Opinion ID: 331104
Heading Depth: 2
Heading Rank: 1

Heading: Lack of Judicially Discoverable and Manageable Standards

Text: 125 In Georgia, we opined that we could determine 'substantial deviations from equality of voting power' (emphasis added); since we rejected plaintiff's claim in that case, we were never forced to define the test precisely. In fact, I am afraid that our Georgia test is more promise than reality and could never be applied accurately to a challenge to any delegate allocation formula. 126 First, it is impossible to define the constituency whose equality of voting power we are attempting to protect. None of the obvious possibilities is satisfying. The most obvious is the class of registered members of the particular party; however, at the national level, both parties to succeed must reach beyond these mostly dependable adherents to gain the temporary allegiance of the so-called independent vote. In fact, to force the Republican Party to define its constituency as its registered members would consign the party to minority status. 127 Using voting results is equally unsatisfying. As we recognized in Bode: 'Elusive too is the utilization of past voting patterns--transitory political phenomena--to ascertain the current population to be represented at a national convention.' 452 F.2d at 1307 (footnote omitted). The final possibility is to define the relevant constituency as all voters, but to impose that criterion on a party would be to deny it any ideological choice, a choice which lies at the heart of the party's first amendment associational freedoms. Thus, although the Bode division did not recognize the full implication of its analysis, its comments are apt: 'the individual to be represented (is not) identifiable except in a loose, conceptual sense. . . . To identify and count potential Democrats is impossible, requiring desirable but unavailable clairvoyance.' 452 F.2d at 1306--07. 128 The second undefinable standard is the determination of the basis against which a party's delegate allocation plan is to be tested, even assuming the relative constituency could be ascertained. 'One man, one vote' principles, as our brethren concede, do not apply. The Court has held that those stringent standards bear only on bodies which exercise general governmental powers. See, e.g., Salyer v. Tulare Lake Basin Water Storage District, 410 U.S. 1719, 93 S.Ct. 1224, 35 L.Ed.2d 659 (1973); Hadley v. Junior College District, 397 U.S. 50, 90 S.Ct. 791, 25 L.Ed.2d 45 (1970). 129 Without belaboring the point, nominating conventions do not meet this criterion. Neither the writing of platforms nor the nomination of candidates is a governmental function. A convention is not a representative body. 13 Delegates need not be elected. Once at the convention, subject to certain state statutes, instead of representing any constituency, they are 'free agents,' able to coalesce around any candidate or issue of their choosing. Finally, any representative role they may have can be completely undercut if the convention exercises its right not to seat them. Cousins v. Wigoda, supra; cf. Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297, 1304 n.15 (5th Cir. 1973) (en See also Education/Instruction, Inc. v. Moore, 503 F.2d 1187 (2d Cir. 1974), cert. denied, 419 U.S. 1109, 95 S.Ct. 783, 42 L.Ed.2d 806 (1975); Davis v. American Telephone and Telegraph Co., 478 F.2d 1375 (2d Cir. 1973). 130 Hence, what this boils down to is: If the proper constituency could be determined, which it cannot satisfactorily, and if the basis for equality could be settled upon, which would not include one-man, one-vote principles, then perhaps the court could scrutinize 'deviations' to ensure they are based upon 'legitimate justification.' However, even this inquiry is infeasible, since it involves the court in political policy determinations. 131