Opinion ID: 1132814
Heading Depth: 1
Heading Rank: 2

Heading: background of the problem

Text: The problem of securing and preserving equality of representation in legislative bodies has plagued representative government from an early time. For example, in England, many cities that were established during the industrial revolution found themselves with representation in Parliament woefully disproportionate to their population. On the other hand, rural regions found themselves with the same number of representatives in Parliament as they had before the growth of the cities. Those regions retaining representation out of all proportion to their population were frequently referred to as rotten boroughs. Popular dissatisfaction grew as disproportionate representation increased. A national crisis forced passage of the reform act of 1832, which redistributed seats in Parliament; thus, the pressure that had accumulated for a century was eased. A.L. Cross, A Shorter History of England and Greater Britain, chapter L. The same problem came to our shores at an early date. It was first crystalized in the Declaration of Independence. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature,  a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. Rem. Rev. Stat., Vol. I, p. 180. Thus, the concept of equality of representation in legislative bodies became basic in the American ideal of representative government. A classic description of the importance of this principle is found in the opinion of Judge Willis of the court of appeals of Kentucky. Speaking for the court, he said: Equality of representation in the legislative bodies of the state is a right preservative of all other rights. The source of the laws that govern the daily lives of the people, the control of the public purse from which the money of the taxpayer is distributed, and the power to make and measure the levy of taxes, are so essential, all-inclusive, and vital that the consent of the governed ought to be obtained through representatives chosen at equal, free and fair elections. If the principle of equality is denied, the spirit, purpose, and the very terms of the Constitution are emasculated. The failure to give a county or a district equal representation is not merely a matter of partisan strategy. It rises above any question of party, and reaches the very vitals of democracy itself. Stiglitz v. Schardien, 239 Ky. 799, 811, 40 S.W. (2d) 315 (1931). (Italics mine.) When Washington was admitted to the Union on November 11, 1889, as the forty-second state, and our constitution became operative, thirty-five states had constitutional provisions which required or empowered their state legislatures, at the session following the Federal census, to reapportion the districts from which their members were elected. The drafters of those constitutions felt it important, with few exceptions, to require the legislatures to take action at least every ten years. Such a requirement was to cause public opinion in general, and areas entitled to more representation in particular, to re-examine the distribution of membership in the state's major policy-determining body. Four states, later admitted to the Union, adopted similar constitutional provisions. With this background, it is not unusual that our constitution provides: THE CENSUS. The legislature shall provide by law for an enumeration of the inhabitants of the state in the year one thousand eight hundred and ninety-five and every ten years thereafter; and at the first session after such enumeration and also after each enumeration made by the authority of the United States, the legislature shall apportion and district anew the members of the senate and house of representatives, according to the number of inhabitants, excluding Indians not taxed, soldiers, sailors and officers of the United States army and navy in active service. Washington constitution  Art. II, § 3.