Opinion ID: 1095462
Heading Depth: 3
Heading Rank: 1

Heading: The View Before Construction

Text: We have demonstrated above that the majority has given an expansive reading to the word and concept authorized without which it could not affirm the judgment below in the cases of Sen. Anderson, Reps. Frazier and Nunnally and Supervisor Knox. I trust we have exploded the myth I find inexplicable  that reading and construing Section 109 strictly leads to affirmance. Quite the opposite is so. There remains the proposition that constitutions are not static, that their words and provisions must possess capacity to evolve in meaning, for a constitution must be capable of ordering human affairs for many years beyond the moment of ratification. Alexander v. Allain, 441 So.2d 1329, 1334 (Miss. 1983); Albritton v. City of Winona, 181 Miss. 75, 102-03, 178 So. 799, 806 (1938). More precisely, notwithstanding the plain and ordinary meaning of the concept and word authorized, are there broadly perceived societal circumstances sufficient that we force the evolution of authorized to proscribe the public official conduct here challenged? In the context of the approach to construction outlined above, and notwithstanding demonstration that one plausible fit of the concept and word authorized precludes the interpretation accepted by the majority, is there nevertheless a better fit  one which would lead to affirmance  undergirded by a statewide shared sense of appropriateness so that we should now by authoritative construction engraft it upon the 97 year old wording of Section 109? I think not. Where is the adverse effect upon the public interest in the service by Sen. Anderson and Rep. Frazier in the legislature while they also serve as paid faculty members at Jackson State University (under contracts authorized by the Board of Trustees legally independent of the authority of the legislature)? Is there evidence that either neglected performance of his duties as a college professor? Not in this record. The same as to Rep. Nunnally and Supervisor Killebrew. Accepting that this is a test case, is there evidence that other legislators and other public officials who teach have been neglectful or in any way substandard in the performance of teaching duties they have been contractually obligated to perform and for which they are paid? Not in this record. Is there evidence that Sen. Anderson or Rep. Frazier or Rep. Nunnally or Supervisor Killebrew have used their clout to obtain salaries over and above those paid others with similar qualifications? Not in this record. Is there evidence that other legislators who teach have been paid salaries higher than those they could command were they not legislators? Not in today's record. Is there evidence that the legislature has funded the state institutions of higher learning or the public schools at a level in excess of that required by the public interest? Not in this record. Where in this record  or within facts susceptible of judicial knowledge  is there evidence suggesting that we reject the demonstrably plausible fit of the concept and word authorized and fashion a new fit? Not only is the answer to these questions in the negative but their mere asking suggests converse questions. Are there circumstances suggesting that the plausible fit described above is indeed the best we could fashion in light of today's Mississippi? I think so. First, as all know our publicly supported educational institutions are engaged in a desperate struggle to keep competent faculty members. Teaching salaries are so low  when compared to what teachers at all levels are paid in other states and when compared to the salaries most Mississippi teachers could command in alternative employment in this state  that no rational, self-interested person with alternatives would teach in this state for the salary alone. The persons naturally selected to be teachers in these circumstances will be people who find satisfaction and compensation in service, achievement and other intangibles over and above money. In this context how will the public interest be served by precluding legislators from teaching? If our law contained such a preclusion, I would be the first to vote for its enforcement. Today's question is whether we will read into our law a proscription not within the plain meaning of its language. Beyond this, it seems most probable that one serving in our legislature and also teaching at whatever level would offer invaluable educational opportunities and experiences to his or her students, particularly if the subjects taught be related to political science, government, civics or public affairs. Whatever the subject taught, students could not help but learn invaluable lessons from one serving in our legislative halls. In this day when more and more of our people shy away from public service of any sort, the legislator would likely serve as a positive and badly needed role model for his or her students. Conversely, there is another reason why we should not have even considered straining Section 109 to bar legislator-school teachers. Notwithstanding the legislative achievement of the Educational Reform Act, implementation has been grudging. By all accounts our public educational institutions at all levels are in serious trouble. It would seem that the public interest would be well served by having within our legislature persons familiar with what goes on in our colleges and schools on a daily basis. That, to my mind, would seem so self-evident that we should not ban legislator-school teachers absent clear mandate in our law to that effect. There is yet another circumstance, peculiar to today and I trust soon to pass, why we should read Section 109 as it has been written. Affirmance of the judgments below against Sen. Anderson, Reps. Frazier and Nunnally and Supervisor Killebrew, and the precedents those affirmances will establish, will affect most harshly our black officeholders. In recent years we have made significant progress in bringing black persons into the political process and specifically into public office. Many of these new officeholders are school teachers. Indeed, for many decades teaching was one of the few professions open to black persons, so that a substantial portion of our black citizens today possessing leadership abilities are school administrators or teachers. The judgments we affirm today will have the effect of precluding from most public offices many black persons possessing the penchant and aptitude for public service. If our law required such, I would so vote. I cite this as still another reason why we should not read Section 109 in a strained and artificial manner. Our concern in the end is for a proper balance between the need for qualified men and women to enter public life and our equally important need to discourage self-dealing on the part of public officials. The legislature of this state has exercised its judgment regarding the correct balance with the enactment of Section 25-4-105. That judgment is under any reading arguably constitutional. Absent strong countervailing circumstances suggesting that somehow the public weal is at risk  and there are no such circumstances shown in this record nor in any matters within our judicial knowledge, we should forge no new reading of Section 109 that disturbs the legislative judgment.