Source: https://lonang.com/library/reference/story-commentaries-us-constitution/sto-332/
Timestamp: 2019-04-25 16:32:00+00:00

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§ 1328. It is to the honour of America, that she should have set the first example of interdicting and abolishing the slave-trade, in modern times. It is well known, that it constituted a grievance, of which some of the colonies complained before the revolution, that the introduction of slaves was encouraged by the crown, and that prohibitory laws were negatived.3 It was doubtless to have been wished, that the power of prohibiting the importation of slaves had been allowed to be put into immediate operation, and had not been postponed for twenty years. But it is not difficult to account, either for this restriction, or for the manner, in which it is expressed.4 It ought to be considered, as a great point gained in favour of humanity, that a period of twenty years might for ever terminate, within the United States, a traffic, which has so long, and so loudly upbraided the barbarism of modern policy. Even within this period, it might receive a very considerable discouragement, by curtailing the traffic between foreign countries; and it might even be totally abolished by the concurrence of a few states.5 “Happy,” it was then added by the Federalist, “would it be for the unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them of being redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethren.”6 Let it be remembered, that at this period this horrible traffic was carried on with the encouragement and support of every civilized nation of Europe; and by none with more eagerness and enterprize, than by the parent country. America stood forth alone, uncheered and unaided, in stamping ignominy upon this traffic on the very face of her constitution of government, although there were strong temptations of interest to draw her aside from the performance of this great moral duty.
§ 1329. Yet attempts were made to pervert this clause into an objection against the constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent voluntary and beneficial emigrations to America.7 Nothing, perhaps, can better exemplify the spirit and manner, in which the opposition to the constitution was conducted, than this fact. It was notorious, that the postponement of an immediate abolition was indispensable to secure the adoption of the constitution. It was a necessary sacrifice to the prejudices and interests of a portion of the Southern states.8 The glory of the achievement is scarcely lessened by its having been gradual, and by steps silent, but irresistible.
§ 1342. The object is apparent upon the slightest examination. It is to secure regularity, punctuality, and fidelity, in the disbursements of the public money, As all the taxes raised from the people, as well as the revenues arising froth other sources, are to be applied to the discharge of the expenses, and debts, and other engagements of the government, it is highly proper, that congress should possess the power to decide, how and when any money should be applied for these purposes. If it were otherwise, the executive would possess an unbounded power over the public purse or the nation; and might apply all its monied resources at his pleasure. The power to control, and direct the appropriations, constitutes a most useful and salutary check upon profusion and extravagance, as well as upon corrupt influence and public peculation. In arbitrary governments the prince levies what money he pleases from his subjects, disposes of it, as he thinks proper, and is beyond responsibility or reproof. It is wise to interpose, in a republic, every restraint, by which the public treasure, the common fund of all, should be applied, with unshrinking honesty to such objects, as legitimately belong to the common defence, and the general welfare. Congress is made the guardian of this treasure; and to make their responsibility complete and perfect, a regular account of the receipts and expenditures is required to be published, that the people may know, what money is expended, for what purposes, and by what authority.
§ 1343. A learned commentator has, however, thought, that the provision, though generally excellent, is defective in not having enabled the creditors of the government, and other persons having vested claims against it, to recover, and to be paid the amount judicially ascertained to be due to them out of the public treasury, without any appropriation.36 Perhaps it is a defect. And yet it is by no means certain, that evils of an opposite nature might not arise, if the debts, judicially ascertained to be due to, an individual by a regular judgment, were to be paid, of course, out of the public treasury. It might give an opportunity for collusion and corruption in the management of suits between the claimant, and the officers of the government, entrusted with the performance of this duty. Undoubtedly, when a judgment has been fairly obtained, by which a debt against the government is clearly made out, it becomes the duty of congress to provide for its payment; and, generally, though certainly with a tardiness, which has become, in some sort, a national reproach, this duty is discharged by congress in a spirit of just liberality. But still, the known fact, that the subject must pass in review before congress, induces a caution and integrity in making and substantiating claims, which would in a great measure be done away, if the claim were subject to no restraint, and no revision.
§ 1344. The next clause is, “No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state”.
1. Those, which respect taxation, and the regulation of commerce, have been considered under former heads; to which the learned reader is referred. Ante, Vol. II, ch. 14, 15.
2. Journ. of Convention, p. 222, 275, 276, 285, 291, 292, 358, 378; 2 Pitk. Hist. ch. 20, p. 261, 262.  It is well known, as an historical fact, that South-Carolina and Georgia insisted upon this limitation, as a condition of the Union. See 2 Elliot’s Deb. 335, 336, 3 Elliot’s Deb. 97.
3. See 2 Elliot’s Debates, 335; 1 Secret Journal of Congress, 378, 379.
4. See 3 Elliot’s Debates, 98, 250, 251; 3 Elliot’s Debates, 335 to 338.  In the original draft of the Declaration of Independence by Mr. Jefferson there is a very strong paragraph on this subject, in which the slave-trade is denounced, “as a piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, and the warfare of the Christian king of Great Britain, determined to keep open a market, where men should be bought and sold;” and it is added, that “he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit, or restrain this execrable commerce.” 1 Jefferson’s Corresp. 146, in the fac simile of the original.
5. The Federalist, No. 42.
7. The Federalist, No. 42; 2 Elliot’s Debates, 335, 336; 3 Elliot’s Debates, 250, 251.
8. 2 Elliot’s Debates, 335, 336; 1 Lloyd’s Deb. 305 to 313; 3 Elliot’s Debates, 97; Id. 250, 251; 1 Elliot’s Debates, 60; 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App. 290.
9. Act of 1820, ch. 113.
10. See 1 Kent’s Comm. Lect. 9, p. 179 to 187.
11. Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat. R. 1, 216, 217; Id. 206, 207.
12. 3 Black. Comm. 131.
14. 1 Black. Comm. 136.
15. 4 Black. Comm. 259.
16. 4 Inst. 290; 1 Kent’s Comm. Lect. 94, p. 22, (p. 26 to 32;) 3 Black. Comm. 133.
19. Ex parte Bollman, etc. 4 Cranch, 75; S. C. 2 Peters’s Cond. R. 33.
20. 3 Black. Comm. 137, 138; 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App. 291, 292.
21. Mr. Jefferson expressed a decided objection against the power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in any case whatever, declaring himself in favour of “the eternal and unremitting force of the habeas corpus laws.” 2 Jefferson’s Corresp. 274, 291.  “Why,” said he on another occasion, “suspend the writ of habeas corpus in insurrections and rebellions?”  “If the public safety requires, that the government should have a man imprisoned on less probable testimony in those, than in other emergencies, let him be taken and tried,retaken and retried, while the necessity continues, only giving him redress against the government for damages.” 2 Jefferson’s Corresp. 344.  Yet the only attempt ever made in congress to suspend the writ of habeas corpus was during his administration on occasion of the supposed treasonable conspiracy of Col. Aaron Burr. Mr. Jefferson sent a message to congress on the subject of that conspiracy on 22d January, 1807. On the next day, Mr. Giles of the senate moved a committee to consider the expediency of suspending the writ of habeas corpus be appointed, and the motion prevailed. The committee (Mr. Giles, chairman) reported a bill for this purpose. The bill passed the senate, and was rejected in the house of representatives by a vote of 113 for the rejection, against 19 in its favour. See 3 Senate Journal, 22d January, 1807, p. 127; Id. 130, 131. 5 Journ. of House of Representatives, 26th January, 1807, p. 550, 551, 552.
23. 2 Woodeson’s Law Lect. 625.
24. Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch, R. 138; S.C. 2 Peters’s Cond. R. 322; 1 Kent’s Comm. Lect. 19, p. 382.
25. 4 Coke. Inst. 36, 37.
26. 2 Woodeson’s Lect. 623, 624.
27. 2 Woodeson’s Lect. 624.
29. See 1 Tucker’s Black. Comm. App. 292, 293; Rawle on Const. ch. 10, p. 119. See Cooper v. Telfair, 4 Dall. R. 14.  Mr. Woodsson, in his Law Lectures, (Lect. 41,) has devoted a whole lecture to this subject, which is full of instruction, and will reward the diligent perusal of the student. 2 Woodeson’s Law Lect. 621.  During the American revolution this power was used with a meet unsparing hand; and it has been a matter of regret in succeeding times, however much it may have been applauded flagrante bello.
30. Mr. Justice Johnson’s Opinion in Satterlee v. Mathewson, 2 Peters’s R. 416, and note, id. App. 681, etc.; 2 Elliot’s Debates, 353; 4 Wheat. R. 578, note;Ogden v. Saunders, 12 Wheat. R. 286.
31. See Calder v. Bull, 3 Dall. 386; Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch, 138; S. C. 1 Peters’s Cond. R. 172; 2 Peters’s Cond. R. 308; The Federalist, No. 44, 84; Journ. of Convention, Supp. p. 431; 2 Amer. Mus. 536; 2 Elliot’s Debates, 343, 352, 354; Ogden v. Saunders, 12 Wheat. R. 266, 303, 329, 330, 335; 1 Kent. Comm. Lect. 19, p. 381, 382.
32. Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch, 138; S. C. 2 Peters’s Cond. R. 322.
34. Rawle on Constitution, ch. 10, p. 119; 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App. 293; 1 Kent. Comm. Lect. 19, p. 381, 382; Sergeant on Constitution, ch. 28 [ch. 30]; Calder v. Bull, 3 Dall. R. 386.
35. Journal of Convention. 219, 328, 345, 358, 378.
36. 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App. 362 to 364.
37. The Federalist, No. 84.
38. 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App. 295, 296; Rawle on Constitution, ch. 10, p. 119, 120.
39. Rawle on Constitution, ch. p. 10, 120.

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