Opinion ID: 6978959
Heading Depth: 3
Heading Rank: 1

Heading: National Political Process

Text: Local interests make themselves felt at all stages of the national political process. The election of senators and representatives from the states ensures the states’ influential position as “strategic yardsticks for the measurement of interest and opinion, the special centers of political activity, the separate geographical determinants of national as well as local polities.” Herbert Wechsler, The Political Safeguards of Federalism: The Role of the States in the Composition and Selection of the National Government, 54 Co-lum.L.Rev. 543, 546 (1954); see also, Larry Kramer, Understanding Federalism 47 Vand.L.Rev. 1485, 1547 (1994) (“The simple existence of independent states within the larger nation affects the dynamic of American politics ... by encouraging political movements to develop along state lines and to utilize the machinery of state government to achieve their goals.”). Individual congresspersons’ voting decisions are influenced by the preferences of their constituents and by the needs of their home states as well as by national interests. See generally, John W. Kingdon, Congressmen’s Voting Decisions 29-71 (3d ed.1973); Warren E. Miller & Donald E. Stokes, Constituency Influence in Congress, 57 Am.Pol.Sci.Rev. 45 (1963). Members of Congress, in their individual capacity and as members of congressional committees, frequently intervene on behalf of their states and home communities to influence the policy positions and particular decisions of administrative agencies charged with implementing federal statutes. See generally Christopher J. Deering & Steven S. Smith, Committees in Congress, 58-123 (3d ed.1997); David E. Price, Congressional Committees in the Policy Process, in Congress Reconsidered 156 (Lawrence C. Dodd & Bruce I. Oppenheimer eds., 2d ed.1981); John A. Ferejohn & Charles R. Shipan, Congressional Influence on Bureaucracy, 6 J.L. Econ. & Org. 1 (1990). The often-used process by which federal representatives seek to influence the administrative discretion of the executive branch on behalf of their constituents, sometimes described as “casework,” has become an integral part of American federalism. See John R. Johannes, To Serve the People: Congress and Constituency Service 1-5 (1984); T. Edward Westen, The Constituent Needs Help: Casework in the House of Representatives, in To Be a Congressman: The Promise and the Power 53, 54 (Sven Groennings & Jonathon P. Hawley eds., 1973) (“Casework is an indispensable function of a congressman.”); Kenneth E. Gray, Congressional Interference in Administration, in Cooperation and Conflict: Readings in American Federalism 521, 521 (Daniel J. Elazar et al. eds., 1969) (“[Interference in administration on behalf of individuals, associations and state and local governments is a key characteristic of American federalism_”). Congresspersons perform “casework” on behalf of both individuals and private groups. See generally Kenneth E. Gray, Congressional Interference in Administration, in Cooperation and Conflict: Readings in American Federalism 521, 523-540 (Daniel J. Elazar et al. eds., 1969). Requests for congressional intervention by industry groups and state or local governments are sometimes referred to as “high level” casework. See John R. Johannes, To Serve the People: Congress and Constituency Service 18 (1984); T. Edward Westen, The Constituent Needs Help: Casework in the House of Representatives, in To Be a Congressman: The Promise and the Power 53, 68 (Sven Groennings & Jonathon P. Hawley eds., 1973). In point of fact this “high level casework” is often, most importantly, conducted on behalf of state and municipal governments and their officials. These relationships are vital to the effective functioning of our interrelated layers of government. Congressional interventions in federal-state relationships often involve a more politically sophisticated portion of the constituency, affect larger numbers of people than casework requests by individuals, and are frequently given more personal attention by congresspersons and their staffs. Thus, “the kind of political delicacy that is needed in handling these problems requires that the person working with the cases be able to see policy implications and react to political realities.” Id. at 70. From the point of view of state and local governments, “casework” is “a most useful device for gaining administrative consideration for state and local needs after legislation has been enacted and at the point where administrative discretion in statutory interpretation comes into play.” Daniel J. Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States 179 (3d ed.1984). The dependence of administrative agencies on members of Congress for funding and the approval of proposed legislation operates to the states’ advantage and gives congresspersons great leverage. See Larry Kramer, Understanding Federalism 47 Vand.L.Rev. 1485, 1546 (1994) (“[F]ederal bureaucrats recognize the need to avoid alienating members of Congress, whose support they may need in the future, and this provides a significant degree of practical control”). Federal administrators, aware that future congressional support can hinge more on their abihty to serve the interests of congresspersons and their constituents than on the details of a given program, can be very responsive to congresspersons’ requests for intervention. See Daniel J. Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States 179 (3d ed.1984). Congressional work on behalf of the home state and municipal interests plays a critical role in preserving the federal-state balance by “keeping the bureaucracy accountable and open to all the people and preserving decentralization of power in the American Federal System.” Kenneth E. Gray, Congressional Interference in Administration, in Cooperation and Conflict: Readings in American Federalism 521, 542 (Daniel J. Elazar et al. eds., 1969). The federal administrators whose help is enlisted by congressional representatives for the purpose of preventing or facilitating administrative action gain influence from the process. Not only are potential mistakes avoided, but a quid pro quo relationship develops between congressional representatives and the administrative agencies they seek to influence. See Kenneth E. Gray, Congressional Interference in Administration, in Cooperation and Conflict: Readings in American Federalism 521, 541 (Daniel J. Elazar et al. eds., 1969) (“A favorable impression of an agency’s responsiveness may enlist a valuable congressional ally. Favors done for congressmen may provide a receptive congressional ear to hear the agency’s point of view in Congress.”).