Opinion ID: 1721404
Heading Depth: 1
Heading Rank: 10

Heading: State Control of Sedition.

Text: The appellants objected to the pursuit of the investigation by the Committee on the ground that the Florida Legislature had no authority to enact the enabling statute. They further contended that the subject of the inquiry announced by the Chairman was not within the power of the State of Florida to pursue. These contentions were based on the theory that the inquiry was aimed solely toward the investigation of seditious persons, organizations and conduct. They then assert that in Commonwealth of Pennsylvania v. Nelson, 350 U.S. 497, 76 S.Ct. 477, 100 L.Ed. 640, the Supreme Court of the United States has held that by the passage of the so-called Smith Act, 18 U.S.C.A. § 2385, the Congress of the United States has pre-empted the entire field of control and prevention of sedition and the prosecution of seditious conduct. On this reasoning appellants conclude and ask us to agree that the State of Florida is now powerless to control or prevent seditious conduct against the government of the State, the infiltration or penetration of subversive and seditious persons into the community life of the state or into legitimate organizations such as NAACP, which otherwise enjoy the protection of the laws of the state, or in any fashion to direct the exercise of the State's lawmaking powers against these or similar activities. On this point we are of the view that there is no controlling authority and we are frank to state at the outset that if such is to be the law of Florida, some other court will have to exercise the dubious privilege of announcing it. We do not accord to the opinion of the highest court in the land in Commonwealth of Pennsylvania v. Nelson, supra, the broad comprehensive sweep that is contended for it by the appellants and even conceded by the briefs of the appellee Committee. Admittedly, that decision has been the subject of much comment and some adverse criticism. See Report of Committee on Federal-State Relationships, Conference of Chief Justices, August 23, 1958. In support of the decision see remarks of Chief Justice Charles Alvin Jones of Pennsylvania filed with the Conference on the same date. The Supreme Courts of some states have taken the position that the Nelson decision determined that by the passage of the Smith Act, Congress has pre-empted every aspect of the field of controlling seditious conduct, even when directed against a particular state. Cf. Albertson v. Millard, 345 Mich. 519, 77 N.W.2d 104; Braden v. Commonwealth, Ky., 291 S.W.2d 843. Illustrative of a more limited interpretation of the Nelson opinion is Commonwealth v. Gilbert, 334 Mass. 71, 134 N.E.2d 13. There, the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts held that because of the Nelson case an indictment charging advocacy of the violent overthrow of the government of Massachusetts would have to be quashed on the theory that Congress had pre-empted the field. The Massachusetts court, however, expressly stated that in its view there could be some kinds of sedition directed so exclusively against the state as to fall outside the scope of Commonwealth of Pennsylvania v. Nelson, supra. In State v. Diez, Fla. 1957, 97 So.2d 105, we ourselves have previously taken note of the Nelson decision. As against the identical contention now submitted by these appellants, we upheld Section 876.22, Florida Statutes, F.S.A., requiring a so-called Loyalty Oath as a condition to public employment in this state. We there pointed out and we here repeat for emphasis that in the Nelson case the State of Pennsylvania had indicted Nelson for advocacy of the violent overthrow of the government of the United States contrary to the Pennsylvania statute. See Commonwealth v. Nelson, 377 Pa. 58, 104 A.2d 133. Nowhere in the charges against Nelson were there any allegations of seditious conduct against the state. The decision of a court must necessarily be read in the light of the factual situation which produces it. In the Nelson case the Supreme Court of the United States was confronted solely and entirely with the charge of seditious conduct against the United States in violation of a state statute. It is inconceivable to us that the decision could or should be given controlling effect in situations which were not even remotely before the Supreme Court of the United States when its decision was rendered. We certainly respect the authoritative effect of the Nelson decision to the extent that it holds that Congress has pre-empted the field of controlling sedition against the government of the United States. Under all recognized bases for interpreting and construing judicial decisions, we do not feel compelled to accord to the Nelson opinion a more comprehensive or far-reaching effect. We adopt this view simply because we are not persuaded by Nelson or any other decision that the virility of the states to cope with purely internal problems can be reduced to a condition of impotency by any astute process of judicial sterilization. By Chapter 876, Florida Statutes, F.S.A., the Legislature of this state has undertaken to prohibit and control any conduct that would lead to the forceful or violent overthrow of the state government. The statute makes illegal the assembly in Florida of two or more persons having as their purpose the promotion or advocacy of such conduct. It appears to us that it would be unthinkable to hold that a state legislature is powerless to prohibit such conduct or the holding of such assemblies within the geographical confines of the state itself. By Chapter 28221, Laws of Florida 1953, commonly known as the subversive activities law, Sections 876.22-876.31, Florida Statutes, F.S.A., the Legislature of Florida has undertaken to define various subversive organizations. It has prohibited the establishment of such organizations in this state and has proscribed the defined subversive conduct with criminal penalties as the punishment for violation. To the extent that such statutes proscribe conduct which is inimical to the welfare of the people and the government of this particular state, the Florida Legislature has exercised a legitimate state function. Our search reveals no controlling precedent to the contrary.