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The blog deals with new theories and observations in relation to the composition and structure of the Cosmos. If you can find observations or experiments that confirms or rejects the theory, you may place them on the blog! Is anyone able to answer these questions! What is the length of the coordinates in the two inertial systems S and S' at the velocity v, according to relativity - if the length of the coordinates are identical at v = zero? 1) Is the physical length of the coordinates greatest in S? 2) Is the physical length of the coordinates greatest in S'? 3) Is the physical length of the coordinates in S equal to the physical length of the coordinates in S'? If the physical lengths are identical, will it then be possible to have any physical length contractions according to relativity? Or, in other words, have you ever experienced a length contraction because of the movement of another coordinate system? If it isn't possible to have any length contractions according to relativity, how can relativity then explain the relativistic experiments where a Lorentz contraction occurs? In the quantum field theory, the Casimir effect is a physical force arising from the zero-point field, where the zero-point field is the quantum state with the lowest possible energy. The existence of the zero-point field, at the same time both confirms the theory about the structure and composition of the Cosmos, and overturns Einstein's principle of relativity. This can bee seen from the fact, that you cannot - as Einstein postulate - have that "the same laws of electrodynamics and optics will be valid for all frames of reference for which the equations of mechanics hold good" and at the same time have a stationary zero-point field. For instance will the velocity relative to the zero-point field be different for different frames of reference.

http://iloapp.finaltheories.com/blog/blog?Home

+ * Make things happen when buttons are pressed and forms submitted. + "ext-pdo_sqlsrv": "For MSSQL databases on Windows platform" + "ext-libsodium": "Provides a modern crypto API that can be used to generate random bytes." + "ext-mbstring": "For best performance" + * @param string $username Username, saved in lowercase. + * @param string $password Password, will be hashed before saving. + * @param string $email User's email address. + * @return int The new user's ID number in the database. + * Get where a user's account actually is. + * @return string "LDAP", "LOCAL", "LDAP_ONLY", or "NONE". + * Checks the given credentials against the database. + * Check if a username exists in the local database. + * Checks the given credentials against the LDAP server. + * Check if a username exists on the LDAP server. + * Generate a TOTP secret for the given user. + * Save a TOTP secret for the user. + * 500 most common passwords, to be used in stopping idiots from having really bad passwords. + * Checks a given password against the list of the 500 most common passwords. + "title" => "404 error" + * I18N string getter. If the key doesn't exist, outputs the key itself. + * I18N string getter (with builder). If the key doesn't exist, outputs the key itself. + * @param array $replace key-value array of replacements. + * result will be "hello 123". + * Checks if an email address is valid. + * @return boolean True if email passes validation, else false. + * Check if the previous database action had a problem. +// Base URL for site links. +// If you want to have additional password requirements, go edit action.php. +// like CaPs45$% is not actually a great idea. +// Encourage users to use 2-factor auth whenever possible.

https://source.netsyms.com/Business/AccountHub/commit/16cbf2a5f17ae16baef6506b9f41ddeeb7e7673a

This section provides a tutorial example on how to call an RPC method defined a WSDL 1.1 document with SOAP 1.1 binding. I used the local version of my WSDL document, c:/herong/GetExchangeRate_WSDL_11_SOAP_11_RPC.wsdl. The online version at http://www.herongyang.com/Service/ GetExchangeRate_WSDL_11_SOAP_11_RPC.wsdl gives me an access problem because the site does not like Perl HTTP client agent. I used readable('true') to make the SOAP request XML message is nice format. SOAP::Lite does allow you to make an RPC call through a WSDL document like a local method call: GetExchangeRate('USD', 'JPY', '2007-07-07'). SOAP::Lite is smart to convert the RPC call into a SOAP request message. SOAP::Lite is smart to provide type information xsi:type="..." to support message encoding. SOAP::Lite is smart to pick up the return value from the SOAP response message. SOAP::Lite is not smart to follow the parts="fromCurrencyPart toCurrencyPart datePart" specified in the WSDL document to order the parameters. It follows the original order of how these message parts were defined in the WSDL document. To correct the issue, you need to make the call like this: GetExchangeRate('2007-07-07', 'USD', 'JPY'). Conclusion, SOAP::Lite 0.710 does not support the parts="..." of the "soap:body" WSDL statement.

http://www.herongyang.com/WSDL/Perl-SOAP-Lite-0710-Call-PRC-Defined-in-WSDL-11.html

Want to make whole wheat bread yourself? Just follow my step by step instructions to get a fresh loaf of homemade whole wheat bread from your own oven! 4 Tbs. Butter, room temp. In the bowl of a stand mixer fitted with a dough hook, dissolve the yeast and sugar in the warm water. Also to stand for 5 minutes. Add the honey, salt, butter, and 1 1/2 cups of wheat flour. Mix at a low speed. Add 1 1/2 cups of all purpose flour while the mixer is running. Mix until well combined. You may or may not need to add more flour at this point. You want the dough to come together in a sticky ball that mostly cleans the sides of the bowl, but still sticks to the bottom. Add more flour a little at a time if you need to. Lean more towards a stickier dough than a stiff dough. Knead in your mixer for 3 minutes. Then cover and let rise until doubled. This should take about an hour. Dump risen dough out onto a lightly floured surface. Shape it into a loaf sealing the seams well. Place the loaf in a bread pan that has been sprayed with non-stick cooking spray. Cover and let rise until doubled (about a half hour to 45 minutes). Preheat your oven to 350 degrees Bake risen bread for 45-50 minutes. About half way through baking you will need to tent the wheat bread with foil to avoid over browning. Run a cube of butter over the top of the hot bread. Cool 20 minutes before turning out onto a wire rack.

https://mindeescookingobsession.com/homemade-whole-wheat-bread/print/5185/

, where , boundary of the cube , outward pointing normal. How can I solve the integral with singularity at endpoint? Is there a solution for this integral? What have you tried so far? and where did you get stuck? Because the cube has "edges" and is not smooth, do each of the six faces separately. 1) On the face x= 0, the unit normal is <-1, 0, 0>, on the face x= 3 the unit normal is <1, 0, 0>, and F has 0 x-component so those integrals are 0. 2) On the face y= 0, the unit normal is <0, -1, 0>, on the face y= 3 the unit normal is <0, 1, 0>, and F has 0 y-component so those integrals are 0.

http://www.thescienceforum.com/mathematics/39626-surface-integral.html

London is 1pm now and Hong Kong is 9pm now. Is it correct to say "London is 8 hours behind Hong Kong"? From our point-of-view it's more common to say 'HK is 8 hrs ahead of London', but either is correct. What is the working hours? or What are the working hours? Lasts two hours vs Lasts for two hours.

https://www.usingenglish.com/forum/threads/61219-8-hours-behind

In Scandinavia they don't call it Christmas (Christ-Mass), instead they still retain the old pagan name for the Yuletide celebrations which they call Jul (pronounced Yule). Yule was a pagan festival that followed the midwinter solstice (usually around 21st December) and celebrated the return of the sun as the days slowly started to get longer again. The festivities, which involved lots of drinking and consuming of slaughtered animals, lasted up to 12 days, hence the 12 days of Christmas. In Scandinavia it is still traditional to leave food out (usually porridge with butter) for the little red-capped tomte or nisse (household spirits or house elves) and thus we have the tradition of leaving food (usually cookies) out for Father Christmas, who in Sweden is called the Jul Tomte (the Yule Elf). Another tradition in Scandinavia is that of the Christmas goat, whose origins are lost in the mists of time. The Jul Bok (Yule goat) is nowadays usually made from straw, which indicates that it was probably once an offering from the last harvest (like the British corn dollies), but other traditions have a man dressing up as goat at Yuletide, which could be distant memory of a pagan fertility ritual, or even be connected to the two goats who pulled Thor's chariot in Norse mythology. Yule is the turning of the year when, as the days slowly start to get longer, the Nordic peoples celebrated the end of the year and the return of the sun, the completion of the another yearly cycle of life, death and rebirth. The winter solstice was a particularly inauspicious the night when Odin was said to ride through the skies with the Wild Hunt collecting the souls of the dead. So everyone stayed indoors feasting, afraid to go outside lest they be caught out alone and abducted by the Wild Hunt. The Modern English word Yule comes down to us via the Middle English yol from the Anglo-Saxon Geol, though nowadays it is more commonly known as Christmastide or the 12 Days of Christmas. However in Scandinavia they still call it jul (pronounced yule) or jol. One of the many names of Odin recorded in the Icelandic sources is Jolnir, which means The Yule One. Though this name probably refers to his role as leader of the Wild Hunt at Yule, rather than to a jolly giver of gifts! (I can find no evidence for the claim on Wikipedia that Odin was known as Jolfaðr, the Yule Father). So how did Yule become Christmas? King Hakon of Norway, who was a Christian, passed a law that the Christian Christmas Day and the Pagan Yuletide celebrations were to be henceforth celebrated at the same time. While this only impacted the Norwegian territories it illustrates how these festivals were intentionally combined into one celebration. We do know that the celebration of Yule wasn’t always twelve days long. The Norse text 'Heimskringla: The Saga of Hakon the Good' talks about it lasting for three days, or as long as the ale continued. The night it began was known as slaughter night, where animals would be ritually slain and their blood collected in bowls to be splattered over the wooden idols of the gods and over the participants using a bunch of twigs. The animals' meat was then consumed in a feast which was known at the julblot. Other sources tell of the burning of a Yule log, the ashen remains of which were used to ward off evil spirits and other misfortunes, before being ignited again the following year to start the subsequent Yule fire. Also there was the eating of a Yule boar in honour of Freyr, a god associated with the harvest and fertility, who in Christian times became associated with St Stephen and his feast day of 26th December. More variations can be found in 'Gulathingslog 7', where Yule was celebrated ‘for a fertile and peaceful season,’ we also see in the 'Saga of Hakon the Good' that Odin was hailed at this time as the bringer of victory, while Njord and Freyr were hailed for peace and fertility. Grimm’s Teutonic Mythology speaks of how Frau Holle’s annual wagon toured the countryside during the Yuletide season for blessings of a fruitful year ahead. Deities associated with winters, like the winter hunters Ullr and Skadhi, were also sometimes hailed. Since this is the day of darkest night, Nott (Goddess of Night), as well as silver-gleaming Mani (God of the Moon), may be honored. Some will also honor Dagr (God of Day) and Sunna (Goddess of the Sun) as she will only grow in prominence in the months ahead. Odin, in his aspect as the God of Death and Transition, is almost always honored at this time. The Wild Hunt rages over the whole world seeking out and sweeping up the dead, ushering out the dead old year itself. It's also common to honor Freyr and an envisioned new year of growth and promise. Also, Thor is honored for driving back the Frost Giants. It was customary that no work was to be done during Yuletide. From Germanic sources we see stories of the Goddess Berchta visiting peoples houses and punishing those who had been spinning during Yule. In the Icelandic 'Svarfdæla Saga', we see a warrior who postpones a fight until after the Yuletide, and 'The Saga of Hakon the Good' also says that Yule was to be kept holy. Modern Heathens opt to celebrate this time as the Twelve Days of Yule, with the last day culminating on 12th Night. Ancient calendars followed a different method of time, the solstice celebrations, as well as later Christmas observances, can vary from place to place as to when they occur. Today, most Pagans and Heathens celebrate the Yuletide as running from approximately December 20 – December 31. Some Heathen groups opt to conduct no business matters during the time of Yule. Some practitioners of the Northern Tradition will even choose to completely withdraw and go secluded from online mailing lists, bulletin boards, and social media outlets like Facebook so they can stay focused on spending the Yuletide with friends and family. While it’s not always an option for everyone, there are those who choose to use vacation time from work so they can have the entire Yuletide off as well. Yuletide was perhaps the greatest of all Heathen holidays. It was a time of celebration and close family contact that lasted twelve days and nights; each of which can be viewed as a month of the preceding year in miniature. Many of the customs associated with Christmas may have begun from Heathen Yule rites and customs. Many Gods and Goddesses are honored during Yuletide, and most followers of Asatru believe that the gods, as well as the spirits of the earth and the ancestors, join us for the celebrations at this time of year. Many traditions and practices are traditional to the month of Yule the most well known is, of course, the 12 Days of Yule. Some Heathens may bookend Yule with Mother’s Night and Twelfth Night and not have specific observances in-between those days, and some other Heathens have taken things a step further. Pulling inspiration from the Nine Noble Virtues, and combining it with candle-lighting celebrations like Chanukah or Kwanzaa, they have come up with a reason to light a candle every night during the Yuletide. The alter on Yule should face north, the area is decorated with holly and mistletoe and dried leaves and fruit such as hips and haw. A chalice of appropriate wine, mead or cider. The oak or pine log with up to 13 green, white and red candles decorated with carvings, runes or symbols is placed centrally on the altar. The appropriate fragranced incense burning and scenting the air, e.g., bay, juniper, cedar, pine or rosemary is pretty good for this. There are several versions and variations to the 12 days of Yule. I like to call it the Twelve Nights of Yule since I usually hold the honor at night and it is the darkest time of the year. The version below is a combination with the most common points. Each night starts with the main focus followed by a reading and closed with a virtue meditation. Alternatively, a month is offered each night as a reflection. Glad Yuletide to Everyone. Hail!

https://thevikingdragon.com/blogs/news/the-12-days-of-yule

Traditionally, quantum theory has been viewed as a "difficult" topic, mainly because of the symbolic-mathematical content. For example, Francl notes that two semesters of calculus is usually required for physical chemistry (1), and this is certainly true for quantum theory. The traditional approach emphases the use of mathematical equations, derivations and calculations. How do we deal with non-chemistry majors who have a weak background in mathematics, but wish to study p-chem? Similarly, how do we deal with chemistry majors who have a weak background in mathematics? Interestingly, the last 20-30 years has witnessed a paradigm shift in the practice of quantum chemistry. Leading up to the 1970s, quantum chemistry was monopolized by theoretical chemists, who were as much mathematicians as chemists. One had to be conversant with the mathematical methodology in order to perform a quantum calculation. More recently, the amazing increases in computing power have lead to graphical user interfaces, which has enabled a new group ofcomputational chemists. These computational chemists are interested only in the significance of the computed results, not in the details of the mathematical methods used. However, the same paradigm shift in the teaching of quantum chemistry has not occurred yet: students are still required to be competent mathematicians. The "new calculus" in mathematics education (eg, 2) advocates the "rule of four" (numerical, graphical, symbolic and verbal descriptions) to deepen students' conceptual understanding (eg, 3). This "new calculus" acknowledges that a predominantly symbolic approach to mathematics is suitable for some, but not all, students. The greater emphasis on graphical and verbal descriptions of a "problem" enables students to focus on the qualitative results. The numerical approach can refer either to approximate numerical solutions (cf modern computational chemistry software) or to specific numerical examples of more general symbolic equations. This paper describes the use of spreadsheets to generate approximate numerical solutions and visual (graphical) descriptions as a method of avoiding or minimizing symbolic manipulations, mathematical derivations and numerical computation. The aim here is to teach the qualitative results that arise from quantum theory, but with less "math". The specific example of the one-dimensional Schrödinger equation and some aspects of the educational pedagogy of spreadsheet usage are discussed. Electrons (and atoms?) exhibit both wave-like and particle-like behavior. Students are usually first introduced to quantum theory through the wavefunctions for the 1-dimensional Schrödinger equation. Exact solutions are derived for the particle-in-a-box (the Kuhn model (4)) and the simple harmonic oscillator model. The shapes of the potentials for these models are shown in Figure 1. Figure 1. Potential functions for the particle-in-a-box model (left) and the simple harmonic oscillator model (right). where Hn(x) is the Hermite polynomial of order n. The novice learner sees the differences between Equation 1 and Equation 2 and concludes that every potential is treated as a special case! Potentials such has the triangular and stepped-valley models, shown in Figure 2, have no closed-form (ie analytic) wavefunction solutions. Similarly, the quantized energies cannot be given by any analytic equation. Here, the novice learner concludes incorrectly either that quantum mechanics does not apply, or that many systems are not quantized! Figure 2. Simple piecewise-continuous potential functions for which the wavefunction does not have any closed form: a triangular potential (left) and a stepped-valley potential (right). In p-chem classes at Deakin University, the derivative is explained as the "slope of a function". The 2nd order differential Schrödinger equation for an electron-in-a-box (the Kuhn model (4)) is explained as "finding the slope of a slope". The 1st order Euler method for generating numerical solutions is explained. No calculus is required as the Euler method can be derived from the definition of average slope. More-able students can construct an appropriate spreadsheet (to find numerical solutions to the Schrödinger equation), but mostly, spreadsheet quantum_well.xls<http://www.deakin.edu.au/~lim/KFLim/papers/2003_Spreadsheet_CCEN/quantum_well.xls>, implementing the Schrödinger equation, is provided as a "black box" to weaker students. (The pros and cons of black box methods are discussed below.) Using the spreadsheet quantum_well.xls, students test how the shape of a trial "wavefunction" changes as the energy is varied (Figure 3). A copy of the instructions to students for this exercise can be found at<http://www.deakin.edu.au/~lim/KFLim/papers/2003_Spreadsheet_CCEN/Asgnt_1_6.pdf>. The wavefunction solutions are classed as "valid" or "invalid" depending on whether the boundary conditions are satisfied as energy is varied (the shooting method (6)). Figure 3. Approximate trial wavefunctions for the triangular potential (Figure 2), arranged from high energy (top) to low energy (bottom). Shaded domains are the forbidden region: V(x) < E. Students discover that energy determines the wavelength of the wavefunction, and that valid solutions require that only special ("allowed") wavelengths will fit the dimension of the potential (Figure 3). It is observed that, as wavelength decreases, the number of nodes (the zeroes or roots of the wavefunction) increases with energy. An extension of this exercise using a skipping rope easily verifies that it is more difficult (higher energy) to swing the rope with nodes present than without any nodes (lower energy). Since the sign of the wavefunction changes across a node, the qualitative shape of the wavefunction can be generated from the nodal pattern. (One strategy in de Bono's Lateral Thinking (7) is to concentrate on what is not present - ie the nodes or zeroes - in order to obtain what should be present - the wavefunction.) Wavefunctions can then be generated from nodal patterns in 2-dimensions and 3-dimensions. For example, the molecular orbitals for cyclopentadienyl have, in increasing order of energy, no nodes, one node and two nodes respectively (Figure 4). Similarly, the rotational wavefunctions can be generated by considering nodal patterns on the surface of a sphere. Much of Schrödinger's original work was based on Hamilton's mathematical description of standing waves on a planet completely covered by ocean (ie water waves on a spherical surface). Note that these "spherical waves" correspond to combinations of the spherical harmonic functions, and can be obtained from the symmetry - "topology" - of the nodal patterns on the surface of a sphere. Figure 4. molecular orbitals for cyclopentadienyl. Shading of the circles in the centre panels represent the sign (direction) of the pz orbitals. The pzorbitals change sign across nodal planes, which are shown as blue lines. On further exploration with the spreadsheet quantum_well.xls, students discover that the shapes of the allowed one-dimensional wavefunctions are similar (Figure 5), even for different potential models: ie, the lowest-energy wavefunctions all have one "bump", with no nodes. Figure 5. Lowest-energy approximate wavefunctions for the particle-in-a-box (top panel), simple harmonic oscillator (2nd panel), triangular (3rd panel) and stepped-valley (bottom panel) potentials of Figure 1 andFigure 2. Shaded domains are the forbidden region: V(x) < E. the use of a series of square wells separated by barriers (extended Kronig-Penney model) illustrates that interactions between wells split energy levels. As the number of wells increases, the (single-well) energy splits into a quasi-continuous band of energies, giving rise to the band theory for conductors and semi-conductors. Although there has been a substantial history in the use of spreadsheet and graphical applications in education (eg 9,10), the author believes that full utilization of the technology, especially in chemical education, has not been realized. The aim of this paper is to teach the qualitative results that arise from applying mathematics to physical and chemical systems, but without the mathematical rigor: "teaching maths with minimal maths". The "new calculus" advocates the "rule of four" (numerical, graphical, symbolic and verbal descriptions) to deepen students' conceptual understanding (2). Students who have a weak background in mathematics do not have the knowledge of calculus required for the usual symbolic algebra approach to physical chemistry. This case study illustrates how a combination of numerical, graphical and verbal descriptions can be used to overcome the lack of symbolic knowledge or ability. The Logical-Mathematical intelligence is only one of multiple "intelligences" (11). By changing the emphasis away from mathematical calculus, the numerical-experimental activity, can also cater to those students who favor Spatial or Bodily-Kinesthetic intelligences. A combination of this spreadsheet approach with the traditional calculus-based approach will enable more students (and students of more types of "intelligences") to study quantum theory. This paper has focused on the use of spreadsheets but, in principle, the simulations can be done using symbolic mathematical packages such as Mathematica, Maple or MathCAD. This would only be feasible for students who already have a strong mathematical background. This author prefers the use of spreadsheets for weaker students for the following reasons. The symbolic mathematical packages depend on the use of a symbolic, quasi-programming language, which can present an additional learning obstacle for many students (12). Furthermore, the access to symbolic mathematical packages is usually more limited than that of spreadsheets, which are widely available in home, business and community settings. The "worldware" (13,14) (also called "application-software" (15)) nature of spreadsheets means that students will have greater opportunities to use and become familiar with spreadsheets than with (eg) symbolic mathematical packages, leading to greater utility and expertise: Software that isn't designed for instruction can still be good for learning (13). (A "straw poll" of physical chemistry faculty suggests that significantly more faculty use spreadsheets in teaching and learning activities than symbolic mathematical packages (16). While weaker students will use the spreadsheets, discussed in this paper, as "black boxes", more able students can construct similar, appropriate spreadsheets (eg17-19). Instructors will need to be careful in deciding to use the "black box" approach or to require students construct their own. If successfully completed, the latter approach will promote deeper learning (19), but the greater complexity of the task (12) may mean that some students cannot complete the task, resulting in frustration and lack of learning. The key feature of using spreadsheets is that students do "numerical experiments". (There is an interesting discussion of the use of numerical experiments in (20-22). Numerical experiments (eg 23) were also a key part of the development of chaos theory (20).) By playing with "what-if" scenarios, students can test the validity of their concepts and ideas: the success of using spreadsheets in this way is supported by cognitive constructivist models of learning (15,24,25). The use of spreadsheets is intended to give students a qualitative appreciation of quantum theory, and does not serve as a pre-requisite to more advanced studies in quantum theory, for which a reasonable knowledge of mathematics is required. This paper is an expanded version of case studies to be published by LTSN Maths, Stats & OR Network <http://ltsn.mathstore.ac.uk/mathsteam> and by LTSN Physical Sciences <http://www.physsci.ltsn.ac.uk>. KFL thanks Ms Jeanne Lee ( ) (Australian Catholic University) for encouraging and helpful discussions, Dr Paul Yates<http://www.keele.ac.uk/depts/ch/staff/pcy/pcy.html> (Keele University, UK) for suggestions to improve the spreadsheet quantum_well.xls, and Associate Professor (Emeritus) Ian Johnston <http://www.physics.usyd.edu.au/super/johnston.html> (Uniserve·Science, University of Sydney, Australia) <http://www.usyd.edu.au/su/SCH/> for a seminar on MUPPET (the Maryland University Project in Physics and Educational Technology) <http://www.physics.umd.edu/rgroups/ripe/computer.html> which introduced KFL to the possibilities of numerical experiments in teaching and learning. All URLs checked on 7 March 2003. Francl, M., Survival Guide for Physical Chemistry; Physics Curriculum and Instruction: Lakeville (MN), 2001. Preparing for a New Calculus; Solow, A. E., ed. Mathematical Association of America: Washington (DC), 1994; Vol. 36. Stewart, J., "Introduction" in Calculus; 4th Ed.; Brooks/Cole: Pacific Grove (CA), 1999. Kuhn, H., "A quantum-mechanics theory of light absorption of organic dyes and similar compounds", J. Chem. Phys. 1949, 17, 1198. Levine, I. N., Quantum Chemistry; 5th Ed.; Prentice Hall: Upper Saddle River (NJ), 2000. Press, A. H.; Teukolsky, S. A.; Vetterling, W. T.; Flannery, B. P., Numerical Recipes in Fortran 77: The Art of Scientific Computing; 2nd Ed.; Cambridge University Press: New York, 1996; Vol. 1. de Bono, E., Lateral Thinking: A textbook of creativity; Penguin: London, 1990. McMurry, J., Organic Chemistry; 5th Ed.; Brooks/Cole: Pacific Grove (CA), 2000. Bridges, R., "Graphical spreadsheets", Mathematics in Schools 1991, 20, 2. Wood, J., "Utilizing the spreadsheet and charting capabilities of Microsoft Works in the the mathematics classroom", Journal of Computers in Mathematics and Science Teaching 1990, 9, 65. Gardner, H., Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences; 2nd Ed.; Fontana: London, 1993. Galbraith, P.; Pemberton, M., "Convergence or divergence? Students, Maple, and mathematics learning", in Mathematics Education in the South Pacific; B. Barton, K. C. Irwin, M. Pfannkuch and M. O. J. Thomas, eds.; Mathematics Education Research Group of Australasia: Pymble (NSW), 2002; Vol. 1; p 285. Ehrmann, S. C., "Asking the right question: What does research tell us about technology and higher learning?" Change: The Magazine of Higher Learning1995, 27 (2), 20 <http://www.learner.org/edtech/rscheval/rightquestion.html>. [supplementary material: Journal of Chemical Education: Webware, paper WW003 <http://jchemed.chem.wisc.edu/JCEWWW/Features/WebWare/WW003/index.html>]. Maddux, C. D.; Johnson, D. L.; Willis, J. W., Educational Computing: Learning with tomorrow's technologies; Allyn and Bacon: Needham Heights (MA), 1997. Miles, D. G., Jr.; Francis, T. A., "A survey of computer use in undergraduate physical chemistry", J. Chem. Educ. 2002, 79, 1477 <http://jchemed.chem.wisc.edu/Journal/Issues/2002/Dec/abs1477.html>. de Levie, R., How to Use Excel in Analytical Chemistry and in General Scientific Data Analysis; Cambridge University Press: Cambridge (UK), 1999. Diamond, D.; Hanratty, V. C. A., Spreadsheet Applications in Chemistry Using Microsoft Excel; Wiley: New York, 1997. Kaess, M.; Easter, J.; Cohn, K., "Visual Basic and Excel in chemical modeling", J. Chem. Educ. 1998, 75, 642 <http://jchemed.chem.wisc.edu/Journal/Issues/1998/May/abs642.html>. Gleick, J., Chaos; Viking: New York, 1987. Redish, E. F.; Wilson, J. M., "Student programming in the introductory physics course: M.U.P.P.E.T." Am. J. Phys. 1993, 61, 222 <http://www2.physics.umd.edu/~redish/Papers/mupajp.html>. Redish, E. F., University of Maryland, Published papers describing M.U.P.P.E.T. <http://www.physics.umd.edu/ripe/muppet/papers.html>, 1995 (accessed 20 December 2001). Hénon, M.; Heiles, C., "The applicability of the third integral of motion: some numerical experiments", Astron. J. 1964, 69, 73. Bee, H. L., The Developing Child; 8th Ed.; Longman: New York, 1997. McInerney, D. M.; McInerney, V., Educational Psychology: Constructing knowledge; 2nd Ed.; Prentice Hall: Sydney, 1998. Kieran F. Lim ( ) obtained his BSc (Hons) and PhD in theoretical chemistry from the University of Sydney. He was awarded an Archbishop Mannix Travelling Scholarship to Stanford University and been a faculty member at the University of New England, the University of Melbourne and Deakin University, where he is currently a Senior Lecturer in Chemical Sciences (equivalent to Associate Professor or Professor in North America). He is a Member (MRACI), Chartered Chemist( CChem) and Certified Practising Chemist (CPChem) of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute, and a Member (MACS) and Practising Computer Professional (PCP) of the Australian Computer Society. Dr Lim is a recipient of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute's Division of Chemical Education Citation for significant contributions to chemical education (2002) and the Faculty of Science and Technology's Excellence in Teaching Award (1996 and 2000).

http://ccce.divched.org/2003SpringCCCENLP5

Bristol's decision to trial vinegar as a weedkiller in place of glyphosate grabbed headline-writers' imaginations. But with a wide choice of proven chemical-free weed control strategies available, might this experiment be "set up to fail"? EXCERPT: This is not what pesticide-free policies should look like. If anything smells fishy, it is the design of this trial. Has it - as Pesticide Action Network UK says - been "set up to fail"? Many other effective alternatives exist, as PAN-UK point out, and are already in use in other European and UK cities. * Bristol's decision to trial vinegar as a weedkiller in place of glyphosate certainly grabbed headline-writers' imaginations, writes Harriet Williams. But with a wide choice of proven chemical-free weed control strategies available, might this experiment be "set up to fail"? It's billed as an "eco-friendly alternative" to herbicides, but sadly it's not one that is tremendously effective for weed control in large public spaces. So, has "vinegar-gate" left us any the wiser about what local authorities should be using for weed control? Our experience in speaking to people in Bristol is that many people are simply not aware that glyphosate is being sprayed in roads, housing estates, parks, and play areas. When they do become aware, the vast majority of people support an outright ban on this practice, or much tighter restrictions on its use. In the latest results of our rolling online survey, only 8.6% of respondents agree that herbicide sprays are a 'wholly acceptable' means of weed control. Another respondent said, "I saw a family out last autumn innocently gathering fallen leaves, and felt obliged to advise them to keep clear of the sprayed areas. No signs anywhere that this was going to be done." * It applies only to a small area of the city, and leaves the door wide open to the return of glyphosate should the trial be deemed a failure. * At the same time it invites failure by choosing vinegar ahead of more credible technologies for safer weed control. * Worse still, large tracts of land will not receive any weed control at all as the Council's regular spray contractors down tools for the duration of the trial. Thanks to "vinegar-gate", more people know that local authorities have a problem when it comes to dealing with plants in the wrong places. In Bristol and other urban areas, it can only be a matter of time before local politicians listen to public opinion and stop dousing our streets in unsafe chemicals.

https://gmwatch.org/en/news/archive/2016/16929-pesticide-free-cities-are-possible-but-there-s-more-to-it-than-vinegar

You should not receive this vaccine if you have ever had a life-threatening allergic reaction to any vaccine containing Japanese encephalitis virus. What is Japanese encephalitis virus vaccine (SA14-14-2)? Japanese encephalitis is a serious disease caused by a virus. It is the leading cause of viral encephalitis (inflammation of the brain) in Asia. Encephalitis is an infection of the membrane around the brain and spinal cord. This infection often causes only mild symptoms, but prolonged swelling of the brain can cause permanent brain damage or death. Japanese encephalitis virus is carried and spread by mosquitoes. The Japanese encephalitis SA14-14-2 vaccine is used to help prevent this disease in adults and adolescents who are at least 17 years old. This vaccine is recommended for people who live in or travel to areas where Japanese encephalitis is known to exist, or where an epidemic has recently occurred. You should receive the vaccine and booster dose at least 1 week prior to your arrival in an area where you may be exposed to the virus. Not everyone who travels to Asia needs to receive a Japanese encephalitis vaccine. Follow your doctor instructions or the recommendations of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). This vaccine is also recommended for people who work in a research laboratory and may be exposed to Japanese encephalitis virus through needle-stick accidents or inhalation of viral droplets in the air. Like any vaccine, the Japanese encephalitis SA14-14-2 vaccine may not provide protection from disease in every person. a weak immune system caused by disease or by taking certain medicines or receiving cancer treatments. Vaccines may be harmful to an unborn baby and generally should not be given to a pregnant woman. However, not vaccinating the mother could be more harmful to the baby if the mother becomes infected with a disease that this vaccine could prevent. Your doctor will decide whether you should receive this vaccine, especially if you have a high risk of infection with Japanese encephalitis virus. Do not receive this vaccine without telling your doctor if you are breast-feeding a baby. The Japanese encephalitis SA14-14-2 vaccine is given in a series of 2 shots. The shots are usually 28 days apart. Your individual booster schedule may be different from these guidelines. Follow your doctor's instructions or the schedule recommended by the health department of the state you live in. In addition to receiving the Japanese encephalitis vaccine, use protective clothing, insect repellents, and mosquito netting around your bed to further prevent mosquito bites that could infect you with the Japanese encephalitis virus. Becoming infected with Japanese encephalitis is much more dangerous to your health than receiving this vaccine. However, like any medicine, this vaccine can cause side effects but the risk of serious side effects is extremely low. Get emergency medical help if you have any of these signs of an allergic reaction: hives; difficulty breathing; dizziness, weakness, fast heart rate; swelling of your face, lips, tongue, or throat. pain, redness, tenderness, or a hard lump where the shot was given. What other drugs will affect Japanese encephalitis virus vaccine? This list is not complete. Other drugs may interact with Japanese encephalitis virus vaccine, including prescription and over-the-counter medicines, vitamins, and herbal products. Not all possible interactions are listed in this medication guide. Copyright 1996-2018 Cerner Multum, Inc. Version: 2.03. Revision date: 1/23/2014.

https://www.adventisthealthcare.com/health/library/topic/?id=d07442a1

People often think that they need to buy it to use the car, but today, despite the car rental industry or rent car Whether renting a car without a driver or renting a car with a driver no longer needs to buy a car. Those who work well with their capital and make optimal returns, use car rentals and spend their money on earning And your business and your business‌In this way, they will provide the car they are looking for, and they will not withdraw their capital for this use of their turnover and benefit from it more capital.. On the other hand, this is a bonus for car riders 1- For current car costs such as damages; 2- Insurance costs and other annual drop in car prices Are. For customers and hire car makers, the health of the car is important in every respect, including the body engine and the cleanliness of the car. This makes it‌In order to ensure that car limousines do their best to provide a car with a precision engine and body, etc., the performance of a rented car may be the most important factor in assessing the health of the car so that if The car has a high working life. It is generally considered to be poorly worn due to wear and tear, and also from the direction of the body and from the direction of the motor.

http://rent32.org/en/why-rent.php

If a given year has more named storms than the name-list has names, how are additional storms named? they are assigned names using the Greek alphabet. If there is a tropical cyclone moving across the open Atlantic and the hurricane hunter finds it to have a maximum sustained wind of 133 mph, what classification would the National Hurricane Center assign to this tropical storm? The trade winds are one of the wind belts that help form and steer hurricanes. In what direction do they typically blow? Does air in the eye of the hurricane ascend or descend? Which of the following is an incorrect statement about Figure 24.10 on page 450? the air temperature in the center of the hurricane is cold compared to its surroundings. Many hurricanes start near the west coast of Africa and move across the open Atlantic Ocean. What do meteorologists call the "trigger mechanism" for these types of hurricanes? It is September 10th and a tropical cyclone has reached tropical storm strength over the open Atlantic Ocean. Hurricane forecasters however, are not forecasting that this tropical storm will become a hurricane. Why not? The sea surface temperatures (SSTs) are 78F. If a hurricane were centered in the middle of the Gulf of Mexico and it was heading directly to the north, on which side of the hurricane would you expect the fastest winds and greatest storm surge? Which of the following destructive forces is made worse by a high tide? Which of the following hurricane destructive forces is the most deadly? What is the nickname of the Air Force C-130 hurricane hunter? If sea surface temperatures are forecast to increase over the next 100 years, how will hurricane strength respond to this increase in SST? According to the text book, if hurricane conditions are expected within 24 hours, which type of public advisory is posted? The Palmer Drought Severity Index is used to rank the strength of a drought. When drought conditions are present over an area, are the PDSI values positive or negative? What type of "pressure system" is typically associated with drought conditions in the Midwest and central parts of the US? True or False: There is no formal definition for "drought". During which decade was the "Dust Bowl"? According to the journal "Weatherwise", where does the Dust Bowl rank with respect to the 20th century's worst weather catastrophes? Where does flooding rank with respect to weather-related property damage in the US? If a flood is called a 100-year flood, what does this mean? A flood of this magnitude has a 1 in 100 chance of happening in any year. In which month are flash floods most common and why? What do meteorologists call it when t-storms follow one another along a stationary front, where storms pass over the same location repeatedly? Which river in the northern US floods almost every year due to ice jams and snow melt? In which Ocean does the weather event "El Nino" take place. In which general direction to the trade winds blow? Which of the following accurately describes upwelling? the rising of colder water from deeper levels to the surface. Are there more or less hurricanes in the Atlantic Ocean during an El Nino? During the winter of 2010-11 and 2011-12, the Southern Oscillation Index was positive. Does this indicate El Nino conditions or La Nina conditions? where are the most destructive winds on a hurricane?

https://quizlet.com/77715389/atms-120-exam-2-flash-cards/

Gerry gave half of his money to Jane. Next day, she gave half of all her wealth to Gerry. After the last exchange they each have exactly as much as they originally started with. Jane is twice as rich as Gerry. Gerry is twice as rich as Jane. Jane is three times as rich as Gerry. Jane and Gerry have the same amount of money.

https://www.aplusclick.org/k/4660.htm

Freedom and Flourishing: What implications does 'monitory democracy' have for the survival of democratic institutions? What implications does 'monitory democracy' have for the survival of democratic institutions? I ended my last post promising to consider whether John Keane’s observation that we now have ‘monitory democracy’ has implications for the relationship between the responsibilities and effectiveness of government, and hence the survival of democratic institutions. Can monitory democracy be expected to move political systems towards or away from equilibrium between effectiveness of government and the responsibilities that government is expected to perform? First, who is Keane and what does he mean by ‘monitory democracy’? John Keane is professor of politics at Sydney university and author of a major history of democracy, ‘The Life and Death of Democracy’ (2009), a book over 1,000 pages described by one reviewer as not ‘for the faint hearted’. (Unfortunately, I can’t claim to have read it.) In an article in the Griffith Review, Keane argues that from the middle of the 20th Century representative democracy began to transform into monitory democracy – a new historical form described by ‘the rapid growth of many different kinds of extra-parliamentary, power-scrutinising mechanisms’. ‘The combination of monitory democracy and communicative abundance … produces permanent flux, an unending restlessness driven by complex combinations of different interacting players and institutions, permanently pushing and pulling, heaving and straining, sometimes working together, at other times in opposition to one another’. In considering what implications monitory democracy might have for the survival of democratic institutions it seems to me to be worth recalling Joseph Schumpeter’s view, discussed here recently, that democracy is essentially a leadership contest in which the role of citizens ends after they have cast their votes. The reality of democracy, as described by Keane, is light years away from Schumpeter’s view that democracy can only succeed if voters refrain from trying to tell politicians what to do after they have been elected. How does monitory democracy actually impact on the balance between the responsibilities and effectiveness of governments? Some of Keane’s comments suggest that monitory mechanisms might have a positive impact on the effectiveness of government. He points out that, ‘when they do their job well, monitory mechanisms have many positive effects, ranging from greater openness and justice within markets and blowing the whistle on foolish government decisions to the general enrichment of public deliberation and the empowerment of citizens and their chosen representatives through meaningful schemes of participation’. On the other hand, he suggests that nobody ‘should be kidded into thinking that the world of monitory democracy … is a level playing field – a paradise of equality of opportunity among all its citizens and their elected and unelected representatives’. This does not provide strong grounds for confidence that monitory democracy improves the effectiveness of government. How does monitory democracy impact on the scope of responsibilities that governments are expected to perform? The discussion in a recent post about voter irrationality seems highly relevant. There is evidence that voters who say that politics is ‘not at all important’ to them are more likely than others to say that ‘the government should take more responsibility to ensure that everyone is provided for’. On that basis, monitory democracy could be expected to thrust more responsibilities on governments than they can cope with effectively. This raises serious questions about the ability of democratic institutions to survive. However, as more people perceive that existential threats are facing democratic institutions they might form new interest groups to foster norms of behaviour that might enable better outcomes to be achieved. Under favourable conditions monitory democracy might prove to be a system with self-correcting characteristics. If influential interest groups can form around the survival of some threatened species of animals, is it not reasonable to expect that stronger and more influential interest groups might form when social institutions that make a valued contribution to human well-being are seen to be threatened? I would like to draw attention to relevant comments by kvd and Jim Belshaw on Jim's blog. Jim now also has another relevant post: What would you nominate as the most asinine slogan? Neil Whitford is not faint hearted. He has read and reviewed 'The Life and Death of Democracy'. Apart from the feeling that the term 'monitory' is quite clunky and far too close to monetary, I get the feeling with some of these labels that they get a life of their own. That is to say, once nominated, they become 'an issue' where perhaps previously none existed? Think of when 'Gen X' appeared, then how it spawned the rest of the alphabet soup - each without much clear or logical distinction that I can see; more rather a progression. Thanks for your further comment, kvd. I also have problems with the terminology. For my purposes it might be better to just talk about the characteristics of modern democracy. In trying to argue that a new form of democracy has emerged it makes sense for John Keane to invent a new label. But 'monitory' does seem confusing.

https://www.freedomandflourishing.com/2012/07/what-implications-does-monitory.html

N.B. If any minutes were taken of the meeting in 1985 then they have long since been lost. These two articles, authored by Katherine, cover all of the content of her talk, and more. As anthropologists, most of us would agree with Bruner that "our first responsibility is to respect people's accounts of their experiences as they choose to present them" (1983:9). However, those of us interested in historical anthropology face a special challenge since we are rarely able to draw upon indigenous accounts of everyday life. Even when we are able to use such texts, the problem of ethnographic authority remains (Clifford 1988:8; Clifford and Marcus 1986). Considerable work is being done in historical anthropology in reconstructing indigenous histories by using the early narratives of Western observers. However, such efforts have obvious problems of observer bias (see Cohn 1987:136-171; Said 1978; Savage 1984). Furthermore, as in the descriptions discussed in this article, the outside observers have sometimes recorded opposing opinions. How are we, as anthropologists writing today, to assess such conflicting appraisals? Using the case of textiles in 19th-century northern Thailand, I should like to suggest that by reconstructing the political economy of a society, we can evaluate contradictory historical descriptions. From Veblen (1912) and Simmel (1957) to Weiner and Schneider (1989), an appreciation of the varied manner in which textiles symbolize social distinctions has been longstanding. As Bourdieu has written of symbolic goods in general, textiles can be an integral part of the "infinitely varied art of marking distances" (1984:66; see also Barthes 1984; Sahlins 1976). Often the distinctions are extremely subtle. Writing of the use of fashion, Barthes notes the importance of details as "concentrated meaning" (1984:185). For Barthes, just a detail can change an object's meaning: "a little nothing that changes everything; those little nothings that can do everything" (1984:243). However, more than just symbolizing distinctions, textiles have also been shown to constitute and consolidate social differences through their often vital role in a society's political economy. In his pioneering article on tributary textiles in the Inca kingdom, Murra notes not only that "no political, military, social, or religious event was complete without textiles being volunteered or bestowed, burned, exchanged, or sacrificed," but also that cloth served as "a primary source of state revenues" (1962:722). insights into the semiotics of consumption and an important methodology for historical anthropology. Others have made a similar point (see Schneider 1987 for an excellent review of the cultural, economic, and political significance of cloth). As Weiner and Schneider summarize, architects of centralizing polities have awed spectators with sartorial splendor, strategically distributed beautiful fabrics amongst clients, and exported the textile output of royal and peasant workshops to earn foreign exchange" (1989:2). Contradictory assessments of dress also occur in 19th-century descriptions of northern Thai dress. The anonymous author of one of the earliest surviving accounts remarked on the lack of class distinction in women's clothing: "It is curious to notice the uniformity and universality of the female dress. The higher classes vary the style a little by inserting a very showy strip of wrought silk next above the bottom piece" (Bangkok Recorder 1866). Twenty years later, an American missionary working in northern Thailand wrote in almost identical wording: "Rich and poor all dress alike, except that the higher classes vary the universal style a little by inserting a very showy strip of wrought silk into the skirt near the bottom" (Cort 1886:348). Thus, depending upon the archival source, contemporary scholars can reach opposing assessments of the character of these earlier societies. Research on textiles in mainland Southeast Asia is just beginning (see Brown 1980; Cheesman 1988; Fraser-Lu 1988; Lefferts 1988, 1990; Prangwatthanakun and Cheesman 1987). Prangwatthanakun and Cheesman's Lanna Textiles: Yuan, Lue, Lao (1987) is the only full-length work on textiles in northern Thailand; as such it is an important preliminary study, especially useful for describing some of the items woven and the techniques used. In this article, I examine the broader social context of textile consumption and production, drawing upon two major kinds of sources, archival and oral. The archival sources include consular reports (primarily British), 19th century newspaper accounts, travelogues, and works by American missionaries. In addition I have interviewed hundreds of villagers over the age of 80 living throughout the Chiang Mai Valley of northern Thailand.5 I use archival sources primarily for insight into the consumption, production, and acquisition of textiles by the elite; I rely more heavily on oral histories for insights into the everyday life of villagers. Based upon an understanding of the social processes of textile production and consumption, I argue that the controversy generated by the contradictory opinions of certain 19th century observers of northern Thai society can be resolved in favor of those who asserted that there were dramatic differences of dress and class in the northern Thai semiotics of consumption. The Chiang Mai Valley was the site of the largest and most important of the northern Thai kingdoms. These kingdoms were located in the region today called northern Thailand but called "Western Laos" by 19th century missionaries and other foreign observers. The courts of the various principalities were located in the mountain valleys of Chiang Mai, Lamphun, Lampang, Phrae, Nan, and Chiang Rai, each today serving as a provincial capital. Although these kingdoms were independent, they had been tributary to the neighboring kingdom of Burma for several hundred years. During the 19th century, they were tributary to the central Thai court at Bangkok; thereafter they were incorporated into Thailand. This article is divided into two parts. In the first, I examine the cultural significance of textile consumption in 19th century northern Thailand. I present some of the surviving descriptions of dress, ranging from the daily wear of commoners to the state robes of the ruling lords, and subsequently expand the discussion from dress to other applications of textiles, arguing that there were dramatic differences between peasants and lords in this broader sphere as well. In the second part of the article, I describe how this differentiation between elites and commoners was revealed in the social process of textile production. Focusing on the two most important textiles used; cotton and silk, I consider the overall importance of textiles in the political economy of these northern Thai kingdoms, noting the role of tribute and slave labor in the acquisition of textiles by the elite. Previous studies have shown that 19th-century northern Thai society was divided into three major social statuses: the aristocrats (jao), the freeholders (phrai), and the slaves (khiikhaa). The aristocracy was internally differentiated by economic and political power. The greatest power and prestige were concentrated in those lords who occupied the five top positions in each of the kingdoms, while lesser members of the aristocracy whose inheritances had dwindled were barely separable from the peasantry at large. Free villagers were all liable to perform corvée labor and pay tribute to the ruling lords, but they were internally differentiated according to economic class. The wealthiest villagers rivaled many members of the aristocracy; in fact, many had royal titles and intermarried with the lower levels of the aristocracy. Villagers spanned the economic continuum, from those with land and numerous animals down to those who were destitute or landless beggars. The difference between slaves and free villagers was also often a gray area. Elite slaves sometimes worked very closely with their lords and received more benefits than ordinary commoners. On the other hand, the conditions for ordinary slaves were generally worse than those for commoners since the former were at the mercy of the lords. (For more on 19th century northern Thai social structure, see Bowie 1988; Calavan 1974; Ganjanapan 1984.) Nonetheless, although portions of this social spectrum overlapped, there were significant differences in lifestyle from one end of the spectrum to the other. To give an idea of the purchasing power of a rupee at this time, some indications of wage rates are suggestive. Although very few statistics on northern Thai wage labor rates survive, I was able to find three references in the archival sources.16 According to the British trade report of 1894, porters were paid 12 to 15 rupees per month, assuming they carried an average load of 15 to 20 viss; about 54 to 73 pounds (Archer 1895). Some figures on the wages paid to laborers in the teak industry also survive. According to W. J. Archer, the British vice consul, Khamu workers who could once be hired for 40 to 60 rupees a year (and their food) could in 1894 no longer "be had under Rs. 70 to Rs. 90 a year" (1895). Writing five years later, Acting Consul J. Stewart Black gave somewhat lower wage figures, while also lamenting the increasing costs. He noted that Khamu workers were paid 30 to 50 rupees per annum, in addition to their food, which cost about 5 rupees per month, or an additional 60 rupees per year. Black wrote that in 1899 some teak laborers were being paid as much as 120 rupees (food included) and went on to castigate the native villagers for their indolence, commenting that "not even the attraction of what is to him [sic] a small fortune will induce them to undergo for any length of time the hard labour and isolation of forest work" (1 900).17 Thus, forest workers in the teak industry were earning anywhere from 90 to 120 rupees per year (including the value of their food), or about 7 to 10 rupees per month. Such wages paid to forest workers were considered a "small fortune." Although the wages paid to porters were higher, it should be noted that portering such heavy loads required tremendous stamina and could be done by only the strongest villagers. Furthermore, such employment was seasonal. According to oral histories, the wages paid to agricultural workers were less. Many villagers cited rates of one win (approximately one-seventh of a rupee) per day for agricultural labor at the turn of the 20th century.18 Archival sources suggest that wages for teak workers averaged one-quarter to one-third of a rupee per day and those for porters averaged half a rupee per day. Villagers also recalled that in the early 20th century one rupee could buy a full set of clothing, including a homespun shirt and pair of pants or skirt. Clearly, the aristocracy's most luxurious clothes were not likely to serve as daily casual wear. Nonetheless they marked a significant distinction in purchasing power and social status between the elite and ordinary villagers. A tin jok skirt border that cost 60 rupees represented at least four months' wages for the best-paid porter and over a year's wages for agricultural workers. Everyday peasant dress already represented anywhere from two to seven days' wages and thus constituted a considerable expense for the ordinary wage laborer. The ruling lords of the northern Thai kingdom also had distinctive regalia, including umbrellas and spittoons. Whether a formal sumptuary code existed is, as I mentioned earlier, unclear. However, even without the evidence of sumptuary laws, I believe that there is considerable indication of significant class differentiation through dress.19 With the exception of state robes and regalia of rank, differences in dress may well have formed a continuum of wealth rather than a clear-cut differentiation based on status. Poorer members of the aristocracy, less able to afford the most elaborate of clothes, would have blended with those below them. Conversely, wealthier members of the rural elite, especially those who had intermarried with the lower ranks of the aristocracy, would have dressed more ornately. Nonetheless, overall, when one considers the cost of elite dress in light of the economic situation of poor villagers who were begging, stealing, or patching their simple clothing, a dramatic distinction emerges. Textiles were used not only for dress but also for a variety of household items and on various ritual occasions. Such uses of textiles also revealed considerable differences according to wealth. Although the poorest villagers often did without, ordinary villagers used textiles for making mattress and pillow covers, blankets, bed sheets, and mosquito nets. In general the mattress and pillow covers were plain indigo or black with red stripes or trim. Bed sheets were plain white or white with a red stripe or checked pattern; fancier sheets had embroidery and in some cases more complex weaves. Mosquito nets were woven on special large looms, and many informants complained about how heavy homespun cotton mosquito nets were to wash. Cloth also figured importantly in the lives and rites of the elite. In addition to owning more and fancier clothes, the elite had more and better household items. Instead of just having enough mattresses, pillows, and other bedding items for the family, wealthier families had additional bedding sets for guests. Furthermore, the guest bedding was considered an object of display and so was more likely to have embroidered ends and complex, time-consuming weaves. Even today wealthy village families usually have wood cabinets with glass doors along the wall of the main room of their home to showcase guest bedding sets. The possession of ornate pillows was another particularly significant attribute of elite households. Although Thais had a variety of pillows, the prestige pillows were usually triangular and were used for daytime reclining. Their importance was highlighted in a British official's passing remark that such pillows were "to be seen in every house of any pretensions" (Lowndes 1871).25 Furnishing their palaces, the northern Thai princes displayed numerous luxury items such as foreign-made weapons, chandeliers, mirrors, lanterns, curtains, reclining pillows, and even imported carpets (Taylor 1888-1930:73; Younghusband 1888:63-64). In 1830 Richardson noted the presence of Indian and Chinese carpets (1829-36:63), and in 1885 Ernest Satow recorded that the ruling lord of Chiang Mai had European furniture and "a number of gaudy Brussels carpets" (1885-86:51). The full extent of the differences between commoners and aristocracy was most visible when members of the ruling elite traveled in state or participated in public ceremonies. Royal barges had large cloth canopies: the royal barge of the central Thai king, according to one observer, featured "a canopy of cloth of gold where the King sits on a golden throne wearing a gold embroidered coat and golden shoes" (Dodd 1923:289). The royal entourage often consisted of scores of boats, the rowers all clad in matching uniforms. The elite also traveled by horse or elephant, the animals gaily festooned with decorative textiles. On state occasions, the highest ranks of the nobility used gold and silver decorative caparisons. Mary Cort noted that the gold elephant trappings were "worth thousands," whereas the silver trappings were "worth hundreds" of rupees (Cort 1886:349). In addition to making public prestations such as those at the Kathin ceremonies, the elite would have given considerable amounts of textile goods away during any other life-cycle or calendrical ceremonies they might hold. Thai ceremonials usually included a merit-making component in which gifts, including monastic robes and embroidered pillows, were given as offerings to the monks (see Davis 1984). Archival sources also note the use of textiles as gifts to visiting dignitaries: the gifts given to Satow, a British official, by the ruling chief of Lampang included velvet mattresses, pillows adorned with Chinese brocade, and silk skirts (Satow 1885- 86:206). Thus, not only did the peasants and the lords differ considerably in terms of dress and household possessions, but they also differed in the extent to which they donated textiles on ritual occasions. In this article thus far I have depicted significant differences between the elite's and the peasants' uses of textiles. I have described a range of dress: from the stolen and the hand-me-down, from the threadbare and the patched, from the simple cottons of commoners to the state robes of the ruling lords. I have also outlined some of the different uses of textiles in village households as opposed to the court. Here, I should like to show how the differentiation was manifested not simply in the consumption of textiles but also in their production. As will become clear, both accounts are true; the differences lie in the type of fabric being woven. Most clothing was made from cotton. However, contrary to what is commonly assumed, weaving was not a universal household industry; only certain villagers in certain villages wove (see Bowie 1988, 1992). The weaving of simple cotton cloth was spread quite widely throughout the Chiang Mai Valley, and certain districts were especially known for their concentrations of weavers. Those districts that had a reputation for cotton weaving in the past, especially the San Kamphaeng and Bo sang districts, have maintained their reputations down to the present. Furthermore, oral histories reveal weaving to have been a highly specialized activity, with different villagers involved in the different phases of production. By far the most commonly produced cloth was a plain white cotton, often later dyed with indigo. The villagers most likely to produce such cloth were the poorer ones, who wove both for their own household needs and for sale or hire. Such village weavers were more likely to find weaving an onerous obligation from which others were freed. From the simplest and plainest of homespun white cloth to the most elaborate designs using imported fibers, the value of the fabric gradually increased. Striped or plaid cloth involved more work and skill, in both weaving and dyeing, than plain cloth and was consequently valued more highly. Cloth woven with imported threads, most often used for women's phaa sins, was more expensive than the domestic handspun cotton. The wealthier the village weaver, the more likely she was to weave the more time-consuming decorative items such as colored skirts or striped sheets. The more elaborate the design, the more likely the weaver was weaving for pleasure with a "cool heart." The more complex the weave, the more likely that the weaver was affiliated in some manner with the aristocracy, as war captive, slave, or member of the court. Virtually each of the areas known for weaving is associated with an ethnic minority brought into the Chiang Mai Valley as war captives sometime during the 19th century. Baan Ton Hen is a Khyyn village; San Kamphaeng (particularly around the original district town of Baan Oon) is also known as a Khyyn area. The Khyyn are a population who originally lived in the Chiang Tung area: Chiang Mai led attacks on Chiang Tung in 1849, 1852-53, and 1854, and it seems people were brought back on these occasions (Wilson and Hanks 1985:29). Over half of the people living in the Lamphun region are said to have descended from war captives (Freeman 1910:100). Chom Thong town has a Lawa population, many of whom served as temple slaves. Unfortunately, I was unable to acquire any information about the ethnic background of villagers in Baan Aen since the entire village was forced to relocate when a hydroelectric dam was built. Unlike villagers, who had to weave, trade for, or buy their clothing, the ruling lords were able to extract raw cotton, woven cloth, and dyestuffs as tribute. Their ability to levy tribute on broad sectors of the population provided the aristocracy with a quantity of cotton cloth no single producer could hope to match. Interestingly, the majority of villagers who sent cotton or cloth as tribute appear to have been hilltribe populations, such as the Karen and the Mussur (today more commonly called the Lahu). One of the Karen villages that Captain Thomas Lowndes visited in 1871 had just taken its year's taxes to Chiang Mai: "it consisted of Rupees 2, 2 blankets, and 40 viss of cotton" (1871). Richardson also noted tribute of cloth paid by the Karen during his travels in 1830 (1829-36:37, 45). Captain McLeod found that the KaKuis had to make presents of mats and cloths to the lords (1836:57). McGilvary commented that much of the raw cotton being purchased by the Yunnanese traders came from the Mussur; although he did not specifically mention tribute, it is likely that the Mussur too would have been expected to offer tribute to the ruling lords in the form of raw cotton or finished cloth. While the aristocracy were able to make apparently generous donations on ritual occasions, much of what they gave was in fact the contribution of others. Thus, the aristocracy appear to have been able to extract raw cotton, simple cotton cloth, and complex cotton weaves through political means. Tribute afforded them both raw cotton and cotton cloth, and the labor of war captives seems to have provided them with complex weaves such as tin jok skirt borders. Although silk was considered a more valuable fabric, cotton cloth nonetheless had a variety of uses in royal households. The tin jok borders, even those made of cotton, would have marked their wearers as wealthier than ordinary villagers, who only wore plain skirt borders. Possession of textiles ranging from mattresses to elephant headpieces made from complex woven cotton would have similarly served to add to the prestige of their owners. Such cloth could be used as rewards for favored underlings or as gifts for visitors. In addition, cotton cloth made possible the public display of largess involved in merit-making ceremonies, since monks' robes were typically made from cotton. It is also possible that royalty were involved in the cotton trade. There was considerable demand for raw cotton by Yunnanese traders and some demand for cotton cloth in Burma (Bowie 1992; Hill 1982; Reid 1988:91). British vice consul Archer mentioned in his trade report of 1894 that "women's cloths of coarse cotton, woven by the Laos [were] sought after in Burma as being very durable," although he added that the export was not very considerable (1895). Such cloth, together with silk goods, could also have been offered as tribute to other kingdoms. However they used it, lords - because they could exact tribute and slave labor - found it much easier to acquire cloth than did commoners, who had to weave fabric themselves or find some other means of acquiring it. Archival sources also indicate that royal slaves were involved in silk weaving. The British official A. H. Hildebrand noted, "There is a good deal of trade capable of being done also in silk garments and silk fancy work, at which the slaves and others are great adepts" (1875). It is not clear whether these slaves lived solely at the court or also in slave settlements established to produce cloth for the court. Silk weaving is known to have been done in only two areas outside the court itself: the towns of San Kamphaeng and Hot (and their immediate environs). While silk weaving continues to this day in San Kamphaeng, in Hot only traces survive in archival sources and in the memories of the town's oldest residents. No information survives to explain why Hot, a town some 70 kilometers from Chiang Mai, would have been a center of silk production and weaving, or why the industry died out. (Villagers said it was because the cocoons scared easily and so had died.) However, in San Kamphaeng a senior member of one of the prestigious silk-weaving families recounted the local version of the history of silk weaving in his area. According to his account, lords victorious in war would capture various kinds of artisans and resettle them in their own kingdoms. Thus, silversmiths were settled near the south end of Chiang Mai town, lacquer ware artists in another location, and weavers in San Kamphaeng. This account indeed suggests that the silk weavers in San Kamphaeng may have been royal slaves weaving at the behest of the court. Some idea of the potential scale of royal weaving was given by D. J. Edwardes, who wrote that the ruling lord of Chiang Mai had 300 slaves weaving cloth for him (1875). It appears that these Chiang Mai silks were marketed in Burma. In his summary of the Chiang Mai kingdom, Lowndes commented: "Weaving and embroidery are the principal handicrafts, the silk putsoes [phaa nung] are much sought after by the Burmans, as they wear three times as long as those of Burmese manufacture" (1871). He made a similar point about the silk woven in Hot, noting that it was "said to be very strong and durable" and adding, "A thitgoung [headman] showed me a putso that he had had in wear for 7 years, and it was by no means worn out" (1871). In San Kamphaeng, where silk production has continued to the present day, raw silk was imported from Luang Prabang, Laos, and later from Mandalay, Burma. Raw silk was also routinely imported by the Haw traders coming from Yunnan, China (Hill 1982; see also Bowie 1992). The geographical distribution of raw materials had social implications. Since sufficient quantities of cotton grew in upland regions of northern Thailand to be readily exported, cotton was more accessible to ordinary villagers and could, in turn, be extracted by the ruling lords through tribute. Since silkworms were not abundant in northern Thailand, raw silk had to be imported. Silk's scarcity heightened its price and its prestige value, serving to concentrate silk weaving in the hands of the court. Aristocratic control of silk production was further aided by the fact that the silk fiber is very fine and hence is far more difficult and time-consuming to weave than cotton. A comparison of cotton and silk production, then, reveals important contrasts. While cotton was exported, silk was imported into northern Thailand. While cotton was generally woven by freeholding villagers, silk seems to have been woven by slaves and members of the aristocracy. While villagers, except those who begged or stole their clothing, had to obtain textiles through direct economic means, aristocrats were able to augment their own production through the political means of tribute and slave labor. Furthermore, because poverty was widespread and not all villagers grew or wove cotton themselves, many villagers faced hardships in acquiring clothing of any kind for their families. Understanding the process of textile production helps contemporary readers gain insight into the cultural meaning of cloth to 19th century northern Thai. Once we understand the chronic poverty of most villagers and the difficulty with which villagers obtained even the simplest of cotton cloth, the significance of cloth in daily life and in village rituals becomes clearer. Simultaneously, we can begin to enter the cultural world of 19th century villagers to learn the social meaning of the difference between clothes made of cotton and those made of silk. Understanding the productive process also helps us appreciate the manner in which textiles were interwoven with royal authority. Because of their coercive power, the lords were able to exact cloth as tribute from freeholders and labor from slaves. Their political position reinforced their economic position, since the textiles - and other goods - they acquired through tribute and slave labor were apparently marketed for revenue. The revenue and surplus textiles they acquired through the labor of others, in turn, reinforced their political position. By sponsoring large, conspicuous merit-making ceremonies in which they gave robes and pillows to monks, the lords enhanced their prestige and, ironically, created an image of generosity. The fine silks in which the lords dressed themselves symbolized not only their distinction from the poor but also their own relationship to the political economy of the kingdom. Combining oral histories with archival sources, this article has examined textile consumption and production in 19th century northern Thailand. If we have an understanding of the social process of textile production, the "concentrated meaning" (Barthes 1984:185) of northern Thailand textiles becomes more apprehensible. Such apparently minor details of fashion as the use of a silk skirt border - or, as one early observer phrases it, "a showy strip of wrought silk" - can no longer be interpreted as meaning that "rich and poor all dress[ed] alike" (Cort 1886:346). Important differences in dress, household possessions, and ritual prestations separated the aristocracy from the peasantry. These differences signified profound differences in the relationship of each to the political economy. Thus, the semiotics of consumption in northern Thai society is illuminated by an understanding of its political economy. This article on the consumption and production of textiles in 19th century northern Thailand has been at once a description of the social context of textiles and an exercise in historical anthropology. The evaluation and appropriate application of archival sources present a challenge to every historical anthropologist, since these sources are replete with omissions and distortions. However, by interweaving oral histories with archival sources, we can recapture much of the fabric of the past. Oral histories enhance the archival sources by contributing some sense of the lived experiences of the unrecorded majority. This article has shown how developing a better understanding of a society's political economy can provide an independent means to assess the opinions of outside observers of indigenous societies. Acknowledgments. This article emerges from my dissertation fieldwork on 19th century political economy, conducted from 1984 to 1986 under the auspices of the National Research Council of Thailand with a grant from the Social Science Research Council. Subsequent fieldwork specifically on textile production was conducted during the summer of 1989 with a grant from the Graduate School of the University of Wisconsin, Madison. I would like to thank Cornelia Kammerer, Jean De Bernardi, Nicola Tannenbaum, Patricia Cheesman, Songsak Prangwatthanakun, Kristine Hastreiter, Kate Bjork, Hugh Wilson, and the American Ethnologist reviewers for their various contributions toward the research and writing of this article. 1 Edwardes' summary raises questions about Anthony Reid's conclusion that in Southeast Asia, "the difference in dress between rich and poor, servant and master, king and commoner, was less marked than in pre-industrial Europe, where each man's station and even vocation could be read in the prescribed style of dress" (1988:85). 2 The distinctions of dress appear to have been quite subtle at times. Crawfurd wrote, "The better classes permit the ends of the dress to hang loosely in front, but the lower orders tuck them under the body, securing them behind" (1987:313). Although the older men in northern Thai villages sport tattoos, the practice has fallen out of vogue among the current generation of northerners. For more on the symbolism of tattoos, see Nicola Tannenbaum (1987). 4 In the course of my interviewing I also encountered villagers who made mention of sumptuary rules with regard to housing and clothing, but they were unable to recall any of the specifics. The quotation cited suggests not only that sumptuary laws existed but also that they varied by ruler and kingdom. 5 During dissertation fieldwork in 1984-86, I interviewed more than 500 villagers over the age of 80 living in about 400 villages throughout the Chiang Mai Valley. I repeatedly asked villagers for their recollections of life when they were young as well as for their memories of what their parents and grandparents had said about life in their days (see Bowie 1988). This article emerges from accidental observations made during my dissertation research. During the summer of 1989 I interviewed another 100 villagers, specifically asking about textiles. 6 Considerable confusion is caused by the various linguistic borrowings of the 19th century English language sources, which alternately use Indian, Burmese, and central Thai words to describe northern Thai clothing. Thus, terms such as phaa nung, lungi, and putso are used in ambiguous ways. In general, these terms refer to the lengths of cloth worn by both men and women on the lower half of the body. The lengths may be sewn into a tube (as in the phaa sin) or twisted into a thick cord worn between the legs (as in the phaa toi). To add to the confusion, the usage of these terms has changed over time. During the 19th century, phaa nung referred to the length of cloth worn on the lower part of the body by central Thai men and women alike, corresponding most closely to the phaa toi worn by northern Thai men. Over time the meaning has changed to refer to the tubular cloth, or phaa sin, worn during the 19th century by northern Thai women and now worn by women throughout the country. 8 Bock, writing in 1884, observed, "A few Lao women are beginning to wear tight-fitting jackets, cut to the shape of the figure, with equally tight sleeves, something after the style of the 'ladies' jerseys' recently so fashionable in Paris and London, and involving no small amount of labour to get on and off" (1986 :327). Writing at about the same time, Cort made a similar observation: "Some are beginning to wear jackets or waists, but the usual style is for the women to have a brightly colored cotton or silk scarf tied around their chests just under the arms" (1886:348). 9 The indigo-dyed cotton daew chador and indigo shirts now identified as stereotypical of the Thai peasantry appear to have been of recent vintage, dating from about the turn of the century. Ironically, the blue farmer shirts (sya moh hoom) now worn by university students and Thai officials to demonstrate Thai nationalist pride seem to have been popularized by Chinese merchants. The daew chador has more in common with Chinese-style loose-fitting pants than with the traditional phaa toi. Additional support for the view that jackets became more common as the century progressed are provided in a few passing comments. In 1868 Henry Alabaster detailed his recollections of people's dress ten years earlier, noting: "I remember that ten years ago at any of the great festivals which attracted there 40 or 50,000 spectators, almost all wore but one garment - or a sarong and scarf. Now almost every one adds thereto a cotton or silk jacket" (1868). Stringer, writing in his trade report of 1890 specifically about northern Thailand, commented, "The wearing of singlets and coats of European pattern by the men and cotton jackets by the women is becoming more common" (1891). 10 That cloth was highly valued elsewhere in Southeast Asia is also reflected in the following Burmese proverb: "If you are on the way to an ahlu [merit-making ceremony], do not wear your jacket; carry it and put it on when you arrive; it lasts longer that way" (Nash 1965:232). 11 "A comment on the poverty of temple slaves in Burma supplies further evidence that the sheer amount of cloth in one's clothing was an indication of economic status: "They are poor these slaves, the men wear no brilliant putsoes and the women wear no vest beneath their jacket" (Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget 1899b). 12 The value of cloth is also suggested in a northern Thai rhyme describing the payment that three women received in return for sexual favors: "Miss Kum asked for silver, Miss Huan asked for cloth, Miss Noja asked for an elephant. Hurry up and finish Doctor" (Bristowe 1976:127, cited in Patel 1990:127). Cotton's value as a commodity is seen too in the fact that there were traveling minstrels who literally "sang for their cotton." A favorite form of village entertainment in the past was soh, witty and often bawdy repartee between a male and a female singer, with musical accompaniment. One especially popular form of soh was the soh kep nok, or "singing repartee to collect birds." In villages with surplus raw cotton, this soh would be performed as soh laek fai (singing in exchange for cotton). Each village household wishing a performance would build a tree as a stage prop, with cotton representing the birds in the tree. At a certain point in the plot, the male singer would then "shoot down" all the cotton birds and put them in his bag. Having collected all the cotton balls, the performers would then move to the next house where they had been invited to perform, again receiving cotton as payment. (For more on the soh kep nok performance itself, see Shim- bhanao 1982-84). 13 Nineteenth-century paintings have been preserved at Wat Phumin in Nan and Wat Phra Singh in Chiang Mai. 14 Because during times of peace Chiang Tung and Chiang Mai were closely linked by trade as well as by cultural and linguistic similarities, I include these descriptions of Chiang Tung in the discussion of northern Thailand. Kun or Khynn is the name of the ethnic group living in the region around Chiang Tung (Keng Tung), many of whom were brought to Chiang Mai as war captives and resettled there. 15 Stringer wrote that Manchester chowls, "of which four different sizes are sold, fetch from Rs. 20 to Rs. 24 per corge of 20 pieces, and the Bombay goods, also sold in four sizes, fetch from Rs. 17 to Rs. 20 per corge" (1891). Chowl is another word for phaa nung. According to T. Carlisle's 1899 trade report, chowl was "the Indian name for the Siamese 'phalai' or 'paley,' that is the 'phaanung' or lower portion of the Siamese costume printed and furnished with a glaze" (1900). In other words, it was a length of printed cloth some three to four meters long. A possibly higher figure for the price per length was given by Alabaster, who suggested that if the British could manufacture sarongs to sell retail at about 4 to 6 shillings apiece, they might find a market in Thailand (1868). Since the rupee was valued at 13 pence in 1895, this would suggest a cost of 3.7 to 5.6 rupees per length. However, I have no figures with which to calculate the shilling/rupee exchange rate for 1868. 16 James Ingram has done a remarkable job of gathering wage labor rates for central Thailand (1964). 17 1t is interesting that while remarking on the indolence of the natives, Black commented that it was "not uncommon to find Khamoos working for foresters who had failed to pay their wages for 5-6 years" (1900). 18 Until the early part of the 20th century, the Burmese rupee (called the taep in northern Thai) was the dominant currency in northern Thailand. The Siamese (central Thai) baht only became the standard currency thereafter. The baht equaled 100 satang. The exchange rate between the Siamese baht and the Burmese rupee fluctuated but was about 80 to 90 satang per rupee (according to interviews and Archer 1895). Since a win equaled 12 satang, it was approximately equivalent to one-seventh of a rupee. 19 The significance of sumptuary laws is ambiguous. On the one hand, the presence of such laws suggests an elite strong enough to have them passed; on the other hand, it also suggests an elite whose status is being undermined. It has been argued that in England, where a variety of such laws were passed, they represented not the strength of the aristocracy but its weakness vis-à-vis the growing fiscal strength of the bourgeoisie. Sumptuary laws have even been interpreted as the protectionist tactics of a local bourgeoisie protecting domestic production against foreign imports (see Hooper 1915). They have also been interpreted as paternalistic efforts by concerned governments to protect their citizens from profligacy (Phillips and Staley 1961). 21 Far more remains to be said about the raw materials needed for dyeing. For more on this and other dyes, see Prangwatthanakun and Cheesman (1987) and Fraser-Lu (1988). See Schneider (1976) for a fascinating discussion of the importance of dyes in the political economy of Europe. 22 A few of the traditional ordination pillows have survived. I saw one that was among a villager's last remaining unsold treasures; it had been made by his mother for his initiation. A triangular pillow made of black satin cloth, it had gold thread embroidered into a flower design at the points of the triangle. 23 Cloth that has been worn as a woman's phaa sin can be very powerful symbolically. Soldiers often wore pieces from their mothers' phaa sins to protect them in battle, with the idea that their mothers had done the most to give them life and would do the most to protect them. This symbolism becomes even more intriguing when considered in light of the famous myth of Queen Chamathevi. She wove pieces of a phaa sin into a hat for a suitor to ensure that his arrows would fall short of their mark and he would thus fail in his quest for her hand in marriage. The stratagem worked. 24 Textile production seems to have been a more important and more widespread part of the village household economy in northeastern than in northern Thailand. Consequently, I believe, cloth goods figured more prominently in wedding celebrations in the northeast. 26 The Pali word kathina means a piece of cloth that in former times was donated to a temple for making robes; alternatively, it means the wooden frame on which the cloth was traditionally sewn into robes (Davis 1984:200). 27 Even today kathin ceremonies are "most often sponsored by government agencies, private companies, and wealthy families" (Davis 1984:200). 28 The central Thai king, King Mongkut, wore robes of yellow silk while he was a monk (Feltus 1924:53). Rich people didn't know how to spin or weave. They bought their clothes ready-made or hired other people to weave their cloth for them. Rich people were too lazy to weave for themselves. But some rich people were stingy; they wove their own clothes instead of hiring poor people. 30 lronically, Prangwatthanakun and Cheesman suggest that in the past "every woman owned at least one tin chok for special occasions" (1987:12). Because these borders required so much skill to weave and were so expensive to buy, I am quite skeptical of this claim. I think that only the wealthiest of villagers, or villagers who were themselves expert weavers, would have owned a tin jok. 31 Hildebrand did not specify how the slaves of the second chief were employed; however, we know from Bock's account that one of the second chief's wives had her slaves spin silk. Hildebrand wrote, "The second chief's source of income is not so calculable; he derives a good deal from the labor of his slaves, of whom, with his wives and children, he never has less than 600 under his roof, and the number outside would probably double this amount" (1875). 1868 Trade Report of Siam of 1867. Foreign Office Series No. 69, Vol. 46, 18 January. MS, Public Records Office, London. 1895 Trade Report of Chiang Mai (1894). Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget, 28 June. 1866 The Manners and Customs of the Cheang Mai Laos. Bangkok Recorder, 30 August. 1984 The Fashion System. M. Ward and R. Howard, trans. Berkeley: University of California Press. Benda, Harry J., and John A. Larkin, eds. 1967 The World of Southeast Asia: Selected Historical Readings. New York: Harper and Row. 1900 Trade Report of Chiang Mai (1899). Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget, 22 October. 1986 Temples and Elephants: Travels in Siam in 1881-1882. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1984 A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. R. Nice, trans. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 1988 Peasant Perspectives on the Political Economy of the Northern Thai Kingdom of Chiang Mai in the Nineteenth Century: Implications for the Understanding of Peasant Political Expression. Ph.D. dissertation. 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New York: Fleming H. Revell. 1899 Laos Folklore of Farther India. New York: Fleming H. Revell. 1988 Handwoven Textiles of Southeast Asia. Singapore: Oxford University Press. 1910 An Oriental Land of the Free. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. 1984 The Partial Commercialization of Rice Production in Northern Thailand (1900-1981). Ph.D. dissertation. Anthropology Department, Cornell University. 1875 Report on Special Mission to Chiengmai. Foreign Office Series No. 69, Vol. 65, 15 February. MS, Public Records Office, London. 1982 Familiar Strangers: The Yunnanese Chinese in Northern Thailand. Ph.D. dissertation. Anthropology Department, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. 1915 The Tudor Sumptuary Laws. English Historical Review 30:433-449. 1964 Thailand's Rice Trade and the Allocation of Resources. In The Economic Development of Southeast Asia: Studies in Economic History and Political Economy. C. D. Cowan, ed. pp. 102-126. New York: Frederick A. Praeger. 1971 Economic Change in Thailand, 1850-1970. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 1890 Trade Report of Siam. Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget, 18 October: 16. 1866 [Report of Expedition into Southern Laos and Camboja]. Foreign Office Series No. 69, Vol. 40, 31 May. MS, Public Records Office, London. 1860 Trade Report of Siam. Foreign Office Series No. 69, Vol. 21, 21 January. MS, Public Records Office, London. 1988 The Kings as Gods: Textiles in the Thai State. In Textiles as Primary Sources. Proceedings of the First Symposium of the Textile Society of America, Minneapolis Institute of Art, September 16-18. J. E. Vollmer, comp. pp. 78-85. St. Paul: Textile Society of America. 1990 Textile Exchange in T'ai Societies. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Thai Studies. Vol. 1. pp. 363-371. Kunming, China: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. 1871 Journal kept by Captain Lowndes, Superintendent of Police, British Burma, whilst on a Mission to the Zimme Court, 27 March to 30 May 1871. Foreign Office Series No. 69, Vol. 55, 20 June. MS, Public Records Office, London. 1900 Surveying and Exploring in Siam. London: John Murray. 1836 [Journal of Captain McLeod]. MS, Manuscript Division, British Museum, London. 1962 Cloth and Its Function in the Inca State. American Anthropologist 64:710-728. 1965 The Golden Road to Modernity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1990 Silver Challenge Cups and a Bronze Frog Drum: Colonialism and the Development of Teak Capitalism in Northern Thailand. M.A. thesis. Anthropology Department, Macquarie University. 1961 Sumptuary Legislation in Four Centuries. Journal of Home Economics 53 (8 October):673-677. 1987 Lanna Textiles: Yuan, Lue, Lao. Bangkok: Center for the Promotion of Arts and Culture, Chiang Mai University. 1899a From Northern Siam. Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget, 11 September: 11. 1899b Pagoda Slaves. Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget, 30 October. 1988 Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 1829-36 [Journal of Dr. Richardson]. MS, Manuscript Division, British Museum, London. 1976 Culture and Practical Reason. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1978 Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books. 1885-86 [Journal of Sir Ernest Satow]. Public Record Office Series No. PR030/33 (21/1). MS, Public Records Office, London. Savage, Victor R. 1984 Western Impressions of Nature and Landscape in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Singapore University Press. 1976 Peacocks and Penguins: The Political Economy of European Cloth and Colors. American Ethnologist 5:413-447. 1987 The Anthropology of Cloth. Annual Review of Anthropology 16:409-448. 1982-84 Lokhathat chaw laanaa syksaa cak soh kep nok (The Worldview of Lanna People Based upon Soh Kep Nok Songs). Sangkhomsaat 6(2):11-36. 1963 The Burman: His Life and Notions. New York: W. W. Norton. 1957 Fashion. American Journal of Sociology 62(6):541-558. 1891 Trade Report of Chiang Mai (1890). Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget, 16 May. 1892 Trade Report of Chiang Mai (1891). Rangoon Gazette Weekly Budget, 24 June. 1987 Tattoos: Invulnerability and Power in Shan Cosmology. American Ethnologist 14:693-711. 1888-1930 Autobiography of Hugh Taylor. MS, Phayab College Library, Chiang Mai, Thailand. 1912 The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions. New York: B. W. Huebsch. Weiner, Annette B., and Jane Schneider, eds. 1989 Cloth and Human Experience. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. 1985 The Burma-Thailand Frontier over Sixteen Decades: Three Descriptive Documents. Monographs in International Studies Southeast Asia Series, No. 70. Athens, OH: Ohio University Center for International Studies. 1888 Eighteen Hundred Miles on a Burmese Tat. London: W. H. Allen.

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Trump's new immigration ad was panned as racist. Turns out it was also based on a falsehood. - Hartford Courant Trump's new immigration ad was panned as racist. Turns out it was also based on a falsehood. Trump's new immigration ad was panned as racist. Turns out it was also based on a falsehood. The expletive-filled advertisement President Donald Trump released this week, seemingly to raise fears about immigration in advance of the midterm elections, was widely denounced, with Democrats and even some Republicans criticizing it as racist. But, beyond the outrage, the ad was also reportedly based on a falsehood. The 53-second video focuses on the courtroom behavior of Luis Bracamontes, an undocumented immigrant who was convicted of killing two sheriff's deputies in California in 2014 and bragged about it during the trial. "Democrats let him into our country," the ad's script reads. "Democrats let him stay." Just one problem: It doesn't appear to be true. Bracamontes, who had been deported multiple times before his crime spree, last entered the country while George W. Bush was president, sometime between May 2001 and February 2002, when there is a record for his marriage in Arizona, according to the Sacramento Bee. He lived near Salt Lake City until 2014, when a methamphetamine-fueled road trip ended with the murder of the two Sacramento-area deputies, according to the Bee. The ad also failed to mention that in 1998 he was arrested on drug charges in Phoenix, then released by the office of Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio "for reasons unknown," the Bee reported. Arpaio, a close Trump ally who has made waves for his hard-line immigration policies and rhetoric, was convicted in 2017 for ignoring a federal judge's order to stop detaining people on the suspicion of being undocumented immigrants. He was later pardoned by Trump. The Maricopa County Sheriff's Office did not respond to a request for comment. Bracamontes had been deported under both Democratic and Republican presidencies. He was first arrested on charges related to marijuana possession in Phoenix in 1996 and sentenced to four months in jail, the Bee reported. He served his time and was deported in 1997, when Bill Clinton was president, only to be deported again in 2001 soon after being arrested on marijuana charges, according to the Bee. Bracamontes has been sentenced to the death penalty in the murder case.

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tl;dr Celeste is responding very well to the kitty 'roids and looking and feeling better, which all bodes well for how she will respond to the chemo. We're keeping this GoFundMe running to offset future rounds. There's no universe where I can thank y'all enough.

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What actions might be needed to jump start the tourism industry in Pohnpei? I believe much has been said about this topic in the past. However, I'd like to bring it up again; so that we can have a new and fresh look at it again. I hope those who are in the know about this subject matter--would contribute to this discussion. First, tour operators used to say that Pohnpei airport was too short for charter flights. Well, the airport was extended several years ago with financial assistance and technical assistance from Japan. Second, others use to complain that there is not enough room. Well, there is a new couple of storey hotel building in town. We probably have over 300 rooms available--more or less--Cliff, Ocean View, the new Hotel, Joy and others. 1. If there is already a serious and comprehensive report on how to start the tourism industry in Pohnpei, I am asking anybody to let us know; so that we can read it and update it; or take some actions accordingly. 2. I am assuming that a complete and good report does not exist. As such, let me offer some ideas: a) a tourism market analyst should look at the resources that Pohnpei has to offer; and b) determine whether they could attract certain type of tourists from China or Korea or Japan or America or Europe or where. 3. The question is whether at least one charter flight could be arranged from either Japan, Korea or China per week? If we start with that assumption, what are the necessary actions to take in order to accomodate the planes requirements; and to accomodate the tourists; and make them occupied or happy or contented for at least 3 days; before they return home. These are my initial comments and suggestions for now. Is it possible or not to have a modest number of tourists to come to Pohnpei consistently--every week--for a whole year at a time? If possible, then, we should go for it. Any other observations and suggestions would be appreciated. The public could give the Pohnpei Visitors’ Bureau a big pay raise and a bigger round of applause. If not, then try the opposite or something else, but don’t do nothing and expect something. For example, the US national debt was doubled; the jobs were going over-seas; so the Americans tried a different approach to the problem. They elected a billionaire CEO instead of the customary career politician. Like the idiom goes, “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results.” So they tried someone very different from your ordinary politician. Of course, the world is still full of insane people, who demand the usual approach to a growing problem. But that's another topic. Anyway, that is my two cents and I hope you would appreciate it, like you said that you would. There is much left unsaid about the complex issue of tourism. Other Micronesians should contribute in this discussion, rather than in those they detest. So I heard that for Guam tourism, the Korean tourists are known to prefer smaller hotels, not the fancy big ones. And they also don't spend as much. On the other hand, the Japanese tourism prefer to stay in the large hotels; and do spend a lot per visitor. Whether this distinction is related to the tourist promoters who are linked the particular hotels, it'll be good to know. It's not good to make such generalizations. I don't know what can be said of the Chinese tourists or US tourists or Russian tourist. I think if we really want to try to develop Pohnpei tourism, we need, first of all, to understand such preferences of the different groups as tourism targets; and at the same time, we need to know if Pohnpei can provide what the particular group would find as contributing to their positive tourism experience. So this is the basic principle of business an marketing analysis; and is needed before we can begin to design the tourism program and promotion. So that is my first recommendation. Just some thoughts on this nice and noisy New Year's day--Jan. 1, 2019. First and foremost Tourism critically require CLEANLINESS! Our Environment must be presentably clean without artificial rubbish. Our Air, Ocean, Rivers, streams, shores and riversides must be clean. Appropriate infrastructure must also be in place. Build it and they will come. We must invest heavily into advertisements locally and globally. Preserve our Customs and Traditions. Not what is happening today where the Tourist would come and see the traditional Leaders sitting infront in Western clothing. For Pohnpei this is what it needs for Tourism to move forward. Did you say that we need clean up our environment and rake our yards? Well, I'll be damned! Trump was right all along! So I am looking for a tourism study that shows and analyzes the "segmentation" of the potential tourism targets. Tourism, like any product lines--such as soft drink, beer, food products--could be more understood if a "marketing study" shows the segmentation of the potential market including desirable and undesirable behaviors; spending patterns; tolerance for long flights; desire for shopping vs. visiting cultural sites; duration of vacation days per different groups; what would constitute a happy tourist; etc., etc. Needless to say, once you understand your potential customers--it'll be easier to improve the sites where the tourists would visits; etc., etc.,. So the question is this: does Pohnpei have the basic assets that could be developed or improved--so that the different segments of the tourism population could be attracted to visit? Tourism matters. Don’t count the US out. We have A LOT of eco-tourists who snorkel and dive. Does FSM have the logistical capability of handling 300 avid snorkelers and divers at a time? Protect the mangroves and reefs; without them you will be left with a deserted ocean. Is it possible to Charter a non-stop flight out of Los Angeles? If so then running ads in the diving and adventure magazines might allow you to fill those planes. Sundays out of LA and back on Saturdays would allow connections to be made to any destination in the US; with the folks leaving their offices on a Friday and returning to work on a Monday. Perhaps use the planes for domestic flights during the week. Does Yap and Chuck have airports large enough to handle those kinds of aircraft? Beyond tourism: FSM has one of the largest exclusive economic zones on the planet. I can imagine as a small country your fish and ocean resources are being exploited with very little return to FSM itself. The fishing boats should be flagged in FSM. The workers on the boats should be Micronesian, the processing plants should be Micronesian; and those ocean resources should be closely monitored and aggressively protected. I know how this world works; I am confident you are receiving a few pennies on the dollar of economic return. What percentage of capital outflow is represented in diesel fuel imports for energy production? Given topography and climate that is about as big a waste as I can imagine. Given your cost of energy; tidal, solar, and wind could be gold plated and still be more profitable than diesel generation. But more imporantly it would stem the hemorage of capital those imports represent. Capitalize your own banks and businesses. That single action would probably be the second most effective way in stemming capital outflow and encouraging capital formation. Invest locally and use reinvestment to grow; it is the only way you will be free; and that matters. So, yes, US divers is just one segment of the possible many segments of the tourism market. I am assuming this segment, if you look at it closely, will have its own characteristics and behavior and spending patterns that would be very different from other segments such as tourists from China or Korea or Japan, etc. The question is what kinds of assets or attractions does Pohnpei have--or that can be developed--to cater to this segment of the tourism industry. First, is the cost: there are closer destinations such as Belize, the Carribean islands, etc. which will cost less, in terms of airline costs, to visit compared to the price of the tickets to Pohnpei and back. Second, what about the attractions for tourists: will the US-based divers be willing to bypass Hawaii and its other islands--to come to Pohnpei. Do we have such hot diving spots in Pohnpei to compete with other diver destinations? I think it's limited. These and more are some of the items in the list to be evaluated if were we to try to focus on this segment of the market. It is doable but we need to make a good case as to why the US-based divers would be attracted to come to Pohnpei and not other less expensive and accessible destinations that have more to offer. I don't want to sound negative. American divers have a lot of money to spend compared to other segments of the tourism population so it should be seriously considered. It'll be good to hear from marketing experts regarding this segment and as to whether or not, it should be the focus of the Pohnpei tourism promotion drive. Just some ideas. Has anybody considered cruise-lines. I hate traveling in airplanes for long durations. A service based economy would certainly not be a first choice. The South Pacific has multiple times the number of fauna and flora species than the Caribbean Basin. I thought Pohnpei had healthy coral reefs and good water clarity. That is the only attraction needed to attract divers and snorkelers from around the world. Has the entire planet been trawled with bottom nets? I was hoping a few spots were missed. Flora and Fauna is what the world wants to experience; it is that simple. Unfortunately the density of both flora and fauna in our oceans is rapidly decreasing. If there are healthy coral reefs with large numbers of fish then imagine a market where the product is exposure to the most species of flora and fauna on the planet. It sounds foolish to use scarce capital to hire marketing experts for such a rare market. That is like saying you don’t know what you have in your hands. Pohnpei will never be able to compete with the highly sophisticated and highly profitable casinos in places like Las Vegas, Macau, Hong Kong, Monaco, London, etc. A tourist attraction unique to Pohnpei is Nan Madol, a United Nations World Heritage site. But until it is restored and maintained, made more accessible to visitors of all ages, and supported with world class tour guides, lodging, and restaurants, not many people will spend thousands of dollars to visit the place. So if casino is out, what is it that might attract Chinese or other gamblers to Pohnpei? I don't see any. Cruise liners is one possible ways to bring tourists in. But I don't think somebody will deliberately get on a cruise-liner with Pohnpei destination solely in mind. What we can do is for our tourism promoters to contact the cruiseliner operators that pass thru our waters--so they can make a scheduled stop on Pohnpei port for a couple of days. I heard that some of these cruise-lines go to Guam or Saipan and other destinations in our neighborhood. So it might be possible to find ways to get them to stop, more often, or on a regular basis at Pohnpei port. What about Korean visitors or Japanese visitors? We do have some Japanese visitors that come thru on a more regular basis. There are Japanese-speaking local tour operators who are equipped to hold Japanese tourists--if or when they come. But I am beginning to think that we need to approach the development of the Pohnpei tourism in a slightly different way. I don't think our own government agencies and employees--who are tasked to promote and attract tourists--can do the job. It's not that they are not qualified. It's just the way the mass tourism market work. If we want to bring in, say, 200 to 300 tourists to Pohnpei on a charter flight, I think we need to have the involvement of tour packagers or tour promoters--located where the possible tourists are. The promoters will be the ones to advertise the tour packages; arrange for flights when there are about 200 to 300 interested tourists. They can facilitate and make bookings with the local Pohnpei hotel from their offices in Japan or S. Korea; and even plan out, example, a 3-day package. The tour operators are the ones who know the needs and desires of different tourists group. So they will be the ones who we can depend on the make the arrangements. It may mean that our governments will need to find partners who are tour operators; and pay them certain amount plus commission in order for them to sell Pohnpei as destination. I think tourists visiting out-o- the-way places like Pohnpei would like to be dealing with reliable and trustworthy tour operators--for their safety and for assurance about the value of their vacations. So I don't know what assets or attractions(?) are there in Pohnpei to attract a certain group. We still need to conduct tourist marketing studies, the segmentation of the market. In the end, we want some sort of tourist profiles as per different countries as segmented by age group, family group, environmental study group, historical study group, divers group, etc., etc. In short, I think we need to develop working relationship and compensation package agreement with tourist promoters. We need to bring some of them to Pohnpei to look at our assets; and advice us on how to improve Pohnpei; so that future tourists will be satisfied once they get here. Just some thoughts. Besides the Nan Madol World Heritage site, FSM has spectacular sport fishing and scuba diving to attract tourists. WWII artifacts and shipwrecks can also attract both Japanese and American families with WWII historical connections. And yes, we need experienced tourism industry professionals to propose marketing strategies for possible implementation....IF the people and the government are really serious about tourism, that is. So far, I haven't seem much evidence of serious interest, sad to say. FM, I agree that FSM has many attractions that could draw tourists to visit. But for business strategy, I think the government officials who are responsible for tourism policies should really work with professionals--so that the different FSM states' attractions will be identified and amplified--for the purpose of differentiating each one as a unique destination in itself. I say this because when we say FSM, it means a large region; so it'll be difficult for tourist to be able to visit all the destinations in the FSM. So, let's say that a typical tourist--from Japan, S. Korea, US, Europe, Russia, etc.,--has only 3 days for vacation. How do we attract those kinds of visitors to a particular destination. I would say that we should assume that these tourists with only 3-day vacation time will only be going to one destination--whether it's Pohnpei or Chuuk or Yap or Kosrae--in the case of the FSM. Of course, other competing destinations for the 3-day vacationers are Hawaii, Guam, Palau, Saipan, RMI and other nearby locations. So for the FSM, we need to define the potential destinations within the FSM. We can say that Pohnpei is unique because of its Nan Madol ruins plus its diving spots. Chuuk is unique because of the World War II wrecks. Yap is unique because of its traditional money and its sting ray alley. Also, Kosrae has its own ruins and special forests, etc. In short, we need to understand, on one hand, the tourists profiles and segmentation; so we can target the different segments--in order to lure them to the spectacular and unique attractions within each of the FSM states. On the other hand, we need to define our destinations in a way that they will attract the different segments of the tourism population. Just some thoughts but I am sure these are already well understood by government officials responsible for tourism development and promotion. Hope so. Of the three Freely Associated States, only Palau has a thriving tourist industry. Both the FSM and the RMI would be wise to learn from the ROP how to effectively attract tourists. In the meantime, fisheries remain our only significant income-producing industry....and that income will continue to fluctuate annually due to tuna migration and global warming. I learn much on tourism from your comments, but I sometimes feel you are leap frogging. I think Factsmatter pointed out a problem which is the lack of "serious interest." Shouldn't we address this problem first? Does anyone know why Micronesians, excluding Belauans and Chamorros, lack the motivation to develop their tourism industry? For example, lack of physical fitness, low energy, or maybe poor diet is to blame. Too much substance abuse maybe? Too content with no dreams or visions for greatness? Too lazy? Don't want to change lifestyle or develop self? Land's too sacred to be developed or discussed? Bored of same old leadership? Not enough public lands like in Koror and the Marianas? Are Micronesians really free men and women? If so, then why are we not "seriously interested" in building up our tourism, economy and country? Maybe we just don't like tourists and want to be left alone, like most conquered peoples living in injun reservations. Or maybe we dread the ecological, cultural, and economical impacts of tourism. Anyway, I think we should also consider the public's opinions, especially the local communities' and land owners,' when planning these ventures. Because everyone will be impacted. z, yes, you are making a lot of good points. I am hoping that by engaging in serious discussions about Pohnpei tourism, we can come to some conclusions; and some answers to questions which you have raised. I don't want to believe that Pohnpeians are lazy or don't want development thru tourism. But I also don't have an answer as to how to develop tourism in Pohnpei--to a level similar to Palau or Guam, etc. Maybe some of the reasons that you say are correct. But I am not sold yet on the idea that we are the cause of our own problem--our attitude, our way of life, low energy, etc. In the end, it might prove that tourism--in the volume comparable to Palau or Guam--simply cannot occur in Pohnpei for the following reasons which have been mentioned by different people--some in this Forum, etc. Pohnpei does not have the beaches that attract family-type tourists. Pohnpei is too far out of the way; so it'll take many vacation hours spent on the plane; so it does not attract people with only 3-day vacation. Pohnpei does not have large shopping centers such as those in Guam (Walmart, Duty-Free, etc). While Nan Madol is one of the best place in the world to visit, it would only take probably a couple of hours to make a tour to Nan Madol; and what do you do after that. Another problem that I see is restrictions for hiring quality service people, such as workers from the Philippines, to come work in Pohnpei. It is difficult to recruit these workers because they also have to get US visa just to transit thru Guam a couple of hours in order to go to Pohnpei. In contrast, Palau has good beaches although you have take boats to the nice rock island beaches. But some of the hotels in Koror have built artificial beaches by the hotels to cater to their tourism customers. The population of Palau is small; so the number of Palauans working for tourism is small. Most of the service workers such as waitress at restaurants, cooks, etc, are from the Philippines. And it's easy for Palau to bring in workers from PI because they don't have to go thru Guam--so they don't need to apply for visa which is costly as well as time consuming. Most importantly, Palau has been able to maintain its clean environment which is appreciated by the tourists. So should Pohnpei give up on tourism because it does have the same assets and attractions as Palau or Guam? At some point in time, the leadership has to decide. I would say that we still need experts on tourism development and marketing and promotion to visit Pohnpei under contract with the Pohnpei State or with the FSM. They still need to do assessments of our assets and attraction sites. They need to help us figure as to whether or not our assets and attractions can be good enough to attract a certain segment of the tourism population. We don't have to have mass tourism although the airport has been extended to accommodate charter flights. We might be able to focus on smaller number of visitors; and then, build from there. We'll see. Does anyone know why Air Niugini and Air Nauru do not want to land in Guam? Only Japanese, Chinese, Taiwanese, South Korean, and Philippines airlines like to land in Guam. Why is this? Anyone know why Air Niugini and Air Nauru hate Guam so much? Disregard everything that you are talking about with regards to tourism in the FSM. Let us explore this question instead. Why does the US Government allow Japanese, Chinese, South Korean, Taiwanese, and Philippine airlines to land in Guam but not Air Niugini and Air Nauru? Is it because the pilots have curly hair? Why is this? I think any airline that wants to fly to any country must be able to meet that country's standard. In order to fly to Guam or Honolulu, the aircraft must meet US safety standard; pilots must meet training and retraining requirements. The airline must also have an office and crew at the airport; to service the plane and customers. It probably can contract other airlines to provide these services at the beginning. It also probably need to lease or own those ramp walkway that are moved to connect to the plane once in place; for customers to work thru to the airport--unless you have a small aircraft which only requires customer to exit the plane; and walk on the airport open air to the building. The 2 airlines that you are talking about probably don't have the volume of customers to Guam--to be able to invest on the required infrastructure. It probably does not have enough revenue to meet insurance requirements. Lastly, I am sure the business competition from United or other more established US carrier will always be a factor. I heard that United--like the Continental before it-- keeps reducing its ticket prices whenever Air Nauru tried to have flights to Guam or other destinations in Micronesia-in order to undercut Air Nauru's attempt to get a foothold of the Guam market. So I am sure it has nothing to do with "curly hair" but more on stiff competition; as there are other "curly hair" pilots in United and other carriers that come to Guam. Air Niugini has been trying to get landing rights into Guam since 1970s. However, for some strange reason, the US Government never grants them landing rights, despite the fact that it grants landing rights to Asian country airlines from Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, China, and Philippines. What would be the reason for not granting landing rights to Air Niugini? Please tell us because I think you already know this. We just need to justify why should a tourist fly over Guam and Hawaii to come to FSM. Once we can get that traveler to FSM, we will have tourist. Good question. I think some smart person--with practical experience in tourism program planning and strategizing--might be able to provide some answers. Or, it'll be a combination of experts in business development and marketing strategies; or some people from Japan or S. Korea who actually have real life experience with packaging tours from their countries to Pacific islands nations such as Guam, Hawaii, CNMI. People with such expertise could be paid as consultant--to put some of their recommendations together to answer the question above.

http://micronesiaforum.org/index.php?p=/discussion/comment/378545/

Rafael Nadal became the first man to win eight titles at the same Grand Slam tournament after beating fellow Spaniard David Ferrer 6-3, 6-2, 6-3 in the French Open final on Sunday. If Rafael Nadal truly was going to be challenged, if his bid for an unprecedented eighth French Open championship would be slowed even a bit, this might have been the moment. Ferrer glared at the ball as it flew past and landed in a corner, then smiled ruefully. What else was there to do? Dealing with Nadal's defence-to-offence on red clay is a thankless task. His rain-soaked 6-3, 6-2, 6-3 victory over Ferrer on was Nadal's record 59th win in 60 matches at the French Open and made him the only man with eight titles at any Grand Slam tournament. "Winning 17 Grand Slam titles, that's miles away," Nadal said with his typical humility. "I'm not even thinking about it." Let's be plain: No one, perhaps not even Ferrer himself, expected Nadal to lose Sunday. Nadal had yet to make his French Open debut then, missing it that year because of a broken left foot. On May 23, 2005, Nadal played his first match at Roland Garros, beating Lars Burgsmuller 6-1, 7-6 (4), 6-1 on Court 1, known as the "bullring" because of its oval shape. There was occasional shakiness this year. Nadal lost the first set of each of his first two matches, and was pushed to a tiebreaker to begin his third. His fourth match, a straight-set win against No. 15 Kei Nishikori, "was a major step forward," Nadal said. Still, he barely edged No. 1-ranked Novak Djokovic in a thrilling semifinal that lasted more than 4 1/2 hours and ended 9-7 in the fifth set Friday. By any measure, that match was far more enjoyable to take in than the final, akin to dining on a filet mignon accompanied by a well-aged bottle of Bordeaux — each bite and sip rich, textured — one day, then grabbing a hot dog and can of soda from a street vendor 48 hours later. That's when Nadal took over, winning seven games in a row and 12 of 14 to render the ultimate result pretty clear. It was as if he simply decided, "Enough is enough." His court coverage was impeccable, as usual, showing no signs of any problems from that left knee, which was supported by a band of white tape. His lefty forehand whips were really on-target, accounting for 19 of his 35 winners and repeatedly forcing errors from Ferrer. Yes, Nadal is No. 1 at the French Open, without a doubt. When the ATP rankings are issued Monday, however, he will be No. 5, due to points he dropped while hurt. Oddly enough, Ferrer will be at No. 4. "Yeah, it's strange, no? I lost the final against Rafael, but tomorrow I am going to be No. 4 and him No. 5," Ferrer said with a grin, then delivered his punchline: "I prefer to win here and to stay No. 5."

https://www.cbc.ca/sports/tennis/rafael-nadal-beats-ferrer-to-win-8th-french-open-title-1.1392495

How do you know you're not just making karma worse?? The answer to the question in the OP is given in the first two verses of the Dharmapada. But dependent origination, when reduced to its essential components, simply means: where there is affliction, there is a cause for action; where there is action there is a cause for suffering; and where there is suffering, there is a condition for further affliction. Without affliction, there is no cause for action; without action, there is no result, suffering. A Buddhas deeds are not based on afflcition (desire, hatred, and ignorance); they are based on wisdom. Hence, they do not result in suffering. A buddha's mind stream is conditioned and relative; it is however free of affliction and endowed with omniscience. Dzogchen mainly describes how samsara begins (with an aim to reverse it), but the “mechanics” of samsara are the same: affliction—> action —> suffering —>affliction as infinitum unless one breaks the chain at affliction. An action always has a result. An affliction does not need to have a result. What is the definition (in the context of Dharma) of an affliction? What is the definition (in the context for Dharma) of an action? Per the mechanism illustrated in the sequence above, WHY is it that affliction does not need to have a result? A painful mental state, i.e., desire, hatred, and ignorance, or anything that is conducive to a painful mental state, i.e., impure conditioned phenomena. Volition is action, this produces verbal and physical acts. Afflictions do not necessarily produce volitions. When we are aware of our afflictive state, we can disengage our minds from actions related towards afflictive objects. This is why we practice śamatha, actually, so that we are aware of our mind's afflictive state. Being aware of our mind's afflictive state is called mindfulness and attention. Being unaware of our mind's afflictive stated is called being mindless and inattentive. What we are today comes from our thoughts of yesterday, and our present thoughts build the life of tomorrow: our life is the creation of our mind. If one speaks or acts with an impure mind, suffering follows as the wheel of the cart follows the beast that draws the cart. If a person speaks or acts with a pure mind, joy follows as her own shadow. I think this is where faith enters the picture, is it not? "How can I be sure I'm acting from pure motives?" The answer is: you can only do your best. That's where trust of your true nature and in the dharma comes into play. We can't understand all the depths and complexities in our current state, hence, the need for the teaching in the first place! That is why it is compared to a raft. And we need to have faith in it. What are the post signs along the road I should be paying attention to? Good intention is so important but perhaps not enough and sometimes even triggering. Even someone wishes so very much to help, the help can be seen as an attack. Just like a wolf painfully entangled in a trap, will bite when a hand is sticking out to help him out of that desperate situation. He would bite, as we would, to each other and perhaps even to Enlightened help. Trapped in duality, I think your advice is a great recommendation to be less a slave of the dividing mind. As long as dualism is present, there is continuation of karma. That's why the relation to the teacher is so important. Because you need that faith until you see for yourself. I am fully accepting that I don't see into the functionalities of cause and condition. The more I practise the more firm beliefs transform into mere possibilities. We talk about karma in principle, and I am fixed (determined) on understanding it in its correct view. But not to just understand and talk about it. I want this to be done already. I'm fed up with being ignorant. It is very clear to me once I entered this practice how incredibly multifaceted every relative situation is even in ONE family for each individual.. and grasping just how many conditions contribute to stimulate habituated patterns that manifest like from "many a fiction story for every episode of one's life," yet seeing them line up, tracking the trends, hindsight helps in defining and illustrating very clearly what is priority and what isn't... I fully trust the self-perfecting process precisely because the connection proves I prioritized my connection to the teachings before, in this being inhabited by a conventional me, and wh knows how many other Me's before. It sometimes feel like the anchor was to be born where my teacher was in the years he was there (not many Tibetans in Naples) but I had a specific situation which was quite awful for many years. It was slaking off debts one by one to get to a position where the practice can really begin, one insanity after the other and many of those afflictions did exhaust themselves and no longer bind my current conditions... But some DO! Yet somehow I'm not that attached to their story anymore, I see them for their worth and only feel a kind of gratitude my conditions provided me with the correct medicine to feel the transparency of things... As if becoming more relative in my understanding in which even more precision is called for! Ogyen, you haven't responded to a question on the first page: which vehicle does your post refer to? I read so much pondering in the long posts you write. I see your longing for logic, precision which you think to attain through determination. And I think (and that is the dzogchen view) that this is not how it is going to work. Let go and rest in what is there right now. Now remembering, no expectation. Make the seeing of the true nature of your mind your one and only goal. Trying to verify your karma is just another play of the ego's mind. Of course it may be fun going down that road, but stay in awareness of its inherent emptiness. This is where the true journey starts. Karma is a difficult one to figure out. For example: My brother died earlier this year and left a heap of debts that my family and I have to pay for. This lead me to wondering: How can I know if this is due to old debts which were accrued by me towards him that I now have to pay for, OR are these new debts being accrued by him towards me? Only a Buddha can know. Sorry to hear about your brother, Grigoris. Your post got me thinking about collective karma though. What role does it play, if any, in a situation like this? Is that even how collective karma works? How much of our suffering is due to our own karmic debts? At what point can we say that suffering is not just the result of individual karmic debts? Is it when an entire country is devastated by some natural disaster or when an entire group of people is persecuted and killed? Does collective karma operate on a smaller scale - like between a group of co-workers or a family unit? I understand that there is a danger with this line of thinking, especially for someone like me, where collective karma can be a means to externalising all of my suffering and causes of suffering. But can this be notion be totally ignored when looking at suffering in its entirety? I'm probably not articulating this well due to incompetence. Apologies for the noob post. At what point can we say that suffering is not just the result of individual karmic debts? This is a very interesting question, which is going beyond my poor limitations. Instead of being able to provide an answer, other questions are popping up only: if all karmic debts would be purely individual, would there than not be a subtle belief in an "individual, a person, a one on itself"? Is not all dependent, even so subtle what our intellect cannot get? I do not reject when we are acting unwholesome or wholesome, from these, our own harvest will be coloured. Would that only be, without any influence on all around us? Then how would it be called wholesome and unwholesome? Personal only? I do not reject we must awaken ourselves, none can do it for us, (even we are temporary dependent on 'some navigation medicines' to help) But if it is solely individual ' karmic harvest', we must be energies on our own. Perhaps with a stony separating wall around body-speech and mind. ps My warm support to Greece, for the whole family. Hi, apologies.. life ate up a lot of time lately. Just seeing this. Karma applies to all vehicles. It is not even philosophy specific. It is a principle which encompasses all vehicles and beings that stumbled into Samsara. It's nicely thought out thank you for taking the time to write. I may go on and on in my posts... I guarantee I'm not a terribly lengthy thinker off the boards, I just have general existential angst I'm working out overall, as I find myself in that awkward phase between birth and death. I had a wonderful retreat recently which opened my eyes a great deal, and I have a strong confidence in the method of Dharma. I study all aspects of buddhadharma but due to karmic conditions and previous aspirations, I really resonate most with the Dzogchen vehicle. Verifying karma is a fundamental part of understanding the true nature of your actual condition, I don't think it's an ego game. To see the true nature of your mind there's a lot of layers to get thru... I mean we are caked in conditioning that prevents us from really integrating our own true nature, so much of this is a very useful exercise. The question mostly pertained to finding markers and knowing that you are going the right way (for you). We think a lot of things. That doesn't mean we see or understand what the conditions are which are producing that thinking/feeling and acting. I have now learned how to verify that and apply it. All of a sudden... Karmic conditions are maturing rather quickly manifesting in the form of obstacles and changes which I sometimes can mitigate somewhat thru the effect of secondary causes generated by the protection of practice. The rest I deal with as I can. I've also had that question pop up in some situations and I've come to think that maybe not even a personal thing between you and your brother... More like a series of conditions you both had accumulated at some point that now matured this way, you with having a kind of load to carry that is debt related, and he to leaving your family in this specific secanrio.. and now you're where this karma will run its course... The trick is to either just exhaust that karma trying to have better clarity of the nature of these relative (but very annoyingly felt) consequences, and to not generate new karma in body speech and mind. Of course it's much easier said than done... But I have been taking to welcoming exhausting karma as needed, and I've started to become sensitive to how every action and thought produces it's own kind of karma. Many good hugs and vibes to you. How do you know you're not just making things worse thinking you're making things better (good intentions and all that jazz)??? The solution is always to practice what you've been given until your mind becomes clear, meaning unhelpful states of mind have subsided & you can act based on wisdom. If you're unsure, practice more. If practicing doesn't seem like enough, you have two options... one is to accumulate more karma and wait for it to burn itself out through your experiences, and the other is to practice anyway. Mechanically they are identical, but functionally they are opposed. Blindly creating karma through mundane activity is the risky one. Practice necessarily protects you from that, always, every single time, because it's not connected to your ordinary mind, but to your wisdom mind, which is the very mind of the Buddha. More to the point, in which direction is your fear (i.e., of worsening karma) pushing you? Is it constructive or not? How much time do you spend with this fear by itself, vs. letting it spur you to action? The state of your mind, which is capable of indulging the fear in unproductive/harmful ways, is what creates the karma producing the fear you mean to escape. If the fear is there and you can't get rid of it at this time (because you can't change the conditions causing it to arise), employ practice. Let go of the mind that judges & tries to ascertain what will happen, because this is based on the Eight Worldly Attitudes; seize the mind that is committed to making your life meaningful through practice. It already exists within you, ready to be activated through conscious contemplation. Remember that the practice you've done in the past & that you choose to do currently is helping you right now, as opposed to in the future.

https://dharmawheel.net/viewtopic.php?t=28391&start=40

Hi, I am looking for some suggestions on my final decision. I have received my PhD offers in Astronomy/Astrophysics at SIfA, the University of Sydney and at IfA, University of Hawai'i at Manoa. The stipend amount is not a concern, Hawaii gives 30+k(TA/RA dependent) while Sydney gives 26k(RTP scholarship as personal funding, no TA required). Hawaii is more expensive in living though. I have visited both schools in the past and I am fine with living in both places. Of course, I have certain pro-life reasons to prefer Sydney: I am Australian, my partner will be doing her PhD in Astronomical instrumentation at Sydney, we can complete our PhD in 3-4 years(no classes or qualifiers) etc. I am astronomy majored and I have seriously no interest in taking more classes, Hawaii can provide quite the same which it has its MS very focused in doing research projects and simple classes. My partner she would love to have me come to Sydney but she is okay with Hawaii if it is important for my career. So cutting out all non-academic reasons, which school would be relatively better in academic development? Hawaii has all the best optical telescopes and a very strong faculty in exoplanets and galaxies(Brent Tully, if you know the Tully-Fisher relation), while the PhD project I have submitted for Sydney focuses on using radio astronomy instruments which is very strong in Australia. Will choosing Sydney be a terrible choice for my career? If you don't know Sydney, could anyone point out just how Hawaii PhD education really ranks in the US, apart from all the telescopes advantage. I think you have described the main (research) advantages of the two schools very well. I am studying exoplanets and I was originally going to consider the IfA at Hawaii for a postdoc but then everyone I would have wanted to work with left Hawaii. However, they are hiring *two* new faculty members right now, probably at least one exoplanets person, so I think it will be a lively place for those interested in exoplanets once again. I think the stipend would be a concern at Hawaii though. People there say that 30k isn't really enough. I have heard that some of the reasons the *faculty* members are leaving is because they aren't paid enough to be able to afford a home etc. (But this is just what I've heard). Travelling from Hawaii to other places is also very expensive and requires long journeys. But since you are asking about academic reasons here, I think the biggest question you would have to answer (don't have to say it here if you don't want to) is what you want to study and where you want to work in the future. If you are interested in a North American postdoc/future academic position, then I think you are better off in Hawaii, where you will be better connected to the North American astronomical community. In addition, the short PhD program in Australia (and other places) will put you at a major disadvantage for North American academic jobs compared to US graduates. Not having classes in your PhD program will put you at a disadvantage as well, unless you have a Masters in Australia. The US has a weird (to me, since I'm Canadian) system! However, if Australia is like Canada where you get a MSc before a PhD, then you would probably be okay. The point is that you need to have some solid background beyond the undergraduate level in Astronomy and having breadth would be really important for long term job success in North America. In addition, if you are interested in exoplanets, optical/IR observational astronomy, or a career in something like a telescope operator, support astronomer, etc. then you would be much better off at Hawaii. On the other hand, if you're not interested in leaving Australia in the long term, then I am not sure there is much advantage to choosing Hawaii. I would check out the departments you might want to work at in Australia and see where those people got their PhDs or did postdocs. When I think of Australia, I think of radio astronomy and I know tons of North American radio astronomers move to Australia to have the best possible postdoc for their career. So, if you are heading in this direction for your astronomical career, then I think Sydney is a great choice. You asked about how Hawaii ranks in the US but without the telescopes? I don't think that's a fair question to ask because the resources available to students at a school is probably one of the most important factors in determining how strong/good the school is for the student. In my opinion, the main (academic) reason for an astronomer to choose to go to Hawaii for a PhD is to have the amazing telescope access. I'm not at Hawaii but at another US school with amazing telescope access and it has really helped my career. It has allowed me to do interesting projects because we are the only people with the ability to do what we are doing. Anyways, my opinion is that you have two good options and I think you would have to think about what your long term goals are in order to make the best decision for yourself. I think both these schools could be the right choice, but they will lead you towards different career paths, so choose wisely! TakeruK wrote: I think you have described the main (research) advantages of the two schools very well. I am studying exoplanets and I was originally going to consider the IfA at Hawaii for a postdoc but then everyone I would have wanted to work with left Hawaii. However, they are hiring *two* new faculty members right now, probably at least one exoplanets person, so I think it will be a lively place for those interested in exoplanets once again. Thanks! I suppose you mean 'exoplanet-everyone' as in Andrew Howard? Yeah talking about Hawaii without the telescopes is a little bit unfair. I don't know how much will classes mean in my resume, because most of my undergrad deparment's junior and senior year classes are taught with the first year and second year masters. So our curriculum pretty much covers most of the graduate class education and its in China so I am pretty much done with all the maths and physics (don't ask me why I ended up taking the whole Chinese college entrance exam, I thought Chinese education was good), and research is pretty much a DIY learning process, my professors suggest that I will probably do fine. I suppose it is a matter of interest in research then. It sometimes makes me feel narrowing myself up after knowing all those different fields of research, I've done X-ray astronomy and asteroseismology with Kepler (with a mix of exoplanets) in the past few years, and I have no idea what the outcome will be when I graduate. X-ray is kinda in the mess right now and I haven't got a school to do that any more, but my focus was on large catalogue transients so that pretty much fits with Sydney's work except it is in radio. PS. Sydney's department is great, the Sydney Institute for Astronomy has quite a lot of famous professors such as Joss Bland-Hawthorn, Elain Sadler and Tim Bedding. The detailed program I proposed was to complete a large transient Survey using radio telescopes and novel data mining.

http://www.physicsgre.com/viewtopic.php?p=52890&amp

Use the law and your employer's complaint procedures to protect yourself from on-the-job harassment. If the harasser ignores your oral requests to stop, or if you are uncomfortable talking to the harasser face to face, write a succinct letter demanding an end to the behavior. Be sure to keep a copy. If you are concerned for your personal safety or are afraid that the harasser might become more hostile when confronted, complain to a supervisor instead. Although it is often difficult to make a complaint at work, and you may prefer to skip this step, don't. The U.S. Supreme Court has said that employees who fail to use their employer's internal complaint procedure to make the company aware of sexual harassment, and to give the company a chance to stop it, cannot later hold the company liable in a lawsuit. This means that you are quite likely to lose in court, should it come to that, if you don't complain within the company first. Even if your company doesn't have a formal complaint procedure, you can put the company on notice of the harassment. You can do this by making a complaint to the human resources department, telling your supervisor (or his or her supervisor) about the problem, or informing a company executive. It is very important to document what is happening to you, and what you are doing to try to stop it, should you ever have to prove your case to a company investigator, a government agency, or a jury. Start by collecting as much detailed evidence as possible about the harassment. Be sure to save any offensive letters, photographs, cards, or notes you receive. If you were made to feel uncomfortable because of jokes, pin-ups, or cartoons posted at work, confiscate them -- or at least make copies. An anonymous, obnoxious photo or joke posted on a bulletin board is not anyone else's personal property, so you are free to take it down and keep it as evidence. If that's not possible, photograph the workplace walls. Note the dates the offensive material was posted -- and whether there were hostile reactions when you took it down or asked another person to do so. Also, keep a detailed journal about incidents of harassment. Include the names of everyone involved, what happened, and where and when it took place. If anyone else saw or heard the harassment, note that as well. Be as specific as possible about what was said and done -- and how it affected you, your health, or your job performance. Keep your journal and notes at home or in a secure location outside of the workplace. If your employer has conducted periodic written evaluations of your work, make sure you have copies. In fact, you may want to ask for a copy of your entire personnel file before complaining about a harassing coworker. Your records can be particularly persuasive evidence if your employer retaliates against you for complaining -- which is also illegal. For example, you'll want a copy of your records if you've had positive performance evaluations until you complain, and then your employer tries to transfer, demote, or fire you or claims your job performance is poor. If complaining to your employer doesn’t help, the next step is to go to either the federal agency that enforces Title VII -- the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission -- or to your state fair employment office. If all investigation and settlement attempts fail to produce satisfactory results, you can file a civil lawsuit for damages under either Title VII or your state fair employment practices statute. You must file a complaint with the EEOC before filing a federal lawsuit. Even if you intend right from the beginning to file a lawsuit, you sometimes must first file a claim with a government agency. For example, an employee pursuing a claim under federal law must first file a claim with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), and a similar complaint procedure is required under some state laws. The EEOC or state agency may decide to prosecute your case on your behalf, but that happens rarely. More commonly, at some point, the agency will issue you a document referred to as a "right-to-sue" letter that allows you to take your case to court with your own lawyer. Note, however, that there are time limits for filing claims with government agencies and for filing a lawsuit, so be sure not to miss them.

https://www.gslawny.com/lawyer-attorney-0E020B2A-F7D9-40C2-AB52398DFAAFDC6F.html

In this world I'm working on, magic is extremely bound by the laws of physics. Magic is explicable through science, and many people study it. The study of magic itself is like studying physics; the study of applied magic is like engineering. I like to think of magic as behaving similar to electromagnetism. Humans emit electromagnetic radiation naturally, but it would be very unnatural if a human suddenly could shoot out a bolt of lightning, or if they could use their bare hands to power a circuit. In a world like that, where magic is akin to electromagnetism, how would a civilized society react to individuals capable of magical feats? Note that these mages would be incredibly rare--perhaps 1 for every 750,000. Society would view this as a threat and eliminate it entirely. Society, already advanced in studying magic, wishes to learn more and wants to determine if the condition can be induced onto others. Society finds a means of using their abilities to conduct war and trains them as soldiers. I can see a lot of possibilities. I want to know: which possibility, of the ones above or otherwise, is the most realistic one to occur, and why? 1: Does magic run in families or is it totally random? Let's say that it is beyond the scope of genetics. It is not inherited. No single race or ethnicity is more likely than another to have mages appear. Mages may also appear in animals, but the scope of ability is limited based on physical constraints. A cow's magic is different than a human's. 2: Is it a recent thing? Did mages start appearing like X-Men or have they always been? It is not a recent thing, but it gets more noticeable as time goes on due to ease of communication amongst people. Additionally, since the probably of being born a mage remains the same throughout time, having an increased population means the likelihood of mages appearing also increases over time. 3: Do mages have any historical organization/guild/power base? I doubt this largely because of how rare it is, though I can see these emerging as time goes on, for reasons stated in 2. 4: Just how powerful are they? World shattering, city shattering or small country village shattering? This I believe varies greatly depending on the individual. While some mages may only be able to, say, cause light to emerge from their hands, others may very well be capable of devastating offensive tactics. That said, since I do want magic to be at least partially tied down to a scientific study, I wouldn't imagine an individual capable of destroying the world. For cities, it'd likely have to be a small one. Humans have limits, and as such human mages also have limits. All three. Here in the US you would likely get all three in one country. The average person would probably fear them, some would find them fascinating, elevating them to the level of super-stars, 'scientists' would want to study them, and governments would want to control them and use them as a threat or worse. Re the answers: since they've existed historically I'd say that puts them in a different light. Mages aren't going to be in competition with governments: historically they've been governments or a major part of the power base of governments. But no dynasties since it doesn't run in families. If it did then mages would be the dominant group with almost all royal families being very magical. In fact I can imagine that history would look very different. Before the invention of guns/sniper rifles mages would have been the dominant force in any war. Since it's totally random and 99% of the population would have been dirt poor every generation almost all of the most powerful people in the world would would have risen from poverty to the heights of power. Any nobility that abused the poor would be facing a new ruler who had been born in poverty within a few decades. Social mobility is going to look quite different and there's unlikely to have been a history of long-term royal lines. Indeed such a world is likely to have been far more egalitarian out of practical and justified fear, any big country is going to produce a few mages and most will be born the children of peasants. For stability it's likely that mages will seek out others like themselves to form some kind of guild in order to get some kind of continuity of power and to make sure their grandkids aren't slaughtered by the next generation of mages. 2 and 3 are certain though whether mages are the ones controlling it is uncertain. Finding mages at a young age when they can still be indoctrinated will have become part of the culture but they'll have been scooped out of the regular population so predictably that social views towards them would probably be highly negative. A countries mages are likely to be viewed as a major military asset but if they've been part of the system for many centuries they're likely to have status as well. Also there will be a lot of chicken mages. Worldwide over 50 billion chickens bred every year so that well over 50,000 chicken-mages. If their power can be tapped it will be. A civilised society would probably become a mix of scared, angered, confused, curious, interested and intrigued. Here are the reasons for each of these: Scared/angered because this magic could easily be misused (depending on how destructive this feat of magic was). Confused/curious/interested because of what just happened (depending on what exactly happened though). Intrigued because of the abnormality of what just happened (depending on how dramatic this magic was). Another thing that would probably happen is if the police equivalent in your society (assuming there is a police equivalent) are there during the feat there will probably be actions taken to restrict the person who did the magic (again depending on how dramatic and how destructive this magic was) to ensure safety of the public. What exactly would happen to the person after that would mostly depend on what sort of police exists in your society (are the police more aggressive and brutal or are they more calm), how dramatic and destructive this magical feat was and what the witnesses say as well as the "magic guy"'s attitude/reaction towards the police. If the police weren't there at the time but were notified about it by a decent amount of people then an investigation would probably take place. If the police are ultra brutal and aggressive then they might take a much more direct approach like searching for this person house by house. I can't be too specific because a lot of this depends on the type of society it is and specifics but hopefully this narrows it down a bit. EDIT: I replied before you editted the question to include the three different thoughts. First of all, 1:750k isn't super-rare. Europe has almost 750 million people currently. So there would be around a thousand of your mages in Europe alone, and ten times as many globally. That is more than enough to form their own society, organisations, maybe even small country. The answers to your question depend a lot on whether or not this happens. You evade the question with your answer 2, but it is absolutely vital to the entire concept. If they don't form a guild, the governments of the world have more than enough means to control them. Some would use positive reinforcement (honours, loyalty, etc.) some would use soft pressure (prejudices in society, cultural taboos), some hard pressure (laws, regulations, punishments) and some suppression (jail, execution). Society would react much like it does to anything else. Drugs, climate change, disasters, new technology - with a variety of responses. If the mages cooperate and form an organisation, they can free themselves from outside influence. They would become a player in global politics instead of pawns - with all the opportunities and risks associated. If they have a physical location, they need to be ready for war. Someone will want to fight them, for religious or other reasons. If they don't have a physical location, they will be in the place of other international organisations, and can potentially be restrained by laws or sanctions. Many possibilities are discussed in the TV Tropes page for "Super Registration Act": http://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/Main/SuperRegistrationAct . One particular one which seems likely to me is that mages would not be explicitly forbidden to use their magic, but would be so tightly regulated that magic use became next to impossible in practice. You'd have to submit an application in triplicate three months in advance before you cured a wart. A good effect of this from the government's point of view would be that mages would be willing to join the government research programme or the army simply to get a chance to use their powers - without the government having to introduce conscription, or fend off civil rights lawyers. How would magic affect the subjects taught in school?

https://worldbuilding.stackexchange.com/questions/15491/how-would-a-civilized-society-react-to-extremely-rare-mages

The task is for a small group to count to ten, collectively, without any two people saying a number at the same time and with no verbal planning. The group will need to cooperate and focus in order to be successful. Ask your group to form a circle. Your group will count to the same number as there are people in the group so that everyone is responsible for one number. Example: There are ten people in a group, they will count to ten, 23 people then have them count to 23 together. The timing of this activity will depend heavily on the size of your group. Groups of 10-15 people will take 10-20 minutes. You should allot larger groups 20-30 minutes. Explain that no talking or planning is allowed. The task is for the group to count (to the number determined above) collectively without any two people saying a number at the same time. For example, one person starts by shouting “one,” and another person shouts “two” and so on. Each number must be called out clearly by one person, and no one else may talk when a number is called. When two or more people speak simultaneously, the entire group starts back at zero. For example, if two people call out “five,” the group restarts. Every member must say a number. The group must work out an informal solution to accomplish this task. Facilitator Note: It may take awhile but group members will work out creative solutions together! If your group is successful try a larger number. If you have a large group, split them up into smaller groups to start and then bring them together to try with more people. Have them turn their backs to the inside of the circle to make the communication even more difficult.

https://leadershipinspirations.com/2018/02/25/zen-counting/

A recycling themed bowling alley in a wheelie bin! Pins represent recyclable materials. The task to knock them out of the waste stream. Players bowl at the pins situated in the mouth of a wheelie bin along a short 'alley'. The game includes a scoring system enabling two players to compete; and an automatic ball return system. Bin Strike Bowling can be used as part of wider installation - The Earth Arcade - an environmentally themed games arcade.

http://www.stickyexhibits.co.uk/page.cfm?pageid=se-binstrike

She deserves an award just for surviving bad theatre; Mark Blankenship is rooting for her. Every November and December, as I get sucked into the blackhole of watching cheesy holiday tv movies on Lifetime and the Hallmark Channel, I'm reminded of just how far Chlumsky has grown in these last few years on "Veep". She stars or costars in at least 4 of these cheeseball Xmas movies that they replay annually on a loop. The early 00s were not good years career-wise, but she's now one of my favorite parts about "Veep". And on a shallow note, Anna Chlumsky looked damn hot on the 2014 Emmy red carpet! I don't watch Veep, but she was so good on Hannibal as Miriam Lass. I knew exactly who she was (who could forget, "Put on his glasses!!!"), and was surprised at how composed and great she did in the role. Anna has been absolutely incredible, as Amy Brookheimer. So, so funny, but also being able to convey depth and even some sympathy, despite her character's general heartlessness. It's not just the cutting dialogue, but the physical comedy, the facial expressions, the tiptoeing around Selina's sharp edges and coddling of her boss, the fact that she's always 'on', even when the scene is about someone else. She's really great. I'd only seen her in a couple of small roles, as an adult, before I saw In The Loop, and thought she was very solid in that, not at all out of place with Armando Ianucci's style of humour. But on Veep, she's been the second MVP behind JLD, in my view. I have no interest in awards, or the mixture of politicking and thoughtless 'I know that name best, that's the winner' voting, but I think she deserves a lot more recognition than she's received, for the work she's done. @kat Your point about the Christmas movies is well taken. Another sign Chlumsky worked to grow from a naturally charismatic child actor into an adult performed with real chops. Like I said, I really respect that. She is amazing and I have loved witnessing this career rebirth. The Emmy should have been hers, dammit! As the Veep cast has grown, some of the original cast are getting less screen time. Anna Chlumsky seemed a little squeezed out this past season. No longer chief of staff or campaign manager (after the election), she was around monstly to put out fires for Selena. I wonder if Selena goes back to the VP position if Amy will again be her Chief of Staff. I'd like to see Anna's screentime increase next season. I love her interactions between Dan and Gary. I've been complaining about the lack of screen time for Amy, Dan, Gary & Sue especially. All the core cast save Selena and Jonah were squeezed of screen time quite a bit this season. And my least favorite character got a big bump of focus - Catherine. I was wondering which episode would Anna Chlumsky even use for her Emmy submission because she hasn't had much to do. Hopefully the finale will have something great of Amy but realistically based on how the season has gone I doubt it. I think her problems is that she is too good. A lot of people probably think she is just playing an exaggerated version of herself. It also probably means Emmy voters are idiots. She is definitely underrated, and doesn't get enough credit for her great work on this show. Maybe Anna's "someday" winning an Emmy will be tonight! I would love to see her win, she would be so adorably emotional. I kind of doubt it will happen but the category doesn't seem to have a favorite so the odds are fairly equal for all nominees. As a non-fan of Season 5 I am rooting for another show to win for Best Comedy. I don't even care which one. I am being petty and vindictive towards my once favorite comedy show. I won't forgive David H. Mandel for turning some of the best characters ever into one-note caricatures of themselves. But I am rooting for all the cast nominees to win. Except maybe Julia although she deserves to win it is nice to spread these prizes around a little.

https://forums.primetimer.com/topic/13683-maybe-someday-anna-chlumsky-will-win-an-emmy/

Is there any way I can re-install win 98, or Win XP from the upgrade disk? I installed a new hard drive and am trying to set up windows 98 SE from the upgrade disk that I have. windows 98 oringinally came on the computer so I do not have the original Windows 98 disk. When I start set up I get the message that this can not be run from MS Dos and must be run from Windows. Is there any way I can re-install win 98, or Win XP from the upgrade disk? I'm not sure if you will be able to use the 98 Upgrade CD to comply with a XP upgrade disk.

https://www.datadoctors.com/help/question/15435-Is-there-any-way-I-can-re-install-win-98-or-Win-XP-from-the-upgrade-disk/

Answer true or false to the following italicized statements to see how much you know about B.A.A.'s most recent press trip. The TV show host with whom B.A.A. planned, coordinated and schmoozed for four months lost his passport en route, thus couldn't get into the country. One of the trip attendees aggressively hit on B.A.A. for a solid six hours at a cocktail party, with such lines as, "Your organized emails betray your hotness," and "I already drank everything in my mini-bar." B.A.A. broke her toe unceremoniously and is now sporting another boot. Despite being incredibly excited about bonefishing and deep sea fishing, B.A.A. didn't really do either. B.A.A. spent the first three days of her trip undoing all the plans she'd made for two of her media attendees: cancelling rooms, flights, charter boats, meals, etc. B.A.A. jumped from a 40-ft. cliff into a 600-ft. deep inland blue hole. B.A.A. flew on a teeny tiny plane but found it surprisingly comfortable. B.A.A. lounged on John Travolta's couch. B.A.A. went to a pirate cave in the middle of the night with a lantern and a bottle of rum. If you answered false to any of these questions, you're wrong! Each of these statements is true, and without getting too far into all the gory details, they adequately sum up a sometimes great and sometimes ho-hum press trip. Truthfully, other than the TV show host passport debacle, the aggressive macking that went down Wednesday night and the immensely painful and equally embarrasing toe-breaking incident, the trip was quite lovely. My journalists were some of the best yet - so laid back, smart and fun to be with. I can't praise them enough! The weather was quite nice and the scenery was as beautiful as ever. I can't wait to get back…in August!

http://www.bigappleangie.com/2008/06/press-trip-true-or-false.html

A new Brexit referendum with an option to remain in the EU is "likely", the Labour first minister of Wales has said. Carwyn Jones told Wales' National Assembly that people had "the right to express a view as to whether they wish to leave in circumstances that not one Brexiteer suggested would happen". It follows comments from shadow Brexit secretary Sir Keir Starmer at Labour's conference in Liverpool today that nobody was ruling out a second referendum with an option to Remain on the ballot paper. In response to a question at first minister's questions from Plaid Cymru Assembly Member Steffan Lewis whether there should "also be a question there asking the people whether or not they wish to remain in the European Union", Jones said: "I think that's likely." He told the Senedd, the Assembly's debating chamber: "I think that there are two possibilities here, are there not? If there's no deal, then it would be 'no deal' or Remain. "If there is a deal, it becomes a bit more complicated, in the sense that it's: 'Do you accept the deal? But, if you don't, what do you want: "no deal" or Remain?' There are ways in which the Electoral Commission, I'm sure, can finesse that referendum. "No-one said it. Everyone said, 'There will be a deal.' That's changed." The first minister, who is standing down later this year, said that he did not like the idea of a second referendum on exactly the same issue. But, he said, "where the circumstances have changed fundamentally, where the promises that were made two years ago have come to nothing, then, at that point, and if there's an inconclusive result in a general election... who knows what parties might put forward in a general election? "There has to come a point where, if there is an impasse, the people have to decide, and they have to be allowed to decide on the basis of what they know now and not on what they were told two years ago, which hasn't happened." It followed a question from Neil Hamilton, the disgraced former Tory minister who now sits as a Ukip AM in the Assembly, who said that Theresa May had "badly bungled the negotiations with Brussels". He added that "Jeremy Corbyn, with whom I marched through many lobbies voting against EU legislation over the years, seems to be sitting on the fence". Jones said there was "increasing mood music in this chamber and outside that if there is no deal and, therefore, a disaster, it'll be the fault of the Remainers and not the fault of those who gave a pie-in-the-sky analysis two years ago of what the referendum would mean. He said: "We were told it'd be the easiest negotiation ever. It hasn't been. We were told that the EU would fold in the face of the UK's demands. It hasn't done. "We were told that German car manufacturers would ride to the rescue - or drive to the rescue - and would force the German Government to accept a deal in favour of the UK. They haven't done it. "The reality is that the UK is more divided than the EU has been at all in the course of this process." Hamilton was, Jones said, "a member of a party who, for eight years, argued strongly for a second referendum [on the establishment of the Welsh Assembly] after 1997, because they didn't like the result, and went into the 2005 general election on a manifesto of having a second referendum on the existence of the Assembly". He added: "So, there's a certain level of double standards there that has to be recognised." The first minister said that if Parliament rejected any Brexit deal, or no deal, put before it he did, not see any alternative other than a general election, and "in that general election, Brexit would be the only topic, I suspect, of discussion".

https://www.theneweuropean.co.uk/top-stories/peoples-vote-with-remain-option-likely-welsh-first-minister-carwyn-jones-1-5710629

Where is Liu Xia, 'free' widow of Chinese Nobel winner Liu Xiaobo? Close friends, and even the artist and poet's lawyer, have not been able to get in touch with her since her husband's funeral. Where is the widow of Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo? The Chinese authorities say Liu Xia, the widow of Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo, is a free woman. But when we tried to visit her apartment in Beijing, we were immediately surrounded by security guards, who pushed and shoved our team, yelling at us to "Get out!" One of the men grabbed my hand so hard he broke the skin, leaving the bleeding imprint of his thumbnail behind. They jostled our cameraman, covering his lens with their hands, and ordering him to stop filming and leave. Liu Xia has been held under what amounts to house arrest in this compound since her husband was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010. Despite never being accused of committing any crime herself, she has lived the last seven years in almost complete isolation, broken only by monthly prison visits, supervised grocery trips, and very occasional brief contact with friends. Her sentence does not appear to have ended with the death of her husband. When I asked the guards whether Liu Xia was at home, and where she was, they claimed ignorance, asking "Which Liu Xia?" and whether we had made an appointment to see her. Then they resumed shouting at us to "get out quickly" as one of the men threatened to confiscate our camera. As we left, we noticed a police car pulling up behind us and following closely until we were out of the area. Liu Xia was last seen in images released by Chinese officials after the death of her husband earlier this month. The photographs show Mrs Liu being comforted by her brother at the funeral and then looking down at the water as her husband's ashes were scattered at sea. But after the pictures were taken, she disappeared. Close friends, and the couple's lawyer, say they are still unable contact her, and believe she remain under the authorities' control. There is a rumour she has been taken to southwest China by police, but wherever she is, she has made no contact with the outside world. Sky News showed the images to Dr Yang Jianli - a long-time friend of the couple, who has spent time in a Chinese prison himself, and now lives in exile in the United States. "This is really heartbreaking," he said quietly as he looked through the photos. He pointed out the close family members by the side of the casket in one image, but could not identify the other supposed mourners looking on. "I don't think any of them is a close friend of the family," Dr Yang said, "I think they are government officials, to be there to make sure everything is under control." He is now desperately worried about Liu Xia, and called for the international community to press China for her immediate release. "This is very urgent. She has been very ill herself, both physically and mentally. She suffered very serious depression and a heart attack a few years ago." "I was so worried and still worry that she would not be able to survive." Dr Yang stressed that Liu Xia was a poet and an artist, who had never sought conflict with the Communist Party. "She is not a fighter, she is a lover," he explained. "She loved her husband fully and was devoted to her husband fully. "She has a very delicate, fragile personality, she is a poet and she would not challenge the authorities, she is not that kind of person." Human Rights Watch has called for her release and Amnesty International has started a 'Free Liu Xia' petition, which states: "especially now that her husband has passed, it's time the Chinese authorities stop cruelly punishing Liu Xia". We put the case to China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing. "If Liu Xia is a free woman," I asked, "Why can't she speak to her friends or leave China?" "I do not know the information you mentioned, the ministry's spokesman Lu Kang replied, "and this is not a diplomatic question. Next question." My question was later redacted from the official transcript.

https://news.sky.com/story/where-is-free-widow-of-chinese-nobel-winner-10960045

Checks if the input path is a valid path or an empty path. Path you want to check. A Boolean that specifies whether or not the input path is empty or <Not A Path>. True The input path is any value other than <Not A Path> or an empty path. False The input path is <Not A Path> or an empty path.

http://www.ni.com/documentation/en/labview/3.0/node-ref/is-path-and-not-empty/

Is network.exe safe or is this malware? Be aware that many tasks will be similiar names to existing tasks or processes. You can always view the running tasks on your computer by pressing ctrl-alt-del to view the windows "task manager", and then view the "processes" tab. This will show you all tasks running or currently active on your PC. Although this shows you all running tasks, it does not show dll file thats are loaded, as they get loaded as part of other processes. Many spyware writers attempt to hide their files on your computer, for example, network.exe may be intentionally misspelled to look like a similiar task, or spyware may be named very similiar to a Windows system task. The reason they do this is so you cannot easily recognize the name in your tasklist as I have mentioned above. Make sure always check the location of the file if you are concerned. You can always find the location of network.exe on your computer by using your Windows search options, but I will also try to list the file location of every file described on this website, so you can verify the correct location. You can view the entire tasklist directory with the link below.

http://www.justtext.com/processes-tasks/network-exe.html

1) Preheat the oven to 175℃. Lightly brush loaf tine with some cooking spray. 2) Cut bread into cubes and combine with olive oil, diced green apples, raisins, and cinnamon; mix well, and transfer to loaf tin. 3) In a medium mixing bowl, beat eggs till bubbles form on surface. Stir in raw sugar, milk, apple juice, and vanilla extract. 4) Pour mixture over the bread mix into the loaf tin. Using a fork, lightly push down the bread until it soaks up the egg mixture. Let it sit for 5 mins for bread to fully absorb the egg mixture. 5) Bake in the preheated oven for 45 minutes. Make sure that the top springs back when lightly tapped. 6) Serve with a scoop of low-fat vanilla ice-cream while the pudding is warm.

https://www.thehomelook.com/cocoon/tastebuds/tastebuds-11.php

Please tell the Bronx Zoo and the Wildlife Conservation Society that elephants do NOT belong in captivity and it is time to send their elephants to a sanctuary. The Bronx Zoo currently houses three elephants: Patty, Maxine and Happy. However, you only see two elephants on display. Where's the third? Driven mad by their captivity, Patty and Maxine killed Grumpy, a male companion to Happy, one of the Bronx Zoo's best held secrets. Grumpy was the same age as Happy and captured the same year as she, meaning he was probably a brother, cousin or other close relative (Brad Hamilton, New York Post). They were constant companions throughout their zoo-hopping lives before landing at the Bronx Zoo in 1977. After Grumpy's untimely death as a result of attacks from Patty and Maxine, Happy was removed from the exhibit and put in solitary in 2002. Happy is one of the world's most famous elephants for proving elephants have self-awareness. After being captured from the wilds of Thailand, she has spent the last 37 of her 43 years in the cramped Bronx Zoo, with inadequate room to roam and inadequate companionship. The Detroit Zoo, praised by animal advocates, scientists and behaviorists alike, has retired elephants once housed at their zoo to a sanctuary and now have better attendance in their zoo than ever. The Bronx Zoo has announced it would close its elephant exhibit after the remaining three elephants have died, but it cannot come soon enough for these very social creatures. Tell the Bronx Zoo and the Wildlife Conservation Society that it is time to honor their commitment to animal welfare and close their elephant exhibit, sending Patty, Maxine, and Happy to a sanctuary.

http://www.humanelongisland.org/bronxthree

President Donald Trump's attorney general nominee, William Barr, has said he will allow Special Counsel Robert Mueller to finish the investigation into Russia's role in the 2016 presidential election, Republican Senator Lindsey Graham said on Wednesday. Graham told reporters Barr assured him the investigation would continue. "I can assure you he has a very high opinion of Mr Mueller and he is committed to letting Mr Mueller finish his job," Graham said. 'I can assure you he has a very high opinion of Mr. Mueller and he is committed to letting Mr. Mueller finish his job,' Senator Lindsey Graham told reporters.

https://www.wionews.com/world/trumps-new-attorney-general-will-let-robert-mueller-finish-russia-probe-senator-189282

Save me from myself. My friend Jeff is selling his 1989 BMW 750iL. He's been talking about doing it for a year or so, but couldn't bear to part with it. Now he's serious. I've lusted after this car for as long as he's owned it. I want to own it. When new, this car sold for over $70,000.00. In 2009, with dollars adjusted for inflation, this car would be pushing $100,000.00+. Not a lightweight car, it is still able to reach 60 MPH in 7.4 seconds. It featured every possible convenience and comfort feature you could imagine in 1989. Jeff's car has 214,000 miles on it (maybe a few more as he's is still driving it). It's starting to show its age. There is a bit of rust on the door bottoms, the headliner is starting to droop and two cracks recently appeared in the dash. It's not a show car, but a really fun driver. Mechanically, what can I say? Jeff is, without a doubt, the best foreign car mechanic I've ever met. He's treated this car the same way he's treated his Ferrari, BMW 5 Series and Land Rover. Preventive maintenance is his thing. (Which often gets us into a few arguments when he works on my cars... Me: "Jeff! It's not broken, why replace it?" Jeff: "It's going to break sometime, we might as well replace it now.") The oil and filter have been changed every 3,000 miles and Jeff has a spreadsheet showing every repair he's done (Of course he does - he has a spread sheet on every car he's worked on, including mine, friends of mine - cars he may have only seen once or twice - and, of course, customer's cars.) and a folder of every receipt for every part. The car had around 130,000 miles on it when Jeff bought it. The amount of work and parts he's put into it (including replacing the troublesome and expensive transmission) is mind boggling. The car uses about a quart of oil every 1000 miles or so, which is not too bad for a car with 214,000 miles on it. The A/C needs a charge, which Jeff is doing this weekend. Other than that, there's nothing wrong with this car. Jeff claims he can get 20MPG on the highway and 13 or 14 MPG around town. I never hit those numbers when I drove it, but I wasn't exactly driving it gingerly. So, here's the reality of this car. It has 214,000 miles on it. It won't last forever, but there's still plenty of life left it it. I can't think of another V12 that you can buy for $3500.00 (A ratty Jaguar XJS, maybe, but old Jags, while fun, are not as well built as a BMW). I also seriously doubt you'll ever be able to find a another relatively inexpensive V12 BMW that has been better maintained than this one. E-mail me if you're interested in this car and I'll put you in touch with Jeff. If you buy this or any E32 BMW, check out Johan & Sean's E32 Page. It has tons of information regarding repair and maintenance of the 7 Series. Yes, this is a friend's car, but Jeff did not ask me to write this post. The other night, over big drinks and tiny hotdogs at a place called Teo's in Pittsfield, MA, Jeff mentioned that he was finally serious about selling it. I asked him if I could write about it prior to him putting it on Craigslist or eBay. I thought it would be cool to use this car, one I'm very familiar with and really like, as my first "exclusive". If Jeff had decided to sell this car two years ago, when the economy and the music industry were doing better, it would be in my driveway today and I'd have written a post at some point about my BMW 750iL. As it is, I'm still very, very, tempted to buy this car. makes as it drops down a gear and rockets to license loosing speeds.

https://www.justacargeek.com/2009/05/jeffs-1989-bmw-750il-for-sale-listed.html