitude” for
         the very purpose of disenfranchising Blacks, the ACLU’s warning,
         and Alabama’s failure to attempt to define the phrase “moral turpi-
         tude” in the Amendment. Indeed, against that background, use of
         the phrase “moral turpitude” almost seems designed to inflict a dis-
         criminatory impact.
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         46 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

                On the eighth factor—the availability of less discriminatory
         alternatives—the Plaintiffs-Appellants do not point to any. So I
         weigh this factor in Alabama’s favor.
                In short, only one factor weighs against a finding of discrim-
         inatory intent. But several—and some heavily—support the no-
         tion that Amendment 579 flunks its Equal Protection Clause chal-
         lenge. If our precedent were aligned with the Supreme Court’s in-
         structions—and common sense—we would remand for a jury to
         decide whether these indicators prove that the legislator acted with
         discriminatory intent. So if I were not confined by our precedent,
         I would conclude that Amendment 579 did not cleanse the discrim-
         inatory taint of Alabama’s 1901 felon-disenfranchisement provi-
         sion.

          IV.   THE FELON DISENFRANCHISMENT STATUTE VIO-
                        LATES THE EX POST FACTO CLAUSE.
               I would also conclude that Alabama’s felon-disenfranchise-
         ment law is an unconstitutional ex post facto punishment. 24

         24 The Plaintiffs-Appellants also challenge the 1996 amendment—not just the
         2017 statute—under the Ex Post Facto Clause. As far as I can tell, only one
         plaintiff was convicted of a crime before 1996: a woman who was convicted
         of first-degree murder in 1995. But those with murder convictions were dis-
         qualified from voting both before and after 1996, so there is no ex post facto
         problem with her disqualification. Compare ALA. CONST. § 182 (1901), with
         ALA. CONST. § 177(b) (1996).
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         21-10034     ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 47

                The Ex Post Facto Clause prevents governments from im-
         posing new criminal sanctions on conduct that has already oc-
         curred. Weaver v. Graham, 450 U.S. 24, 30 (1981) (citing U.S.
         CONST. Art. I, § 9, cl. 3). That prohibition ensures that people have
         “fair notice” of the consequences for breaking the law. Id.
                The Ex Post Facto Clause prohibits only punishments. Id.,
         So we begin our Ex Post Facto Clause analysis by evaluating
         whether a law is punitive, which turns on the legislative intent.
         Smith v. Doe, 538 U.S. 84, 92 (2003). If the legislature expressed its
         intention for the statute to be punitive, then our inquiry ends. Id.
         But even if the legislature didn’t so intend, a law may still be puni-
         tive. Id. If the statutory scheme is “so punitive either in purpose
         or effect,” then we deem the scheme to be criminal. Id. We use
         the Kennedy v. Mendoza-Martinez factors to assess whether a stat-
         utory scheme is sufficiently punitive to implicate the Ex Post Facto
         Clause. Id. at 97 (citing 372 U.S. 144 (1963)). Here, the amendment
         and the statute contain no express indication that they are intended
         as punishment. So we must turn to the Mendoza-Martinez factors.
               Before I begin, I note two assumptions my analysis makes
         because they don’t matter to the outcome, and the Majority Opin-
         ion has opined on them. First, I assume that even though we’ve
         previously said that felon disenfranchisement is always punitive, 25

         25 Johnson, 405 F.3d at 1218 n.5, 1228; Jones v. Gov. of Fla. (“Jones I”), 950
         F.3d 795 (11th Cir. 2020); and Jones v. Gov. of Fla (“Jones II”), 975 F.3d 1016
         (11th Cir. 2020) (en banc).
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         48 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         those statements were dicta and therefore nonbinding. Maj. Op. at
         26–31. Second, I assume that Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86 (1958),
         stands for only the proposition that disenfranchisement may (or
         may not) be punitive. Maj. Op. at 31–33. From that assumption,
         the Majority Opinion’s conclusion that our sister circuits have mis-
         read Trop follows.
                 At the first step of the Ex Post Facto analysis, I also agree
         with the Majority Opinion that the text of Amendment 579 isn’t
         clear on whether Alabama intended felon disenfranchisement to be
         civil or criminal. Maj. Op. at 33–35. But that’s not the end of the
         analysis because the Supreme Court has instructed lower courts to
         determine if—even though the legislature didn’t affirmatively in-
         tend for a regulation to be punitive—the regulations are so severe
         that the law is punitive in effect. Smith, 538 U.S. at 91–92.
                  For this analysis, we must consider the Mendoza-Martinez
         factors. These factors include the following: (1) whether the sanc-
         tion is an “affirmative disability or restraint as that term is normally
         understood,” Hudson v. United States, 522 U.S. 93, 104 (1997); (2)
         whether the sanction was historically considered civil or criminal,
         Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U.S. at 168; (3) whether the sanction-trig-
         gering conduct requires scienter, id., (4) whether the law serves
         the traditional aims of punishment: (deterrence and retribution),
         id.; (5) whether the behavior to which it applies is already a crime;
         id.; (6) “whether the alternative purpose to which it may rationally
         be connected is assignable for it,” id. at 168–69; and (7) whether the
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 49

         law appears excessive in relation to the alternative purpose as-
         signed, id. at 169.
                 I must vigorously dissent from the Majority Opinion’s anal-
         ysis of the Mendoza-Martinez factors because the Majority Opinion
         misconstrues and misapplies those factors. Maj. Op. at 37–42.
                 The first Mendoza-Martinez factor asks whether the sanc-
         tion is an “affirmative disability or restraint as that term is normally
         understood.” Hudson v. United States, 522 U.S. 93, 104 (1997).
         The Majority Opinion concludes that losing the ability to vote is
         more like occupational disbarment than imprisonment. Maj. Op.
         at 38.
                 That conclusion defies logic. As the Supreme Court has ex-
         plained, the “right to vote freely for the candidate of one’s choice
         is of the essence of a democratic society, and any restrictions on
         that right strike at the heart of representative government.” Reyn-
         olds, 377 U.S. at 555. Indeed, voting is a fundamental right. Id.
         And Amendment 579 and Alabama Code § 17-3-30.1 prevent citi-
         zens from affirmatively exercising their fundamental rights. On the
         other hand, though certainly important, “the right to practice a par-
         ticular profession is not a fundamental one.” Locke v. Shore, 634
         F.3d 1185, 1196 (11th Cir. 2011) (citation omitted). Because voting
         is a fundamental right and practicing a particular profession is not,
         losing the right to vote more closely resembles imprisonment than
         losing the right to practice a particular profession. See Simmons v.
         Galvin, 575 F.3d 24, 65 (1st Cir. 2009) (Torruella, J., dissenting)
         (“Disenfranchisement, though neither physical nor permanent,
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         50 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         deprives U.S. citizens of a fundamental right, and as such, is un-
         doubtedly an affirmative disability.”).
                Also under the first Mendoza-Martinez factor (whether the
         sanction is an “affirmative disability or restraint”), we must con-
         sider the arbiter of the sanction: an agency or a jury. In Hudson,
         the Supreme Court relied on the fact that the business license could
         be revoked by an agency as evidence that occupational disbarment
         was civil. 522 U.S. at 103. But that consideration cuts the other
         way here: only a jury can find an Alabama voter guilty of a felony
         of moral turpitude. So I would conclude that losing the right to
         vote constitutes an affirmative disability or restraint.
                As to the second Mendoza-Martinez factor—whether the
         sanction was historically considered civil or criminal, Mendoza-
         Martinez, 372 U.S. at 168—the Majority Opinion, faced with the
         overwhelming weight of history, cites to some cases from the
         1800s and declares a draw. Maj. Op. at 38–40. But a Maryland Su-
         preme Court case from 1865 and an Alabama Supreme Court case
         from 1884 aren’t probative of how history has viewed felon disen-
         franchisement. Instead, we should look at history in full.
               Let’s start pre-Founding. Ancient Greece and Rome had “in-
         famy” laws that revoked political rights as an additional punish-
         ment for committing crimes. See Alexander Keyssar, THE RIGHT
         TO VOTE: THE CONTESTED HISTORY OF DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED
         STATES 62–63 (2000); Mirjan R. Damaska, Adverse Legal Conse-
         quences of Conviction and their Removal: A Comparative Study,
         59 J. CRIM. L., CRIMINOLOGY & POLICE SCI. 347, 351 (1968)
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         21-10034   ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 51

         (explaining that the Roman Republic also employed infamy as a
         penalty for those convicted of crimes involving moral turpitude).
         Medieval continental Europe assessed “civil death” for committing
         crimes, and Medieval England had “attainder” laws. Id. In nine-
         teenth-century Europe, it wasn’t uncommon for penal statutes to
         disenfranchise felons automatically. Damaska, Adverse Legal Con-
         sequences of Conviction and their Removal, supra, at 352–53 (cit-
         ing statutes from Belgium, Italy, Luxembourg, Monaco, and
         Spain).
                  Turning to this country, we have historically viewed disen-
         franchisement as a punitive device. In readmitting Confederate
         States to the Union, Congress required that states amend their con-
         stitutions to ensure universal (male) suffrage except as a punish-
         ment for felonies. See Ramirez, 418 U.S. at 48–51. The upshot of
         this is that Congress recognized that felon disenfranchisement was
         a punitive sanction.
                 Indeed, the Second Circuit has described the “nearly univer-
         sal use of felon disenfranchisement as a punitive device.”
         Muntaqim v. Coombe, 366 F.3d 102, 123 (2d Cir. 2004) (vacated en
         banc on other grounds). And the American Law Institute’s Model
         Penal Code described prisoner disenfranchisement as “an integral
         part of the criminal law.” Model Penal Code § 306.3 (Proposed Of-
         ficial Draft 1962). We’ve even said so ourselves. In our en banc
         Johnson opinion, we recognized that “throughout history, criminal
         disenfranchisement provisions have existed as a punitive device.”
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         52 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         405 F.3d at 1218 n.5. When we don’t cherry-pick history, it shows
         that felon disenfranchisement is a punitive sanction.
                Even if this factor were neutral—which it isn’t—the Major-
         ity Opinion’s analysis reveals that this factor deserves little weight
         here. After all, the Majority Opinion relies on two cases from the
         1860s and 1880s, when voting wasn’t considered a fundamental
         right. Richard Briffault, The Contested Right to Vote, 100 MICH.
         L. REV. 1506, 1512 (2001) (“Moreover, suffrage was a state matter,
         not an aspect of national citizenship. The federal Constitution
         largely sidestepped the question of the vote . . . Voting was in no
         sense a federal constitutional right.”). So even if those two cases
         represented the legal consensus at the time—and they don’t—
         whether felon disenfranchisement was viewed as punitive in 1860
         (when voting wasn’t yet understood to be a fundamental right)
         cannot inform whether felon disenfranchisement is punitive today.
                  Turning to the third Mendoza-Martinez factor, Alabama’s
         felon-disenfranchisement law unquestionably requires scienter.
         Maj. Op. at 40. The Majority Opinion claims (without analysis or
         citation) that the provision doesn’t have a scienter requirement.
         Maj. Op. at 40. But that’s just not correct. The statute disenfran-
         chises only those who commit crimes of moral turpitude. See Ala.
         Code. § 17-3-30.1. How can one commit a crime of moral turpi-
         tude without a mental state? The Majority Opinion doesn’t list any
         strict-liability-moral-turpitude crimes (nor can I think of any). Nor
         does the Alabama Legislature’s list include any strict-liability
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         21-10034      ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 53

         crimes. Id. (including murder, manslaughter, kidnapping, rape,
         sodomy, sexual torture, terrorism, human trafficking). 26
                On the fourth Mendoza-Martinez factor, the felon-disen-
         franchisement provision serves the traditional aims of punishment:
         retribution and deterrence. Felon disenfranchisement is retribu-
         tive because the restriction, by “deny[ing] the civic and human dig-
         nity of persons who have been convicted of doing wrong,” is “em-
         blematic of the denunciatory function of criminal law.” Simmons,
         575 F.3d at 66 (citing Bell v. Wolfish, 441 U.S. 520, 593–93 n.26
         (1979) (Stevens, J., dissenting)).
                 Losing the right to vote is also a deterrent to criminal behav-
         ior. The Majority Opinion claims (again without citation or analy-
         sis) that “[i]t is very unlikely that an individual considering whether
         to commit a felony would be willing to risk imprisonment but not
         disenfranchisement.” Maj. Op. at 40. There are many problems
         with this claim. The first problem is that there is no record evi-
         dence for that assertion. And we are, after all, talking about a fun-
         damental right. See Simmons, 575 F.3d at 65 (Torruella, J.,

         26 To be fair, the statute includes “possession” crimes, like possessing a bacte-
         riological or biological weapon. Id. § 17-3-30.1 (citing id. § 13A-10-193). I’m
         unaware of any authority as to whether those crimes require scienter. But I
         presume that they do because the general rule in Alabama is that “all criminal
         statutes must contain the element of scienter.” McCrary v. State, 429 So. 2d
         1121, 1124 (Ala. Crim. Ct. App. 1982). Given that general statement of law,
         the Majority Opinion’s claim that the listed crimes don’t require scienter can-
         not be right.
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         54 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         dissenting) (“Of course, the threat of being deprived of a fundamen-
         tal right will, to a certain extent, always operate to deter a rational
         person from engaging in unlawful conduct.”). So we should hesi-
         tate to base a decision on the Majority Opinion’s suppositions in
         this respect.
                And, even if we accepted the Majority Opinion’s hypothesis,
         the assertion also proves too much. Try this: “[i]t is very unlikely
         that an individual considering whether to commit a felony would
         be willing to risk” nineteen years’ imprisonment but not twenty
         years. Under the Majority Opinion’s logic, would the twentieth
         year of imprisonment be non-punitive because it didn’t increase
         the deterrent effect? Of course not. Neither is disenfranchisement.
                 The Majority Opinion also doesn’t explain the positive case
         for its conclusion. In other words, the Majority Opinion doesn’t
         explain why, if felon disenfranchisement isn’t retributive or a de-
         terrent, felon disenfranchisement is instead compensatory or regu-
         latory. How, exactly, does not letting people who have served
         their sentence and paid their legal financial obligations vote “com-
         pensate” their victims?
                Finally, there is another reason why felon-disenfranchise-
         ment statutes are punitive and not regulatory: states can’t screen
         for “good character” in voters as a regulatory matter. After Reyn-
         olds, states can’t require “good character” for voting because vot-
         ing is a fundamental right. Pamela S. Karlan, Convictions and
         Doubts: Retribution, Representation, and the Debate over Felon
         Disenfranchisement, 56 STAN. L. REV. 1147, 1155 (2004). Given
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 55

         that, “it would be perverse to rely on criminal convictions as evi-
         dence that individuals lack qualities that voters are not required to
         have.” Id. In sum, this fourth factor—whether disenfranchisement
         serves the traditional aims of punishment, Mendoza-Martinez, 372
         U.S. at 168, also supports a finding of punitiveness.
                As to the fifth Mendoza-Martinez factor, the Majority Opin-
         ion admits that “felon disenfranchisement only sanctions behavior
         that is already criminal.” Maj. Op. at 40. The Majority Opinion
         seems to feel that this fact favors the conclusion that a restriction is
         civil. Maj. Op. at 40 (citing United States v. Ursery, 518 U.S. 267,
         292 (1996)). It does not. The Supreme Court has explained that
         the fact that sanctions are linked to criminalized behavior “sug-
         gests” that the sanctions are, in fact, “criminal in nature.” United
         States v. One Assortment of 89 Firearms, 465 U.S. 354, 365 (1984).
         In other words, the Majority Opinion’s admission that felon disen-
         franchisement is linked directly to criminal behavior (such as com-
         mission of a felony) supports finding that disenfranchisement is a
         punitive sanction.
                To be sure, the Supreme Court has given this factor little
         weight because “Congress may impose both a criminal and a civil
         sanction in respect to the same act or omission.” Helvering v.
         Mitchell, 303 U.S. 391, 399 (1938); 89 Firearms, 465 U.S. at 365 (“But
         that indication is not as strong as it might seem at first blush.”);
         Ursery, 518 U.S. at 292 (“[T]hough both statutes are tied to criminal
         activity, as was the case in 89 Firearms, this fact is insufficient to
         render the statutes punitive.”). In other words, a link between a
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         56 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         crime and a sanction is not sufficient (without more) to show a stat-
         ute is punitive. But we have more here—five of the six other Mar-
         tinez-Mendoza factors favor a finding of punitiveness.
                 Sixth, I concede that Alabama could have a legitimate pur-
         pose for disenfranchising felons. States, even after the Fourteenth
         Amendment, can restrict felons from the franchise. See U.S.
         CONST., amend XIV, § 2 (recognizing that States may exclude from
         the franchise those who participated in rebellion or other crime
         without losing representation in Congress). But see Ramirez, 418
         U.S. at 72–73 (Marshall, J., dissenting) (arguing that there is little
         legislative history or explanation of the meaning of “any crime” in
         the Fourteenth Amendment).
                But seventh, that purpose is “excessive in relation to the al-
         ternate purpose assigned.” Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U.S. at 169. Al-
         abama says that it wants to exclude those who have engaged in
         crimes of moral turpitude. Fair enough. But if that’s true, why
         doesn’t Alabama want to exclude those convicted of bribery of
         public servants 27; perjury 28; deceiving an elector in preparation of
         her ballot 29; altering another person’s ballot30; failing to count

         27 ALA. CODE § 13A-10-61.
         28 ALA. CODE § 13A-10-101.
         29 ALA. CODE § 17-17-19.
         30 ALA. CODE § 17-17-24(a).
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         21-10034     ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 57

         legally cast absentee votes 31; illegally voting more than once in an
         election (second violation) 32; and willfully and intentionally sign-
         ing the name of another elector in a poll book? 33 Of course, it isn’t
         my place to tell Alabama which felons to exclude from the fran-
         chise (or who not to exclude). But it is my job to point out when
         Alabama is drawing lines at odds with its stated purpose—lines that
         suggest its purpose might be something else. Cf. Weinberger v.
         Wiesenfeld, 420 U.S. 636, 648 (1975) (“But the mere recitation of a
         benign, compensatory purpose is not an automatic shield which
         protects against any inquiry into the actual purposes underlying a
         statutory scheme.”). The mismatch between Alabama’s stated aim
         and its method suggests that the restriction may be punitive.
              To recap, then, six of the seven factors support finding that
         Alabama’s felon-disenfranchisement statute is punitive.
                This conclusion—that the felon-disenfranchisement statute
         is punitive—means that the Ex Post Facto Clause prohibits applica-
         tion of the statute to the Plaintiffs-Appellants. That is so because
         the statute took effect after the Plaintiffs-Appellants committed
         their crimes, and the Plaintiffs-Appellants committed their crimes
         after Alabama adopted Amendment 579, which made Alabama’s
         disenfranchisement provision applicable to only a then-undefined

         31 ALA. CODE § 17-17-27).
         32 ALA. CODE § 17-17-36.
         33 ALA. CODE § 17-17-15.
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         58 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         group of crimes—felonies of “moral turpitude.” Simply put, be-
         cause the Plaintiffs-Appellants didn’t know that they would lose
         their right to vote when they committed their crimes, it is uncon-
         stitutional to retroactively strip them of that right. Lynce v.
         Mathis, 519 U.S. 433, 449 (1997). I therefore disagree with the Ma-
         jority Opinion’s conclusion to the contrary.

             V.    ALABAMA’S VOTER REGISTRATION FORM VIO-
                LATES THE NATIONAL VOTER REGISTRATION ACT
                Finally, I would also reverse as to the National Voter Regis-
         tration Act (“NVRA”) claim. As I see it, the Majority Opinion ig-
         nores the text of the statute and the Plaintiffs-Appellants’ actual ar-
         guments. Maj. Op. at 42–44.
                The NVRA requires that mail voter-registration forms
         “shall” include a statement that “specifies each eligibility require-
         ment (including citizenship).” 52 U.S.C. § 20508(b)(2)(A) (emphasis
         added). To “specify” something means “to name or state explicitly
         or in detail.” Specify, MERRIAM-WEBSTER ONLINE DICTION-
         ARY (https://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/specify (last
         accessed Apr. 20, 2023). Alabama’s voter-eligibility requirements
         mandate that the voter not be “convicted of a felony involving
         moral turpitude” unless his or her civil and political rights were re-
         stored. ALA. CONST., Art. VIII, § 177(b). Alabama’s voter form
         then, must “specify” what it means to be convicted of a felony in-
         volving moral turpitude.
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 59

                 But Alabama’s form does not “name or state explicitly in de-
         tail” what it means to have been convicted of a felony involving
         moral turpitude. Rather, Alabama’s form says only that a pro-
         spective voter can register by swearing—under penalty of per-
         jury—that he or she is “not barred by reason of a disqualifying fel-
         ony conviction. (The list of disqualifying felonies is available on the
         Secretary of State’s web site[.] [URL omitted]).” A form that iden-
         tifies a requirement but doesn’t give any information about that
         requirement can’t be said to state it “explicitly in detail.” For in-
         stance, the form doesn’t even mention the requirement that the
         felony be one of moral turpitude. Nor does it have a list of the
         felony convictions that are disqualifying. The form provides only
         a website link. The form is problematic both because not everyone
         has access to the Internet but also because a website link can’t pos-
         sibly be said to “state explicitly in detail” the disqualifying felonies.
         And it doesn’t take much imagination to conclude that the form’s
         overly general description of who can’t vote discourages some who
         are eligible to vote from voting because, unsure of their eligibility
         based on the form’s instructions, they do not want to take the
         chance of violating the law.
                 The Majority Opinion concludes that the website URL is
         sufficiently specific. But it never explains why a URL link is suffi-
         ciently specific and never grapples with the text of the statute. In
         fact, the Majority Opinion claims that courts should avoid picking
         out individual words to discern an entire statute’s meaning. Maj.
         Op. at 44. While I agree with that approach, it doesn’t give us
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         60 ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 21-10034

         license to ignore the text entirely. See Van Buren v. United States,
         141 S. Ct. 1648, 1654 (2021) (“[W]e start where we always do: with
         the text of the statute.”). Here, the Majority never analyzes the
         only verb in the section of the statute—the only thing that Alabama
         must do. How can we know if Alabama has performed its required
         duty without so much as mentioning what that duty—as codified
         in the verb “specify”—is? Nor am I construing the meaning of an
         entire statute based on one word: I’m ensuring that the one
         word—enacted by Congress and signed by the President—is given
         its proper meaning. See id. (discussing the meaning of “so” in the
         phrase “entitled so to obtain.”).
                Finally, the Majority Opinion sets up and knocks down a
         strawman version of the Plaintiffs-Appellants’ argument. Contrary
         to the Majority Opinion’s (mis)-characterization, the Plaintiffs-Ap-
         pellants aren’t asking Alabama to list “every state, federal, and for-
         eign felony involving moral turpitude.” Maj. Op. at 42–43 (empha-
         sis added). They just want the list of crimes that Alabama says qual-
         ify—the forty-seven enumerated crimes and the catchall provision.
                And contrary to the Majority Opinion’s suggestion, the
         Plaintiffs-Appellants’ position isn’t internally inconsistent. Maj.
         Op. at 42–43. The Plaintiffs-Appellants just want more specificity
         than a generic description and a website URL and don’t want (and
         have never asked for) a constantly shifting list of federal and foreign
         crimes of moral turpitude that are irrelevant to whether they can
         vote. Asking for a middle position isn’t inconsistent—it’s moder-
         ate.
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         21-10034    ROSENBAUM, J., Concurring and Dissenting in Part 61

                                 VI. CONCLUSION
                 Ultimately, I agree with the Majority Opinion that Ala-
         bama’s reenactment of its felon-disenfranchisement provision sat-
         isfies our precedent’s required procedure to remove discriminatory
         taint from an earlier statute. But in my view, our precedent im-
         poses a meaningless test to ascertain whether a reenacted version
         of a law that a federal court has previously found to have been en-
         acted for a discriminatory reason violates the Equal Protection
         Clause. Because our precedent requires us to apply that meaning-
         less test, though, I am constrained to concur in affirming the district
         court’s judgment.
                But I dissent from the Majority Opinion’s holding that Ala-
         bama’s felon-disenfranchisement statute is civil and therefore isn’t
         subject to the Ex Post Facto Clause. In fact, the statute is punitive
         and therefore can be applied only prospectively. I also dissent from
         the Majority Opinion’s holding on the National Voter Registration
         Act claim because Alabama’s voter-registration form doesn’t “spec-
         ify” which individuals convicted of felonies cannot vote and there-
         fore violates federal law.