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of Cyprus. Studies in the Archaeology and Architecture of the Island, Nicosia 1918, pp. 143-144; R.
L’art gothique en Chypre, Paris 2006, p. 257-260.
and for many useful remarks.
and take pictures of it.
James of Verona, Liber peregrinationis, ed. U.
da Verona, Roma 1950, pp. 17-18.
de la fin du XIe au début du XIIIe siècle, in Les Lusignans et l’Outre-Mer, Actes du colloque (PoitiersLusignan, 20-24 octobre 1993), Poitiers 1995, pp.
2001, p. 349-360, esp. 352-353.
rosette, so that they shape a monumental cross.
Papers» 37 (1983), pp. 123-146, esp. 129 and fig. 24.
The inner façade. p. in J. and T‘alin to the later examples in Ani. displayed on the three nave-walls and the apse. Ibidem. «they put only the cross and nothing else. exhibition catalogue (Paris. 260. 8. The Mural Paintings of Akhtala. Tatev. Durnovo. 8 491 L. Smbat near the location of Barbaron (presentday Çandır). 287. now completely whitewashed. V. Hans Schildtbergers Reisebuch nach der nürnberger Handschrift herausgegeben. the ____________ 12 ____________ 7 Ibidem. explanation for the existence of such cycles after the synodal decisions of Manazkert in 726 is their possible association with Chalcedonian patrons. 1410. 5-6). Durand.».THE ARMENIAN CHURCH IN FAMAGUSTA AND ITS MURAL. as well as a Christ Pantokrator and an Akra Tapeinosis or Imago Pietatis (Fig. p. Gothic Art. remarked the German pilgrim Hans Schildtberger in ca. chap. 107-108. i. Paris 2007.9 Moreover. I. 159. the location of a niche used for storing vasa sacra on the north wall near the junction with the apse is in perfect accordance with its standard setting within Cilician chapels. Ałtamar.e. 9 Plagnieux-Soulard. 21 February-21 May 2007). Famagouste. and should be interpreted as a borrowing from Cypriot conventions. Ecclesiastical Architecture. and the peculiar type employed in the Famagustan church (that of the contrefort à larmiers.. and they have no images on their altars.12 Evidence from Cilicia is also meaningful. 137-144. Armenia sacra. Tübingen 1885. p. For the association of Armenian painting programs with Chalcedonian Christian patronage cf. Mémoire chrétienne des Arméniens (IVe-XVIIIe siècle). the building was already finished by 1317. 174. 10).A. which was under construction in the same period. In the interior. whereas the north wall was entirely covered with evangelic scenes. 65. Louvre. on the lower register. though unsatisfactory... 10). i. the use of protruding apses is rare in Armenian tradition. Langmantel. and the Flagellation (Figs. from the 7th century murals in Lmbat. Hałbat and other centres of Greater Armenia: the traditional.7 Some elements seem to be borrowed from Gothic tradition: with the exception of one chapel in the fortified island of Korykos. which was probably reminiscent of the early Medieval representations of Prophet Ezekiel’s vision in Armenia and Cappadocia. the Nativity and the Baptism (Fig. even if anyconic decorations were usually preferred because of theological opposition to the use of cult-images and the key-role played by icons in Byzantium as well as of an intellectual emphasis on the emotional efficaciousness of empty spaces. p. 12).e. was decorated on both sides of the door with an image of Saints Helene and the Holy Virgin under an arcade and Saint George on horseback (Fig. it was probably left undecorated for several decades. 10 Enlart. we have some witness to the sporadical use of monumental painting throughout the Middle Ages. whereas an unidentified holy horseman was depicted on the west portion of the south wall. This is hardly surprising: frescoed cycles were rare within Armenian Gregorian churches. L’église des Arméniens. Reisebuch. Aruč. p. but its embellishment with a moulded trefoiled arch is clearly taken after the model of Latin piscinae.. 11 Hans Schildtberger. Les décors peints des églises d’Arménie. 13 Edwards. pp.). A. Lidov.10 If. p. [since] they say that it would be sinful to make more than one sacrifice of Our Lord within the same church. Moscow 1991. as has been argued.13 The murals in the tiny Famagustan church provide an interesting addendum to this short list. p. 163 and fig. Koš. Kotandjian. 137-154. Moskva 1979.8 buttresses are never encountered in Cilicia. with drip-mouldings) seems to imitate that used in the majestic rayonnant cathedral of Saint Nicholas. Giovannoni (eds. Očerki izobrazitel’nogo iskusstva srednevekovoj Armenii. though scarce: the murals once preserved in King T‘oros I’s chapel of Zoravac‘ at Anavarza included a theophanic image of Christ between seraphs and the four animals. ed. N. and at least for outsiders it was commonplace to state that lack of images was a distinctive hallmark of such buildings: «in their churches». They constitute a rather extensive cycle.11 On the other hand. . Rapti and D.
176 17 S. where women and laypeople were not admitted.492 Ð²êÎ Ð²Ú²¶Æî²Î²Ü î²ðº¶Æðø Carrying of the Cross (Fig. pp. Stylianou and J. even if it usually involved members of the clergy.-C. the donors were allowed to represent their kneel____________ 16 A. Nonetheless. however. fig. The Painted Churches of Cyprus. Arte e raccomandazione dell’anima nel Medioevo. for example. 143). The author stresses. their inclusion within the decorative program of the sanctuary sometimes did happen. 18 On motif-forces of private sponsorship of the altar zone in the West. 295 and fig. 1300. the Deposition (Fig. In general terms. possibly the Virgin Mary. rooted in the social use of portraits as means to display an individual’s desire to invest his or her economic power in pious actions (such as financing the architectural and artistic embellishment of church interiors). M. coats-of-arms. . pp. such as the kneeling monks in the lower portion of the apse in Saint Herakleidios. Beirut 1999.17 In the West. On the opposite wall were displayed the Dormition of the Virgin Mary (Fig. and were usually confined to the westernmost parts of the church. Voisins. 9) in the upper portion. a meaningful exception being the aristocratic couple represented in the apse of the tiny church at Marathos in the Mani. 250-251 and 254-256. 34-35. which were reserved for the laity in both Western and Eastern Christian traditions. only very seldom did members of both the clergy and the laity dare visualize their piety from such a privileged tribuna as the semidome. the Crucifixion. p. Vienna 1992. in order to obtain salvation in the afterlife. which is recognizable at a closer inspection. as revealed. î²ðÆ life.15 The original mural occupying the semidome has now almost completely vanished. that such representations may be stimulated by analogous Western or Crusader works of art. not everybody was granted such a privilege. but the most eminent people could indeed be allowed to display their own portraits. Greece. reveal that this personage is a lay woman. according to a solution of decoration of the bema which is rarely encountered on Cyprus and is much more frequent in the Christian East. 8). Kalopissi-Verti. 4). Stylianou. in return for such gifts and bequests. The long robe with V-shaped décolleté and blue-red mantle covering her head and shoulders. whose construction and decoration had been financed by them in ca.18 The odd location of the Famagustan lady in the apsidal semidome may be interpreted as a Cypriot peculiarity. and the Entombment (Fig. 7). by some mural programs in the Lebanon14 and in Greater Armenia. Dedicatory Inscriptions and Donor Portraits in Thirteenth-Century Churches of Greece. The apsidal wall was embellished with two rows of holy portraits: from the extant fragments of painted surface it is possible to infer that the upper register included prophets (as is revealed by the presence of cartridges). kneeling before a now disappeared holy personage. Bacci. Kalopanagiotis. Očerki. much more surprising is the location of such a figure within the holy of holies. with the exception of the figure of a white-clad suppliant (Fig. L. Rome-Bari 2003. if they proved to be major benefactors of the ecclesiastical institution or religious order officiating the church. Investimenti per l’aldilà. whereas the lower one consisted of a sequence of full-figure saints presented within arcades. The representation of donors is of course not unfrequent in Armenian art. and pro anima images within the sanctuary. to whom the church was entitled. Châteaux et églises du Moyen Age au Liban. portraits were meant to visualize an individual’s quest for divine favour in his or her present or future ____________ 14 Notable examples are the murals in Kfar Qahel and Ba‘deidat: cf. Nicosia 1985.16 In Byzantine tradition. 11) and a frescoed Vita-retable with Saint John the Baptist flanked by sixteen scenes of his life. Nordiguian and J. p. or the Majesty of God as in Anavarza. 130-132. which could boast an already long tradition of ex-voto and pro anima portraits in both monumental sculpture and manuscript illumination. cf. Üàð Þðæ²Ü Ä². 15 The most remarkable example is the late 9th century apse program with two rows of prophets within arcades in the church of Sts Peter and Paul of Tatev Monastery (Durnovo.
278. n. idem. 100-101. pp. .19 as well as by the rich merchants of Famagusta. 279. ing and supplicating images within the church.21 This pattern was eventually appropriated by other Christian communities settled in Famagusta. and compositional grounds. Crusader Influence on the Byzantine Art of Cyprus. where at least three different hands and stylistic traditions can be detected. esp. pp. just a few meters from the Armenian church. Syrian. Crusader Art in the Kingdom of Cyprus. Cyprus» (1956). Patterson Ševčenko-Ch. as is witnessed by the bowing figures of King Janus and Queen Carlotta in the Deposition scene on the east wall of the Chapel of Saint Catherine at Pyrga. as is evident from the sequence of kneeling male and female figures in the polygonal apse wall of the church of Our Lady of Carmel. pp. 20 Enlart. The Painted Churches. esp.P. in N. The “Royal Chapel” of Pyrga. 242-244. M. pp. Rivoire-Richard. 1275-1291: Reflections on the State of the Questions.d. 46-55. 267-274 and fig. pp. Papageorgiou. consisting of a Passion cycle which included the Carrying of the Cross and the Crucifixion. Studies in Art.. A Guide. Folda. as well as a great variety of typological schemes. p. esp. September 6-9. A. Papadopoullos (ed. such as the votive image with coats-of-arms on the border and the frescoed Vita-icon. 207-220 (with earlier literature). in «Dumbarton Oaks Papers» 53 (1999). V. Historic Cyprus. pp. idem. less privileged donors also managed to sponsor the making of images meant ____________ 19 Enlart. Η χλδ δαθδεά Ϋχθβ βμ Κτπλου. 177-178. iconographic. Stylianou and Stylianou. 221..THE ARMENIAN CHURCH IN FAMAGUSTA AND ITS MURAL. ser. by hagiographic scenes. Μ. so that their souls might take advantage from a deeper involvement in the sacred space and from the physical closeness to the place where the holy liturgy was being performed. rather than flanked.). Nicosia 2003. 217. 1-2 (1985-1986). Monumental Painting in Cyprus during the Last Phase of the Lusignan Dynasty. ibidem. Gioles. Cyprus» (1929) and «Report of the Department of Antiquities. 22 Mouriki. and Gothic Murals in the “Nestorian” Church of Famagusta. Architecture. Art in the Court of the Lusignan Kings. Moss (eds). 275-294. pp. such as the mural icons located next to their burial places in the westernmost space of the nave. in «The Griffon». esp. p. Emmanuel. Crusader Influence. J. N. 428-432. and History in Memory of Doula Mouriki. Gothic Art. pp. esp. L’art byzantin de Chypre et l’art des Croisés: influences réciproques. 1994). 209-237. 137-140. 9-78. esp. Cfr. 149-165. Jeffery. Such a compositional scheme is known from the late 12th century onwards in Byzantine icon-painting. in «Δε ο η χ α α χα ο ογ ε αε α ». Thirteenth-Century Icon Painting in Cyprus. in Η Κτπλομ εαδ οδ αυλοφολέ μ/ Cyprus and the Crusades. Such a religious pattern was followed by the royal family of the Lusignan. Nicosia 1995–. c. 1374-1489. Princeton 1999. 217-226. Icons of Cyprus. A. pp. 27 (2006).. Nicosia 1991. 226. A Description. esp. Gothic Art. pp. Ševčenko. Bacci. idem.. in Η Κτπλομ εαδ οδ αυλοφολέ μ. painted in 1421. IV. where the central personage is most frequently encircled. 239-274. Nicosia 1995. pp.22 Frescoed versions are mostly known from Italian examples of the 14th and 15th centuries associated with the patronage of individuals who aimed at honouring their holy benefactors by promoting the public worship of images displaying their most famous deeds. also «Annual Report of the Department of Antiquities. pp. Medieval Cyprus. Η γο γδεά Ϋχθβ βθ Κτπλο.20 This family group was probably responsible for the sponsorship of the extensive program of mural decoration in the sanctuary. Ι ολέα βμ Κτπλου.s. 241-243. Palaiologan. in «Report of the Department of Antiquities. 40-46. The Vita Icon and the Painter as Hagiographer. 493 to visualize their quest for their souls’ sake. Papageorgiou. 325-334. A. A late Trecento image of ____________ 21 M. Cyprus» (1982). in Th. Weyl Carr. 241-262. Nicosia s. consisting of a central portrait flanked by episodes of the saint’s life and miracles. the decoration of Latin churches happened to display a distinctively chaotic sequence of scenes and holy portraits being unrelated to each other on stylistic. pp. Proceedings of the international symposium (Nicosia. N. 1424. In general on the Vita-icon cf. 14151454. as is evidenced by the extant murals in the socalled “Nestorian” church. Gunnis. As a consequence of individual patronage during several decades. pp.
227.28 the Benedictine church of Saint Anne.W. Schabel (eds. regardless of their ____________ 23 Cf. 288. the Carrying of the Cross. dating back to ca.25 Another interesting instance is that of the slightly later image with Saint George slaying the dragon in the Holy Cross at Pelendri. and Gothic Murals. Carr. Üàð Þðæ²Ü Ä². including competition with other religious groups. Le bienheureux Gérard de Valenza. 257-258. the rich merchants of Famagusta shared a feeling that the sponsorship of art. Art. the ____________ 28 Ibidem. Although lay donors were granted the right to include their individual hallmarks within the church murals. esp. 272-273. It is probable that. and consisted in an analytical narration of all the events taking place between the Entry into Jerusalem and the Holy Women at the Sepulchre. D.494 Ð²êÎ Ð²Ú²¶Æî²Î²Ü î²ðº¶Æðø the Franciscan Blessed Gerard of Valenza in Monticchiello. 277-279. may be pointed out here as a key-example. figs. ser. though never used in Byzantine and Eastern Christian tradition. 212-214 and fig. Ibidem.23 Such a type of religious image. the Flagellation. pp. II. 12 (2001). 92-97 and fig. 4. and A. 97-119. L’art byzantin de Chypre et l’art des Croisés: influences réciproques. Gothic Art. Ι ολέα-αλχδ ε οθδεά. Society and Culture 1191-1374. pp. it was displayed on the three apses. with the central figure flanked by a selection of his most renowned miracles and the border including the donor’s coat-of-arms. M. pp. Leiden-Boston 2005. with datation to the late 14th/early 15th century. p. Lefkosia 2005. Cyprus» (1982).: images et croyances dans la Toscane du XIVe siècle. 1-2.Ϋχθβ/The Churches of Pelendria. 217-226. Myrianthevs.24 and the almost contemporary mural with Saint Catherine in the Carmelite church. Palaiologan. Gothic Art. in «Revue Mabillon». 3-4 (Entombment and the Three Marys at the Sepulchre). p. like Our Lady of Carmel. 270-271 and fig.30 The program of the latter was by far the more complete: oddly enough. some photographs are included in A. LIII. The decision to focus on an evangelic cycle with a special emphasis on the events of Christ’s Passion was enhanced by several factors. Οδ θαοέ ωθ Π ζ θ λέωθ. could work as an efficacious means to gain salvation.F. p. see Papageorgiou. and the embellishment of cultplaces with pious images. Jesus despoiled of his vestments. a Byzantine-rite church which included a Latin chapel and took advantage from the benefactions of the Lusignan family. 27 Enlart. î²ðÆ confessional identity. 29 . L’art byzantin. pp.). 26 K. 25 Enlart. 318 and fig. 30 Ibidem.M. B/N photographs of the murals are preserved in the Photographic Archives of the Department of Antiquities in Nicosia. pl. XLIX figs. Bacci. whose conception was more frequently a prerogative of the literate clergy who benefited from their sponsorship. O. 285-328. For available reproductions. Chatzichristodoulou. now seriously damaged. Ch. 31 (Betrayal of Judas). p. It is a matter of fact that extensive cycles of the Passion were executed in the second half of the 14th century in the most important town churches. the frescoed Vita-icon displaying the portrait and deeds of Saint John the Baptist (as we are informed by Camille Enlart’s 1899 description)27 was the most Italianate in character. 91. The cycle. 13701380. Pilate washing his hands. Tuscany. Papageorgiou. Syrian. p. on p. Gerasimou. as it was inscribed within a wide border including the donor’s coat-of-arms.26 As far as we can judge from the portion of painted surface which has not been whitewashed. The presence of individual portraits and heraldic emblems points out the involvement of lay benefactors in the decoration of the building. History-architecture-art.29 and the metropolitan church of Saint George of the Greeks. Papaïoakeim. pl. including the Derision. was never properly published. they probably had a scarce influence on the program. Cyprus. is encountered twice in Famagusta: the first case is the odd painting of the Saint Anne Metterza flanked by scenes of the Virgin Mary’s infancy in the already mentioned “Nestorian” (though more probably Melkite or West Syrian) church. p. NicolaouKonnari and Ch. 24 Bacci. in «Report of the Department of Antiquities. K. Annemarie Weyl Carr is planning a thorough analysis of this cycle. in A.
Bis- singer. Not better recognizable are the participants in the Deposition scene (Fig. 2004). Kreuztragung Jesu. La peinture du Moyen Âge en Yougoslavie (Serbie. Sanjian. including the group of the weeping women to the left. Macédoine et Monténégro). Ikonografie der christlichen Kunst. 191 (Kapetaniana). Kirschbaum (ed. Paris 1916. apparently. Byzantinische Wandmalerei. Christ is clad with a short perizoma. the Deposition.). Jászai. the Entombment. XVe.F. exhibition catalogue (New York. G. fig. 78-82. 649-652. The Tradition of the Glajor Gospel. New York-New Haven-London 2004. one of the hands is holding the Virgin Mary. . Kreta. Fascicule IV. entry n° 102. in the Armenian church up to five murals were devoted to the most dramatic events of the Passion: displayed in the middle register of the north wall. These remnants provide enough details to understand that the images were made according to contemporary Byzantine. Faith and Power (1261-1557). Gütersloh 1966. 1991. II. Th. Metropolitan Museum of Art. who was maybe shown fainting. 182 (Vlatadon icon).. Millet. such as the icon with the Passion cycle in the Vlatadon Monastery in Thessaloniki and the murals in the narthex of the katholikon of Vatopedi monastery. the Deposition. patterns. The same scheme is often encountered also in Armenian illumination: cf. two side-figures of Roman soldiers are shown in the act of whipping Jesus. whereas that in the Carmelite church focussed on the Way to Calvary and Christ on the Cross. Munich 1995. clearly displays John and Joseph of Arimatheia carrying the body into the Sepulchre: Nicodemus is shown at the entrance of the rock-cut tomb. such as the Baptism (Fig. the dynamic pose given to the partially readable figure to the left may hint at the common rendering of Simon of Cyrene carrying the Cross in 14th century Byzantine art (Fig. Schiller.. tied to a classicizing red marble column with basement and a foliate capital. whereas the scenes of Christ’s life up to the Entry into Jerusalem were possibly depicted on the opposite wall. Nonetheless. A. 5-6) is represented against an architectural background meant to be an ideal view of the walls and buildings of Pilate’s Praetorium. in H. G. pp. The symmetrical arrangement of the composition echoes that used in the representations of the theme in 14th and early 15th century Palaiologan works of art. as well as in Markov Manastir near Skopje and the Panagia church at Kapetaniana. whereas the Virgin Mary bows to give the last kiss to Her son. 97. Millet-T. Strikingly enough.32 The following image of the Crucifixion is in an even worse state of preservation: Christ’s image has completely vanished. D. Recherches sur l’iconographie de l’Évangile aux XIVe. fig. although no traces of plaster are now to be seen on its upper portion.C.K. 177 (Markov Manastir). vol. 7). Washington. Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie. p. which is known to have represented the Way to Calvary. representing the Entombment (Fig. 10) and the Koimesis (Fig. Evans (ed. March 23-July 4. 8): one can distinguish a prominent figure in dark garments and the silhouette of Saint John the Evangelist bowing his head over Christ’s dead body. de la Macédoine et du MontAthos. p. The scene of the Flagellation (Figs. H. Byzantium. II. RomeFreiburg-Basel-Vienna 1968-1976.C. and the Threnos. pp. and only some remnants of the figures on the two sides are still readable. is presently so badly preserved. pp. as it laid emphasis only on the Crucifixion. they were probably followed by a now disappeared story of Christ’s Resurrection on both sides of the upper window. the program in Saint Anne was much more synthetic. rather than Armenian.. Iconographie. On the contrary. 628 (Vatopedi).). 114-115. the last scene. Velmans. 362-379.31 495 The nearby scene. fig.THE ARMENIAN CHURCH IN FAMAGUSTA AND ITS MURAL. Crucifixion. Laag e G. and the Anastasis. M. Paris 1969. Compared to this one. which occupies the middle of the scene. the same proves true in connection with the other scenes. Tourta. The selection of the Passion scenes and their narrative arrangement seem to echo the standard program of mid-14th churches in the Bal____________ ____________ 31 G. Mathews and A. in E. et XVIe siècles d’après les monuments de Mistra. 32 Millet. Crete. 11). that it defies any accurate analysis.9). Armenian Gospel Iconography. tav.
Paris 1970. and possibly Saints Peter and Paul (with its remnant of a mural displaying the Fourty Martyrs of Sebaste). pale red. Lefkosía 1997. Byzantines and Italians on Cyprus: Images from Art.36 In my previous study of the murals in the “Nestorian” church. pp. dark yellow. 37 Bacci.W. as an outcome of its dynastic connections with the despots of Mystras in the second half of the 14th century. as well as the slightly later decoration of the east end of the north aisle. regardless of the different religious communities who ruled them.35 another possibility is that teams of painters from one of the Byzantine metropolitan centres arrived in Cyprus ____________ 33 Cf. In any case. ΜαχαδλΪ εαδ ου Γ. and the authoritative tradition that inspired it. almost in the same period. Dufrenne. ου λωθέου. Η Ϋχθβ βθ Κτπλο βθ ποχά ου Λ. S. Latins. which find no direct parallels in the pictorial tradition of Cyprus. Our Lady of Carmel (in the row of holy bishops on the east end of the north wall). such as Saint George of the Greeks. 344-346. I stressed the connections with the pictorial trend worked out especially in Thessaloniki in the 1360s through 1380s. and Gothic Murals. in «Dumbarton Oaks Papers» 49 (1995). eadem. Armenians. the “Nestorian” church. p. a painter or a team of painters from Thessaloniki (or possibly from Constantinople. pp. I am currently working at a detailed analysis of the painted programs of the buildings pertaining to Latin and non-Chalcedian Christians in Famagusta. and light blue. coupled with a strong realistic treatment of physiognomic details. whose role in art history in the second half of the 14th century is hardly known) was required to embellish the major churches of Famagusta. in such programs as the Prophitis Ilias church and the Vlatadon monastery. 317-319. Untersuchungen zu Struktur und Programm der Malereien. Christophoraki. υο χλοθδεΪ βμ η αδωθδεάμ Κτπλου” (Nicosia.37 It may so be assumed that. where the events of the Holy Week were usually displayed on the south and north walls of the nave in order to both enhance public piety and provide a visual counterpart to the pericopes read during the Vesper liturgy of Maundy Thursdays. and Syrians points out that their art. 58-59. 215-217. Fondazione Leventis. 34 A.to late fourteenth century icons and the murals with the Evangelists in the pendentives of the dome in the church of the Holy Cross at Pelendri. possibly made in the 1360s. as is pointed out by the distinctive stylistic features of the murals. 339-357. 98-103. The cromatic scale. the Armenian church. Die Bildausstattung der Nikolauskirche in Thessaloniki. consisting of secondary colours including violet. Kirchhainer. p. their unconstrained activity for Greeks. . pp. Üàð Þðæ²Ü Ä². Les programmes iconographiques des églises byzantines de Mistra. associated with the patronage of Prince John of Lusignan (d. 35 Carr. pp.496 Ð²êÎ Ð²Ú²¶Æî²Î²Ü î²ðº¶Æðø kan peninsula. which reinterpreted the “neohellenistic” style of the late 13th and early 14th centuries as a classicizing expressionism characterized by linearlyrendered heightenings and affected poses and movements. The import of mature Palaiologan forms into the island is currently associated in the scholarly debate with a small group of mid. esp. as well as the rendering of the body with well proportionate heads. may hint at the same artistic context. were still appreciated by all the ____________ 36 Such cycles are still unpublished.33 This is essentially due to the fact that the Famagustan Armenians probably availed themselves of painters trained in the most updated currents of Palaiologan art. Famagusta seems to have played a major role in the dissemination of the new style. Art. K. p. Carr. Art. Palaiologan. Syrian. 87-96. being essentially rooted in Late Comnenian conventions combined with Syrian and Western elements. in Πλαε δεΪ Συηπο έου “Λ σθ δομ ΜαχαδλΪμ – Γ υλγδομ ου λυθδομ. I. 1375). the royal court of Cyprus may have played a key-role in the introduction of the new style on Cyprus. Weimar 2001. Saint Anne. î²ðÆ because of lack of patronage in the hard times of the Ottoman conquest of the Imperial territories.34 As suggested by Annemarie Weyl Carr. 21 September 1996). 318-319. Just on the contrary. which can be detected in the decoration of the most important town churches.
proceedings of the international symposium (Rouen. Un notaire vénitien à Famagouste au XIVe siècle. and iconographic patterns to spatial and religious contexts being different from the standard Byzantine models. 109-118. on the other hand. . 15-159. Soulard. may have been inspired by more specific considerations. their loyalty to Byzantine conventions in the rendering of evangelic scenes did not prevent them to make use of Italianate frames with Gothicizing quadrilobes. 355-384. La cathédrale SaintGeorges des Grecs. and appropriation of Palaiologan patterns of monumental decoration in town. cf. though enframing it within a wider and homogeneous program consisting of holy portraits and evangelic scenes. Otten-Froux. in de Vaivre and Plagnieux. 356-365. they accepted to display the Passion cycle. 42 Unpublished. it is worth emphasizing that. Otten-Froux. groups composing the cosmopolitan society of the Cypriot port. it is necessary to think if it might have been prosecuted long after the Genoese conquest of Famagusta in 1373.42 Which were then the solutions they adopted in order to respond to the requirements of their Armenian patrons? The extant murals suggest that they were asked to accomplish the needs of both the local clergy and some lay benefactor. p. Mont-SaintAignan 2006.41 Moreover.). as we hinted before. be it sufficient to remark that. The latter. esp. and Gothic Murals. In the mixed and multicultural society of Famagusta even the Greek metropolis was built according to a Gothic basilican plan partially modified to accomplish the liturgical needs of an Orthodox church. 39 On Famagusta in the Genoese period see. pp. esp. which is usually described as a catastrophic event actually marking the beginning of the town economic and cultural decline. 40 Th. the Byzantine masters were obliged to harmonize their compositional. consisting of vaulted longitudinal rooms. on the three apses of Saint George of the Greeks and at least in part in the polygonal east wall of Saint Anne. Les actes de Simeone. emulation. since we know that Saint George of the Greeks was still under construction in 1363. C. they contributed to the rather chaotic decoration of the nave with mural icons meant to express an individual’s quest for his or her soul’s sake. p. L’art gothique en Chypre. usually represented on the south and north walls of the nave. 115-118. with the special emphasis given to the events of Christ’s Passion. C.38 its pictorial embellishment should have taken place a bit later. An accurate study of the largest cycle of murals in the Greek metropolitan church will eventually give a new dimension to our understanding of the dynamics of transmission. It is worth emphasing the oddity of replacing the popular scene of the Mocking of ____________ Plagnieux and Th. Palaiologan. the spatial arrangement of ____________ 38 A testament date 8 February 1363 includes a bequest “for the building activities in the church of Saint George of the Greek bishopric” (pro laborerio ecclesie Sancti Georgii episcopatus grecorum). L’art gothique en Chypre. like those in the diakonikon of the Greek cathedral. At the moment. La ville de Famagouste. in de Vaivre-Plagnieux. Soulard. in S. narrative. p. when working for the lay benefactors of the Carmelite or “Nestorian” church. in general.39 Be this as it may. 216 and fig. pp. Grivaud (eds. Depending on the public they were working for. 286-296. n° 4.40 in general. 11-13 May 2004). 497 the interiors. L’architecture gothique grecque du royaume des Lusignans: les cathédrales de Famagouste et Nicosie. Identités croisées en un milieu méditerranéen: le cas de Chypre (Antiquité – Moyen Âge). in this special context. 41 Bacci. as is the case with the image of Saint Nicholas wearing Latin paraphernalia in Our Lady of Carmel.. prevented the painters to locate images in perfect accordance with the hierarchical criteria ruling domed central-planned buildings. 41-42 doc. Fourrier and G.THE ARMENIAN CHURCH IN FAMAGUSTA AND ITS MURAL.. 7. Syrian. esp. They included a lay woman’s portrait in the semidome and painted a Westernizing mural icon with coats-of-arms on the south wall. prêtre de San Giacomo dell’Orio (1362-1371). Ph. they also accepted to modify the iconographic schemes they had been accustomed to use. in «Θη αυ αα» 33 (2003). Consequently.
L’évangile de Vani. idem. 1935. being already hinted in the earliest representations.I.498 Ð²êÎ Ð²Ú²¶Æî²Î²Ü î²ðº¶Æðø Christ – which is often encountered in both Byzantine frescoed cycles and Cilician Gospel illumination43 – with that of the Flagellation (Figs. the image of Christ’s ‘utter humiliation’ was worked out during the 13th and 14th centuries with the addition of several details which managed to visualize its eucharistic meaning even more efficaciously. 32. including the formerly Latin church and monastery of Our Saviour on Mount Sion. XLIV. ____________ ____________ 43 Mathews and Sanjian. 1-16.C. in part. 5-6): actually. 47 The basic studies are those by D. Chookaszyan for this and further informations. Armenian Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery. i. 46 D. Armenian Gospel Iconography. as well as later sources. though sporadically. Form und Funktion früher Bildtafeln der Passion. 104). The dead body of Christ. 49 E. Das Bild und sein Publikum. The City of Jerusalem. 1270 (S. W539 of ca. 661-662 e tav. in «Byzantion» 10. p. 652-653. Both the location and the iconographic features reveal that the Palaiologan painters applied to that portion of wall a decoration pattern intended for the niche of the prothesis usually located in the northern pastophorium of Byzantine-rite churches.. pl. Belting. fig. 113-114.49 aimed at reminding beholders of the altar as the place where the sacrifice of Christ was reenacted. including the arrangement of the bread on the paten. Several scholars have emphasized the liturgical meaning of the theme. it was always extremely rare. According to John of Würzburg’s description of 1160 ca. D. Cambridge 2007. Pallas. The association with the sepulchre. Chicago 1936.C. as the most important event preceding the Carrying of the Cross. Ms. Walters Art Gallery. and the veiling. î²ðÆ near the junction with the apse was decorated with the representation of the Akra tapeinosis or Imago pietatis (Fig. München 1965. An Image and Its Function in the Liturgy: The Man of Sorrows in Byzantium.e. being connected to the specific rite of the proskomidia. is shown emerging out of the sepulchre. 125). if one excepts the eclectig rendering of the scene as the “Mocking of Christ” in two manuscripts illuminated by T’oros Roslin. Gr. It proves meaningful that the portion of wall located above the Gothic niche Üàð Þðæ²Ü Ä².45 The preference for this theme and for Passion events in general in the Famagustan church possibly bespoke awareness of the new topography of the Armenian Holy Places in Mamluk-ruled Palestine: since the end of the 13th century the Armenians had obtained to rule some of the most revered shrines of Jerusalem. Berlin 1981. 45 Baltimore. 365-372. Das Ritus – das Bild. pp. The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. The Four Gospel of Karahissar. with the Holy Cross and the main instruments of the Passion (the Lance and the Sponge) on the background. in «Dumbarton Oaks Papers» 34 (1980-1981).. Takaïchvili. D.44 In Armenian art. 48. with His arms crossed on His chest. pl.R. Willoughby. Der Nersessian. 44 Millet. Pringle. which was identified with the House of Caiaphas and the site of the Flagellation. the pouring of the wine into the chalice. ff.47 Already widespread in manuscript illumination and icons since the 12th century. 1263 (S. III. Washington. Levon B. Der Nersessian. pp. 10). the place was marked by a chapel which housed the relic of the whipping-column and was decorated with the images of both the Flagellation and Simon of Cyrene carrying the cross. A Corpus. Die Passion und Bestattung Christi in Byzanz. Ms. pp. Recherches. Armenian Manuscripts in the Freer Gallery of Arts. Cf. tavv. Russian National Library. Freer Gallery of Art.46 Liturgical considerations played a much more evident role in the shaping of the frescoed program. but in the 14th century it started being represented also in Byzantium. 34 and 106. 48 Saint Petersburg. p. and Washington. the act of setting forth the oblation.18 of ca. fig. Baltimore 1973. 105. H. like one of the miniatures in the 12th century manuscript from Karahissar48 and the 14th century silver cover of the Vani Gospel in the Georgian National Museum in Tbilisi. 65r. 1963. I am indebted to Prof. . H. 67. 167r. the image of Christ tied to the column and whipped was well rooted in Western art. 655-663.
p. pp. Sur le thème du Christ de Pitié en Serbie à la fin du Moyen Age et dans le Balkans à l’époque post-byzantine. and D. which showed Christ’s dead body in the sepulchre next to the cross with the spear and the sponge. ed. 418-421. as in the Perivleptos of Mystras (3rd quarter of the 14th century)51 and the Zoodochos Pigi church in Geraki (1431). in φδΫλωηα οθ Μέζ ο Γαλέ β. Images du décor de la prothèse. Papamastorakis. Dufrenne.THE ARMENIAN CHURCH IN FAMAGUSTA AND ITS MURAL. Marković. F. when the sudarium bearing the image of the dead Christ was shown vertically and half-length outside its reliquary box. Liturgies Eastern and Western. in «Zbornik radova vizantološkog instituta» 37 (1998).54 Nonetheless. p. p.. 25. 167-179. 297-310. Γ λΪεδ. Being the Texts Original or Translated of the Principal Liturgies of the Church. such a composition had been inspired by a performative. Oxford 1896. Moskva 2005. 14 and sketch n° 6.V. M. p. p.E. as well as Pallas. . p. 262-267. 54 Millet. which was the traditional Armenian location for the table of gifts (known as either entsaraian or matout‘saran). Serbia. pp. as an outcome of the rhetorical parallelism of with the apocalyptic throne with Christ’s sepulchre. Moscow 1977.. p. so exerting a strong impact on the beholders’ perception of the whole painted program.55 According to Irina Shalina’s stimulating interpretation. the prothesis-rite was made inaccessible to lay attendants by drawing the sanctuary curtain. but also by the upper scene of the Entombment. Athína 2001. Οδ οδχογλαφέ μ ωθ θαυθ ου ΚΪ λου. According to Armenian liturgical usage. Die Passion. tav.50 or in the prothesis-niche. painted in the 1380s. Ο δΪεο ηομ ου λοτζου ωθ θαυθ βμ παζαδοζσγ δαμ π λδσ ου β αζεαθδεά χ λ σθβ ο εαδ βθ Κτπλο. with the three main instruments of the Crucifixion on the background. in «Revue des études byzantines» 26 (1968). pp. the dispositions of the Mystery-manual of the sacred oblation. Nonetheless. Relikvii v vostočnohristianskoj ikonografii. 57 Cfr. The eucharistic emphasis on the sepulchre was especially enhanced not only by the iconography of the Akra Tapeinosis.52 Though the cross on the background proves to be a standard iconographic detail. On the location of the Akra tapeinosis in or close to the prothesis-niche see eadem. Recherches.53 which may have influenced the special variant of the Akra Tapeinosis discussed here. Die Bestattung.57 This implies that the latter had to be fixed to an impending transversal beam located approximately in the middle of the nave. 483-488. 699-701. their compositional arrangement on the horizontal arms of the cross is employed in contemporary representations of the Hetoimasia. Prilog proučavanju uticaja kanona Velike Subote na ikonografiju srednjovekovnog slikarstva. Frescoes of the Church of the Assumption at Volotovo Polye. S. Ioánnina 2003. Dufrenne. Les programmes iconographiques. model: it was meant to hint at the ritual exhibition of the Passion relics in the Blachernae church on Holy Fridays. the presence of the lance and sponge in both solutions was mainly inspired by the liturgical symbolism of the Byzantine prothesis-rite. Šalina. 53 T. 56 I. rather than iconic. 197-244. p. Athens 2001. the lance and the sponge are much more unusual in 14th century art. as shown by a 13th century fresco in Gradac. The images sharing the space reserved for the laity on this side of the liturgical barrier in ____________ 55 M.56 It is noteworthy that the Famagustan clergy adopted this imagery to decorate the recess to the north of the altar. 121-122. 52 G. Dimitrokallis. this meaning was made even more evident by means of the location of this variant in the semidome of the prothesis-chapel. 51 499 cleanse the holy vessels but also to sweep together the particles on the paten. Brightman. made explicit by the Holy Saturday troparion “You up on the throne and down in the tomb”. which availed itself of the holy spear to excise the lamb and the particles from the loaf as well as of a purificator not only to ____________ 50 Pallas. 91 note 52. Alpatov. Simić-Lazar. 113-132. The association of the Imago pietatis with the Passion instruments was patently stressed in the now destroyed frescoed decoration of the prothesis in the church of the Dormition at Volotovo polje near Novgorod.
Der Nersessian. Walter. 59 Durnovo. Ι ολέα βμ Κτπλου. Očerki. p. the theme is encountered in the church of King T‘oros in Anavarza. Ar druns Italioy. who are shown presenting their patron saint with wax handcuffs. Laiou – R. 601. 465-787. while slaying a monstruous snake with his lance. 61 S. 13). 12) on the inner façade is of special interest here:58 the saint. as mentioned before. Immerzeel. î²ðÆ Armenians participated thoroughly in this process and probably played a significant role in the dissemination of the theme of the holy rider: noteworthy is the case of the early 14th century mural with Saint Sergius on horseback in the church of San Matteo degli Armeni in Perugia. υααθ δθά αλχδ ε οθδεά εαδ Ϋχθβ βθ Κτπλο. from the Morea to Cyprus and the Lebanon.. Chotzakoglou.e. whose compositional and iconographic features were at least partly taken after Latin religious and artistic models.E. as was already evident in the apse frescoes at Lmbat (7th century)59 and in the 10th century reliefs of the church of Ałtamar. 2001. In the Late Middle Ages analogous meanings were attributed to such images almost throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. Mottahedeh. note 1023 (Cyprus). Washington. a further element of analogy can be detected in the stylistic difference of the two riders in Famagusta and Perugia. Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea. Paradoxically enough. harnessed with saddle and bridle. one of the most beloved military saints of Armenia with Saint Sergius and Saint George. In viaggio per l’Italia con mercanti e monaci armeni. in The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World. . p. p. 19. which points out that diaspora communities throughout the Mediterranean tended to make use of local. in Th. Cambridge 1965. 29-60 (Lebanon). being a kind of ex voto conventionally intended to express individual liberation from illness or perils.J. Gerstel. pp. they asked the highly-reputed Palaiologan painters who had been responsible for the painting of the major town churches to adapt the standard Late Byzantine program of murals to the specific liturgical needs of a Gregorian church. in a location not far distant from that in Famagusta. P. i. which belonged to a community of the Cilician diaspora and was ruled by Uniat monks.60 in Cilicia. Ch. In the mixed context of Famagusta.61 The ____________ 58 Presently whitewashed. Venice 1996.). a cura di A. Equestrian Saints in Wall Paintings in Lebanon and Syria. instead of Armenian.C. The iconographic details allow us to identify this figure with Surp T‘oros. in B. esp.e.L. in «Eastern Christian Art in its Late Antique and Is- Üàð Þðæ²Ü Ä². Theodore Stratilates. painters for the decoration of their churches. The image of the holy horseman on the side of the entrance (Fig. holds a Western-type shield and rides a dark horse.62 Just as in the Famagustan church. while killing demoniac figures. like the frescoed Vitapanel within frames displaying coats-of-arms and associated with the pro anima and votive purposes of some individuals. III. Church of the Holy Cross. 50. B96984). 60 S. the image is displayed close to the door and is explicitly meant to convey a group of believers’ quest for salvation: among the horse’s hooves are represented four supplicants. it is known after an old picture preserved in the Photographic Archives of the Department of Antiquities in Nicosia (inv. i. 97-113. Zekiyan (ed. D. on the westernmost portion of the south wall. pp. and opening some perspectives onto the afterlife. See also more generally Ch. 62 Cf. was meant to fulfill apotropaic functions. Their representation on horseback. but in the same time they wanted them to create special images. 263-285 (Morea). Italy (Fig. M. Ad limina Italiae. ____________ lamic Contexts» 1 (2004). p. Holy Horsemen and Crusader Banners. wearing a short curly hair and clad as a Roman soldier. Aldershot 2003. Papadopoullos. 24 and fig. including a young lady and a bearded monk. The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition.500 Ð²êÎ Ð²Ú²¶Æî²Î²Ü î²ðº¶Æðø the westernmost part of the church were obviously invested with less sophisticated though more demanding meanings: they generally aimed at visualizing individual piety. G. Aght’amar. vol. Materiali sulla presenza armena nella Perugia medievale. Traina. 140. stressing the necessity to purify oneself of the personal burden of sins.
Investimenti per l’aldilà.. G..Z. Armenian Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery. pp. A. Durnovo.M. A.. Nicolaou-Konnari and Ch. F. 349-360. Bacci. Munich 1995. H. Kedar. and Gothic Murals in the “Nestorian” Church of Famagusta. S. 1-16 Chotzakoglou.F.. Η Ϋχθβ βθ Κτπλο βθ ποχά ου Λ. Frescoes of the Church of the Assumption at Volotovo Polye. Carr. Nicosia 1995–. Society and Culture 1191-1374. G. Edwards. O.. 352-353. L. Actes du colloque (Poitiers-Lusignan. vol.A. Byzantines and Italians on Cyprus: Images from Art.. 297-310 Dufrenne. Dei Gesta per Francos. in «Δε ο η χ α α χα ο ογ ε α ε α ».). Art. Le bienheureux Gérard de Valenza. Images du décor de la prothèse. II... Riley-Smith (eds. 1963. Lefkosía 1997.V.W.. III.. in «Dumbarton Oaks Papers» 34 (19801981). p.. Moskva 1979. in A. Church of the Holy Cross. M. Berlin 1981. Das Bild und sein Publikum. B.. ου λωθέου.W.C.W.. ΜαχαδλΪ εαδ ου Γ. 21 September 1996). 339-357. pp. p.. Bacci. R. Carr. υο χλοθδεΪ βμ η αδωθδεάμ Κτπλου” (Nicosia. Oxford 1896. Leiden-Boston 2005. 87-96. M. 27 (2006). and J. Armenian Manuscripts in the Freer Gallery of Arts. Cambridge 1965. esp. 1994). Kreta. Syrian. M. esp. A. M. in Th. Der Nersessian. Očerki izobrazitel’nogo iskusstva srednevekovoj Armenii. Proceedings of the international symposium (Nicosia. 241-243 Carr. Dédéyan. in Η Κτπλομ εαδ οδ αυλοφολέ μ/ Cyprus and the Crusades. Les Arméniens à Chypre de la fin du XIe au début du XIIIe siècle. Arte e raccomandazione dell’anima nel Medioevo.). Being the Texts Original or Translated of the Principal Liturgies of the Church.W. pp. S.THE ARMENIAN CHURCH IN FAMAGUSTA AND ITS MURAL. Paris 1970.. Bissinger. 465-787 Christophoraki. Coureas. Der Nersessian. S. Form und Funktion früher Bildtafeln der Passion. Schabel (eds.). I. Belting. Aldershot 2001. Baltimore 1973.. IV. 122-131. pp. Γ λΪεδ. in «Dumbarton Oaks Papers» 49 (1995).: images et croyances dans la Toscane du XIVe siècle. Les programmes iconographiques des églises byzantines de Mistra. pp. Cyprus. Οδ οδχογλαφέ μ ωθ θαυθ ου ΚΪ λου. 97-119. in Les Lusignans et l’Outre-Mer. Balard. Belting. Liturgies Eastern and Western. p. Aght’amar. Dufrenne... Études sur les croisades dédiées à Jean Richard. 12 (2001). M. Byzantinische Wandmalerei. ser. 239-274.. Washington.. S. 207-220. ser. Athens 2001. p. Fondazione Leventis. Nicosia 1995. Bacci. H. in Πλαε δεΪ Συηπο έου “Λ σθ δομ ΜαχαδλΪμ – Γ υλγδομ ου λυθδομ. υααθ δθά αλχδ ε οθδεά εαδ Ϋχθβ βθ Κτπλο.E.. D.. Dimitrokallis. Papadopoullos (ed. S. September 6-9.. Ι ολέα βμ Κτπλου. 501 BIBLIOGRAPHY Alpatov. pp. Palaiologan. Der Nersessian. Moscow 1977. N. Art in the Court of the Lusignan Kings. 20-24 octobre 1993). Poitiers 1995. Brightman. Ecclesiastical Architecture in . in «Revue des études byzantines» 26 (1968). Non-Chalcedonian Christians on Latin Cyprus... in «Revue Mabillon». pp. 285-328. Rome-Bari 2003. in M. An Image and Its Function in the Liturgy: The Man of Sorrows in Byzantium. Ch..
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Armenian Church.1) Famagusta. . early 14th century.504 Ð²êÎ Ð²Ú²¶Æî²Î²Ü î²ðº¶Æðø Üàð Þðæ²Ü Ä². Famagusta. î²ðÆ (Fig. (Fig. 2) Khač‘kars. Armenian Church. view from south-east.
Seemidome. 6) 6 Sketch of thee Flagellation in Fig.THE AR RMENIAN CH HURCH IN F FAMAGUSTA A AND ITS M MURAL. fresco. 5. 4) Kneeling donor. Armenian Chhurch. Famag gusta. (Fig. Famagusta.. north wall. (Fig. 3) Apsidal view w. Armeenian Church.. XIVc. . XIVc. Armenian Church. 5) Flageellation. (Fig. 505 (Figg. Fam magusta. fresco o.
Famagusta. fresco. 7) Sketch h of the Way too Calvary on the north n wall of thhe Armenian ch hurch in Fama agusta. f XIVc. north wall. Ä î²ðÆ (Fig. F Arrmenian churcch. Ü àð Þðæ²Ü Ä². .506 Ð²ê Î Ð²Ú²¶Æî î²Î²Ü î²ðº º¶Æðø (Fig. (Fig. 9) Entombment. 8) Sketch of the Deposition onn the north wall off the Armeniann church in Faamagusta.
Famagusta. south wall. 12) Saint Theodore on horseback. (Fig. west wall (courtesy of the Department of Antiquities... . Famagusta. fresco. XIVc.THE ARMENIAN CHURCH IN FAMAGUSTA AND ITS MURAL. fresco. Fig. XIVc. 507 (Fig. Armenian church. Armenian Church. 11. Nicosia). Koimesis. 10) Sketch of the Baptism and the Akra Tapeinosis on the north wall of the Armenian church in Famagusta.
Perugia. Üàð Þðæ²Ü Ä². San Matteo degli Armeni. 13) Saint Sergius on horseback. î²ðÆ . west wall. XIVc.508 Ð²êÎ Ð²Ú²¶Æî²Î²Ü î²ðº¶Æðø (Fig. fresco.
Altripp, Liturgie Und Bild in Byzantinischen Kirchen.

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