Source: http://www.libertariansolution.com/liberty-library/050/mcdonald-v-chicago-and-second-amendment-incorporation
Timestamp: 2019-04-19 03:18:14+00:00

Document:
A breakdown of the legal issues in McDonald v. Chicago, in which the Supreme Court considers whether to enforce the Second Amendment against the states.
Last week the Supreme Court heard oral arguments for McDonald v. Chicago, in which the constitutionality of the Chicago handgun ban was challenged. The Supreme Court limited its review to the question of whether the Second Amendment is incorporated against the states via the Fourteenth Amendment.
The ruling, which dealt with D.C. alone, which is a federal enclave, only extends to federal regulations. The law at issue in the Chicago case is a state law, and thus the Second Amendment does not apply directly, as the Court ruled in Barron v. Baltimore (1833), where the justices decided that the Bill of Rights, standing alone, serves only as a restriction on the federal, not state, government.
The complexion of federalism changed, however, with the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. Following the Civil War and the liberation of the slaves, a number of southern states attempted to restrain the freedmen through the passage of Slave Codes, which denied freedmen basic liberties, including the right to bear arms.
The clause of Section One with the most ostensibly logical connection to protecting the substantive rights of citizens against state infringement is the Privileges and Immunities Clause. However, in the Slaughterhouse Cases (1873), the Court effectively gutted this clause, precluding judicial protection of the Bill of Rights against the states via a Privileges and Immunities Clause interpretation.
However, the battle for incorporation (the application of the Bill of Rights to the states) did not end with Slaughterhouse. In 1897, in Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad v. Chicago, the Supreme Court employed an approach known as substantive due process in which it invoked the Due Process Clause to incorporate substantive rather than merely procedural rights. Over the next century, most of the Bill of Rights was incorporated in this way, including the freedom of speech and press, freedom of petition, prohibitions on unreasonable search and seizure, etc.
In applying substantive due process, the Court has incorporated rights on the basis of whether or not they are “fundamental” (Hurtado v. California, 1884) and whether they are “necessary to an Anglo-American regime of ordered liberty” (Duncan v. Louisiana, 1968). The test of fundamentality, and particularly the test espoused in Duncan, point to a historical evaluation of the importance of the right to bear arms.
Heller held that “[b]y the time of the founding, the right to have arms had become fundamental for English subjects.” It was the British attempt to confiscate American arms that ignited the American Revolution. The enshrinement of this right in the Second Amendment itself testifies to the right’s importance.
An examination of the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment reveals that the legislation at the time was understood to incorporate the Second Amendment. Both Representative John Bingham, drafter of the amendment, and Senator Jacob Howard, who presented the bill to the Senate, explicitly stated that the bill would incorporate the Second Amendment against the states. No Congressmen disputed these assertions.
If the Court chooses to incorporate the Second Amendment, it must decide whether to do so on the basis of the Privileges and Immunities Clause or the Due Process Clause. The Privileges and Immunities approach would overturn Slaughterhouse and potentially open up a plethora of unenumerated rights to incorporation. The Due Process approach would have a stronger precedential grounding and is the route the Court is likely to take.
Chicago claims that it has a right to certain policy choices that, in its view, will restrict crime. But the Constitution precludes certain policy choices as a matter of principle: Chicago may not restrict unpopular speech that it feels fosters discontent, nor take property without just compensation, even if it feels that would be in the best interest of the taxpayers. Equal enforcement of the Second Amendment alongside these other fundamental guarantees is long overdue. Fundamental rights deserve to be protected from infringement by any overbearing government, be it state or federal.
Mayor Daley of Chicago sites horror stories of people who were hurt by guns in his town as a reason to ban guns, but fails to point out that this happened under his watch and his austere rules, witch failed to protect them. Perhaps some of them might not have been victims if they were not perceived as unarmed and helpless. The shooters might have thought better of it if and held there fire. Wolves attack sheep not bears.
Mayor Daley sites horror stories of people who were hurt by guns in his town as a reason to ban guns. He fails to point out that these happened under his watch and his austere rules, witch failed to protect them. Perhaps some of them might have been spared if they were not perceived as unarmed and helpless. The shooters might have thought better of it if and held there fire. Wolves attack sheep not bears.
Criminals are immune to gun laws. The primary problem with all gun laws is the very people they are aimed at are those least likely to follow them. The penalties for gun possession pal in comparison for people that already have records and have committed much greater affiances. Many gun confiscations from criminals are as a result of unlawful searches and not prosecutable. Thus the deterrent is small compared to the perceived utility.
Criminals must have guns to stay in business or run the risk of losing their ill-gotten gains to yet another criminal. Predators are prayed upon by stronger meaner predators. Remember they are not going to call 911. They need to intimidate or kill witnesses and victims. No criminal wants a confrontation on equal terms. They strike from a position of advantage. No one knows how many crimes have been deterred by the perception (real or imagined) that the intended victim can return aggression in kind. With out the advantage of being the only one armed they might even be forced to work for a living. What a terrible thing.
Mr Meyers we have the opportunity of our life time to get a coenealcd carry bill passed in the spring session. First we have to elect pro gun candidates this fall. Ask the candidates where they stand then support them regardliss of party if they support our right to carry a firearm on your person. This is the ONLY way it is going to happen and PAT QUINN blatantly promised to veto every CCW bill crossing his desk. Ask him; he is not bashful about his anti carry feelings. The opponent for governor Quinns seat is a Republician BILL BRADY that is not a member of the Chicago machine and is aheavily pro gun supporter that vows to sign a coenealcd carry bill. Demos & Repubs both mustsupport and vote BILL BRADY into the office of Governor of the State of Illinois. There is no alternative to this. Both candidates expressedplainly where they stand. Quinn believes the Chicago Democrats will support him. Chicago citizens wanting to carry a gun for protectionhave expressed at gun meetings that they will be voting for BILL BRADY & the right to carry a firearm. Voters are primed to make many changes at the polls for several reasons and with the McDonald ruling helping the pro gun situation it appears that BILL BRADY is the favorite. It is a fact that a vote for BILL BRADY is a vote for coenealcd carry and the only way it is likely going to happen people.We can continue on like it is or make the change and I for one see several reasons to change governors. What say you all out there?
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