Opinion ID: 1374490
Heading Depth: 1
Heading Rank: 7

Heading: United Steelworkers of America

Text: Thank you very much, Director Schremp, our good friend and your host director on this great occasion, Director Germano, Chairman of our National Committee and Board Members on Safety and Health, Board Member Younglove, Director Thornton, and associates of Paul's, Marco, Adolph and Al Skinner, members of the staff and this great assembly of delegates to the International Conference of Safety and Health of the Steelworkers. I perhaps should start off this morning, Joe, in the tradition of the times by spending a few minutes, a half hour, three-quarters, berating you over the conditions of the climate here in this great City of Chicago. In keeping with the times, I should say it is your fault. But I should remind you that when we were here last in convention, you arranged to have it hotter than hell for us. Now you make it all but impossible to get in because of fog and smog. I, like others, had intended to get in last night but found myself grounded in the city of brotherly love, Philadelphia, because it was impossible to get here. Then this morning, after we arrived we found ourselves circling overhead for a full hour waiting our turn to come in. I couldn't help but think as we circled, knowing the conditions, such as only one runway being used and visibility at one-half mile, that I was coming to a safety conference. I don't mind telling you as we flew around I found myself hoping that all of these wonderful safety implements that the airlines and the air industry has developed would be working in topnotch shape. I found myself hoping, too, that those poor workers, those human beings that operate this equipment would this morning be living by the rules, by the book, and I'm telling you it is a good feeling when finally you get a glimpse of the ground and then you feel yourself hit the runway to know that not only was the equipment working but the workers were working by the rules and by the book. So it was under those conditions that I come this morning. Joe, I won't take time holding you responsible because I know in this instance, like many other instances, we get too much hell for things for which we are not responsible as it is. I'm pleased to be here this morning to see such a great turnout. That is an indication of the tremendous interest and concern that our local unions have throughout the great countries of Canada and the United States for safety and health in our industries. I want to thank Director Schremp for asking me to talk to you about safety and health and I also want to compliment him and his associates, outstanding individuals such as Marco and Adolph and Al Skinner for what they are doing in an area of extreme importance to our membership and what they have accomplished in a few short months since they have been given and have assumed the responsibilities of our Safety and Health Department. This international conference signifies the increased emphasis that our Union intends to place upon the safety and health of members of the United Steelworkers of America. There have been many changes for the better in our Union in the last few years increased participation in bargainingexpansion of the Industry Conference concepta new Department of Organizing establishment of a Strike and Defense Fundbreakthroughs on incentives and earnings protectionhighest earnings and best pensions in our history. And while all of these are important, they are no more important than the safety and health of our members that work in the mines, the mills and the factories throughout our jurisdiction. I am not here today to perform a routine function of my office as President and say a few words of welcome as part of an opening ceremony. I am here today because I believe as strongly as I can in making the workplaces in our jurisdiction the safest and healthiest places there are. And I am here because I also believe as strongly as I can in making our communities safer and healthier places in which to live and to bring up a family. There is no reason why steel communities must be dirty and unsafe places to work and live. I am here today because I want to attempt to convey to youand through you to our membershipthat our Union is making occupational health and safety a top priority. That is why we have reorganized our Department of Safety and Health and given it added manpower. We may have been remiss in this area in the past. But we are not going to be remiss in the future, that I assure you. I know, as well as you know, that safety and health are difficult subjects in which to arouse interest. Some of our members even resent being told to wear protective equipment. Others object to safety rules. But safety and health are somewhat like unemployment. An unemployment rate of 4% doesn't impress you if you are among the 96% working. But it certainly impresses the hell out of you if you are one of the 4%. To put it another wayit's a recession, we have often heard said if your neighbor's out of work; but if you're out of work, it's a depression. Unfortunately, that's the way it is with safety and health. A healthy and uninjured worker too often has little interest in safety and health. Of course he should not have to suffer a disabling injury or incur a disease from some dangerous toxic agent to have the kind of interest he should have. One of our jobs is to make our members and the companiesas safety and health conscious as possible. Unfortunately, there doesn't seem to be much sex appeal in industrial safety and health. It's difficult to arouse interest in these areasnot only among many workers, but among our legislators and the general public. It has been said that the American public isn't too concerned over atomic fall-out because so far it hasn't affected television reception. Perhaps the same could be said about concern over safety and health. We, too, seldom get concerned unless and until an accident or tragedy hits home and affects us. Now I want to cite two examples of a tragic loss of life to demonstrate my point over industrial accidents and how they relate to public and governmental interest and concern. You all recall the horrible tragedy that took the lives of three astronauts when fire consumed the Apollo One space capsule at Cape Kennedy on January 27, 1967. The Nation properly paid tribute to the astronauts and mourned their deaths. But then there was registered great national concern and a national demand that immediate steps be taken to prevent a recurrence and rightfully so. A seven-man board was appointed to investigate that fatal fire. After 10 weeks of investigation, the board issued a 3,000-page report which blamed a faulty wire as the probable cause and cited other deficiencies in engineering and manufacture in the Apollo project. Millions of dollars were spent and corrective measures were effected. You also recall, I am sure, the headlines and extensive publicity given the accident and investigation by all the news media. Now, a few weeks before this tragedy struck the astronauts, three Steelworkers were killed in an oxygen-making plant of Great Lakes Steel when a compressor blew up. Director Charley Younglove, Director of our Permanent Safety Committee of the Board, was out to the plant within a half hour or 45 minutes after the accident, and he told me the bodies of the three men could not even be identified. He told me that the compressor chamber, made of iron about 2½ to 3 inches thick, was just melted down, like melted ice. Here was an accident just as tragic as the one that claimed the lives of the astronautsthree men burned beyond identificationthree men who also left behind families. But what kind of interest did this accident arouse? It barely was given any attention even in the area where it happened. The Detroit News, for example, carried a brief item about three inches longon Page nine. Here we had two separate but similar accidentsthree men killed in eachthree families left without fathers and husbands. Yet one gets national attention, a lengthy investigation with no effort or expense spared to prevent a recurrenceand the other goes barely noticed. In no way do I mean to detract from the dedication and sacrifice of our astronauts. I only ask that the same concern be shown other human beings who also give of themselves in the occupations they pursue. And we, as union members, as workers, as union representatives, as part of the general public, must demand the same kind of concern and precautions for workers in the plants as for astronauts in their space capsules. There is still another example of what I mean by relative concern over industrial safety. Many Americans are greatly aroused over Vietnam and the deaths that result from our involvement there. But as Secretary of Labor Shultz told the recent AFL-CIO convention in Atlantic City last monthhow many people know that in the last eight years more Americans have been killed at their workplace than in Vietnam? Again, I do not mean to detract from the sacrifices of our fighting men in Vietnam. I cite the contrasting figures to demonstrate the lack of equal concern by many Americans over the sacrifices of workers in their jobs on the home front. I am sure most of you are familiar with the vast difference between worktime lost through strikes and time lost through industrial accidents. But for the benefit of those who don'tlet me again review them. In 1967, 42.1 million man-days were lost due to strikes but 245 million man-days were lost as a result of occupational injuries. In short, six times as much time was lost because of injury as was lost because of strikes. The statistics on industrial safety and health are truly shocking14,800 workers killed last year in accidents-2,200,000 disabilities suffered$1½ billion lost in wages $7.3 billion lost in gross national product. In more specific terms consider the following toll that is exacted upon American workers: Of the 6,000 men who have been uranium miners, an estimated 600 to 1,100 will die of lung cancer within the next 20 years because of radiation exposure on the job. More than 3,000 cases of silicosis are reported every year from exposure to free silica. One out of every four or five asbestos workers in New York City dies of lung cancer caused by the inhalation of asbestos fibers. Yes, industrial disease poses a threat just as great, if not greater, than industrial accidents. It is estimated that every 20 seconds a new and potentially deadly toxic agent is introduced in industry. A recent study involving 3,200 workers in 231 foundries reveals that one in 15 of such workers was exposed to environmental conditions capable of producing disabling and fatal diseases. Some chromium compounds, widely used in metal working and plating, are suspected cancer agents. So one can easily see that the present toll, and possible tollwhen you include the silent killers, the gases, the fumes, etc.is a costly one and potentially more costly. Let me demonstrate this toll in relation to the time that is devoted to this conference here today and tomorrow. This is a two-day conference. During this two-day conference 110 workers in the United States will die from on-the-job accidents, or work-related diseases. During these two days 54,400 workers will suffer injuries on the job. And during the two days of this conference, 17,000 will suffer disabling injuries or work-related diseases. But these are cold statistics which convey some of the seriousness of the safety problem but do not reflect the cost of industrial accidents in human terms. You cannot put a price tag on human life, or human suffering, the mental anguish which results, the plans and hopes which have to be scrapped and forgotten. These are the real costs of accidentsnot the man hours of time lost but the men lost; not the loss in gross national product but the loss of life and limb; not the money lost in wages but the permanent loss of a limb or the permanent loss of a faculty. And yet, despite the lossesin time and money and human sufferingthe struggle for effective legislation and enforcement is an uphill struggle. There has been a failure at all levels of government to provide effective safety and health standards but State governments have been the worst violators. With a bare handful of exceptions, states have failed to provide even the most primitive standards to protect workers. The Federal government isn't much better. Consider these facts: There are only 1,600 safety inspectors of any kind, State or Federal, in the entire United States; four states have no inspection personnel whatsoever; only three states have inspectors who are trained in the field of occupational health and industrial hygiene. You know, the ironic thing is that there are twice as many fish and game wardens in the United States as there are safety and health inspectors. Why is there this great absence of effective legislation and enforcement? To put it simply and bluntly: Because legislators at all levels of government have been more concerned with the profit motive than the human motive. State legislatures generally have been notorious in catering to special interests and Congress hasn't been much better. Under the Walsh-Healey Public Contracts Act, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Standards is charged with inspecting companies that have government contracts. But because Congress limits funds for such activities, the Bureau inspects less than 3% of the covered plants each year. I remind you that Congress didn't get too concerned about mine safety until 78 miners were killed in the mine disaster at Farmington, West Virginia. And an effective national mine health and safety act is still not a certainty as we meet here today. The disgusting truth has been that industry's arguments against the costs of effective safety and health equipment have outweighed arguments that cost should not be the primary consideration. Whenever a case is made for effective health and safety legislation business groups cut loose with a barrage of misleading propaganda. And when you strip away all the baloneyall the propagandathe single, solitary reason for their opposition is that it will cost industry money. How can anyone talk about costs when it comes to saving human life and limb? I say that no matter what it costs in dollars and cents, it must be done. I say that it's about time our Congress and our States tell industry to stop crying about costs and to do what must be done about safety and health. While we can, with justification, point a finger of blame at our lawmakers, some of the blame lies with ourselves. We have not been as active or effective in political action as we can or should be. We have not elected enough of the right kind of people as often as we should. And when we have elected enough of the right kind of people, we have failed to receive a good enough return for our efforts. The question now is, however, where do we go from here? First, we start within our own Union, and we already have taken some significant steps. Your International Executive Board has established a permanent standing Committee on Safety and Health. We have reorganized and strengthened our Department of Safety and Health. We asked our districts to name Safety Coordinators, and we already have had a meeting of such coordinators in Pittsburgh. A comprehensive safety and health program has been drawn up by Director Schremp's Department for strengthening health and safety practices at the local union level. The holding of this conference, during which the new program will be discussed, is another example of added emphasis upon safety and health by our Union. One of the major features of the new program, for example, is the emphasis upon the importance of writing strong safety and health provisions in our collective bargaining agreements. I want to say a few words about utilizing the collective bargaining process to incorporate safety and health provisions in our contracts. In my remarks to the Industrial Union Department's recent convention in Atlantic City, I urged the labor movement to establish a four-day workweek by 1973. I said that we should put a four-day workweek at the top of the list of our legislative and bargaining objectives. We can obtain that objective by amending the Fair Labor Standards Act so that a 32-hour workweek can be made uniform through Federal action. Or we can reach that goal in collective bargaining. In urging unions affiliated with the IUD to work for the four-day week, I cited a number of reasons for doing so. One of the reasons we are advocating a shorter workweek is to reduce the hazards to the health of workers caused by long hours on the job. It is a proven fact that after a certain age, production workers find it quite difficult to keep up with the iron horse. They become not only physically but also mentally tired. Such wearing down of a worker's health eventually slows his reflexes which are his first line of defense against accidental injury. Thus, fatigue becomes another factor to consider in promoting safer and healthier working conditions. A reduction in the workweek, without a cut in pay, would do much to keep workers mentally and physically alert and thus help eliminate accident and health hazards. Given another day each week free from their jobs, workers would have more leisure time with their families and friends for living and relaxing. They could give more adequate consideration to public issues. They would be in a better position to perform their duties as parents more competently, in such matters as their children's educationor as citizens. The first great cries from the opponents of a four-day week have already been heard. They are spreading scare stories, alleging that this would be inflationary and that a shorter workweek would cripple the economy. Such arguments are hogwash and I cite an article in the Wall Street Journal, an ad, if you please, calling a conference in the City of New York by 200 of our top leading industrialists and financiers, to there give consideration to the need now to institute shorter hours of work because of the tremendous changes that are taking place in our economy and our American industry. Government data on increases in profits, dividends and real earnings provide enough evidence to prove such arguments are hogwash. Between 1960 and the first half of this year, the net profits of corporations skyrocketed 94.5%; dividend payments to stockholders soared 80%; but the weekly, after-tax take-home pay of the average non-supervisory worker increased only 35%, and in terms of buying power, only 10%. In brief, industry can well afford the four-day week. In fact, it would benefit industry in a number of ways. Productivity among workers on a short workweek would increase because there would be less time lost, less work would be spoiled due to fatigue and monotony on the job, there would be lower labor turnover and the quality of products would improve. So, all in all, it would benefit workers by reducing fatigue on the job and thus reduce accidents; and it would benefit industry in the ways I have just enumerated. Now, beyond our obligations to incorporate safety and health protection in our contracts, and to beef up our program on safety and health within our Union, we also have an obligation to fight for adequate legislation. And we have some fighting to do right nowthe minute this conference ends. I'm talking about the fight we're making in Congress for passage of the kind of legislation which will provide us with one giant step forward for the health and safety of workers. Before Congress right now is the Williams-O'Hara Occupational Safety and Health bill. It was introduced in the Senate by Senator Williams of New Jersey and in the House by Congressman O'Hara of Michigan. The bill would authorize the Secretary of Labor to set standards to assure safe and healthful working conditions. It would establish an enforcement procedure with specified penalties for violations of the standards, and would provide for badly-needed research, training, and a uniform reporting procedure. It also would assist the states in better enforcement, the gathering of information, and training. This is the bill that organized labor supports. This is the bill that we want and must have if the job is to be done. Last month, in my capacity as President of IUD, I testified in Washington on behalf of this bill before the Subcommittee on Labor of the House Education and Labor Committee. I attempted to convey to the Subcommittee the sense of urgency that organized labor has about such legislation, and the great importance that we attach to it. I also told them what my views were on the bill proposed by the Nixon Administration. The Administration bill is a weak bill and would not do the job, which should not come entirely as a shock to anyone in this room. It would not cover all places in employment. It would set up a Board to develop standards but the bill would bind the Board to adopt standards developed by industry-oriented organizations. And it would strip the Secretary of Labor of any effective enforcement power. Additionally, it would not go into effect until two years after it was signed into law. But testifying for a bill is not enough. It helps but it takes more than talk before a Congressional Subcommittee. It takes talk from members of organized labor. It takes letters from labor. It takes visits and delegations from labor. And if need be, it takes some informational picketing and a little hell raising. It seems to me that generation of support for the Williams-O'Hara bill should be your first order of business after you leave this conference. If we are to get the legislation we need, we have got to make our desires known to Congress; we have to get through to our Senators and Representativesjust as we have been trying to get through to them on the need for genuine tax reform. In short, we have got to generate some heat. There is no reason why every local union of the Steelworkers cannot communicate, by resolution or letter, their support of the Williams-O'Hara bill to their Senators and Congressmen. If every delegate to this conference could make it the business of his local to produce 10 letters, or post cards, or telegrams from members of his local, that would mean thousands of communications hitting the offices of our Representatives in Washington. This is what it takes. You know it as well as anyone. It cannot be done with speeches, or mirrors. It takes the same kind of fundamental political action that we try to practice at all levels of our Union. I feel certain that Director Schremp, his Department, his two associates, and the Safety Coordinators will follow through on the development of the kind of support we needand need quicklyto get the Williams-O'Hara bill enacted into law. If your local can send a delegation to Washington to talk to your Senators and Congressman, fine. If it can't do it, it certainly can see that a delegation visits the Congressman or Senators when they are back in their home districts and states. As I said at the beginning of my remarks, I am here today because I believe safety and health are priorities for our Union. I am here because I want to communicate this belief to you and to ask your help in providing our members with the safest and healthiest work conditions that are possible. I am also hopeful that out of our new Department, under Director Schremp, with Marco and Adolph at his hand, and through the assistance of the Safety and Health Coordinators, through the help of all of you and your local unions, will come an aggressive membership education program. I say this about membership involvement because the job that we must do cannot be done by our new Safety and Health Department alone. It cannot be done by the Coordinators alone. It cannot be done by our staff representatives alone. It will take the concern and involvement of all of us. I know that Director Schremp has a full agenda for this conference and that you are going to hear some stimulating suggestions from other speakers. So I will conclude my remarks by expressing my appreciation for this opportunity to be with you today, and be a part of what I consider a most important conference, conveying to you the importance that your international officers attach to our hopes and plans in the field of safety and health in the months and years to come. Thank you and best wishes for a most successful conference.