Source: http://www.ahrlj.up.ac.za/baimu-e3
Timestamp: 2019-04-24 23:03:15+00:00

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**Secretary-General of the Pan-African Movement, based in Kampala, Uganda in an article entitled 'An idea whose time has come' BBC Focus on Africa Magazine July-September 01 48.
The end of the Cold War was a turning point for Africa. It generated hopes for greater prospects of peace, development and integration in the world economy. It also marked the start of a new epoch, in which Africa lost the strategic value it had to the world superpowers and thus became increasingly marginalised both politically and economically. The post-Cold War era also marked the beginning of globalisation, 'a complex set of developments often operating in contradictory, oppositional or even conflictual manner'.  Globalisation was ushered in with promises of progress and prosperity for all.  But globalisation also poses serious threats to the sovereignty, cultural and historical identities of the people of Africa and it gravely undermines Africa's development prospects.  It is becoming clearer that African countries cannot effectively face the challenges of globalisation as single political entities. Globalisation can only be met through a politically and economically unified Africa.
At the same time, it is also becoming widely recognised that economic and social development cannot be achieved without peace and stability. Peace and stability can only thrive in an environment where human rights are respected. Thus the connection between human rights and development and its linkage to regional integration in the context of globalisation are increasingly acknowledged.
Despite the creation of the OAU, some African leaders, particularly Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, felt that Africa needed a stronger union than the one that had been realised in the OAU.  Therefore he advocated for an even stronger union of African states. Nkrumah made his last efforts to influence his fellow leaders to establish a union government for the whole of independent Africa during the OAU summit held in Accra, Ghana in 1965. The idea evoked suspicion and animosity from a substantial number of African heads of state.  These leaders were not about to give up their hard-fought independence and recently acquired presidential status for the sake of a continental union. The removal of Kwame Nkrumah from power through a military coup d'etat in 1966 seemed to have ended the discussion about one government for African states for a while.
In the period between 1966 and 1999 efforts were made to realise African unity through the means of economic integration. This was expressed theoretically in a number of OAU declarations, resolutions and plans of actions that were adopted between 1968 and 1980, and in concrete terms in the formation of several sub-regional economic blocs.
This was also a period when African states were making efforts to achieve economic integration by establishing organisations and institutions in various sub-regions in Africa. A large number of these organisations and institutions, also known as Regional Economic Communities (REC), have been created, some with overlapping mandates.  Some of the key RECs include Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in West Africa; Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in Central Africa; Common Market for East and Southern Africa (COMESA) in East and Southern Africa; East African Community (EAC) in East Africa; Southern African Development Community (SADC) in Southern Africa and Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) in North Africa.
The entry into force of the Abuja Treaty created a situation whereby the OAU co-existed with the AEC. In a way the OAU started operating on the basis of both the OAU Charter and Abuja Treaty. This eventually created a need for an institution that would combine the OAU's political nature and the AEC's economic nature. At the same time, the end of the millennium led to a sense of urgency among African leadership to reposition the OAU in order to set the African continent as a whole on a firm path to development and peace in the new millennium.  It was in this context that the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi called a meeting to discuss the formation of a 'United States of Africa'.
The OAU legal unit then drafted the Constitutive Act of the African Union (the Act). The draft Act was debated in a meeting of legal experts and parliamentarians and later at a ministerial conference held in Tripoli from 31 May to 2 June 2000.  The involvement of the African parliamentarians was intended to ensure that the Union becomes more closely connected with the people.  The Act was adopted by the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Lomé in July 2000.  All members of the OAU had signed the Act by March 2001,  and therefore the OAU Assembly at its 5th extraordinary summit held in Sirte, Libya from 1 to 2 March 2001 declared the establishment of the AU.  However, to fulfil the legal requirements for the Union, the Constitutive Act had to be ratified by two-thirds of the member states of the OAU.  This was achieved on 26 April 2001 when Nigeria became the thirty-sixth OAU member state to deposit its instrument of ratification of the Constitutive Act of the AU with the OAU Secretary-General.  The AU became a legal and political reality a month thereafter, on 26 May 2001, when the Constitutive Act entered into force.  The Constitutive Act of the AU is annexed to this article.
The process towards the establishment of the AU ran concurrently with efforts to develop a blueprint for African development in the 21st century. The blueprint in place is known as the New African Initiative  and it is a result of a merger between the Millennium Partnership for African Recovery Programme (MAP) developed by President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and the Omega Plan developed by President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal. The AU provides a structural framework supporting the implementation of the New African Initiative. The New African Initiative could be seen as the fuel that fires the engine of the AU.
The AU is loosely modelled on the European Union. It is intended to become a pan-African body with strong political and economic ties that would replace the OAU. But is the AU a new organisation or just the same old OAU with a new name? An analysis of the salient features of the Union will now be conducted by comparing the provisions of the Act with those of the OAU Charter in order to establish the extent to which the AU is in fact a new organisation.
The Union is to be guided by 16 principles,  again nine more than those of the OAU. However, only four of the seven guiding principles of the OAU found their way into the Act. These are sovereign equality of member states, non-interference in the internal affairs of states, peaceful settlement of disputes and condemnation of political assassination and subversive activities.  Among the new principles, the prohibition of the use (or threat of the use of force) is a recent addition copied from the UN Charter.  Others, for instance the principle of sacrosanctity of the colonial borders, reflect the developments in the OAU in the 38 years of its existence.  Still others, for example the right of the Union to intervene in a member state pursuant to a decision by the Assembly in respect to grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity and the right of member states to request intervention from the Union in order to restore peace and security, reflect developments in international law in general.  Additional novel principles in the Act include gender equality, participation of the African peoples in the activities of the Union, a common defence policy for the African continent, self-reliance, social justice, peaceful co-existence of member states and respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance.
Article 5(a) of the Act enumerates the organs of the Union. They are the Assembly of the Union, the Executive Council, the Pan-African Parliament, the Court of Justice, the Commission, the Permanent Representatives Committee, the Specialised Technical Committee, the Economic, Social and Cultural Council and financial institutions. The Assembly of the Union, the Executive Council, the Commission and the Specialised Technical Committees are equivalent to the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government, the Council of Ministers, General Secretariat and Specialised Commissions in the OAU institutional structure. The OAU's Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration is left out in the African Union. The Pan-African Parliament, the Court of Justice and the Economic Social and Cultural Council have equivalent structures in the African Economic Community. The Union's Permanent Representative Committee and Financial Institutions are new institutions.
Articles 6 to 9 deal with the Assembly. They describe issues such as its composition, its meetings, decision making within the Assembly, quorum for meetings and the powers and functions of the Assembly. The Assembly is composed of the Heads of State and Government and meets at least once a year. As the supreme organ of the Union, the Assembly determines the common policies of the Union; monitors the implementation thereof; establishes any organ of the Union; and receives, considers and takes decisions on reports and recommendations of other organs of the Union.
The Commission of the Union is composed of the Chairperson, his or her deputies and the commissioners and assisted by the necessary staff.  The Commission of the Union is the Secretariat of the Union. The Union will also have a Permanent Representatives Committee composed of the permanent representative to the Union and mandated to prepare the work of the Executive Council. Finally, the Economic, Social and Cultural Council, an advisory body composed of different social and professional groups of member states, shall be established.  The functions, powers, composition and organisation of the three institutions stated above shall be determined by the Assembly.
It has been argued that the successful enforcement of human rights in Africa will depend, in part, on the development of economic integration among states on the continent.  This alone could justify the welcoming of the establishment of the AU, which is the highest level of economic integration that African states could aspire to, by members of the human rights community. The Act itself, however, also contains provisions that put human rights on the agenda of the AU.
The provisions of the Preamble and those that set out the objectives and principles of the Act include human rights in very clear terms. The Preamble of the Act states that African leaders are 'determined to promote and protect human and peoples' rights, consolidate democratic institutions and culture, and to ensure good governance and the rule of law'.  Two of the objectives of the AU, as defined in the text, incorporate human rights issues in very explicit manner. Article 3(g) provides that the promotion and protection of human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Charter or Charter) and other relevant human rights instruments is an objective of the Union.  Similarly, the promotion of democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance are also some of the objectives of the Union.
Article 30 states in very precise terms that a government that shall come to power through unconstitutional means shall not be allowed to participate in the activities of the Union. This provision embodies the Algiers Summit decision on unconstitutional changes in Africa.
The African human rights system is centred on the African Charter and is designed to operate within the OAU institutional framework.  Its enforcement mechanism comprises the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Commission or Commission) and to be established African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Court). Given the role of the two institutions in the African human rights scene, it is important to establish their status within the AU.
The African Court has not yet been established. Yet, given the likelihood that it would be established in the near future, it is appropriate to take up the issue regarding its status in the African Union too. The Lusaka summit again has not given any guidance on this issue and the matter is open for debate and speculation. Particularly important in this regard is the question as to which institution takes over the role of the Council of Ministers in enforcing judgments of the African Court of Human Rights. This issue has been clarified in neither the Constitutive Act nor by the recent OAU summit in Lusaka.
The other issue that may be of interest is the role that the African Court of Justice could play in the enforcement of human rights obligations. The European equivalent of the African Court of Justice, the European Court of Justice, has played a significant role in the development of human rights in Europe.  If the European model of political and economic integration is any guide on this matter, the African Court of Justice could, in a similar way, play a significant role in advancing human rights in the continent in conjunction with the African Court.  The Protocol on the African Court of Justice is yet to be drafted. However, it would be interesting to see how the African Court of Justice will relate to the African Court in the Protocol and in practice.
The AU cannot be said to be radically different in qualitative and quantitative terms from the OAU/AEC.  The Union, however, has a more explicit human rights focus than the OAU/AEC.  In a sense it could be argued that the AU is an attempt to unite the ideals of African unity and human rights on the continent. The progressive nature of the AU regarding human rights is clear in the Preamble of the Constitutive Act and in its objectives and guiding principles. Furthermore, the provision on the establishment of the Pan-African Parliament and the Economic, Social and Cultural Council offers hopes of more involvement of African people in the activities of the Union than was the case in the OAU.  But in order for these provisions to have the desired impact there is a need to equip the organs, structures and mechanisms of the AU to effectively implement these provisions so as to realise the goal of fully integrating the human rights framework in the activities of the AU.
The retention in the Constitutive Act of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states which, on the main, accounts for the failure on the part of the OAU to address human rights violations in the continent, is a cause for concern. One could argue that the principle of non-interference has been watered down so much in recent years as to pose no threat to human rights protection efforts. In any event, there are other principles such as the right of the Union to intervene and the respect of human rights that would balance it out. However, the principle of Union intervention is restricted to situations of genocide and crimes against humanity. Yet most of the violations of human rights in Africa do not reach those grievous levels and thus they are outside the purview of intervention.
Experience has shown that treaties and regional institutions by themselves do not necessarily translate into better protection of human rights unless accompanied by political will. In the final analysis, while the Constitutive Act contains elaborate human rights provisions, the extent to which the Union will be more protective of human rights will depend on the political will of the states to give effect to those ideals, the progressive interpretation of the Act by the African Court of Justice and the leadership by the African Commission and Union organs in championing the human rights cause on the continent.
 J Oloka-Onyango 'Globalisation in the context of increased incidents of racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia' Working Paper of the United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights 22 June 1999 (E/CN4/Sub2/1999/8) para 2.
 Algiers Declaration adopted by the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government during the 35th ordinary session held on 12—14 July 1999 in Algiers, Algeria. AHG/Decl1 (XXXV). The Declaration is reprinted in (1999) 11 African Journal of International and Comparative Law 788.
 The African Union was established by the Constitutive Act of the African Union (the Act) which entered into force on 26 May 2001. The Act is reprinted in (2000) 12 African Journal of International and Comparative Law 629 and in the Annexure at the end of this article.
 The two bodies, the OAU and AEC, are dealt with together in this paper because since the establishment of the AEC by the Abuja Treaty in 1994, the two have been existing side by side although the OAU overshadowed the AEC. In practice this was reflected by the holding of parallel summits of the OAU and the AEC. For example the recent summit held in Lusaka was the 37th ordinary session of the OAU and at the same time the 5th ordinary session of the AEC.
 A prominent African historian and political scientist, Ali Mazrui, defines Pan-Africanism as a system of values and attitudes that favour the unity and solidarity of Africans and of people of African ancestry. See O Agyeman Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and African Interstate Relations (1992) 11. On Pan-Africanism see C Legum Pan Africanism: A short political guide (1962); K Nkrumah Africa must unite (1963); R Cox Pan-Africanism in practice: PAFMECSA, 1958-1964 (1964); J Nyerere Freedom and unity: Uhuru na umoja; A selection from writings and speeches, 1952—1965 (1968); A Jacques-Garvey Philosophy and opinions of Marcus Garvey (1968); V Thompson Africa and unity: The evolution of Pan-Africanism (1969); G Padmore Pan-Africanism or Communism (1972); and C Amate Inside the OAU: Pan-Africanism in practice (1986).
 A Chanda 'The Organization of African Unity: An appraisal' (1989-92) 21-24 Zambia Law Journal 1.
 Jomo Kenyatta and Kwame Nkrumah, who would later lead Kenya and Ghana to independence, were some of the key organizers of the historic 1945 Pan-African Congress in Manchester which brought together Africans, Black Americans and West Indians of African descent. See Agyeman (n 6 above) 12.
 Chanda (n 7 above) 4.
 GJ Naldi The Organisation of African Unity (1999) 2.
 At about the same time the former colonial masters in Africa, the European states, were in process of establishing their own union through the Treaty of Rome — signed in 1958 — which established the European Economic Community. The idea proposed by Nkrumah was more progressive than that of Europe in that it advocated for even stronger political and economic union. On account of the benefits — such as peace, security and prosperity — that have accrued to the European states one imagines tremendous strides that Africa could have made by now if it had already then embraced wholeheartedly the idea of a United Government of Africa.
 The OAU was established by the OAU Charter which was adopted by a conference of heads of state and government in Addis Ababa on 25 May 1963. The OAU Charter is reprinted in 3 International Legal Materials 1116 and in I Brownlie (ed) Basic documents in international law (1983) 76.
 M Munya 'The Organisation of African Unity and its role in regional conflict resolution and dispute settlement: A critical evaluation' (1999) Boston College Third World Law Journal 537 582.
 It should be recalled that on the eve of the founding of the OAU, Nkrumah made an impassioned speech in which he argued for the formation of a union government of African states with a common market, currency, monetary zone, central bank, system of defence, citizenship, foreign policy and continental communication system. The speech is reprinted in New African January 2000 381 18—25.
 After a failure to establish a union government at the Accra summit of 1965, Nyerere said he had heard one head of state expressing relief that he was happy to be returning home to his country while still the head of state. See New African January 2000 381 28—31.
 See the Preamble to the Abuja Treaty cited below.
 Subregional economic integration is a special theme of two consecutive volumes of the African Yearbook of International Law. See (1999) 7 African Yearbook of International Law 3—81 particularly the articles by Ndulo (on SADC), Kessie (on ECOWAS) and Kaahwa (on EAC). See also (1998) 6 African Yearbook of International Law 3-150 especially the article by Gondwe (on COMESA). For an examination of the potential role of the subregional economic institutions in promotion and protection of human rights, see F Viljoen 'The realisation of human rights in Africa through subregional institutions' (1999) 7 African Yearbook of International Law 185.
 Reprinted in (1993) 1 African Yearbook of International Law 227; (1991) 3 International Legal Materials 1241; (1991) 3 African Journal of International and Comparative Law 792.
 OAU 'The African Economic Community' http://www.oau-oua.org/document/documents/AEC.htm (accessed 31 July 01). As at 31 July 01 all OAU member states with the exception of Eritrea had signed the Abuja Treaty and 45 OAU member states had ratified the treaty. OAU CAB/LEG/28.1.
 Art 6(1) Constitutive Act. For a thorough analysis of the provisions of the Abuja Treaty, see B Thompson 'Economic integration in Africa: A milestone — The Abuja Treaty' (1993) 5 African Journal of International and Comparative Law 743.
 While criticising the various attempts to achieve regional economic integration in Africa as having failed to achieve continental fusion, Mistry argues that the Abuja Treaty is useful in that it provides mechanisms to assure a measure of consistency across subregions in their integration measures. P Mistry 'Africa's record of regional cooperation and integration' (2000) 99 African Affairs 553 570.
 'The adoption of the Sirte Declaration and subsequently the Constitutive Act of the AU must be viewed as part and parcel of the endeavour which has the ultimate objective of enhancing unity, strengthening cooperation and coordination as well as equipping the African continent with a legal and institutional framework which would enable Africa to gain its rightful place in the community of nations.' Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of the Sirte Decision on the African Union (EAHG/Dec1 (V)) Council of Ministers 74th ordinary session/9th ordinary session of the AEC 2—7 July 01 Lusaka, Zambia CM/2210 (LXXIV) para 5.
 (1999) 36 Africa Research Bulletin 13677.
 OAU Doc EAHG/Dec1 (IV) Rev 1, reprinted in (1999) 7 African Yearbook of International Law 411.
 (1999) 36 Africa Research Bulletin 13678.
 Para 247, OAU Secretary-General report http://www.oau-oua.org/LOMÉ2000/ ENGLISH% INTRO%Note%20SG.htm (accessed 31 July 01). According to this report the most important aspect of the debate was the nature and form of the African Union. On this issue the Ministerial Conference underscored the need to establish the African Union in keeping with the Pan-African vision of the OAU founding fathers.
 That notwithstanding, criticism has been voiced on the lack of direct involvement of civil society and the masses in the debates regarding the formation of the Union. The criticism was voiced by a number of participants during a public lecture on the African Union given by Prof Tiyanjana Maluwa, the Legal Counsel of the OAU, and attended by this writer in November 00 at the University of Pretoria, South Africa.
 36th ordinary session of the Assembly held in Lomé, Togo 10—11 July 2000.
 OAU 'Decision on the Africa Union' 5th OAU extraordinary session of the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government 1-2 March 01 Sirte, Libya EAHG/Dec1—4 (V).
 The Constitutive Act of the Africa Union entered into force 30 days after the deposit of the instruments of ratification by two-thirds of the members of the OAU. See art 28 Constitutive Act.
 OAU 'The Constitutive Act of the African Union attains the legal requirement for entering into force' Press release No 52/2001 at http://www.oau-oua.org/oau_info/pressrelease/PRESS%20RELEASE%20NO%2052-%202001.htm (accessed 31 July 2001).
 As at 31 July 2001, 44 OAU member states have ratified and deposited the instruments of the ratification in accordance with art 27(2) of the Act and seven countries have informed the OAU secretariat that they have ratified the Act and that the instruments of ratification will be deposited with the General Secretariat in due course. Only two member states, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo and Madagascar, are yet to ratify the Act. See OAU CAB/LEG/23.15/Vol.IX paras 1—3.
 The New African Initiative is available on the Internet at http://www.polity.org.za/govdocs/misc/mapomega.html (accessed 31 July 01).
 Arts 2(a), 2(c), 2(e) & 2(b) OAU Charter and arts 3(a), 3(b), 3(e) & 3(k) Constitutive Act.
 The OAU principles of respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, emancipation of dependent African territories and non-alignment are left out.
 This principle was developed in the Cairo Declaration of 1964. The same could be said of other Union guiding principles such as condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of government, which was stated in the OAU summit in Algiers, Algeria in 1999.
 These two principles are based on a new and controversial doctrine of humanitarian intervention. For further details on this doctrine see FK Abiew The evolution of the doctrine and practice of humanitarian intervention (1999).
 Arts 12—15 OAU Charter and 11—13 Abuja Treaty.
 While the OAU Charter provided for neither the Pan-African Parliament nor the Pan-African Court of Justice, the Abuja Treaty envisages the establishment of both institutions. See the Abuja Treaty; arts 14 & 18. However, neither of the two treaties provided for the establishment of the African continental financial institutions.
 These developments are due to the fact that the process was already underway to establish the Pan-African Parliament within the AEC. The OAU General Secretariat drafted the protocol on the Pan-African parliament. The draft was referred to experts from member states that met in April 2000. This was followed by the discussion at both parliamentary and ministerial levels in May 2000. The ministerial conference requested the OAU Secretariat to make some amendments. The amended draft was discussed at the first meeting of the African parliamentarians on the establishment of the African parliament held in Pretoria in November 2000. Then it was considered by the preparatory meeting of the OAU Council of Ministers in February 2001, see OAU 'Report of 73rd ordinary session of the Council of Ministers' 22—26 February 2001 Tripoli, Libya OAU Doc CM/Rpt (LXXIII) para 103. The amended draft protocol was finally adopted by the OAU Assembly in March 2001. See OAU 'Decision on the Draft Protocol on the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community relating to the Pan-African Parliament', 5th extraordinary session of the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government 1—2 March 01 Sirte, Libya EAHG/3 (V) para 2.
 Art 20 Constitutive Act. This organ is equivalent to the General Secretariat in the OAU Charter (arts 16-18) and the Abuja Treaty (arts 21—23).
 Art 21 Constitutive Act. The OAU Charter did not provide for such a body, but the Abuja Treaty provided for an equivalent organ named the Economic and Social Commission. See arts 15—17 Abuja Treaty. The OAU Assembly has decided that in view of the establishment of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council, the Economic and Social Commission provided for in the Abuja Treaty would cease to exist at the end of transitional period between OAU/AEC to the AU. The transitional period from the OAU/AEC to the AU is one year from July 2001. See OAU 'Decision on the implementation of the Sirte summit decision on the African Union' 37th ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government July 2001 Lusaka, Zambia AHG/Dec1 (XXXVII) para 7(b).
 To that end the OAU Assembly requested the Secretary-General to undertake a review of the structure, procedures and the working methods of the Central Organ including the possibility of changing its name. See OAU 'Decision on the implementation of the Sirte summit decision on the African Union' (n 51 above) para 8. The Central Organ had been established as a constituent part of the OAU mechanism for prevention, management and resolution of conflict in Africa by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government meeting in Cairo, Egypt in 1993. See Declaration of the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government on the Establishment within the OAU of a Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, reprinted in (1994) 6 African Journal of International and Comparative Law 158.
 OAU 'Decision on the implementation of the Sirte summit decision on the African Union' (n 51 above) para 4.
 In this respect, the OAU Assembly mandated the Secretary-General in consultation with member states to submit proposals regarding the structure, functions and powers of the Commission (n 51 above para 5).
 This provision was informed by the desire to ensure that the Union does not inherit the OAU's negative legacy of resource deprivation arising from the failure of member states to meet their financial obligations.
 C Heyns & F Viljoen 'An overview of international protection of human rights in Africa' (1999) 15 South African Journal of Human Rights 425 433. These authors argue that as a general rule the international enforcement of human rights depends for its success on the existence of, among other factors, a web of trade relations between the respective states because only where these exist can their potential severance in cases where human rights violations come to light constitute a real threat to coerce the states to adhere to human rights principles.
 Para 10 Preamble to the Act.
 There is a similar provision in art 3(g) of the Abuja Treaty, although as a principle and not an objective as is the case in the Act.
 The establishment of the Pan-African Parliament is said to be geared towards ensuring the full participation of African peoples in the development and economic integration. See art 17 Constitutive Act.
 Arts 4(l), 4(n) & 4(p) Constitutive Act.
 See T Abdul-Raheem 'An idea whose time has come' BBC Focus on Africa Magazine July—September 2001 48.
 Art 22 Constitutive Act. At the recently held Lusaka OAU summit, the OAU Assembly emphasised the importance of involving African NGOs, socio-economic organisations, professional associations and civil society in general in Africa's integration process as well as in the formulation and implementation of programmes of the African Union. See OAU 'Decision on the implementation of the Sirte summit decision on the African Union' (n 51 above) para 7.
 See Abdul-Raheem (n 62 above) 48.
 The African Charter was adopted by the OAU Assembly of the Heads of State and Government in Nairobi on 27 June 1981 and entered into force on 21 October 1986. The text of the Charter is reprinted in (1982) 21 International Legal Materials 58.
 Final Communiqué of the 29th ordinary session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights 23 April—7 May 2001, para 10. The Commission adopted a resolution on the African Charter and the AU.
 Incidentally in the same summit, the OAU Assembly did adopt a decision in which it recognised the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution as an organ of the AU. See OAU 'Decision on the implementation of the Sirte summit decision on the African Union' (n 51 above) paras 8(a) & (b).
 For more information on the role of the European Court of Justice in human rights protection see L Woods 'The European Union and human rights' in R Hanski & M Sukksi (eds) An introduction to the international protection of human rights (1999) 351—367.
 The potential human rights mandate of this court is explored in CM Peter 'The proposed African Court of Justice — jurisprudential, procedural, enforcement problems and beyond (1993) 1 East African Journal of Peace and Human Rights 117.
 The AU evolves from the combination of OAU and AEC. The institutions that the Union establishes are to a large extent similar to those that the OAU/AEC had set out to establish albeit in a more gradual process. Therefore what the Union actually sets out to achieve is to fast-track the process of economic integration that had been set in motion by the OAU/AEC. This view finds support in para 7 of the Preamble to the Act which states that the African leaders are 'convinced of the need to accelerate the process of implementing the African Economic Community in order to promote the socio-economic development of Africa and to face more effectively the challenges posed by globalisation' (my emphasis).
 This is not surprising given the fact that the OAU was established at the time when human rights were considered to be internal matters and outside the purview of an intergovernmental body. Although the AEC was established in a period when human rights were on international agenda, its objectives were more restrictive than those of the Union as they were principally economic in nature. The Union however has been established at the time when human rights are foremost concepts in inter- national relations.
 The intention to bring the Union closer to the African people is reaffirmed by the Lusaka summit of the OAU Heads of State and Government which acknowledges the member states' primary responsibility of popularising the African Union and urges the member states to take the necessary steps to ensure that the Union is truly a community of peoples. The summit further requested the OAU General Secretariat and regional communities to undertake complementary actions to popularise the Union. See OAU 'Decision on the implementation of the Sirte summit decision on the African Union' (n 51 above) para 6.

References: Art 6
 art 28
 art 27
 Art 20
 Art 21
 art 3
 art 17
 Art 22