Court Opinion

ID: 9458570
Source: CourtListenerOpinion
Date Created: 2023-08-04 20:55:53.775578+00
Date Added: 2024-06-11T17:35:48.874086
License: Public Domain

WINTER, Circuit Judge
(dissenting):
I do not agree that Laird v. Tatum, 408 U.S. 1, 92 S.Ct. 2318, 33 L.Ed.2d 154 (June 26, 1972) should lead us to conclude that on this record plaintiffs have no justiciable claim. Rather, I would conclude that they have standing to sue and that they have proved a cause of action entitling them to relief.
I.
The starting point in my discussion is to consider what Tatum held, the factual basis on which the decision was reached,1 what this record establishes, and whether Tatum is applicable. Tec-tum concluded that plaintiffs’ complaints about the Army’s data gathering system failed to present a justiciable controversy. Stated otherwise, plaintiffs lacked standing to litigate the issues they sought to raise because they neither alleged nor proved objective harm or threat of specific future harm to themselves or the class they purported to represent. The factual basis on which the majority decided the case is best documented by quotations from the majority’s opinion:
(a) In describing the history of the litigation, the majority said, with reference to the grant of certiorari:
We granted certiorari to consider whether, as the Court of Appeals held, *203respondents presented a justiciable controversy in complaining of a “chilling” effect on the exercise of their First Amendment rights where such effect is allegedly caused, not by any “specific action of the Army against them, [but] only [by] the existence and operation of the intelligence gathering and distributing system, which is confined to the Army and related civilian investigative agencies.” 444 F.2d 947, 953. We reverse, (p. 3, 92 S.Ct. p. 2320.)
(b) In describing the district court’s and court of appeals’ decisions, the majority said:
It was the view of the District Court that respondents failed to allege any action on the part of the Army that was unlawful in itself and further failed to allege any injury or any realistic threats to their rights growing out of the Army’s actions.
In reversing, the Court of Appeals noted that respondents “have some difficulty in establishing visible injury.” They
“freely admit that they complain of no specific action of the Army against them. . . . There is no evidence of illegal or unlawful surveillance activities. We are not cited to any clandestine intrusion by a military agent. So far as is yet shown, the information gathered is nothing more than a good newspaper reporter would be able to gather by attendance at public meetings and the clipping of articles from publications available on any newsstand.” 444 F.2d at 953.
The court took note of petitioners’ argument “that nothing [detrimental to respondents] had been done, that nothing is contemplated to be done, and even if some action by the Army against [respondents] were possibly foreseeable, such would not present a presently justiciable controversy.” (Footnote eliminated.) (p. 9, 92 S.Ct. p. 2323.)
(c) As footnote 5 to its description of the proceedings in the district court, the majority quoted from the record:
In the course of the oral argument, the District Judge sought clarification from respondents’ counsel as to the nature of the threats perceived by respondents; he asked what exactly it was in the Army’s activities that tended to chill respondents and others in the exercise of their constitutional rights. Counsel responded that it was
“precisely the threat in this case that in some future civil disorder of some kind, the Army is going to come in with its list of troublemakers . . . and go rounding up people and putting them in military prisons somewhere.” (Emphasis added.)
To this the court responded that “we still sit here with the writ of habeas corpus.” At another point, counsel for respondents took a somewhat different approach in arguing that
“we’re not quite sure exactly what they have in mind and that is precisely what causes the chill, the chilling effect.” (Emphasis added in original.) (p. 9, 92 S.Ct. p. 2323).
(d) In an overall characterization of the decision by the court of appeals, the majority said:
Our examination of the record satisfies us that the Court of Appeals properly identified the issue presented, namely, whether the jurisdiction of a federal court may be invoked by a complainant who alleges that the exercise of his First Amendment rights is being chilled by the mere existence, without more, of a governmental investigative and data-gathering activity that is alleged to be broader in scope than is reasonably necessary for the accomplishment of a valid governmental purpose. We conclude, however, that, having properly identified the issue, the Court of Appeals decided that issue incorrectly, (p. 10, 92 S.Ct. p. 2324.)
(e) In distinguishing prior decisions that held that constitutional violations *204may arise from the “chilling” effect of governmental regulations falling short of a direct prohibition against the exercise of first amendment rights, the majority said:
In none of these cases, however, did the chilling effect arise merely from the individual’s knowledge that a governmental agency was engaged in certain activities or from the individual’s concomitant fear that, armed with the fruits of those activities, the agency might in the future take some other and additional action detrimental to that individual. Rather, in each of these cases, the challenged exercise of governmental power was regulatory, proscriptive, or compulsory in nature, and the complainant was either presently or prospectively subject to the regulations, proscriptions, or compulsions that he was challenging. (Emphasis added.) (p. 11, 92 S.Ct. p. 2324).
(f) In further discussion of why the authorities distinguished in (e) were not applicable, the majority added:
The decisions in these cases fully recognize that governmental action may be subject to constitutional challenge even though it has only an indirect effect on the exercise of First Amendment rights. At the same time, however, these decisions have in no way eroded the
“established principle that to entitle a private individual to invoke the judicial power to determine the validity of executive or legislative action he must show that he has sustained or is immediately in danger of sustaining a direct injury as the result of that action . . . ” Ex parte Levitt, 302 U.S. 633, 634, 58 S.Ct. 1, 82 L.Ed. 493 (1937). (p. 13, 92 S.Ct. p. 2325.)
(g) Finally, in articulating the essence of its holding, the majority said:
Allegations of a subjective “chill” are not an adequate substitute for a claim of specific present objective harm or a threat of specific future harm; “the federal courts established pursuant to Article III of the Constitution do not render advisory opinions.” United Public Workers v. Mitchell, 330 U.S. 75, 89, 67 S.Ct. 556, 564, 91 L.Ed. 754 (1947). (pp. 13-14, 92 S.Ct. p. 2325.)
From these quotations from Tatum, it should be at once apparent that Tatum was decided by the majority of the Supreme Court on the premise that none of the plaintiffs alleged or tendered any proof to show any harm to himself or any violation of his constitutional rights. The instant case is far different. A précis of the relevant testimony of record is attached as an appendix to this opinion. Three witnesses (Mrs. Hasegawa, Mrs. Johnson, and Christopher Melvin) and arguably a fourth (Mr. Donohoe) were photographed by the police, without their permission and in-ferably against their will, while they were engaged in the peaceful exercise of their first amendment right to assemble and, in the case of Mrs. Hasegawa and Mrs. Johnson, to petition their government for a redress of their grievances, and in the case of Mrs. Hasegawa, to communicate the ideas she advocated to others. Proof was offered that others were photographed while they were exercising their first amendment right to assemble and that they objected to the invasion of their privacy. Messrs. Evans and Riddick and, arguably, Christopher Melvin, testified that they declined to exercise their first amendment right to assemble after they became aware of the practice of the Richmond police to take photographs at certain peaceful public gatherings. There was evidence that others declined to exercise their first amendment right to assemble and petition their government for a redress of their grievances after they had once had the experience of being photographed by the Richmond police. While in Tatum there was only knowledge of surveillance or fear of the consequences of surveillance, here there was actual exposure to the challenged police methods. In short, if photographing on the part of the’po*205lice constituted an impermissible violation of constitutional right, there was an abundance of proof that actual harm and an actual violation of rights had occurred. I can only conclude that Tatum is distinguishable and hence not a precedent which is controlling.
II.
Although the record in this case unquestionably establishes a “chilling effect” on first amendment rights,2 it is equally clear that unlike earlier eases dealing with “chilling effect,” the real and actual threat of legal or criminal sanctions, loss of economic benefit, government compulsion to testify or identify one’s self, or the threat of publicity, was not proved. See, e. g., United States v. Robel, 389 U.S. 258, 88 S.Ct. 419, 19 L.Ed.2d 508 (1967) (criminal prosecution); Lamont v. Postmaster General, 381 U.S. 301, 85 S.Ct. 1493, 14 L.Ed.2d 398 (1965) (compelling affirmative act of requesting delivery of mail thought by the Post Office to be communist propaganda); Hentoff v. Ichord, 318 F.Supp. 1175 (D.D.C.1970) (publication of a list of those persons belonging to radical organizations who receive honoraria for college appearances.) Moreover, there is no allegation that, aside from the constitutional challenge, the police are not authorized to conduct investigations, including the use of photography, of persons who have not committed a crime. United States v. McLeod, 385 F.2d 734, 750 (5 Cir. 1967).
Thus, the determinative issue in this case is not the existence of the chill, but the quantum of chill in the light of the surrounding circumstances. Cf. Anderson v. Sills, 56 N.J. 210, 265 A.2d 678 (1970). In the present case the defendants are attempting to regulate the disruptive non-speech element inherent whenever numbers of people congregate together, i. e., possible violence. In determining what governmental actions are permissible in the regulation of acts which may be associated with or arise out of the exercise of first amendment rights, the court in United States v. O’Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 88 S.Ct. 1673, 20 L.Ed.2d 672 (1968) set forth the following criteria:
[G]overnment regulation is sufficiently justified if it is within the constitutional power of the Government; if it furthers an important or substantial governmental interest; if the governmental interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression; and if the incidental restriction on alleged First Amendment freedoms is no greater than is essential to the furtherance of that interest. (Emphasis supplied.)
391 U.S. at 377, 88 S.Ct. at 1679. Similarly, in Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37, 51, 91 S.Ct. 746, 754, 27 L.Ed.2d 669 (1971), it was said:
Where a statute [or police practice] does not directly abridge free speech but — while regulating a subject within the State’s power — tends to have the incidental effect of inhibiting First Amendment rights, it is well settled that the statute [or police practice] can be upheld if the effect on speech is minor in relation to the need for control and the lack of alternative means for doing so . . (Emphasis supplied.)
See also New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 270, 84 S.Ct. 710, 11 L.Ed.2d 686 (1964).
In dismissing plaintiffs’ complaint, the district court justified the practice of the police on the grounds that it (1) *206allows the police to identify demonstration leaders; (2) permits the police to identify unknown persons from outside the Richmond area who are participating in the demonstration and who have records of being dangerous; (3) deters violence and vandalism; and (4) serves to protect the demonstrators from counter-demonstrators. I am not persuaded that these objectives are furthered by the present police practice or, if they are, that the same results cannot be obtained with less interference to first amendment rights.
If it is assumed that there is a legitimate reason for recording the identity and likeness of those who lead others in the peaceful exercise of their first amendment rights, there is no reason why police must engage in wholesale photographing of a demonstration in order to obtain pictures of its leaders. In most instances the leaders are known, if not by the fact that they have applied for a permit for the demonstration, then by the fact that they are at the front of the crowd or giving a speech. Moreover, their identity is usually readily ascertainable from the local news media. I conclude that there is no justification for intimidating all the participants in a demonstration in order to obtain pictures of its leaders.
The court’s second reason for justifying the present practice is that it allows the police to identify “unknown participants who come into Richmond from other areas” who have a record of being dangerous. It is unclear how the Richmond police photograph unknown persons if they lack knowledge of whom to photograph. I cannot suppose that every time a picture is taken of an unknown person it is sent to the FBI in order to determine whether that person is dangerous. The defendants do not claim that this is the practice; but if it were, it would appear to be a useless tool in controlling the crowd on the day of the demonstration. Certainly it is permissible for the police to take pictures of persons who have violated the law and thereafter send those pictures out to other locales to help local officials in controlling future demonstrations involving those persons. And the police in Richmond would certainly be justified in receiving photographs from other jurisdictions of individuals who have been found to be dangerous in order to be prepared for their presence in a local demonstration. But this still does not explain how the Richmond police take pictures of dangerous persons who are unknown. I find this asserted rationale specious.
The third and fourth rationales for the present police practice are that it serves to deter violence and vandalism and that it protects the demonstrators. The simple answer to these is that the presence of uniformed police without cameras also deters crime and violence. More importantly, a demonstrator’s concept of a policeman who lines the parade route or stands behind the crowd during a speech is very different from that of a policeman snapping pictures of him. In the former case, the policeman is clearly there to preserve order and generally for his protection, while in the latter he takes on more of an adversary role. If a crime is committed those policemen on hand will be in a position to apprehend the violator and at that time they may photograph him. But, until that time, it would seem that indiscriminate photographing, as such, would have little value in deterring crime or apprehending a criminal. While the police objectives are laudable, they can still be obtained without injecting fear into persons who are peacefully exercising their first amendment rights. Although the defendants contend that the plaintiffs’ fears and suspicions are unfounded, nevertheless, the fact remains that they do exist; and it appears that the police would lose little of their effectiveness if they abandoned these practices and adopted less offensive ones.
Finally, Anderson v. Sills, supra, cited by the police and relied on by the district court, is distinguishable. ' For one, the New Jersey Supreme Court, in Anderson, reversed the lower court’s award of summary judgment on the grounds that the *207record was inadequate for a decision on the merits. Anderson v. Sills, supra, 265 A.2d at 681. The court stated that there was no evidence that participation in a rally, protest, demonstration, or march would precipitate any police record. Second, unlike the present case, the court in Anderson noted that the individual plaintiffs had not claimed that they had been deterred in the exercise of their first amendment rights. There was only one reference to the photographing of an individual and in that case the court specifically noted that the police had disclaimed any knowledge of the incident. Third, the intelligence gathering procedures in Anderson were directed at disorder and they appear to serve a more substantive function than the random photography employed by the Richmond police. Finally, the court in Anderson acknowledged that some of the information sought to be obtained might, after an evidentiary hearing, turn out to be irrelevant to the police objectives and indicated that should this be the case the practice could be enjoined.
III.
This case is reminiscent of an event which occurred in Baltimore shortly after the State of Maryland enacted the Subversive Activities Act of 1949 during the Joe McCarthy era. The Assistant Attorney General in charge of enforcement of the Act directed his investigators to conduct surveillance of a meeting of the World Federalists which was held in a theatre rented for that purpose. Photographs of persons attending the meeting were taken and the license numbers of vehicles in which persons travelled to the meeting were recorded. Subject to this treatment were many prominent members of the Baltimore community.
A vigorous press gave widespread publicity of what had occurred to those who did not attend the meeting and had no direct knowledge of the photographing and the recording of licenses. Aroused public opinion and an enlightened Attorney General quickly prevented a repetition of what had been done.
To me it is regrettable that in this case litigation has been necessary. Plaintiffs have established that the present practice of indiscriminately photographing participants in lawful assemblies has a chilling effect on first amendment rights; defendants have failed to show that their legitimate objectives cannot be achieved in a less offensive manner. I would, therefore, have no hesitancy in reversing the district court and remanding the case for appropriate equitable relief, including enjoining the photographing practices of the police where an actual or imminent violation of law had not occurred and the destruction of all photographs except those of persons who had committed a violation of law. Cf. Bee see Books, Inc. v. Leary, 291 F.Supp. 622 (S.D.N.Y. 1968).
I respectfully dissent.
APPENDIX
The witnesses who described their experiences with regard to photographing by the police in Richmond testified as follows:
Mrs. Marie Hasegawa wa.s present at several vigils and peaceful protests around the Federal Building and at the Induction Center in Richmond, the purpose of which was to protest American foreign policy in Vietnam. Her picture has been taken-by police officers many times from many angles. She was one of the group passing out leaflets, and when people attempting to take a leaflet saw a photographer they would withdraw their hands and not accept the leaflet.
Mrs. Loretta F. Johnson participated in a peaceful, orderly demonstration of The Welfare Rights Organization held in March 1970 at the old food stamp distribution center in Richmond. The group of about thirty paraded with signs. Policemen on foot and on motorcycles *208carried on surveillance and took countless pictures, some from a distance of only two feet. Some of the marchers covered their faces with posters and some with coats. When Mrs. Johnson tried to organize another demonstration, she met with reluctance on the part of would-be demonstrators to participate because of the previous photographing by police.
Reverend N. Robert Quirin is pastor of a church in Richmond, who attended a meeting at a public park to protest the use of federal taxes to continue the war in Vietnam at the expense of domestic programs for the benefit of citizens. Police were present around the park and they took a great number of pictures. Other photographers from various news media were also present and engaged in taking pictures. Proof was tendered that if permitted to testify, Reverend Quirin would testify that some of the persons photographed resented having their pictures taken and made such comments as, “Well, here’s big brother again!”
Reverend William Gold is the minister of the First Unitarian Church in Richmond, where a meeting for peace was held in 1966. Police were stationed in a car across the street, photographing people who entered the church. The presence of the police caused the trustees of the church to abandon an open pulpit policy permitting any group to use the church facilities for an orderly, peaceful meeting.
William E. Evans is a law student who resides in Alexandria, Virginia. He was aware of the practice of the Richmond police in regard to the taking of photographs. On his way to a meeting at which Allen Ginsberg was scheduled to speak, Mr. Evans saw a police car which reminded him of the practice of the Richmond police with regard to the taking of photographs. He concluded not to attend the meeting because of the fear of having his picture taken. The fear arose because he was a law student and might seek federal employment upon graduation. He did not want an unfavorable dossier ór police record to embarrass his chance of employment or subsequent promotion.
Dr. Joseph H. Riddick, Jr. attended a peaceful demonstration to protest the Vietnam war on the capítol grounds in Richmond on October 15, 1969. He saw a man, obviously neither a tourist nor a television representative, taking photographs. He skirted behind this man because he did not want his picture taken. He has not attended another meeting because he does not want his photograph in an FBI dossier. He is engaged in an aspect of medical practice which depends in large part on federal grants and he did not wish a photograph capable of misinterpretation in this type of dossier.
Douglas H. Donohoe was formerly a student at Virginia Commonwealth University. He went to see a film on the Black Panther Party which was shown on campus. Two policemen took his picture. He declined to go to future meetings in Richmond because he was about to graduate and he _ did not wish to jeopardize his graduation. While there was proof that the photographing incident to which he testified was carried out by Virginia Commonwealth University security officers and not by the Richmond police, there was proof that Virginia Commonwealth University security officers worked in cooperation with and furnished copies of such photographs to the Richmond police.
Christopher C. Melvin is a high school student who went on a peaceful hunger hike to raise money to send to Haiti and to build a child care center in Richmond. He was photographed by the police while on the hike. He thinks that such conduct on the part of the police may reduce participants in future hikes and harm an assembly. He has not, himself, participated in another march or protest since the incident.

. The majority bolsters its interpretation of Tatum by reference to the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas and the majority opinion of the Court of Appeals which the Supreme Court reversed. I cannot read the separate opinions in the Supreme Court to proceed on an interpretation of the record accepted by both the majority and the dissenting justices. In such circumstances, I would think it axiomatic that the holdings of the majority must be deemed to relate only to the majority’s reading of the record and not to extend to the dissenters’ differing interpretation.

. In argument, the Assistant Attorney General, appearing for the commonwealth, conceded that the actions of the police had a “chilling effect” on plaintiffs’ first amendment rights. He asserted however that plaintiffs were “unreasonably” chilled, i. e., that plaintiffs were hypersensitive to chill, or that the legitimate objectives of the police outweighed the violation of plaintiffs’ rights. The concession was a proper one. Anonymity is an important aspect of first amendment rights because “identification and fear of reprisal might deter perfectly peaceful discussions of public matters of importance.” Talley v. California, 362 U.S. 60, 65, 80 S.Ct. 536, 539, 4 L.Ed.2d 559 (1960).