Source: https://www.rewise.online/ModelAnswers
Timestamp: 2019-04-21 15:07:36+00:00

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The Preamble to the Constitution is aimed to embody the fundamental values and the philosophy on which the Constitution is based. Elucidate.
The Preamble of the Constitution is expected to embody the fundamental values and the philosophy on which the Constitution is based. It also articulates the aims and objectives which the founding fathers en-visaged the polity to strive to achieve.
The words used in the Preamble our Constitution are some of the noblest. They embody the highest values that human ingenuity and experience have been able to devise thus far. The framers of the Constitution did not rest content with evolving the framework of the state; they also pointed out the goal as spelled out in the Preamble and the methodology for reaching that goal is elaborated in parts of the Constitution of India.
The Preamble to our Constitution, as adopted by the Constituent Assembly, speaks of "We the People of India" and makes a solemn resolve to constitute India into a "Sovereign, Democratic Republic" securing for all its citizens Justice, Liberty and Equality, and promoting among them all Fraternity. “Justice” is further manifested in social, economic and political contexts. “Liberty” as enshrined in the preamble includes the freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship. Likewise the “Equality” means equality of status and that of the opportunity.
In fact, justice, liberty, equality and fraternity are the most essential concomitants of a truly democratic order. The explicit presence of these ideals further elucidates the concept of a democratic republic. The ultimate goal is that of "securing the dignity of the individual and unity of the nation."
Thus the preamble serves the purpose of declaring that 'The People of India' are the source of the Constitution. It clearly manifests that sovereignty in Indian polity vests in the people; that Indian polity is demarcated with fundamental rights and freedoms guaranteed to all the people.
Differentiate between “Due process of law” and “Procedure established by law”. In the light of apex court judgements, analyse the broadening of term procedure established by law of Art 21.
“Due process of law” and the “procedure established by law” are two different concepts having different nuances and connotations. The phrase ‘due process of law’ is used in the American Con-stitution while Art 21 of Indian constitution has used the term procedure established by law.
Art 21 of Indian constitution has used the term procedure established by law, which means that this protects the individuals only against the arbitrary executive action and not from arbitrary leg-islative action. This means that state can deprive the right to life and personal liberty of any per-son based on any law i.e. through a legislative action. Hence the validity of any law that prescribed any procedure cannot be questioned on the ground that law is unjust, unreasonable or unfair.
However, in Maneka Gandhi v Union of India the Supreme Court gave a very wider interpretation to Art 21. It observed that the procedure prescribed by law for depriving a person of his life and personal liberty must be “right, just and fair” and not “arbitrary, fanciful and oppressive,” other-wise it would be no procedure at all and the requirement of Article 21 would not be satisfied.
Thus, the “procedure established by law” has acquired the same significance in India as the “due process of law” clause in America. The term ‘procedure established by law’ is a narrower term in comparison to the term ‘due process of law’, because the former includes only procedural law (C.P.C, Cr. P.C. etc.) while the latter includes both substantive law (I.P.C., Hindu Marriage Act, etc.) and procedural law.
It is thus now well established that the “procedure established by law” to deprive a person of his life and personal liberty, must be just, fair and reasonable and that it must not be arbitrary, fanci-ful or oppressive, that the procedure to be valid must comply with the principles of natural justice.
Differentiate between the “equality before law” and “equal protection of law” as envisaged in the Article 14? Also explain how these two promote egalitarian society in a diverse country like India.
“Equality before the law” and “equal protection of law” are two cornerstones of Right to Equality in India. Although these two tenets play a pivotal role to ensure Equality, however their origin, manifestation and nuances are very different from each other.
Article 14 uses these two given expressions “equality before the law” and “equal protection of the law”. Equality before the law is an expression of English Common Law while “equal protection of laws” owes its origin to the American Constitution.
Equality before the law is a somewhat negative concept implying the absence of any special privi-lege in favor of any individual and the equal subjection of all classes to the ordinary law. On the other hand, the equal protection of laws is positive concept employing equality of treatment under similar circumstances.
Equality before the law means that among equals the law should be equally administered, that like should be treated alike. The right to sue and be sued, to prosecute and be prosecuted for the same kind of action should be same for all citizens of full age and understanding without distinctions of race, religion, wealth, social status or political influence. The equal protection of laws, on the other hand, does not mean that all laws must be general in character. The varying needs of different classes of person require separate treatment. From the very nature of the society there should be different laws in different places and the legislature controls. In fact, identical treatment in unequal circumstances would amount to inequality. So a reasonable classification is only not permitted but is necessary if society is to progress.
Thus, what Art 14 forbids is class legislation (equality before law) but it does not forbid reasonable classifi-cation (equal protection of law). The classification however must not be “arbitrary, artificial or evasive” but must be based on real and substantial distinction bearing a just and reasonable relation to the object sought to be achieved by legislation.
Explain the process of creating a separate state or renaming an existing one with mentioning the relevant constitutional provisions.
Alteration of the state boundaries or renaming them has been purposefully kept flexible by the founding fathers of our Constitution. This flexible approach can be understood in context of the prevailing ground realities of a plural, diverse and heterogeneous Indian society.
a) Form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a part of any State.
b) Increase the area of any State.
c) Diminish the area of any State.
d) Alter the boundaries of any State.
e) Alter the name of any State.
However no Bill for any the above mentioned purpose(s) could be introduced in either House of Parliament except on the recommendation of the President.
The process for creating a new state starts with introduction of bill in the Parliament with a proposal to create, alter the boundaries, or to alter the name of any state. Article 3 makes it clear that the Parliament is the sole authority on making a decision on a new state. President refers the bill to the State Assembly for its views giving it a certain period of time. But, Parliament is not obligated to follow on the views of State Assembly. If the State Assembly does not express its opinion within the specified period of time, the bill could be introduced in the Parliament after the expiry of the specified period. Interestingly, the Bill related to any of the above mentioned purposes require only simple majority to get pass although passing of the Bill(s) of such kind result in the Amendment of the Constitution. When this bill is passed and gets president’s assent, it becomes a law and accordingly the changes are required in the Article 1 as well as in the First and Forth schedules of the Constitution of India.
In view of the prolonged relationship between Money Laundering and politics in India, there is now a growing feeling that efforts must be made to cleanse the system of political funding in our country. Discuss.
One of the biggest pies of the overall laundered money goes into formal economy as funding to major political parties and associated activities. This has been brought into testimonial from the fact that a significantly large number of politicians are already charged against the relevant sections of Money laundering Act by Enforcement Directorate (ED).
Money laundering is defined as a process to transform proceeds of criminal activities into legal and fair money through a number of manipulative steps. But in case of politics, it does not only facilitate proceeds of criminal activities but also helps to fund political activities- the soul of democracy, mainly from proceeds of crime and thus, promotes criminalisation of politics and essentially affects free and fair elections. Therefore, the demand of closer scrutiny of funding of political parties is desperate need of the hour.
Political activities financed through laundered money increases the role of money power in the elections and hence, affecting the integrity of the electoral process severely.
It also does promote criminalisation of politics and encourage parties to give tickets to candidates having criminal enterprises so that they could fund the political activities without bothering much about financial resources.
Any possible patronage from political dispensation due to their own vested interests in political funding may deter anti-money laundering agencies to conduct free and fair investigations.
Discuss the role of people living in border areas in border security of the country. Also, enumerate various measures that the government has taken in order to ensure well-being of people living in border areas.
India has significantly long territorial border lines connecting with its seven neighbours in the eastern as well as the western part. The people living in border areas have enormous significance from security perspective. They do not only act as ‘eyes and ears’ of the security forces but also helps the country to maintain its territorial claims in the disputed regions. They could also positively contribute in preventing illegal cross-border smuggling of counterfeit currency, drugs and wildlife, if taken into confidence. Also, in case of war between India and its neighbours, they could also be readily mobilised as civilian aide to the troops taking charge at the borders. Thus, overall they could be proved significant strategic assets if they are taken into confidence by the government.
Recognising the gravity of the situation, the government has taken following steps to improve the well-being of the people living in border regions.
Under the Border Areas Development Program(BADP), the government has increased the spending on socio-economic development of people living in border districts. Under this same scheme, many infrastructure projects are being taken up to ensure the basic necessity of the people in these regions.
The government, for the purpose of devolution of financial resources to the states, has already considered the extent of border areas in a state as one of the critical factors for giving greater devolution of financial resources.
For improving connectivity, the government has already been building highways and roadways to the even remotest areas in the border areas for faster mobilisation.
“Section 124 (A) of Indian Penal Code (IPC) is like cannon that ought not to be used to shoot a mouse; but the arsenal also demands possession of cannons, mostly as a deterrent, and on occasion for shooting.” Discuss the above statement by giving relevant examples.
It’s a fact that Sedition should only be slapped sparingly in a democratic and plural society, but another reality is threats to internal security and sovereignty that the country is facing in the form of proxy war in Kashmir demand for Khaistan, Naxal violence and turbulence in the North-Eastern states.
Section 124 (A) was recently in news because in the recent past political establishment has misused it to curb the dissent and alternative views. Figures of the National Crime Records Bureau reveal that in the last two years, there were a total of 77 sedition cases, of which only one resulted in conviction. An entire village in Kudankulam, Tamil Nadu had sedition cases slapped against it for resisting a nuclear power project. Adivasis of Jharkhand, resisting displacement, topped the list of those slapped with sedition in 2014. Most of these cases don’t end in conviction. It is not in rates of conviction but in the criminalisation of dissent that is harmful for our democratic and liberal ethos.
It would be recalled that in Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar, a Division Bench of Supreme Court had laid down the criterion stressing that a necessary component of sedition involves rebellion or use of arms, in conjunction with demand for separation from or dismemberment of India. Thus sedition is relevant only in the context of a demand for secession. The need of the hour is to use it judiciously and sparingly and not to remove it completely.
Citizenship Amendment Bill (2016) although being a progressive piece of legislation contains various loopholes. Critically examine the above statement. Why various sections in Assam are vehemently opposing the Bill?
Citizenship Amendment Bill (2016) is progressive as it is a serious attempt to accommodate the refugees from the neighboring countries who are victim of violence, marginalization and discrimination. The flipside of the Bill is it ignores the tenet of equality as some of the minorities are excluded.
The object of the proposed Bill is to enable Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians who have fled to India from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh without valid travel documents, or those whose valid documents have expired in recent years, to acquire Indian citizenship by the process of naturalisation.
The proposed Bill recognises and protects the rights of refugees and represents a welcome change in India’s refugee policy. But it would have been appropriate if the Bill had used the term “persecuted minorities” instead of listing out non-Muslim minorities in three countries. To give an example, the Ahmadiyyas are not considered Muslims in Pakistan and are subject to many acts of discrimination. Other groups include members of the Rohingyas, who being Muslims are subjected to discrimination in Myanmar and have fled to India. Such a gesture would also have been in conformity with the spirit of religious and linguistic rights of minorities guaranteed under our Constitution.
The Bill has witnessed strong criticism from Assam as the issue of illegal migrants from Bangladesh is a simmering issue in the state since decade. Various sections is Assam are apprehensive about the fact that the Bill could legitimize the large number of Bangladeshi Hindu in the state who are culturally very different from the local inhabitants.
• Strengthening the repayment capacity of farmers by improving and stabilising their income is the only way to keep them out of distress.
• It covers only a tiny fraction of farmers. According to 2012-13 NSS-SAS, 48% of the agricultural households did not have any outstanding loan.
• Loans taken by cultivators from non-institutional sources, which involve high interest rate, is rising faster than from institutional sources.
• The farmers investing from their own savings and those borrowing from non-institutional sources are equally vulnerable to weather and market risks. But all such households are outside the purview of loan waiver.
• Only a partial relief to the indebted farmers as about half of the institutional borrowing of a cultivator is for non-farm purposes.
• loan waiver may cost Uttar Pradesh at least ₹36,000 crore, which is 4.4 times the State’s capital expenditure of ₹8,191 crore (Budget estimate) in agriculture, including irrigation and flood management, in 2016-17. A similar amount spent on improvement of agriculture infrastructure and other developmental activities would create a base for future growth and development of the sector.
Swachh Bharat Mission is much more than a toilet construction program. Do you agree? In this context discuss the economic importance of Swacch Bharat Mission and critically evaluate the objectives achieved so far.
•	The Mission is slowly transforming into a Jan Andolan, as was envisaged by the Prime Minister when he first spoke about it from the ramparts of the Red Fort.
•	The SBM is not a toilet construction program but a behavior change mass movement.
•	The lack of sanitation is the leading cause of diarrhea among children under five, leading to stunting among children and also results in several preventable child deaths.
•	A survey by World Bank has reported that due to lack of sanitation mental and physical development of 40% children are effected. Thus we are unable to leverage on the dividend of our human resource.
•	The survey also says that there is a loss of 6% GDP due to lack of sanitation.
•	According to a study by UNICEF, every household in the villages that are free from Open Defecation saves INR 50,000 per year. These savings are from out of thepocket expenses on the medicines and opportunity cost of time along with the increase in the longevity.
•	Business sense in Integrated Solid Waste Management.
Discuss the India’s reservations on Belt and Road Initiative (B&RI). Do you agree that India’s firm stand on B&RI had closed the doors for diplomacy and made her an outlier in the region?
• B&RI’s flagship project is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which includes projects in the Gilgit-Baltistan region, ignoring India’s “sovereignty and territorial integrity”.
• B&RI infrastructure project structure smacks of Chinese neo-colonialism, and could cause an “unsustainable debt burden for communities” with an adverse impact on the environment in the partner countries.
• There is a lack of transparency in China’s agenda, indicating that New Delhi believes the B&RI is not just an economic project but one that China is promoting for political control.
These concerns are no doubt valid, and the refusal to join the B&RI till China addresses the objection over Gilgit-Baltistan is understandable. Nonetheless, each of India’s neighbours, with the exception of Bhutan, has signed up for the B&RI, expecting to see billions of dollars in loans for projects including roads, rail, gas pipelines, oil pipelines, electricity and telecommunications connectivity. India has firmly decided to remain away from this initiative even as an observer. This effectively closes the door for diplomacy.
Many multilateral organizations like Asian Infrastructure Development Bank have endorsed the initiative. Even the UN Secretary General has validated and praised B&RI. India should not simply sit out the project. It must actively engage with China to have its particular grievances addressed, articulate its concerns to other partner countries in a more productive manner, and take a position as an Asian leader.
West Asia is vital for India’s energy security. Apart from this the region hosts largest number of Indian immigrants who fetch significantly high remittance. Nonetheless, the region is inherently unstable. The two major conflicts that had destabilized the region are: one, Arab-Jews conflict over Palestine and two the Shia-Sunni strife.
Israel, the only Jew state surrounded by the Muslim majority countries is the stakeholder in the Arab-Jews conflict. India’s proximity to Israel might antagonize the other Arab countries of the region. Likewise Saudi Arabia is the de-facto leader of the Sunni community in the region while Iran with its Shia majority champions the cause of Shia community. Thus, India needs a tri-directional foreign policy to accommodate the three key pillars of West Asia i.e. Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel.
For India cordial relations with Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel are quintessential to perpetuate its national interests. For instance relationship with Iran is critical for areas like energy resources and access to Central Asia. Iran can also play pivotal role to counterbalance Chinese influence in the region as India has been co-operating with Iran in developing its Chabahar port as a response to China’s attempt to develop Gwadar port in Pakistan. Saudi Arabia is the home of large number of India’s diaspora. The relationship with Saudi Arabia is also important for the energy security. Relationship with Israel is vital as a reliable provider of defense equipment’s and in areas like agricultural technology and water treatment. But India’s proximity with anyone of these at the cost of others may backfire. Thus India needs a tri-directional foreign policy to accommodate the three key pillars of West Asia.
GOs and the civil society too have an important role in creating a State-society partnership for ramping up disaster preparedness and prevention among the public. After all, such systems would only work with imaginative planning and community preparedness — both crucial for emergency responses at the national, state, district, and city levels.

References: Art 21
 Art 21

Art 21
 Art 21
 Art 14
 v.