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﻿ Reallexikon Der Assyriologie Und Vorderasiatischen Archaologie (Vol. 8: Meek - Mythologie) | Erich Ebeling, Bruno Meissner | download
الرئيسية Reallexikon Der Assyriologie Und Vorderasiatischen Archaologie (Vol. 8: Meek - Mythologie)
الصفحات: 589 / 356
ISBN 10: 3110148099
ISBN 13: 9783110148091
تحميل (pdf, 58.85 MB)
E. Ebeling und B. Meissner
E. Weidner und W. von Soden
herausgegeben von D. O. Edzard
P. Calmeyer· J. N. Postgate . W. Röllig
W. von Soden· M. Stol . G. Wilhelm
Band 8 · 1./2. Lieferung
Meek - Miete
Walter de Gruyter· Berlin . New York
MEEK - MEER. A
und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie
Herausgeber: D. O. Edzard
Fachherausgeber für das Gebiet der Sumerologie: D. O. Edzard, der Akkadistik: W. von Soden, W. Röllig, der Hethitologie: G. Wilhelm, der Archäologie: P. Calmeyer, J. N. Post gate, der Geschichte und der philologischen Realien: M. Stol.
Redaktion: G. Frantz-Szab6
Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 1, 8000 München 22
Absolute Jahreszahlen vor 1530 werden, wenn nicht ausdrücklich anders erwähnt, nach der kurzen
(Cornelius-Albright) und der mittleren Chronologie (S. Smith) nebeneinander zitiert.
Einheimische Ortsnamen werden nach dem Umschriftsystem der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft umschrieben.
Türkische Namen entsprechen der heutigen amtlichen Schreibweise.
Für die Umschrift des Sumerischen wird R. Borger, Assyrisch-babylonische Zeichenliste 2 (= AOAT
33/33 A, 1981), für das Akkadische W. Von Soden - W. Röllig, Das akkadische Syllabar (1967)2, zugrunde gelegt.
ISBN 3 11 013503 5
Meek, Theophile James, born in Port
Stanley, Ontario, Canada, on November 17,
1881; died in Toronto on February 19, 19 66 .
He studied at the Univ. of Toronto, McCormick Theological Serninary in Chicago, and
at the Universities of Marburg and Berlin.
PhD Univ. of Chicago 1915. Professor of
Old Testament and the History of Religions
at Meadville Theological School, Meadville,
Penn., 1918-22, and Professor of Semitic
Languages at Bryn Mawr College 1922-23.
Professor of Oriental Languages at the
Univ. of Toronto 1923-52.
Annual Professor at the Arnerican School
of Oriental Research in Baghdad 1930,
Associate Editor of the AJSL 1931-41. President of the American Oriental Society
1942, President of The Society of Biblical
Literature and Exegesis 1943. M. was
Canada in 1946.
M. was an epigrapher at Nuzi in 1930 and
this led hirn to make Nuzi one of his major
specialties. In Akkadian, besides Nuzi, he
concentrated on bilinguals, OAkk., and
OAss. texts. While interested in Semidc Languages as a whole, Akkadian and Hebrew
were his primary concerns in scholarship.
For Meek's cuneiform bibliography see HKL I
332-337 and II 192-194. - Other important publications: English trans!. of the Pentateuch, Joshua,
Judges, Ruth, and the Song of Songs in the Bible:
An American Trans!. (1935); Hebrew Origins
(193 6 ).
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 30-24304
© 1993 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-1000 Berlin 30.
Grenzen des Urheberre:.htsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere
für Vervielfältigungen, Ubersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen.
Satz und Druck: Hubert & Co., Göttingen. Buchbindearbeiten: Thomas Fuhrmann KG, Berlin
ME~E.NUN (dM.; 4ISib-agruna zu
lesen?). In der Götterliste aus TaU Abü $aHibib genannte Gottheit (lAS 82 v 6); eine Bildung aus ME mit vergleichbarem (Kult-)
Toponym ist auch ME-abzu.
Meer. A. Mesopotamien.
§ 1: Das Meer und die Meere. - § 2. Die Rolle des
Meeres im Weltbild und im täglichen Leben.
§ 1. Das Meer und die Meere. Das
"M." ist surn. ab, ausführlicher a-abba( -k) "Wasser des ab" (PSD A s. v.), akk.
tiämtum, tamtu (Wurzel THM-AHw.
1353 f.); akk. literariscl
bab. Mari, EA,
• II"B
jungbab.) auch ajabba (CAD Alt, 221). Das
sumo Element ab ist etymologisch unklar;
besteht (von W. Heimpel erwogen) ein
Zusammenhang mit dem [ab J des Wortes
abz u ,,(unterirdisches) Süßwassermeer"?
Die Frage, ob ajabba Lehnw. aus dem Sumo sei, ist
ungeklärt ("foreign word" laut CAD,,,sum. Fw.?"
laut AHw.). Da sumo eine Genitivverbindung zugrundeliegt, wäre bei einem Lehnw. im Akk. *ajabbakku
zu erwarten. Auffälligerweise enthält auch das ugar.,
hebr., aram. Wort ym "M." sowohl ein anlautendes
[y] als auch einen Labial.
Zur Göttin Tiämat* als Verkörperung
eines Ur-Meeres S. dort.
Zur Erschaffung von A.AB.BA in der "Theogonie
von Dunnu" S. St. Dalley, Myths from Mes. (1989)
279 ff., und vorher W. G. LambertiP. Walcot, Kadmos
4 (196 5) 64 f f., und Th. Jacobsen, SANE 213 (1984).
Ein Beiname für das Salzmeer war ID
marratu *, "der bittere fluß", für ein die Erd-
scheibe umgebendes Gewässer sowie als
Bezeichnung für verschiedene Salzmeere bei
neuass., neu- und spätbab. Königen.
Die bei den Meere schlechthin waren der
Persische Golf und das Mittelmeer. Ob ein
Passus bei Dareios 1. das Rote. Meer meint,
ist nicht sicher (vgl. marratu * 433)' Das
Kaspische Meer lag vielleicht noch außerhalb des Gesichtskreises altmes. geographiReade, AMI NF 12
scher Vorstellungen
(1979) 175-182, positiv zur Kenntnis des
Kasp. M~ers im I.Jts. V. Chr.); zum Schwarzen Meer S. Meer* B. Falls das ,Horn'
auf der neubab. Mappa mundi (CT 22, 48
[mar-J-ra-[tum]?) den Pers. Golf darstellen
sollte, wäre mit dem "Bitterfluß" wenigstens
zum Teil der Indische Ozean gemeint g~­
Ein Überschreiten des Meeres war dem
Sonnengott vorbehalten (Gilg. X ii 20-27,
Siduri zu Gilgames). Nach der Sumo
Königsliste wäre der erste König der 1.
Dynastie von Uruk, Meskiag-gaser, Sohn
des Sonnengottes, "ins Meer gegangen und
zum Gebirge (wieder) herausgekommen"; S.
Th. Jacobsen, AS 11 (1939) 84-87; 142.. Ausdrücke wie abarti tiämtim (fapiltim) "j enseits des (Unteren) Meeres" (altakk., S. AHw.
abartu' I) beziehen sich wohl durchweg auf
ein ,jenseitiges' Ufer besagten Meeres und
nicht auf etwas weiter außerhalb Gelegenes.
MEER. A
Vgl. auch in Ebla (in) a-bar-rf-ii ti-'a-ma-dim =
~~äriJ tihärr:atim "jenseits des Meeres" ARET 5 N r. 6
~1J 1 f., 3; die Para}lele AM BAR AB.[BA] in lAS 3 26
IV 13,. 15 stellt mit AMBAR wohl eine spielerische
Schreibung für 'abär- dar und nötigt nicht zu einer
Deutung *apparis "zum Schilfsumpf" .
Als "Meere" bezeugt sind außer dem
P~rs. Golf und dem Mittelmeer: Seit TiglatpIles er I. der Van-See (tamtu sa mät Nairi
"Meer des Nairi*-Landes") und neuass. der
Urmia-See (tamtu sa Zamua
Zamua*M eer " ); s. AHw. tiämtum 5 d; Zum
" Kaspis~hen Meer s. oben. Bei der Bezeichnung als
ta~tu dürfte nicht unerheblich sein, daß
beide ,Meere' Salzseen sind.
Pers. Golf und Mittelmeer werden traditionell als das "Untere" bzw. "Obere Meer"
bezeichnet, wobei man sich beim "Unten"
und "Oben" wohl an der Flußrichtung von
Euphrat und Tigris orientierte.
. _a- a b- ?a~sig,
a- ab - b a- igi- nim -mai
altakk.
tlamt~~ sapzltum, alrtum, mittelass. tamtu supafftu, elftu, elenztu u.a. (s. AHw. tiämtllm 5 a ,c).
Zum "Unteren Meer" s. W. Heimpel, ZA 77 (19 87)
22-91.
Dafür, daß man (zur Ur IH-Zeit) Teile
des Pers. Golfs noch genauer einzugrenzen
wußte, spricht der Ausdruck "Meer von
Magan" (= 'Omän), d. h. öst!. Teil des
Golfs (s. Heimpel, Magan* § 4 c).
Bei ~ugalz~gesi von Uruk (ca. 2350 v.
ehr.) fmdet sIch zum ersten Mal die Wendung "vom Unteren ... zum Oberen Meer"
(a-ab-ba-sig-ta-ta, wörtl. "vom ,jeweils'
Unteren Meer"), womit ein Durchmessen
der damals bekannten Welt versinnbildlicht
werde~. sollte (H. Steible, FAOS 5/2 [19 82 ]
3 1 7= 1 11 4-9; vgl. C. Wilcke, Fs. W. L. Moran
[199 0 ] 4~1-476). Sar~on von Akkad gebraucht dIe Wendung 111 umgekehrter Reihenfolge (H. E. Hirsch, AfO 20 [1963 J 36 iii
7- 10). Vgl. für akk. Belege sonst RGTC I
2°3- 2°5.
Während am Mittelmeer die Küstenlinie
Land und See klar trennt, ist der Küstenverlauf am Pers. Golf in historischer Zeit wohl
stets undeutlich gewesen, und so ist es denkbar (s ..Waetzoldt), daß (a-)ab(-ba) in vorsarg~mschen !exten aus Girsu und gelegentlIch auch 111 Ur In noch die Schilflagunen des südlichsten Zweistromlandes ein-
schließen konnte. Dabei wäre zu unterscheiden zwischen schiffbarem Gewässer (a - abba) und dem mit Schilf dicht bestandenen
)R~hricht' (ambar, apparu). Dieser geographIsche Umstand hat wohl auch zum Entst~hen des Begriffs Mät tamti "Meerland"*
D.O.Edzard/G.Farber, RGTC I (1974) 251, und
vgl. H. Waetzoldt, Ruperto Carola (Heidelberg)
Sonderheft 1981, 164-182. B.Hruska BSA ~
(19~8) 65, bezieht (a- )ab( -ba) auf "S~mpf und
Schtlfzonen" .
In den .vorsar?onischen Verwaltungstex _
ten aus Girsu WIrd noch feiner unterschieden zwischen su-IjA-ab-ba, -a-ses, -adUlo-ga "Meeres-", "Brackwasser-,e und
"Süßwasserfischern" (vgl. J. Bauer, AWL
653)·
Die Frage nach dem Verlauf der Küste
am Pers. Golf in prähistorischer und früher
historischer Zeit ist kontrovers. Nützel
beantwortet die Frage "Lag Ur einst am
Meer?" negativ, indem er für die besiedelte
Stadt einen "Mindestabstand,e von 20 bis
30 km für notwendig hält.
~. Nützei, MDOG 112 (198o) 95-112 mit älterer
Llt. (ausgehend von G. M. Lees/N. L. Falcon
G~ogra~hical Journal 118 [1952] 37ff., die di~
DlskusslOn um ,Deltavorschub' und küstenverlauf
eingeleitet hatten).
. § 2. Die Rolle des Meeres im WeltbIld und im täglichen Leben. Im Zweistromland als einer typischen Flußtalkultur
sp~elt das Meer - im Ganzen gesehen _
keme hervorragende Rolle. So fehlt bezeichnenderweise a-ab-ba in der enzyklopädis~~en Serie Ijb. XX-XXII (Felder, Städte,
Lande;, GeWässer, Sterne - MSL 11, 1974).
Auch m der Kosmologie* hat das Salzmeer
keinen bedeutenden Stellenwert.
.. Es v.:irkt eher als Ausnahme Zur Regel, wenn die
Gotter 111 Atra-hasls I 15 dem Ea ,,[den Riegel], den
Verschluß (?) des Meeres" (nahbalu tiämtim s a
CAD Nit s. v. nabballl) anvertra~en.
Wenn Adapa dem Südwind die Flügel bricht während er "auf dem Meere" ist (W. Schramm, Or. 43
[1974] 163:.K 15072:7' ina ti-[ ... ]; s. S.Picchioni, iI
Poet?etto dl Adapa [1981] 114), läßt sich ebenso gut
an eme Lag.une v.:ie an das offene Meer denken.
. Unklar Ist, wie der Titel einer balag-KompositlOn~. a-ab-ba-hu-Iuh-ha (nu-te-en-te-en) "aufg~wuhltes (unbezähmbares) Meer" zustande kam da
bisher nur die Eingangszeile bekannt ist (s. R.I(ut-
MEER. B
scher, 0 Angry Sea [= YNER 6,1975]; M. E. Cohen,
CanLam. I [19 88 ] 374-400).
A. L. Oppenheim, Or. 32
Muscheln*; s.a. Koralle*.
Die ,Sintflut' (a-ma-ru, a-ma-uru 5, abübu; vgl. RIA VII 39 (j) (sum. Flut), 50 (c)
(Atram-basls), GE Tf. XI) war eher das
(Sturm, Übersch~emmung) als allein ein
Ansteigen und Uber-die-Ufer-Treten des
Meeres. Das Ergebnis war dann allerdings
ein alles bedeckendes "Meer", das langsam
zur Ruhe karn (inü/J A.AB.BA, GE XI 131)
und sich wieder verlief.
Für einen meso Herrscher galt es - nach
Königsinschriften seit Sargon von Akkad als besondere Tat, das Mittelmeer erreicht
zu haben. Sargon "wusch seine Waffen im
Meer" (AfO 20, 35: i 51 -53 1/ ii 53-55); Jabdun-Lim von Mari brachte "dem Meere"
(ajabba) ein Opfer dar, und seine Soldaten
badeten im Meer (Syria 32 [1953J 13: ii 1013)' Es war - wenigstens aus der Sicht des
Zweistromlandes - ein Vorstoß bis an eines
der "vier Weltufer".
Das Meer selbst zu erobern, es so weit
wie möglich zu beherrschen und zu durchsegeln, war dagegen eine dem Mesopotamier fremde Vorstellung. Auch die Assyrer
des I. Jts. haben zu keiner Zeit den Phöniziern nachgeeifert.
So wie das Pferd logographisch als "Esel
des Berglandes" bezeichnet wird (ANSE.
KUR.RA = sisu), schreibt man für das (einDromedar
ANSE.A.AB.BA
höckerige)
"Meer-Esel", womit wohl auf den Pers. Golf
hingewiesen wird als die Gegend, aus der
man das Tier kennengelernt hatte (ältester
Beleg im Ijb.-Vorläufer aus Ugarit, 14· Jh.
V. Chr.; S. Heimpel, Kamel* § 1).
In der Bildersprache neuass. Känigsinschriften
wird der "inmitten des Meeres" wohnende Gegner
mit einem Fisch verglichen (vgl. Lyon Sarg. 14: 25,
35; Ash. 48 ii 73)·
Als Quelle von Lebensmitteln (Fische,
Schalentiere) spielt das Meer (d. h. die
offene See) eine untergeordnete Rolle und
dies auch nur für küstennahe Gebiete. Meereserzeugnisse sind akk. literarisch öfters als
!Jifib ... tamäti "Ertrag der Meere und vor
allem als bilat tamti "Tribut des Meeres"
Einen indirekten Hinweis auf Perlfischerei im Pers. Golf liefert GE XI 271-275:
Gilgames bindet sich beim Tauchen nach
der Pflanze des Lebens Steine an die Füße,
um sie vor dem Emportauchen wieder abzuschneiden. Hier dürfte sich die Praxis der
Perlfischer widerspiegeln (vgl. Th. Jacobsen,
Treasures of Darkness [1976] 207).
Für Perlen* vgl. die "Augensteine von Melubha"
(NA4 .IGl.MES Mellibba, CAD I lnu 3); vgl. sonst
4°7-412
Meer. B. Bei den Hethitern.
§ 1. Semantik. Das heth. Wort für
"Meer" (aruna-) ist ohne sichere indogerman. Etymologie und vielleicht aus dem
Hattischen entlehnt. Wenn in einem Gebet
Muwattallis 11. die Heraufkunft des Sonnengottes aus dem Meer geschildert wird
(KUB 6,46 iii 52-54/1 45 iii 13-15), so muß
man hier nicht einen konkreten Ort suchen,
wo dieses Bild Realität sein könnte (F. Sommer, Hethiter und Hethitisch [1947J 1 H.:
Erinnerung der Hethiter an ursprüngliche
Wohnsitze westl. des Kaspischen Meeres);
eher liegt die kosmologische Vorstellung
des großen Meeres, das die Welt umströmt,
Das Wort aruna- kann wahrscheinlich
auch einen größeren Binnensee bezeichnen;
cf. RGTC VI (1978) 37 zu Aripsa. Daß eine
klare Abgrenzung des Meeres vorn Süßwasserbereich nicht vorhanden war, geht auch
daraus hervor, daß zu den Tieren des Meeres neben Fisch und "Schlange" auch der
Frosch geZählt wurde (KUB 52,102 i 10; cf.
A. Archi, Or. 55 [1986 J 341).
Nur ganz ausnahmsweise ist von "Meeren,e im Plural die Rede (KBo. 3,41 +: 12) .
Als Bild des Überflusses erscheint das Meer
in einer ironischen Passage des Briefes KUB
21,38 (Vs. 15f.: "Wenn der Sohn des Sonnengottes oder der Sohn des Wettergottes
nichts besitzt oder im Meer nichts ist, dann
besitzest (auch) du nichts!"; cf. A. Hagenbuchner, THeth. 16 [1989J 325 mit Lit.). Als
Ausdruck eines gesegneten Lebens steht in
einer gebets artigen Passage neben Gesundheit, Leben,·Nachkommenschaft und Gedei-
hen der Feldfrüchte auch der Fischreichtum
"im Meere" (a-ru!-ni-ma-tta KU 6 -us KBo.
22,116 Vs. 1]').
§ 2. Die Meere als Realgrößen. Die
Meere, die im Gesichtskreis der Hethiter lagen, also das Schwarze Meer, das östliche
Mittelmeer und die Ägäis, werden von ihnen
nicht mit Namen unterschieden. Die ältesten
Quellen lassen eine besondere Bedeutung
der Region am Schwarzen Meer erkennen:
Bereits der Anitta-Text nennt "Zalpuwa am
Meere" als eines der Machtzentren der Epoche Anittas (um 172511790). Dem altheth.
Tempelgründungsritual CTH 414 zufolge
brachte die Throngöttin ljalmasuit dem
heth. König "Regierung und Kutsche" vom
Meere (KUB 29,1 i 23 f.), womit gewiß das
Land Zalpuwa an der Mündung des KlzIl Irmak gemeint ist. Dieselbe Gegend erscheint
auch in der altheth. Erzählung von den 30
Söhnen der Königin von Kanis, die auf dem
Fluß ausgesetzt und zum Meer ins Land
Zalpuwa getragen werden (H.Otten, StBoT
17 [1973]).
Zur Beschreibung der Blütezeit des Altheth. Reiches unter den Königen Labarna,
Jjattusili I. und Mudili I. bedient sich der
Verfasser des im frühen 15. Jh. entstandenen
Telipinu-Erlasses eines Topos, der das Ideal
einer Herrschaft vom Schwarzen Meer bis
zum Mittelmeer zum Ausdruck bringt (I.
Hoffmann, THeth. 11 [1984] 12-17; G. Beckman, JAOS 106 [1986] 571 a). Ähnliches
wird in einem Annalenfragment von dem
König Ammuna gesagt [ ... ] rLUGAL '-us
a-ru-na-an ar-ba-an I$-BAT "Der König ergriff das Meer als Grenze". KUB 26,7 1
iv 14')· In Segenswünschen für den König
erhält sich die Vorstellung der Herrschaft
von Meer zu Meer bis in die Großreichszeit
(nu ki-iz-za a-ru-na-al [iJ r-ba-an u-e-mi-iski-id-du [k] i-iz-zi- UJa a-ru-na-as [iJ r-baa [n] u-e-mi-is-ki-id-du " Und diesseits möge
er stets die Grenze des Meeres finden, und
jenseits möge er stets die Grenze des Meeres
finden!" KUB 11,23 vi 8-11.
In den Grenzbeschreibungen der Staatsverträge wird gelegentlich auf das Meer Bezug genommen, so für Kizzuwatna im Sunassura-Vertrag (KBo. 1,5 iv 40) und für Tarbuntassa im Vertrag Tutbalijas IV. mit Ku-
runta (H.Otten, Bronzetafel [1988] 12 Z.
Während MUrSilis 11. Eroberung von Arzawa floh dessen König Ubbaziti zu Schiff
vom Festland auf eine Insel. Die heth. Schilderung wählt dafür vage Formulierungen
wie n=af=kan aruni parranda ... pait n=af=kan
apija anda elta "er ging '" übers Meer, und
dort drinnen hielt er sich auf" (KBo. 3,4 ii
31f., Cf.Sl), nu=kan U. aruni anda BA.US
"U. starb im Meere drinnen" (ibid. 52) etc.
Man darf hieraus auf eine gewisse Fremdheit gegenüber dem Meer und der Inselwelt
zumindest auf seiten des Verfassers der Annalen schließen. Andererseits wurde in der
Großreichszeit ein Botenverkehr über das
Meer hinweg, z. B. mit dem König von Ahbijawa, unterhalten (KBo. 3,4+KUB 23,1;5
iii 3 f.), und es bestanden Seehandelsverbindungen zwischen der kilikischen Küste (Hafenstadt Ura) und der Levante sowie Zypern
(cf. RGTC VI 458; 6). Gegen Ende der
Großreichszeit besaß der Großkönig sogar
eine Kriegsflotte, die vor der Küste von Zypern eine Seeschlacht gewann (KBo. 12,3 8
iii 5' -9'), und er konnte auch über die Flotte
von Ugarit verfügen, die er vor der Küste
VOn Lukka operieren ließ
Ugaritica V [1968] 87, RS. 20.238: 22ff.;
cf. G.A.Lehmann, Die myken.-frühgriech.
Welt [1985] 28-32 mit Lit.).
§ 3· Meer in der Religion. "Wasser
vom Meere" wird gelegentlich in kathartischen Ritualen erwähnt (KBo. 13,164 i 4',
6'; KUB 41,8 ii 6'; cf. Otten, ZA 54 [19 61 J
124). Das Meer gilt ähnlich wie die Unterwelt als sichere Lagerstätte für Unreinheiten aller Art. Selbst die Vorstellung von den
großen in der Unterwelt befindlichen Sündengefäßen aus Kupfer mit bleiernem Dekkel kann auf das Meer übertragen werden
(KUB 33,66 ii 9'-12'). In eliminatorischen
Riten wird daher das Miasma in das Meer
~eleitet (KBo. 12,94: 5'-9'; cf. KBo. 10,45
IV4 1; 13,13 1 Vs.18'j KUB 12,56 iii9'; 54,
36 Vs.8). Im pabilili-Ritual KUB 39,7 1
wird dabei nach dem bekannten babylonischen V ~rbijd ein Schiffchen eingesetzt (iv
21: ... glsMA I-NA A.AB.BA pe-e-da-ad-du
"das Schiff möge (es) ins Meer schaffen!").
N ach Rückkehr von einem siegreichen
Feldzug wird dem Ritual CTH 436 zufolge
am Meeresufer das "Opfer des Meeres" (aru-na-!a [StSK]UR IBoT 3,93 + KBo. 15,
21 i 4 II KBo. 1S,19 i S) durchgeführt. Ein
Zusammenhang mit dem bekannten Brauch
mesopotamischer Heere, nach einem Feldzug in Syrien die Waffen im Meer zu waschen, ist allerdings nicht nachweisbar.
Das Meer kann ebenso wie Himmel,
Berge, Täler und Flüsse als Aufenthaltsort
einer verschwundenen Gottheit dienen, von
dem sie mittels eines Evokationsrituals herbeigezogen wird (KBo. 23,2 iii S'; 24,2
Vs. S'f.; 24,3 i 3 ff .; KUB. 1S,}1 iii 3~,(1 1~,
32 iv8; 34 i2 II 33b 12; 15,34 III 21;
cf. V.Haas/G.Wilhelm, AOATS 3 [1974]
164f., 182f., 196f.; KUB 29,4 iii 46 und
In diesem Zusammenhang kann das Meer
beopfert und damit implizit zum Numen
werden (KUB 15,31 iii 37). Opfer an das
Meer sind auch sonst gelegentlich bezeugt,
so in dem Ritual KUB 17,20, in dem das
Meer ebenso wie der Tigris sowie die Flüsse
des Hatti-Landes ein Schaf erhält (iii 12ff.;
cf. noch KUB 38'}7 iii' S'). Auch die anatolische Trinkzeremonie kann für das "Große
Meer" vorgeschrieben sein (EGIR-SU-ma
!al/in arunan GUB-al I-SU ekuzzi "darnach
aber trinkt er das Große Meer stehend einmal" KUB S8,62 v 3'; ferner KUB 58,18
iv 26; cf. M.Popko, AoF 14 [1987] 25S,
2S9)·
Als Naturnumen wird das Meer auch am
Ende von Schwurgötterlisten neben Bergen,
Flüssen, Quellen etc. aufgerufen (z. B. KBo.
4,10 Rs. 4; 5,9 iv 18; 12,}1 iv 14'; Bronzetafel iv 3). In diesen Fällen wird es regelmäßig
mit dem Epitheton "groß" (lal/i-, GAL) versehen.
In mythischen Texten tritt das "Große
Meer" auch als handelnde Person auf. Es ist
dabei anders als in Babylonien stets männlich gedacht. Ganz ungewöhnlich ist daher
der Ausdruck A.AB.BA AMA iDbi .a "das
Meer, die Mutter der Flüsse" 1181/c 3'
(Hinweis Otten). Wie andere große Götter
hat der Meergott einen Wesier (Impalluri).
Da das "Große Meer« vor allem in Mythen
mit hurritisch-syrischem Hintergrund bezeugt ist, liegt der Vergleich mit dem ugaritischen Meergott Jamm nahe. Eine Identifi-
kation mit dem Mittelmeer auf dem Hintergrund der akk. Bezeichnung für das Mittelmeer, tamtu rabitu, erscheint daher berechtigt (cf. Popko, 1. c. 262). Da die heth.
Übertragung des GE den Ausdruck [al/i!
ar[unasl "großes Meer" (KUB 8,59: 6'; cf.
J.Friedrich, ZA 39 [1930] 26) ebenfalls verwendet, kann derselbe Ausdruck aber auch
für das weltumschließende Meer der Kosmologie stehen. Der Meergott (Appellativ
lal/i- aruni -, meist ohne Gottesdeterminativ)
unterstützt im Hedammu- und im Ullikummi-Mythos d~n "Göttervater" Kumarbi,
der die an den Wettergott Tessub verlorene
Herrschaft wiederzuerlangen sucht. Er steht
damit an der Seite der älteren Götter, ohne
in den einschlägigen Aufzählungen unter sie
gerechnet zu werden. Seine riesenhafte
Tochter Sertapsurubi gebiert anscheinend
(der Text ist hier zerstört) dem Kumarbi
das Meerungeheuer Jjedammu. Ein hurritischsprachiger Kumarbi-Mythos wird laut
Tafelunterschrift als DUB I.KAM SA
A.A[B.BA (...)] ,,1. Tafel des Mee[res ( ... )J"
bezeichnet (KUß 45,63 iv 7; cf. 44,7 i 11'
und Tafelkatalog KUB 30,43 iii 2'). Ein
ebenfalls dem syrischen Milieu verbundener
Text erzählt von einem Sieg des Wettergottes über den Meergott (dU-as dA-ru-na-an
tar-ab-zi "Der Wettergott besiegt den Meergott" KUB 33,108 ii 17; cf. Güterbock, Kumarbi [1946] 122; Friedrich, JKIF 2/2[ 1952]
147 ff).
J. Puhvel, The
Sea in Hittite Texts, in: Studies ...
Joshua Whatmough (1958) 225-237; idem, Hitt.
Etym. Dict. 1-2 (1984) 178-182. - A.Kammenhuber, HethWb.2 I (1975- 1 984) 350-354.
Van der Meer O. P., Petrus, niederländischer Assyriologe und Historiker, geb.
Heemstede 30. IV. 1895, t Amsterdam 31.V.
1963. Prof. Collegio Angelico Rom 19291934, Gemeinde-Universität Amsterdam
194°-1963. Nachrufe Ph. Houwink ten
Cate, JEOL 16 (ersch. 1964) 12-15 (mit Bibliographie) und J.Cools, Phoenix 9 (1963)
48-so. Publizierte zahlreiche Texte aus
Oxford (Kis) und Paris (Susa); siehe HKL I
337-339 und II 194·
R.Borger
Meerland (Sealand).
From about 1500 till at least 400 B.C., a
largely marshy area - extent as yet undetermined - in southeastern Lower Mesopotamia was called mät tamti(m) (KUR
A.AB.BA), that is "Meerland" or "Sealand."
According to Babylonian kinglists, this
region was horne to at least three dynasties,
though the application of the term "Sealand" to monarchs of the first dynasty may
have been anachronistic.
First Sealand Dynasty, c. 1740-1475. - § 2.
The Sealand under the Kassite and Second Isin
dynasties, c. 147'1-1026. - § 3. Second Sealand
Dynasty, 1025-10°5. - § 4- The Sealand, 100485°· - § 5· The Sealand in Contact with the NeoAssyrian Empire, 850-64°. - § 6. The Sealand
after 625 B. C. - § 7. Literary and Chronicle Traditions. - § 8. Conclusion.
§ 1. First Sealand Dynasty, c. 174 0 1475·
§ 1.1. Name 0/ the Dynasty. The name of
the dynasty is preserved in three kinglists
(Königslisten und Chroniken*): BALA URU.
KU.K[IJ (Kinglist B), BALA URU.KU6
(Kinglist A), and e-uru-ku-ga ki (Kinglist BM 35572+; see JCS 32 [1980] 79
nO·4)· W. G. Lambert proposed that the
horne of the dynasty was a town called Uruku(g) or E'uruku(g) and suggested that it be
identified with al-Hibä aCS 26 [1974] 20 9210). There is as yet no evidence that the
dynasty was referred to in its own time as a
"dynasty of the Sealand" (the term "Sealand" is unattested before the fifteenth century); but later texts refer to individual
monarchs as kings of the Sealand (e.g., GulkiSar in BE 1, 83: 6, an eleventh-century
kudurru; Ea-gämil in TCS 5, 156: 12, a firstmillennium chronicle).
§ 1.2. Kings and Kinglists. There are four
kinglists which preserve names of monarchs
ot this dynasty: Kinglist A, Kinglist B,
the Synchronistic Kinglist A. 117 (= Assur
14616c), and the kinglist BM 35572+ (TCS
5, "Chronicle" 18). The following is a table,
based on personal collation, of each of the
four lists (s. P.7).
Numbers for the reign lengths of individual monarchs and for the dynasty as a
whole are preserved only in Kinglist A; and
. their reliability for chronologicalcalculation
may be questioned, in the absence of supporting evidence. Because the first dynasty
was accorded a place in the kinglist tradition
of Babyion, it has usually been assumed that
at least one of its kings must have ruled in
Babyion; but there is at present no direct
evidence to verify this assumption, much less
to determine which king or kings might
have governed the city or when.
§ 1. 3· Other Sourees. One of the two doeuments referred to as the "Chronicle of Early
Kings" (TeS 5, 156, no. 20B rev.) presents a
chronological framework for the beginning
and end of the dynasty. IlI-ma-AN*, the
first ruler of the dynasty, was a military
opponent of both Samsu-iluna (1749- 17 12)
and Abi-esub (1711-1684) of Babyion; the
latter is said to have dammed the Tigris in
an unsuecessfull attempt to apprehend fIrma-AN. Ea-gämil*, the last ruler of the
dynasty, fled to Elam before the invasion of
Ulam-Bur(i)as.
The only original texts presently known
horn this dynasty are five legal documents
exeavated at Nippur which bear year-names
mentioning flf-ma-AN: (a) mu-gibil l-f{ma-AN lugal-e (BE 6/2, 68); (b) mu l-f{ma-AN lugal-e (UM 55-21-239 = 3N T87, mentioned OIP 78, 76; and C;liVKIZIlyay/Kraus, ARN 123, damaged); (c) muus-sa rI'-H-ma-A[N] (PBS 8/1, 89); (d)
text unavailable: HS 2227, with envelope
2226 (mentioned by Oelsner, Acta Ant.
Acad. Sei. Hung. 22 [1974J 261). It has been
. suggested that these texts be dated shortly
after Samsu-iluna's thirtieth year (= 17 2 1.)
(cf. ibid. and B. Landsberger, Jes 8 [1954]
68 n.174).
This dynasty is seldom referred to in later
texts, except for kinglists and chronicles.
Gulkisar is mentioned twice: (a) in a
Distanzangabe which states that the time
elapsing between his reign and that of
Nebuchadnezzar I (1125-11°4) was 69 6
years (BE 1, 83:6-8, dating to 1100 B. C.);
and (b) in a colophon dating (the original
copy of) a glassmaking text to "m u - u s - s a
Gul-ki-sar lugal-e" (A. L. Oppenheim et
al., Glass and Glassmaking in Ancient Mesopotamia [1970] 63-64). Damqi-ilisu may be
mentioned in a kinglist passage in whieh
KINGS OF THE FfRST SEALAND DYNASTY
Kinglist A
rx + 1?' mrDIN=
GIR?-ma ?'
r40 ( +
mrKI?_i?'
10)+5'
'10(+)_ mrSIGs?-DIN=
+6?'
GIR?'
mrIS?_ba?'
mrSu?-us?-si?'
mrGul?'-ki
Kinglist B
E-uru-ku-ga-ki rm,[ ]
mDam-qi-i-lt-su
rmDam '-qi-i-li-s[ u]
mx X X X [
[mIJs-ki-bal [ ]
rm'Su-si
[ ] x x x [ ]
mGul-ki-sar
WGul?'-ki-rsar?'
mDIS+U-EN
mrpes-gal'-dara-meS
mdBAD-ga
368 11 ~LUGAL '.ME
BALA URU.KU6
mrKI-DINGIR-ni'-bu [
mIS-ki-bal
mSu-us-si
mpes-gal-dara-mas
DUMU mKLMIN
mA- ra ?'-dara
mA-dara-kalam-ma
DUMU mKI.MIN
mE-kur- rdu ?' mA-kur-du 7 -an-na
mMe-IamCNE)- mMe-lam-kur- kur- ra
Kinglist BM 35572+
URU.KU.KI mDINGIRma-an LUGAL
mKI-DINGIR-ni-bi
mrpes?'-gal
Synchronistic Kinglist
mdE-a-ga-mi[l]
mA-a-dara-kalam- rx'
mE-kur-du-' an-na'
mMe-lam-kur- rra'
mdDIS-ga-mil
10 LUGAL.E.NE BALA
URU.KU.rKP
Kin list A. Text: BM 33332 (Rm. ),5); collated June 1987. Principal publication: CT 3~, 2:f-25; cf,. RI~ V~
(also collated). Kin-glist B. Text: BM 38122 (80-11-12,3); colbted June 198 7 · Pnn.c'P.al
PSBA ) (1881) 21-22.; MVAG 212 (1897) 240; cf. RIA VI tOo (als,? c?lIated) ..SYI?C h ronlstlc Ing Ist .
117. Text: Istanbul A. 117 (Assur 14616c); collated Sept. 1971. Pnnclpal pubhcatlons: KAV 216 (re~i onJ)'
published from photo); E.F.Weidner, Afü , (1926) 70-71 (from photo); cL RIA VI ~1:-12.1 (n~ co ~te +'
Kin list BM 3 'i 572 +. Text: BM 35572 -+ BM 4°565 + K. 8532 + K. 8533 + . 534 +
. 112. ~ .
+ K. 1-2054 + K. 16801 + K. 1693° + 79-7-8, 333 +
17 +; collated June 1987. PrmcITeS 5, "chronicle" no. 18; W. G. Lambert, Symbolae Bohl, Pp.271-275; Lambert, JCS 26
(1974) 208-210; I.L.Finkel,JCS 32 (1980) 65-72,74,79 no. 4.
90-9~
k-bhcI~t'o,~.
pub~cations:
81-7-2.7~.1
From these sourees, it is possible to reconstruet the following outline:
+ 1 ?'
'40( + tO) + 'I '
). rtO (+)+6?'
5. r 24 ,
1. r X
6a. 7· 50
9. 2.6
variants or comments
lli-ma-AN
Itti-ili-nibt
Damqi-ilisu
1Skibal
Gulkisar
reading and interpretation uncertain
Itti-ili-nibu (BM 35572 +)
Pesgaldaramas
11. r 9'
total: 368 years
or GUL-KI-SAR? (reading should be further studied)
. . k' I' A
only in the synchrontstlc mg Ist . 117.
PeS'galdaramas (synchronistic ~i~glis~ A .. 117)
Aadara- (Kinglist A; synchroOIstlc kmghst A. 117)
for Adara- (Kinglist B)
Ekurdu- (Kinglist Aj synchroOIstlc klI1gltst A. 117)
for Akurdu- (Kinglist B)
sic Kinglist B; Melamkura (synchronlstlc kmghst A.
117); Melama (?, Kinglist A)
total years only in Kinßlis~ ~; Kinglis~ B gives "tO"
kings as total, though Its Itstlng contaIOs 11 names
Simbar-Sipak, first king of the Second Sealand dynasty, is referred to as erin bala
SIGs-DINGIR-su, "man of the dynasty of
Damqi-ilisu" (TCS 5, 142 no. 18 v 3'; the
reference is less likely to be to Damiq-ilisu
[1816- 1794], last king of the First Dynasty
of Isin).
§ 2. The Sealand under the Kassite
and Second Isin dynasties, c. 14751026. The earliest contemporary mention
of the Sealand is in an inscription on a knob
of blackish-green stone written in the name
of Ula-Burarias (WVDOG 4, 7-8 and pI. 1,
no. 3; WVDOG 62 pI. 42 i), who calls himself "king of the Sealand" (LUGAL KUR
A.AB.BA). This king is usually identified
with Ulam-Bur(i)as brother of Kastilias
(TCS 5, 15 6 ehron. 20 B rev. 13') and dated
to ab out 1475. It is not known whether
UIam-Burias was ever king in Babyion
(MSKH I 318-319).
By the time of Nazi-Maruttas (13071282), the Sealand had become a province of
Babylonia (e.g., RA 66 [1972] 165:18, 170:
12); and it is in the context of the province
or provincial officials that most unambiguous Kassite and Second Isin references to
the Sealand OCcur (Kh. N ashef, RGTC V
193- 1 94). The Sealand was also mentioned
as a source of wheat (BE 17, 37: 10).
The writing A.AB.BA in the Kassite
period is sometimes interpreted as referring
to the Sea(land); and A.AB.BA was known
as a source of sheep, cattle, and dates (TMH
NF 5, 27: 23; BE 14, 168:22-23; BE 15, 199:
26- 27; BE 14, 58:52; cf. ta-an-di! as a possible source of gold in PBS 1/2, 51: 23- 2 5).
There are also several references to girri
tamti, which could be viewed either as a
journey to the Sea(land) or as a Sea journey
(BE 14, 134: 2; 147:6; Ni. 6689:5), though
the small amounts of provisions mentioned
make the latter interpretation less likely.
§ 3· Second Sealand Dynasty, 102 5100 5· Kinglists and contemporary inscriptions serve to establish the following list of
monarchs and their reign lengths:
Simbar-Sipak, 18 years
Ea-mukTn-zeri, 5 months
3· Kassu-nädin-abbe, 3 years
1007-10°5
Simbar-Sipak, son of an otherwise
unknown ErTba-Sln (TCS 5, 181 Chron.
24: 12'; P. R. S. Moorey, Ancient Persian
Bronzes in the Adam Collection, p. 51), was
the first and most prominent ruler of the
dynasty, who restored Babylonian political
power after decades of Aramean disruption.
His reign is attested over a wide area of the
country, including Sippar, Nippur, and SabrTtu (in the south). He rebuilt cult furniture
for Enlil at Nippur and reestablished food
offerings for Samas at Sippar. After SimbarSipak's assassination, Ea-mukTn-zeri, arebel
from the Ijasmar tribe, ruled briefly. Under
the final monarch of the dynasty, Kassunädin-abbe, the country began to lapse into
anarchy once again.
The Kassite name of Simbar-Sipak, the
Kassite-derived theophoric element (d Kassu
= "the Kassite (god)") in the name of the
third king, and the tribai affiliation of the
second monarch could suggest that this
dynasty represented a revival of Kassite
power following the native Babylonian
ruiers of the Second Dynasty of Isin; but
the evidence at present must be regarded as
§ 4· The Sealand, 1004-850. There are
only two texts referring to the Se aland
during this intermediate period. The first
(undated, but probably from the late eleventh or tenth century) is a dedication
inscription by Kassu-bel-zeri, a governor of
the Sealand who was a member of the Kassite Abu-bäni tribe, to the goddess U~ur­
amassa of Uruk (RA 19 [1922] 86-87). The
second, a kudurru (dated c. 850) in which
Marduk-zäkir-sumi I granted an estate in or
near Uruk to Ibni-IStar, scribe of Eanna,
refers to a tripartite division of Lower
Mesopotamian officialdom: "whoever (in
the future) is of importance either in the
land of Akkad or in the Sealand or in Uruk
and raises a claim to this land" - perhaps
indicating the most important jurisdictional
sub divisions in the land as seen from the
urban south (RA 16 [1919] 117- 14 1).
§ 5· The Sealand in contact with the
N eo-Assyrian Empire, 850-640. This is
the best-documented period in the history
of the Sealand, though it is recorded for the
most part in Assyrian texts. During this time,
the Sealand was closely linked with the BitJakTn*, the most powerful of the Chaldean
tribes. The head of the BTt-JakTn was often
the ruler or official in charge of the Sealand· and on two occasions such rulers were
acco~ded the tide "King of the Se aland" in
Assyrian royal narratives. Babylonian kinglists, with less than unanimity, hint at a tradition of at least one further Se aland dynasty: ErTba-Marduk in the early eighth century (c. 775) is credited with being the sole
ruler of aSealand dynasty (TCS 5, 144 no.
18 vi 6'-8'), and Kinglist A (iv 10) states that
Marduk-apla-iddina II in his first reign
belonged to "BALA KUR tam," which has
usually been interpreted as an abbreviation
for Sealand dynasty (note that, for his
second reign, Marduk-apla-iddina is designated as "ERIN ba-bi," or a "man of
Hani(galbat)," iv 14). When the Se aland was
rVuled by a governor rather than a king, the
oider traditional tide of governor (sakin
mäti) was retained, even after the late ninth
century when most governors in Babylonia
bore the new tide säkin !emi. To judge from
the luxury items presented by kings of the
Sealand to Shalmaneser III and Tiglath-pileser III, this region must have profited substantially from trade moving along the
Euphrates and Persian Gulf routes.
The earliest recorded Assyrian contact
with the Se aland came in the year 850, when
Shalmaneser III, after a successful campaign
in northern Babylonia to help Mardukzäkir-sumi I retain his throne, went farther
south into regions inhabited by Chaldeans
and after abrief campaign secured the capitulation of Adinu, ruler of the BTt-Dakküri
tribe. The leaders of the other two major
Chaldean tribes, Musallim-Marduk of the
BTt-Amükani and the eponymous JakTn (or
mär JakTn) of the Bit-Jakin (styled "king of
the Sealand" in Shalmaneser's narrative),
sent splendid gifts soon thereafter: silver,
gold, tin, bronze, timber, and elephant hides.
The next recorded Assyrian contact with
the Sealand came under similar circumstances in the time of Tiglath-pileser III. After
the Assyrian army subdued the BTt-Amükäni
in 729, other Chaldean tribes sent gifts to
Tiglath-pileser III. Among these was the
leader of the BTt-JakTn, Marduk-apla-iddina,
called "king of the Sealand" in the Assyrian
narratives, who presented gold, precious
stones, aromatics, timber, colored garments,
and cattle. Marduk-apla-iddina was later to
usurp the Babylonian throne and lead a spirited resistance (721-7°9) against the Assyrian invaders. The Sealanders at this time
were able to use their watery environment in
the struggle for political independence. In
the defense of his capital (Dür-JakTn) in 709,
Marduk-apla-iddina used river diversion to
hinder access of the Assyrian army to his
city; some years later he fled to marshy terrain to avoid capture by the Assyrian army.
The Bit-J akifl and the Sealand remain
linked in seventh-century sources, but here
the Sealand component gains greater attention and thetribal affiliation becomes much
less prominent, perhaps because of lower
population levels induced by deportation.
Nabu-suma-iskun,Marduk-apla-iddina's son
and apparent successor as tribai lead~r, took
part in the battle of ljalule in 691 as part ~f
a Babylonian-Iranian coalition. Sennachenb
subsequently appointed Nabu-zer-kitti-IISir,
another son of Marduk-apla-iddina, as
governor of the Sealand. In the confusion
following Sennacherib's death in 681, Nabuzer-kitti-lTsir attacked Ningal-iddin, the
pro-Assyrian governor of Ur. The timely
approach of an Assyrian army forced Nabuzer-kitti-lTsir to flee to Elam, where he was
put to death by Ijumban-baltas 11. Esarhaddon then installed Na'id-Marduk, the brother of Nabu-zer-kitti-lTSir, as the latter's successor.
At the time of the Samas-sum-ukin revolt
(652-648), Nabu-bel-surnäti, another descendant of Marduk-apla-iddina who had
served as an Assyrian official, allied hirns elf
with Elam and effectively led the opposition
to Ashurbanipal in the south, where those
loyal to Assyria were almost overwhelmed in
the early years of the rebellion. After the
revolt had been contained in northern Babylonia and Bel-ibni had been appointedas the
pro-Assyrian leader (älik päni) in the south,
the Assyrians gradually won control of the
latter region. N abu-bel-sumäti eventually
fled to Elam, where in 646 he was forced to
MEERL AND
arrange his own death in order to escape
extradit ion to Assyria. The Se aland remained under Assyrian adminis tration until
sometime after 630.
§ 6. The Sealan d after 625 B. C. A
Seleucid colopho n dating c. 2.92-281 mentions a "N abu-apla-u~ur king of the Sealand" who had taken as spoil from Uruk
tablets that were later found in Elam (TeL
6, 38 rev. 46-49; H.Hung er, Koloph one, p.
46 no. 107). If this king is identifi ed with
Nabopo lassar (625-6° 5), this colopho n
would be the only cuneifo rm evidence
linking hirn with the Sealand.
There are relatively few references to the
Sealand from 625 to 400, though it continued to be a province und er a governo r
until at least as late as the reign of Nebuch adnezza r II (e.g., E. Unger, BabyIon [1931]
285 no. 26 iv 21). A deputy (LU sanu) of the
Se aland is attested both under the N abopolassar dynasty (e. g., YOS 17, 360 i 22.-23)
and as late as the reign of Cambyses (YOS
7, 106:4-5)· The latest attested officials affiliated with the Sealand are judges mentioned in the Murasu archives (BE 9, 75:
16; M. Stolper, Entrepr eneurs and Empire
[1985] 255 no. 524 and lower edge). From
605 to 540 B. c., the Sealand is mention ed in
economic texts as a source of gold wool
grain, and dates.
§ 7. Literar y and Chroni cle Traditions. Among other references to the Sealand, we should note the mention of Tiamat ki in uncerta in context in a Kedorla omer text (JTVI 29 [1897] 89 rev. r 27 \ 28;
MVAG 21 [1917] 90) which deals with
harm done to Babylonian temples, perhaps
by Elamites. There is also a chronic1e fragment which mentions the Sealand three
times in connect ion with events in the reign
of Apil-Adad, an otherwi se unknow n
monarc h (TCS 5, 192 no. 2).
In the Sargon Geogra phy, G. McEwa n
(RA 74 [1980] 171-173 ) has suggested that
KUR.N E.RU.K I (AfO 16 [1952/53J 4:20
and pI. 1;, AfO 25 [1974/77] 60:20) should
be read mät tamtim since NE.RU or ERIM
is associated twice with tam-tim in the commentary to the seventh tablet of Enüma Elis.
MEGA R - MEGA RON
If one were to accept the suggestion, the
Sealand would have stretche d from PA
(reading unknow n) to Ma-an-gi-~uki (of
which there appear to be several). This possibility is worth noting, but of little help in
determining the nature and extent of the
§ 8. Conclu sion. Between the years 1750
and 640 B. C., the marshy area of southeastern lower Mesopo tamia occasionally
served as a focal point for resistance to
monarchs in the northwe stern section of the
alluvium. The high points of Sealand power
seem to have been reached in the mideighteenth century, when Ill-ma-AN successfully resisted Samsu- iluna and Abi-esuh
and between 720 and 640, when Mardu {
apla-iddina II and his tribai descendants
repeatedly thwarte d the territorial ambitions
of the Assyrian empire at its height. It is perhaps no coincidence that these times corresponded roughly with high-wa ter phases in
the hydrological history of the marshes and
the Persian Gulf (H. Waetzo ldt, Ruperto
Carola, Sonderh eft 1981, p.160, citing the
work of P. Kassler), when the area would
have been more than usually inaccessible to
land-bo und armies and would have fully
deserved the appellation "Sealand." The
region prosper ed from its own agricultural
produce (dates, wheat, and cattle), as weH as
from transit trade from the Persian Gulf,
Euphrates, Elam, and the Arabian desert.
The Sealand retained its importance as long
as Babyion maintained its independence,
and the area dedined politically only after
the dose of the last Babyion dynasty in 539
Sources and fiterature: Kh. Nashef, RGTC V
(1982) 193-194- - R.Zadok , RGTC VIII (1985)
226-227. - J.A.Brink man, MSKH I (1976) 10210 4,429; id., PHPKB (1968) 45-46,14 9-157,34
0341, 395; id., StOpp. (1964) 6-5~' - G.Frame,
Babylonia 689-627 B. c.: A Poiitical History
(1992). - P. KASSLER, The Structural and Geomorphic Evolution of the Persian Gulf, in: B. H.
Purser, ed., The Persian Gulf (1973) 11-32. - W.
G.Lambe rt, ]CS 26 (1974) 208-210. - F. MalbranLabat, ]A 263 (1975) 7-37. - H. Waetzold t,
Ruperto Carola, Sonderhe ft 1981, 159-183.
J.A. Brinkman
Megar (dMe-g ar). In der Gött~rliste aus
TaU Abü $aläblD genannt e Gotthe1t (lAS. 83
iii 13); vgl. Nin-m e-gar in einer G~tterbste
auS Fära (SF 23 vii 13). Es handelt slch wohl
um den deifizierten numinosen Begriff megar ,,(eh~fürchtiges/~hrfurch.tgebietendes!c
Schweigen , der auch m der L1ste der "Me
erscheint (G. Farber-Flügge, StPohl 10
[1973] 120).
ten wurden durch die Ausgrab ungen H.
Schliemanns in Troia bekannt, wo sie von
der Schicht I ab, also seit der frühdyn . Zeit,
vorkommen. Ihr Auftreten hier wurde durch
die Beziehung Troias zur Ägäis erklärt.
Langrechteckige Gebäud~ mi~ Anten u.nd
Säulen in der Vorhalle sl11d m Thessah en
bereits aus der Sesklo-Kultur des V. Jts. bekannt (Abb.2a -b).
M. Kreberni k
§ 1. Benennun g und Definit~on. - § 2. Auft~eten
und Verbreitu ng im Alten OrIent. - § 3· FunktiOn.
In Vordera sien ist nun aber dieser Gebäu§ 1. Benenn ung und Defini tion. Nach
detyp bzw. dieser Grundr iß bis in die Gemder griechischen Überlieferung, besonders
bei Homer (Od. II 94, XIX 16, XX 6, XXII det Nasr-Ze it um 3000 v.Chr. (Abb.}) oder
42.1) ist M. die Bezeichnung für den Haupt- gar bis ·in das akeramische Neolith ikum mit
einem Beispiel in Jericho (Abb. 4) nach~u­
raum des Palast~s und des Hauses, dann
darüber hinaus für den gesamten Palastbe- weisen. Die Anlagen in Tepe Gaura smd
wohl unter dem Einfluß der sumerischen
Später (so bei Herodo t, Hist. VII 140- Kultur mit Nebenr äumen versehen und die
Fassaden mit Vor- und Rücksp rüngen ge14 1 , VIII 53) werden mit M. gesch~ossene
Kulträume 0 h n e Vorhalle, auch t1efgele- schmüc kt worden.
gene Kulträume, sogar Erdspa.lten und Gr~­
ben, hauptsächlich für chthonIsche Gotthe1ten, bezeichnet.
Diese unterschiedliche Verwendung der
Bezeichnung M. ist noch nicht geklärt (vgl.
L-....--!Pm
L-...--.-20 m
Der Kleine Pauly III 1149f.)·
Bei den klassischen Archäologen wird M.
Aus dem nachfolgenden IH. Jt. tauchen
über die Befunde von mykenischen Siedlunjetzt immer mehr Antengebäude auf, besongen, so in Mykene, Tiryns un~ Pylos ~. a.
auf den oder die Hauptb auten 111 den Zlta- ders in Nordsyrien (Tell Ijuera) (Abb·5)
dellen bezogen (Abb. 1). Der Grundri ß hier und im west!. bzw. südwestl. Kleinasien
(Beycesultan, Elmah-Karata§).
entspricht dem templum in. antis bei ~itruv.
So wurde nicht ganz richt1g der Begnff M.
mit einem Gebäud etyp in Verbindung gebracht der über eine oder sogar über zwei
Vorhailen verfügte, M. und templum in antis
~p.-,L
wurden somit zu einem Synonym. Richtiger
wäre für diesen Gebäud etyp z. B. die Bezeichnung Antengebäude.
Die bislang nicht vorhand ene Verbind ung
zu Anlagen aus dem 1. Jt. wie in Tell Tainat* (Abb.6) kann jetzt ebenfalls, besonde rs
in Syrien (Mumbaqa*, TaB Bl(a, Ebla/Ib la*)
(Abb.7) , aber auch in Kleinasien (Gordio n/
L-......-..Jo m
Yass1hüyük) hergestellt werden. Nach der
§ 2. Auftre ten und Verbre itung im Beschreibung muß der Tempel des Salomo
Alten Orient . Die ersten Anlagen mit An- ebenfalls zu diesem Gebäudetyp gezählt
lJI '
-I:' --r
~o·:'"
MEGIDDO. A
werden (Th.A. Busink, Der Tempel von Jerusalem I-II, 1970 /19 80).
Dadurch zeichnet sich wohl ab, daß die
Anlage mit Anten in N ordmesopotamien,
Syrien, im südl. Kleinasien und in Palästina
beheimatet war und bis in das 1. Jt. v. Chr.
Durch das Vorkommen dieses Gebäudetyps in Elmah und in Beycesultan könnte
man sich eine Übertragung dieses Gebäudetyps nach Troia vorstellen.
§ 3· Funktion. Nach der Qualität der
Anlagen in Vorderasien, ihrer herausragenden Lage innerhalb der Siedlung und nicht
zuletzt durch die Verwendung des Grundrisses in Jerusalem für den berühmten Tempel des Salomo muß wohl zumindest die
Mehrzahl von ihnen als Kultgebäude angesprochen werden. Ausnahmen stellen aber
die Gebäude in Troia dar, die durch die
Analogie mit verwandten Anlagen der mykenischen Kultur als Paläste zu deuten sind.
In der assYl"ischen Sakralarchitektur wird
ebenfalls der Langraum bevorzugt (Abb.8),
der vielleicht von diesen Antengebäuden abstammt, wie wir heute durch den Befund in
Tall Lelän - Subat Enlil annehmen dürfen
(Abb.g).
RE VII 2533-2543; XV 220-221 und Suppl. VII
440 -446 . - H. Drerup, Archaeol. Homerica (19 6 7)
10-21, 128- 1 33. - B. Hrouda, Anadolu 14 (197 0 /
1972) 1-14.
Für Südsyrien und Palästina zusammenfassend
G. R. H. Wright, Ancient Building in South Syria
and Palestine, HdOr. VII, 1 (19 85).
Neuere Beispiele aus Syrien: Mumbaqa: D. Machule/T. Rode, MDOG 106 (1974) 11-27. - W.
Orthmann, MDOG 108 (1976) 26-32. - Tal! Br~a:
D. Rittig, MDOG 118 (1986) 29-3 6 . - Tal! Mardtb-Ebla: P. Matthiae, Ebla, un impero ritrovato
(19 89 ) 155- 1 59. - Tal! Lelän -Subat Enlil: H.
Weiss, BiAr. 48 (1985) 6-34. Sesklo: C. Tsountas
Dimini und Sesklo (1908). - A.j.B.Wace/M.S:
Thompson, Prehistoric Thessaly (19 12).
B.Hrouda
Megiddo. A. Philologisch.
Major site in central Palestine (TaU alMutasallim), at the eastern end of Wädi
(Ärah (=(Arüna Pass), astride the Via
Maris as its enters the Jezreel Valley from
the Mediterranean coast on the way to the
Jordan Valley and Damascus.
§ 1. Name. - § 2. History.
§ 1. Name. Cuneiform attestations: In
Amarna texts as: uru Ma-gi-id-da ki (EA
244: 24, cf. Taanach 5: 15); uruMa-gis_da ki
(EA 243:11); uruMa-g{d_da kl (EA 234: 19,
24 2 :4); uruMa-gid6 -da kl (EA 244:42, 245: 26 );
in Neo-Assyrian texts as: uruMa-ga-du-u and
uruMa-gi-du-u (Parpola 1970, 233). In Egyptian, the spelling is m-k-t (Ahituv 1984, 13940 ). In biblical Hebrew, the form is Megfddo
(e.g., Josh. 12:21). The late biblical Megfddon (only in Zechariah 12:11), with the
added Iocative affix -on turns up in cuneiform as [MJa-gi-du-nu (RIA II 427, No. 18:
Rs. iii.iv 20).
If the name is of Semitic origin, it may
mean "troop encampment" from *gdd or
"bounty" from *mgd. The village of Kefar
(Otnay, just 2 km. southwest of the site,
later Legio (Arabic: Laggün), after the Legio
V1 Ferrata which encamped there (AviY onah 1976, 74), inherited M.'s position
during the Roman occupation of Palestine,
though its pre-dassieal prominence is apparently recalled in the name "AQ MaYEoffivl
Armagedon (Revelation of John 16:16), i. e.,
har Megfddon, "Mt. Megiddon."
§ 2. History . Cuneiform sources relevant monarchy at the time of David Oosh. 17:1113; Judg. 1:27-28; 1 Chron. 12:19-20) (cf.
to the history of Megiddo complement
Alt 1944, 67-85; Kallai 1986,26-28). M. was
those from Egypt from the mid-2nd mill.
then induded in the 5th district of SoloB. C. During the period of Egyptain hegemon's kingdom (1 Kgs 4:12) and in recognimony over Canaan which followed in the
tion of the site's strategie Iocation, it was
wake of the victories of Thutmose III
fortified as part of a country-wide defense
(1504-1450 B.C.) (for the decisive battle
of M. against the uni ted Canaanite forces
system (1 Kgs 9:15, 19). However, after pasduring the king's first campaign, cf. ANET2
sing into the hands of the north Israelite
[1955J 234-38), M.likely served as garrison Jeroboam, M. did not withstand the attack
city; among the letters from the neighboring
of Shoshenq I (945-924 B. C.); the list of
town of Taanach is an order to transfer chaeItles conquered during his campaign
riot forces and as'iru/military personnel(?) to
against Israel (ca. 925 B. c.) indudes M.
(No. 27) (Mazar 1964, 182-89; Kitchen
M. (Hrozny 1904, NO.5; cf. EA 234). Seven
letters from Biridiya of M. to Amenhotep
1973, 43 2-47), and at the site, a fragment of
a commemorative stele of Shoshenq was
UI (1417-1379 B. c.) were recovered at
reeovered (Lamonl Shipton 1939, 60-1, fig.
Amarna (EA 242-247, 365), and as other
city rulers, so, too, Biridiya protests his loy70 ).
Following the conquest and annexation of
alty to the Egyptian crown. He reports hostile moves against hirn by the ever-botherIsraelite territory by Tiglath-pileser III
some Labaya of Shechem and urges the
during his campaigns in 733-32 (cf. 2 Kgs
return of Egyptian archers (Akk. pi!(J)iitu
15:29), M. was designated as the administrative center of the Neo-Assyrian province of
from Eg. p{f.ty) to M. for his protection (EA
the same name, created in the Galilee and
244). In a later letter (EA 365), Biridiya calls
attention to the fact that he alone has fulJezreel Valley (Forrer 1920,61,69; Alt 1937,
filled his assignment of agricultur.al work at
65-75). The governor of M., Itti-AdadSunama (Biblical Shunem - Josh. 19:18) with
an"inu, served as eponym in 679 (cf. RIA II
427). In an undated tax list, the payment of
corvee workers from Yapu Goppa Uoppe*]
15 talents of wool by the city's nobles is recor Japhia? - Josh. 19:12) and Nuribta. Egyptian influence at M., if not actual presence,
orded (K. 276 = ADD 951:6; cf. Postgate
continued into the 12th century B. c.; note
1974, 322). With the withdrawal of Assyria
from the West towards the end of the reign
the ivory pencase belonging to the envoy of
of Ashurbanipal, control of M. was contesRamses In (1198-1166 B.C.) (Wilson 1939,
ted, until the deeisive encounter between
11-13) and the bronze statue-base of Ramses VI (1156-1148 B.C.) (Breasted 1948, Josiah of Israel and Pharaoh Necho in 609
(2 Kgs 23:29), after which the city passed
135-38) recovered in excavation.
into Egyptian hands for a short five years.
A fragment of the Epic of Gilgames
(Tab let VII), though discovered out of The status of M. under the ensuing Babyloarchaeologieal context, can be dated epigranian rule is undocumented.
phieally to 14th century B. C. and is eviS. Ahituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egypdence for the study of traditional Mesopotatian Document (1984). - A.Alt, ZAW 19 (1944)
mian lore among M.'s scribes (Goetze/Levy
67-85 (= Kl. Schriften I 25 6-73); id, PJB 33
1959, 121-128). The uninscribed day liver
(1937) 65-76 (= Kl. Schriften II 374-84). - M.
Avi-Yonah, Gazetteer of Roman Palestine, Qedem
models from the same period support this
5 (1976). - J. H. Breasted, in: G. Loud, Megiddo II
contention (Loud 1948, Plate 255: 1,2).
(= OIP 62, 1948). - E.Forrer, Provinzeinteilung
The Israelite tribe of Manasseh settled
(1920). - A.Goetze/S. Levy, Atiqot 2 (1959) 121the area to the north and south of M. and
128. - B. Hrozny, in: E. Sellin, Tell Ta'annek,
despite the rout of the Canaanite forces "at
Akad. Wiss. Wien, Denkschr. so/IV (1904). - Z.
Kallai, Historical Geography of the Bible (1986). Taanach by Megiddo's waters" during the
K. A. Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt
judgeship of Deborah Gudg. 5:19), the
(1973). - R.S.Lamon/G.M.Shipton, Megiddo I
J ezreel Valley remained under Canaanite
(= OlP 41, 1939). - G.Loud, Megiddo 11 (= OIP
62, 1948). - B. Mazar, in: J. Licht, Military History
and later Philistine rule until the Israelite
MEGIDDO. B
of the Land of Israel (1964) 182-89 (Hebrew) (=
The Early BibIicai Period [1986] 139-5 0
[English]). - S. Parpola, AOAT 6 (1970). - J. N.
Postgate, StPohl SM 3 (1974)' - J.A. Wilson, in:
G. Loud, Megiddo Ivories (1939).
M.Cogan
Megiddo. B. Archäologisch
§ 1. Identification. - § 2. Exploration and Excavation. - § 3. Publication. - § 4· Topography. - § 5·
BuiIding Remains. § 5.1. Town Planning. - § 5.2.
Public Works. - § 5-3- Fortifications. - § 5+ TempIes. - § 5.5. Palaces and Public Buildings. - § 5.6.
Houses - § 5.7. Cemeteries. - § 6. Kleinfunde.
§ 6.1. Elfenbein. - § 6.2. Keramik.
§ 1. Identification. Perhaps because of
its figurative associations, M. (= har megiddon < Armageddon) was already localised
by mediaeval Jewry (v. G. 1. Davies 1986 b, 4),
and thus modern biblical studies had no difficulty in identifying the site of the Ancient
City as TaU al-Mutasallim (E. Robinson,
Biblical Researches II [1841] 329 ff.; G.
Adam Smith, The Historical Geography of
the Holy Land [1894] 250f.). Situated dose
by the head of the Wädi Arüna as it breaks a
pass through the Carmel Ridge into the
Plain of Esdraelon, the site holds by the
throat the most direct way up the coast from
Egypt and the South (Via Maris) into the
interior of Syria - hence its association with
cataclysmic battles.
§ 2. Exploration and Excavation. The
site was explored by G. Schumacher in 19°2,
and from 1903 to 1905 he conducted excavations on behalf of the Deutsche OrientGesellschaft. During this work he cut a
trench 20-25 m broad across the entire
mound from North to South, going down in
places 15 m to bed rock. He also excavated
two or three other substantial areas and
made a dozen or so trial trenches, particularly on the siopes of the mound. Then in
1925 the tell became the scene of a new style
venture in Palestinian archaelogy: the harnessing of American wealth by the Chicago
Oriental Institute to nothing less than the
total excavation of an entire ancient settlement. In fact the depression of the 30'S curtailed the unlimited resources and in any
event the project was an untenable one indeed, according to current thinking, a
highly noxious one. Thus only the later Iron
Age remains were removed holus bolus. For
earlier periods only selected (although reasonably large) areas were excavated (in
pi aces to bed rock). Nonetheless, in spite of
these curtailments, the amount of information recorded from the site was enormous
compared with the average Palestinian excavations.
Latterly Israeli archaeologists, in the
interests of clarifying certain propositions,
have made small scale clearances and soundings at the site. (A good summary of this
varying activity is given in [ed.] Avi-Yonah
1977, 830- 856; and in Davies, 1986 b, 1-24).
§ 3. Publication. Schumacher published
his excavated areas promptly (1908). He
systematized the building remains into six
levels extending in date from Middle
Bronze Age to Iron Age. Some notice of this
schema was taken by the American Excavators, but they recognised themselves as
unable to dovetail it perfectly into their own
order. In fact Schumacher's results have
never been taken into account adequately in
subsequent discussion of the site.
The American Excavators published their
findings within the framework of 20 "strata"
numbered I to XX from latest (uppermost)
to earliest (lowest). These extend from the
foundation of the settlement in late Chalcolithic times ca. 3300 BC down to its abandonment in late Persian times, ca. 350 BC i. e. they cover virtually unbroken habitation
succession of three millennia. From the
second mill. onwards, where the excavated
remains are more eonsiderable, each stratum
is usually of 50 to 100 years in duration. In
fact with subsequent analytical study directed to the Megiddo remains, numbers of the
strata have been subdivided into two phases
so that the average time span involved per
stratum is not much over 50 years, say two
These strata have always been used as a
basis for discussion of archaeology of M.,
but it is by no means dear what is their preeise ontology. They are not dirt archaeologist's levels, i. e. they were not established by
tracing continuous distinctions in section.
On the other hand, they are expressed as
some "thing" to which aperiod of time is
ascribed, i. e. they are not primarily temporal
periods to which remains are ascribed.
(Nonetheless, most confusingly, individual
buildings are continuously reallocated to
different strata!). As far as can be rationalized, they are successive stages in more or
less monumental building. This conception
lends itself to the abuse that everywhere on
the mound later buildings replaced former
ones more or less contemporaneously within
certain assignable limits of time. In actuality,
this is never so uniform a phenomenon and
thus much argument has been carried on in
terms of these strata which is perhaps not
entirely circumstantial. In any event, at M.,
unlike other Palestinian sites, it is the building development rather than the objects
which has provided the basis for archaeological analysis.
§ 4- Topography. The mound of M. as
it survived into the present century eovered
about 6 hectares at its summit area which
stood ca. 50 rn-6o m above the surrounding
terrain. For Palestine it was thus a middling
large site, whereas for other regions (e. g.
N orth Syria) it would be middling small. A
succession of heavy girdling walls has left
the summit area still reasonably weIl defined
with a declivity marking the approachway to
the main city gate on the North. Also spread
about the tell to the North and the East is
an extensive terrace area which should mark
the development of a (walled or unwalled)
suburb or lower town. This latter feature
has received virtually no archaeological prospection.
§ 5. Building Remains.
§ 5.1. Town Planning (v. Wright 1987,
16 4- 66 ). It is possible to draw the published
data together so as to constitute an interesting schema of outline city development.
However, it is necessary to keep the limitation of the excavated areas in view as denoting how much of this schema is inferential.
It would proceed as follows:
Fig.1. Late Chalcolithic Origin.
In late Chalcolithic times a Sanctuary building at the eastern margin of the summit
looked out over unwalled village houses on
the slopes below. During the first half of the
Fig. 2. EB Urbanisation under theocratic influence
as a small temple town (ca. 1-2 hectares).
DOIrlLSf'"IC A~FAS"
NOT /iXCAVATL"D
Fig. 3. EB extension of site int? a st~o~lglr walled
city (ca. 6 hectares) wlth ongma temple
town as citadel.
MEG1DDO. B
third mil!. this was systematized by circuit
walling ~n~o a small (1-2 hectares) temple
town.Th1s,m turn,soon became the citadel or
rulers' quarter of a large strongly walled city
of ca·5-6 hectares which it seems endured
in much the same cast for almost 15 00 years.
We thus have sketched out a theocratic origin for a basically cathedral city. However,
in the later stages of this history (late 2nd
mill.) it is possible there was a division between church and state, and the temporal
ruler moved from the original temple area
(AA) and established his palace by the main
~ate (Area BB). During the whole period it
1S assumed that the remainder of the city
was largely taken up with private housing
(but this has not been demonstrated by
excavation).
.. ..;:::,·;,·,;j;;·.i ; .... ;i;·.;;.< ..
,,' :::,1>.'
.. .,-"
Fig. 4· MB II-LBfossible great extension of town
by way 0 outer suburbs 01' lower town
spreading below walls to North and East.
Early in the first mill. the city state of M.
l~st ~ts autonomy and was redeveloped as a
dlstnct government centre by the new national state established in Jerusalem. And aris~ng from the peculiar Hebrew religion, this
mvolved the suppression of the local religious cult and its temples, and, on the other
hand, the progressive expansion of Governmental public buildings over much of
the town area. Then in the eighth century
01l..\(,.IWAL
~#_';:'.
S~IliNC~U~~iJ<\::
::.' .
t:: ;:.: ....::.; •.
L .... Il.GEL-y
J...~ ~.;".i :~~:
II ES 5l(.TE D
==I=====t:==I====F1 .M..
.:: : ::: :: :: : : : : : :
Fig. 5· Israelite Monarchy's transformation of
pop~l<?us, ~ronze Age city into government
admInIstratIve centre and garrison town.
OFFICI).I,..
~E~IO;:NC.~
Fig. 6. Assyria':l Provincial CapitaI with residential
areas lald out On new rational grid lines.
"';;;".
:~: ..... ,
B. C. M. passed by conquest into Syrian Cont~ol and became the capital city of a provmce of the Assyrian Empire. Although the
archaeological remains of this era were not
weIl preserved, it seems that the large public
building units of the Hebrew Monarchy
w~re suppressed and the town redeveloped
wlth something like an overall gridded street
plan (an absolutist measure). Finally, in its
last centuries under Persian rule, the urban
status of M. decayed. 1ts town wall lapsed,
and the open summit area became avantage
point for a fortress stronghold and manor
houses or the like.
§ 5. 2. Public Works. The most significant
public utility required in large Palestinian
towns on a mound was the provision of a
water supply secure from hostile interfer-
'. t '. '. '. '. .,'.': .-:,'::..
Fig.7. Ruralisation in Persian times - no walls, no temple, the end of an enduring city.
ence. An interesting succession of such installations is preserved at M. demonstrating
increasingly complex engineering. There
were first of all, water steps down from
the city gate to a nearby eistern controlled
by fire from the gate towers. Then, prohably
in Solomonie times, a subterranean passage
way was tunnelled under the city wall constituting a sort of concealed approach to the
area of a spring on the hill slope below the
city walls. Then later in 1sraelite times a very
large scale rock cut shaft and tunnel provided a deep underground viaduct frorn the
middle of the city direct to the spring itself
which in turn could be closed to the outside
world. As a further development the tunnel
was recut to change its nature from a viaduct to the spring into an aqueduct bringing
the water of the spring to the bottom of the
shaft within the city.
R.S.Lamon 1935. - D.Cole, How Water Tunnels
Worked, BAR 1984, 9-23. - Y. Yadin, in: BiAr.
33 (1970) 89ff. - Wright 1987, 167-68, figs. 67,7°.
§ 5.3. Fortifications. There were enclosure
walls of some sort or another at M. from the
beginning until almost the end of its history.
Their development gives a good conspectus
of this most significant category of Palestinian building - which is a fortiori also the
case for the city gate. The earlier EB wall
(4045) of the EB Sanctuary Citadel was a
very massive (4 m broad) rubble construction built in short (ca. 10m) runs structurally
separated from one another. Later by a
doubling outer skin this wall became ca. 8 m
thick and it is possible that this outer skin
was extended to begin the circumvallation
of the summit area (a run of ca. 1 km). Convincing records of this extended girdle date
from ca. 1800 B. C. (MB HA). From this time
onwards there followed aseries of walls
and/or wall strengthenings which made use
of the characteristic broken trace device of
alternate salients and recesses (v. Wright
1987, figs. 84-87). This type of construction
remained in vogue until the last days of M.'s
existence as a walled city - i. e. for weIl over
1000 years, Thus, whether by accidents of
discovery or not, the earlier (EB) fashion for
curvilinear continuous trace walls is not
demonstrated at M., but the subsequent
(MB) ruling mode of the broken trace is
pervasive. Other modes of vallation have
been discussed, but they are at best of secondary significance - e. g. the so called glacis
or pIaster revetted scarp and the case-mate
wall. The former comes into evidence in St
XI (MB HB) in its essential structural engineering role of revetting on extension to
the city area (Wright 1987, p. 205), The casemate wall, typologically held to be characteristic of early Israelite times, was identified by Yadin in a small sounding so as to
reduce what he considered to be a typological anomaly (BiAr. 33,66 ff., N. B. p. 88; (ed.)
Avi-Yonah 1977, 846-53)' The evidence has
been controverted (Wright 1987, p.206;
Aharoni 1972, 302-311).
One of the main areas of deeper excavation (AA) took in the region of the city gate,
which in this way was identified (Z. Herzog,
Das Stadttor in Israel [1986] figs. 18, 36,41,
42,77-86,99,100; Wright 1987, pp.200ff.).
Except for the earliest gate c1eared, the St
Xln EB III - MB I-II Gate (Herzog, fig.
36 ; Wright 1987, fig. 95), a neatly designed,
bent entry chamber gate, all the succeeding
gates were based on the tower type gate
house with the direct entrance passage
barred by successive portals (cf. Wright
198 7, figs., 94, 96 ; Levant 18 [1986] 83- 102).
Major examples are the St X-VIII LB Gate
(Herzog, fig. 42; ([ed.] Avi-Yonah 1977,
8S5); the St IV B Solomonie Gate, which
~ay weIl be later than Solomon (Loud 1948,
f1gS.10S-07; Herzog, fig.82; [ed.] AviYonah 1977, 851) and the later Breitbau
Mesopotamien style gates - Stratum IVNIlI
with three portals (Lamon/Shipton 1939,
fig. 86; Herzog, fig. 83; [ed.] Avi-Yonah
1977, 8S1). These gates, like others of their
type, are monumentally designed buildings
i?corporating a rational system of proportIOns expressed in dimensions of integral
cubits (cf. Wright 1987, 120- 12 5), and
during monarchie times their fabric includes
elements of finely dressed (ashlar) stone
The precise strata to which the "Solomonic" gate and its successors belong has
become the subject of continuous revisions
(fo~ a summary, v. Herzog, pp. 101-08).
ThlS somewhat derivative controversy eventually has refocussed attention on the construction of the Solomonic Gate to wit its
foundation engineering (Ussishkin 1980, 118; Y.Yadin 1980, 19-23), and the question
has been summarised (Wright, ZA 74 [19 84]
26 7- 89).
§ 5·4- Temples. The deeply excavated area
BB embraced the temple area of the preIsraelite city. Here, a succession of six or
more religious buildings of various forms
were investigated, going back to the original
Chalcolithic-EB Sanctuary (St XIX) with
initiated the urban development of the site
(for a conspectus of forms v. Wright 19 87,
~16-:22S, figs. 169, 170; Dunayevski/Kempmsk1 1973, 161-187). The most significant
of these structures are: the St XIX
Sanctuary, a twin broad room shrine in a
walled enclosure (Wright 1987, figs, 40 &
126; Loud 1948, fig. 390); the group of three
St XV "Megaron" Temples or columnar
porch temples (Wright 1987, figs. 130, 13 1;
Loud 1948, figs. 180,394) and MB IIc-LB St
X-VIII "Migdol" or long room Tower
Tem~le (ABSP fig.135; Loud 1948, fig.247).
It 1S perhaps possible to mention in this
connection a curious tripartite underground
crypt building of monumental masonry construction opening from a corridor on the
east side of Palace 2°41, now considered to
be St VIIA = ca. 1100 B. C. Because of the
rich hoard of ivories found there, this was
called The Treasury (v. Loud 1948, 31, fig.
75; Wright 19 87, fig. 250). It could weIl be a
ruler's (funerary?) cult place (cf. Wright
1987, p. 308 ; [ed.] Avi-Yonah 1977, 84 8-49).
It is also very possible that an Early Iron
Age complex 2°72 of St Va located in the
same region and containing a deposit of cult
objects was in part a temple (v. Wright 1987,
fig. 182; Loud 1948,45-46, fig. 100). On the
other hand, some of the early excavators and
H. B. May wished to see the public building
33 8 of St IV (v. infra) as atempie because of
various finds in its vicinity. However, it is
virtually impossible to make any reasonable
temple plan out of the remains of this building. Mayaiso tried to involve building IA
further to the South in a general sacred area
or sanctuary complex. This is a long halllike building with the remains of two rows
of very substantial monolithic pillars (standing stones). May wanted these as Masseboth, but they are probably of interest structu rally, perhaps being examples of reinforcing of rubble walling by dressed masonry
(cf. May 1935, 4 H.; [ed.]' Avi-Yonah 1977,
848, 853)·
§ 5·5· Palaces and Public Buildings. The
excavations revealed a numerous and varied
collection of public buildings of all periods.
There was a good sequence of ruler's dwellings (palaces). The Bronze Age buildings
extend throughout the second mill., e. g.
from St XVII Palace 3177 to the St VIII
buildings 2044 and S020 which, in fact,
could weIl combine into a very extensive
complex (cf. Levant 17, 165, fig.5; Wright
1987, fig. 18 4)· The basic design comprises
assorted groups of apartments articulated
about quite monumental rectangular courts.
However, as previously mentioned, in LB
times, the location changed from the Temple Area to hard by the City Gate. For the
MB period, i. e. surrounding the less monumental successors of the Megaron Temples,
an ambitiously planned double courtyard
palace scheme has been proposed (cf. Strata
XII-XI, ca. 1750-1650), but this is very
largely p'aper reconstruction (v. Dunayevski/
Kempinski 1973, 161 H., N. B. figs. 13, 14
and cf. Loud 1948, figs. 398 ff.). Schumacher's more substantial MB complexes
(Nordburg, Mittelburg) probably belong in
this connection (v. Schumacher 1908, Taf.
II, IV, XVI, etc.).
With the Israelite organisation of M. into
a regional capital, gubernatorial residences
formed only one aspect of the diversified
public building (for a good overall simple
plan, v. [ed.] Avi-Yonah 1977, 848). Two
residences 01' palaces have been dearly
recognised, one (1728) by the (secondary)
South Gate of the town and one (6000) near
the main North Gate. The former stands in
a large square compound provided with a
monumental gate and enclosure wall
(Larnon /Shipton 1939, fig. 52; Ussishkin
1973, 98, fig. 12; Wright 1987, fig. 189). The
Northern Palace 6000 was partially cleared
only (v. [ed.] Avi-Yonah 1977, 849-S0). Both
palaces could be articulated about a court
but it is possible to interpret the more formulaic nature of the design as conforming
to the N orth Syrian BIt Ijiläni pattern
(Ussishkin 1966, 174-186; 1973, 78-105).
However, this has been controverted, and
there is also a somewhat similar residence
building (338) by the East Wall of the .city?
which cannot be fitted into the BIt IjlIäm
mould (v. Wright 1987, 276, fig.198;
Lamon/Shipton 1939, 47-49, figs. 49· 59)·
N.B., because of the associated objects, this
latter building was originally taken as a temple (v. May 1935). Later under Assyrian rule
the St III residences 1025 & 1369, now again
in the Bronze Age palace area by the gate,
appear more or less in the fashion of the
courtyard building (V. Fritz, MDOG 111
[1979] 63-74; Wright 19 87, fig.197)·
Even more notable than these official
residences are other public buildings of the
Israelite period serving various official purposes - fiscal, military, etc. Perhaps associ-
ated with the residences as palace counting
houses, store houses, etc., are building
blocks of a characteristic design, 1482 by the
South Palace (Lamon/Shipton 1939, 9ff., 27
& figs. 12, 34) and 10 by the East Residence
(ibid. fig. 6). These comprise ranges of long
galleries with access and storage chambers (v.
Wright 1987, 305, fig. 2-41; [ed.] Avi Yonah
1977, 85 2- 853)' However, most prominent
of all features on the site are the systematized long three aisled, pillared structures.
Occurring as individual units or combined
in parallel into blocks, they form a widespread building type in Israelite times (v.
Wright 1987, 307, fig.244; Fritz, ZDPV 93
[1977] 30-45)· However, the two complexes
at M. (King Solomon's stables), one by the
South Gate (1576) and the other near the
N orth Gate (407), are very elaborate and
extensive, ca. 50m across (v. Lamon/Shipton
1939, figs·34, 49; Wright 1987, figs.266248). While this type of open planning can
be used for many (storage) purposes (cf. Z.
Herzog, in: [ed.] Y.Aharoni, Beer Sheba, Tel
Aviv 1973, 23-30), it is now dear that such
buildings also served as stables (Y. Yadin in
[ed.] F.M.Cross, Magnalia Dei [1976] 24951).
§ 5.6. Houses. In spite of the extensive
areas cleared, M. excavation did not reveal
notable private housing complexes or weH
defined house types. Some Middle and Late
Bronze Age houses (e.g. St XII-St VII) can
be recognized in two areas (to the West of
the City Gate in AA, and east of the temple
in BB), while during the Assyrian period and
later (St UI-II) the South part of the tell
(Area A) was shown to have been covered
with domestic insulae. The Bronze houses are in general of squarish outline. There
are plans something akin to the Hofhaus
type (with central court) by the LB Migdol
Temple (v. Loud1948, St IX-VIII, figs. 242,
246,4°1,4°2). Another recognizable type of
plan appears in a group of houses by the
City Wall in St XII (ca. 1700 BC). These
houses are clearly articulated into three
main units set one behind the other with the
central unit remaining fairly open to provide
the main circulation, and the other units
subdivided to give entrance apartments at
the front and living rooms at the re ar (cf.
Loud 194 8, figs 23, 378). This in fact is the
basis of the al-Amarna House schema (cf.
Wright 19 87, fig. 33). In the eighth and
seventh centuries the private housing development of the south part of the tell comprised insulae of ca. 20 m X 50 m or, on occasion, ca. 20 m x 25 m. Characteristically there
were two s!zeable houses back to back in the
smaller insulae, but individual house plans
are not strongly patterned (v. Lamon/Shipton, 62 ff.; figs.7 1-73).
cured, notably in MB times. In and under
the Mitte/burg Schumacher located three
vaulted chamber tombs (two MB and one
LB) built out of rubble masonry (v. Schumacher 190 8, 14 H., 75-77, pis. VI, XX; Galling
1977, 95, fig. 29)· The construction varied.
The LB tomb was corbelled in the Aegaean
tradition, cf. the Räs Samra Tombs (v.
Wright 1987,33°, fig. 286 3). The MB tombs,
on the other hand, approximate true domical
vaulting and suggest a Mesopotamian mud
brick ancestry (v. Wright 1987, 330, figs 274,
36 5). It has, of course, been suggested that
these are kings' tombs (v. [ed.] Avi-Yonah
1977, 83 1; Davies 1986 a, 43-45).
§ 5·7· Cemeteries. Schumacher noted the
presence of many (rifled) tombs about the
skirts of the mound (Schumacher 190 8,
16 5 H.), and the Chicago Expedition found
Y. Aharoni 1972: The Stratification of Israelite
Megiddo, ]NES 31, 302-334. - ed. M.Avisome late (mostly post occupation) graves in
Yonah. 197<: Encyclopaedia of Archaeological
the surface layers of the summit (v.
ExcavatlOns In the Holy Land III s. v. Megiddo,
Megiddo I pp·92H.). However, during the
pp. 83 0 - 856. - G. 1. Davies 1986a: Megiddo in
the Period of the ]udges, Oudtestamentische Stuyears 1925-32 successive areas on the S. E.
dien 24, 34-53; G. 1. Davies 1986b: Megiddo (a
slopes of the mound were cleared to bed
popular account). - I. Dunayevski/ A. Kempinrock so as to provide a vetted place for the
ski 1973: The Megiddo Temples, ZDPV 89,161187. - (ed.) K. Galling 1977: Biblisches Reallexienormous dumps. As a result of this, a great
kon 11 s.v. Megiddo, pp.213-218. - P. L. O.
number of tombs were laid bare (identificaGuy/R. M. Engberg 1938: Megiddo Tombs (=
tion numbers as high as 1250 appear in the
OIP 33)· - A. Kempinski, Megiddo. A City-State
report). About 150 tombs are described in
and Royal Center in North Israel, AVAM 40
more or less detail (v. Guy/Engberg 193 8)
(19 8 9) 262. - R.S.Lamon 1935: The Megiddo
Water System (= OIP 32). - R. S. Lamon/G.
with the following rough chronological disM. Shipton 1939: Megiddo 1(= OIP 42). _ G.
tribution: 10 Chalcolithic, 10 EB, 50 MB, 50
Loud 1948: .Megiddo. II (=OIP 62). - H.B.May
LB, 30 Iron Age, 2 Roman and Some indeter1935: ~atenal RemaIns of the Megiddo Cult. _
minable. They take a great variety of forms,
L. B. Pn tch ard 1970: The Megiddo Stables, in:
(ed.) ].A. Sanders, Fs. N. Glueck (Essays in honor
e. g. natural or slightly adapted caves, rock
... ) pp. 268- 276. - G.Schumacher 1908: Tell
cut chamber tombs, pit graves, cist graves
el Mutesellim 1. - D. Ussishkin 1966: King Soloboth built and cut and simple inhumations
mon's Palace and Building 1723 in Megiddo, IE]
(v. ibid., pp. 139 H., Table 7). Of all these
16, 174- 186 ; D. Ussishkin 1973: King Solomon's Palaces, BiAr. 36, 78-105; D. Ussiskhin
varied forms the most striking and char1980: Was the "Solomonic" City Gate at Megiddo
acteristic was a type of multiple chamber
built ~y King Solarnon?, BASOR 239, 1-18. - C.
rock cut tomb. This was entered by a verWatzlnger 1929: Tell el Mutesellim 11. - G.H.
tical shaft giving onto a regularly planned
R. Wright 1987: Ancient Building in South Syria
and Palestine. - Y. Yadin 1960: New Light on
assemblage of more or less rectangular
Solomon's Megiddo, BiAr. 23, 62-68; Y. Yadin
chambers which opened on all sides from a
1970: The Megiddo of the Kings of Israel, BiAr.
central hall (cf. ibid., PP.135-3 6, fig.168).
33,66-96; Y. Yadin 1976: The Megiddo Stables,
For the most part these were cut during MB
in: (ed.) F.M.Cross, Magnalia Dei, 249- 251; Y.
Yadin 1980: A Rejoinder, BASOR 239,19- 2 3.
times but were very often reused in the LB
period. These graves, numerous though they
are, are only a random area selection and in
no way constitute a representative sampie of
§ 6. Kleinfunde.
burial procedures across the ages at M.
However, they confirm that the ruling cus§ 6.1. Elfenbeine.
tom was extramural burial.
Zu den wichtigsten Kleinfunden, die in
Nonetheless, some intramural burial ocM. gefunden wurden, zählen die Elfenbeine.
MEHER KAPISI
Es handelt sich hierbei um eine Kollektion
von 382 Stück, die in dem westlichen Trakt
des Palastes der Schicht VII A lagen.
Den größten Teil bilden Toilettengegenstände wie Dosen bzw. Pyxiden, die als
Schmi~kgefäße gedient haben, Kosmetikschälchen mit den dazugehörigen Spachteln,
Löffel und Kämme. Daneben kommen aber
auch reichverzierte Spielbretter, Möbelteile
sowie Plaketten und Streifen vor, die u. a.
auch Wände dekorierten. Diese Intarsien
tragen interessante Darstellungen mit Vorführung von Gefangenen, Kampfszenen mit
Streitwagen, eine "Prozession" von Männern mit Gänsen und eine Trinkszene u. a.
Die zuerst genannte Darstellung zeigt dabei mehr syrische als palästinensische/ägyptisierende Merkmale in den Antiquaria wie
Eine Elfenbeintafel oder Plakette ist sogar als hethitisch oder zumindest als hethitisierend zu bezeichnen, denn sie erinnert in
ihrem senkrechten Aufbau, den Dämonen
mit nach oben gestreckten Armen und durch
den oberen Abschluß, der von geflügelten
Sonnenscheiben gebildet wird, an das Relief
von Eflatun Pmar in Westkleinasien.
An pflanzlichem Dekor sind sehr zahlreich der Volutenbaum und die Lotos-Palmetten-Girlande vertreten.
Diese Elfenbeine sind älter als die aus Assyrien allgemein bekannten und stellen eine
Vorstufe zur Gruppe der sog. phönikischen
Elfenbeine dar.
Den wichtigsten Hinweis für die Datierung gegen Ende des II. Jts. v. Chr. bietet
eine Kartusche Ramses' In. (1183-1152
v. Chr.) auf einem der Elfenbeine.
§ 6.2. Keramik.
Besonders in Gräbern, die den Schichten
X-VII zugeordnet wurden, fand sich die
reich bemalte, sog. Bichrome Ware, zuerst
mit geometrischen Mustern (VIII), später
dann mit den typischen Fisch- und Vogeldarstellungen (ab IX). Sie wird in VII A
durch die Philister-Keramik abgelöst.
G. Loud, The Megiddo Ivories (= OIP 52, 1939) .. H. Weippert, Palästina in vorhellenistischer Zelt,
HdA II, 1 (1988) 329ff. - C.Epstein, Palestinian
Bichrome Ware (1966).
Meher KaplSl (= "Mithras-Tor"), auch
unter den Namen Ta§ Kapl "Steintor" oder
<;oban Kaplsl "Hirtentor" bekannt. Architektonisches und epigraphisches Denkmal
aus der gemeinsamen Regierungszeit von
ISpuini* und Menua* (ca. 820-810 v. ehr.).
Lage: etwa 5 km östlich von Van Kalesi (der
urartäischen Hauptstadt Tuspa*), zwischen
dem Dorf Akköprü und dem Hügel von Toprakkale*.
Dieses Freiluftheiligtum besteht aus zwei
benachbarten Felsanlagen, die ca. 15 m über
der Ebene im Kalkstein eines Ausläufers der
Zimzimdag-Kette gehauen sind. Das Hauptdenkmal ist eine 5,}2m hohe, 3,15 m breite
und 1,30m tiefe rechteckige Nische mit dreifacher Einrahmung, deren Frontwand
(4,74 m X 1,96 m) von einer 94-zeiligen Inschrift fast völlig bedeckt ist. Die dreifache
Einrahmung der Nische und zwei ebenfalls
in den Fels gehauenen Stufen geben das Tor
des weitverbreiteten urartäischen Turmtempels (susi) wieder; die Inschrift bezeichnet
ohnehin diese Anlage "ljaldi-Tor", was auf
den Glauben an eine Epiphanie der Gottheit
aus dem Berg hinweisen dürfte. Eine weitere, ähnlich aussehende Felsnische haben
dieselben Herrscher in A§rut- Darga (Ye§ilabC;*), 30 km östlich von Van, errichtet. Der
zweimal wiederholte Keilschrifttext erweist
die Nische von Meher Kaplsl als das Hauptdenkmal der urart. Religion (eine Art "Yazlhkaya "* ohne Bilder für die Hauptstadt Tuspa). Die lange Opferliste bietet das ganze
urart. Pantheon und zugleich die Rangordnung der Götter mit den jedem einzelnen in
abnehmender Menge zustehenden Schlachtopfern. Dem Nationalgott ljaldi* (s. Nachträge) allein werden Zicklein "gerissen" un~
Rinder und Schafe geschlachtet (Ovetaufllia). Unmittelbar nach ihm werden der Wettergott Teiseba* (= hurr. Tessub) und der
Sonnengott Siuini* (= (?) hurr. Simigi) erwähnt, die Rinder und Schafe erhalten und
mit Haldi die obere Göttertrias des Pantheons der urart. Dynastie bilden. Opfer von
Kühen sind für die weiblichen Gottheiten
(angefangen mit ljaldis Gemahlin ~Arubani)
vorgesehen. Die etwa 80 Namen .von Gö~­
tern und Hypostasen, von vergötthchten EIgenschaften (des ijaldi) und abstrakten Begriffen, von vergöttlichten Bergen und ande-
ren geograp hischen Elemen ten spiegeln einerseits die territori alen und machtp olitischen Verhält nisse der Zeit ISpuinis, andererseits eine" starke Entwick lung theolog ischen System denkens wider.
Der in der Liste deutlich werden de Synkretism us scheint die Funktio n gehabt zu
haben, die verschie denen Völkers chaften
und Sippen des neugeg ründete n Reiches zusammen zuhalte n und - bei Anerke nnung
der theokra tischen Autorit ät Haldis, des
Gottes von Mu~a~ir* - unter die Führun g
des Herrsch erhause s des Sarduri * zu stellen.
Die noch weitgeh end unklare Rahmen formulieru ng des Textes spricht von einem
nicht näher bestimm baren "Mona t der
Sonne" , in dem die aufgelis teten Schlach topfer stattfin den sollten - offensic htlich auf
der daneben liegend en Terrass e. Auch sind
im letzten Teil des Textes weitere jahresze itlich bedingt e landwir tschaftl iche Opferan lässe, vor allem in Verbind ung mit dem
Weinan bau, erwähn t.
Rechts unterha lb der Nische liegt die
zweite damit verbund ene Felsanla ge, nämlich eine Feisterr asse (ca. 20 x 3/4 m), aus
deren schiefer Vorderw and eine völlig anders aussehe nde rechteck ige, 5,40 m breite
und über 3 m hohe Nische gemeiß elt wurde.
Diese ist durch einen waager echten Vorsprung in zwei Teile geteilt, und unten ist
aus dem Felsen eine lange Sitzban k herausgearbei tet worden , wie im Freilich theiligtu m
von Hazine Kaplsl am Nordab hang des
Van-Fe lsens (s. Van*). Ferner sind auch Reste einer Felstrep pe, die zur Terrass e hinaufführt, erhalten gebliebe n.
Es liegt nahe zu vermute n, daß diese Felsterrasse , die keine Inschrif t enthält und daher nicht mit absolut er Sicherh eit zu datieren ist, ebenfalls in der Zeit der gemein samen Regieru ng von ISpuini und Menua entstanden ist und für die in der Inschrif t verkündete n Operrit uale bestimm t war.
F.E.Schu lz,Memo ire sur le lac de Van et ses environs,JA 1840, 257ff., bes. 300-3°5 (Inser. XYlI), PI.
IV; CICh.18 = UKN 27 = HChl 10. - F.W.Kön ig,
Archiv für Völkerku nde 8 (1953) 142-171; ders., Fs.
J. F. Schütz (1954) 59-68. - G. A. Melikisvili, Or. 34
(196 5) 441-445. - M.T.Tar hanlV.Se vin, Bell. 39/155
(1975) 401-412 {Abb.l-1 2). - V.Sevin/ O. BeIli, Anadolu Ara~tlrmalan N-V (1976/77) 367-393. - M.
Salvini, Annuair~ EPHE 97 (1988/89) 175-178; 98
(1989/90) 198-201.
M.Salvin i
Introduct ion. - § 2. Lexicon. - § 3. Technology. - § 4. Varieties. - § 5. Geograph ical and chronological distributi on. - § 6. Grain, flour and
bread. - § 7. Containe rs and conservat ion. - § 8.
§ 1. Introd uction . Flour can be obtained either from cereal seeds or from dry
vetches and Iegumes. The latter kind of
flour was rarely used as food in the N ear
East (and is not conside red here), but it
often played an importa nt role in ritual and
cultic practice. In modern times, cereal flour
is made primaril y from the endospe rm of
the kernel, which represen ts approxi mately
85% of its volume (the other 15% includes
the bran and the germ of the grain); ancient
milling techniques, however, never succeeded (even in Roman times: see L. A. Moritz, Grain-mills and Flour in Classical
Antiqui ty [1958]) in separati ng the endosperm from the rest of the seed, so that sifting was the onIy way of reducin g the rate of
husk contain ed in the flour. Finer grades
of the product were therefor e obtaine d
through repeated sieving after grinding or
crushing, without prior extracti on of the
best edible part of the seed. This fact had
obvious consequ ences in the quality of the
food, since the indusio n of germ in the
flour lowers baking perform ance and reduces storage life because of the presence
of oil in the germ. Differe nt grades of flour
resulted from the sieving process. Due to
the use of mortars and grindin g stones in
the milling process, the differen ce between
middlings and fine flours concern ed more
their suitability to specific dishes than their
§ 2. Lexico n. The general word for
flour is qemum (*qamb-) in Akkadia n and
zl (d) in Sumeria n. (For the shape - sometimes vertical, sometim es oblique - of the
sign ZfD in Pre-Sar gonic texts see LAK
794; REC 469; UET 2 P1.31 NO.386 a; Y.
Roseng arten, Reperto ire No.256 and
pp. 127- 128). The Akk. loanwo rd (i)simmänum from Sumo zl-mun u, points to a pronunciati on lizidl of the Sumeria n term (S.
Lieberman, HSS 22 [1977J NO·368, 369).
Phoneti c spellings zu-u and zu-da are
attested in the Räs Samra fragmen t h o! tIb·
:XXIII 3-4 (MSL 11, 74)· LogographlcaIly,
qemum is express ed in the Akk. texts by ZiD
and ZiD.DA (occasionally by ZLDA: see
CAD Q s. v. qemu).
As concerns the treatmen t of the item "flour" (z i)
in the Lexical lists, one has to refer to Ijb· XXIII
v 1-18 (MSL 11, 75-76) and to tIb. XXIII fragm. h
(from Räs Samra), 3-18 (MSL 11, 74-7?)' Some of
the entries of this fragment should fall mto the gap
between col. iv and v of Ijb. XXII!. ~no~h~r small
fragment comes from Emar, but It IS dlHICUlt t~
locate it in the sequence
A:rnaud,. Emar VI. 4, 560 .
48 '-55')' Addition al material IS provlded by the Forerunners, e. g., the Nippur Forerunn er MSL 11,. 118
section 5 and the OB Forerunn ers MSL 11, ~48',42~
67; MSL 11, 154: 152-171; MSL 1.1, 162, IV 1 -7 .
The bilingual entries of Ijb. c1asslfy flour according to different criteria:
1. types and quality (qemum "flour" l~ ~ener~l,
tappinnum "barley flour", simdätum 1 Stlmzdatum a
type of groats" [CAD S s. v. samfd~ B; AHw. s. v. samfdum I, but also sHmfdätu], kukkusum, a cheap type of
flour);
2. food preparat~on (sfku~ lCAD S s. V.!l-k U B,
but cf. AHw. s. v. zzqqu V], lsququm, ~akkasu. ~pell­
ings in fragment h are zi-iq-qi, as-gu-qt, ta-b a- zt );
, processin g (hamJu "crushed " [see AHw. s. v.
ha~>nJu II and b;mäJum I], napa "sifted"); .
~ 4 practical uses, i. e., both as food (zprum
sidftum "travel provision", supeltum
"exchan~e") and cultic materi~l. (ma~batum, etymologically "a type of flour 'drawn ~nto a vesse~ or sca.ttered' upon a victim as an oHermg" [see dls~uss. In
CAD $ s. v. fahätu]), also with ref~;~nce. to ,~ nt~al or
magie destinatio n (maqqrtum
libatIOn,. smju,r:'
"offering " [AHw. 1037 b s. v. serqum], ztSurru a
magic circle made of flour", qem Jigarim ':f1our for
the lock", €dada "(flour) oHering" [see LIeberma n,
HSS 22, No. 158]);
~ " ."
). colour üalmum "black", pefum w~lte);
6. diseases (me 1 kalmatum laptum affected by
water 1 by the vermin").
Moreove r, a section of Ijb. IS speclfically d~vote?
to the "groats", ni-ar-ra = mundum, and thelr vaneties: Hh. XXIII iv 2.5-30 (MSL 11,74; compare ~he
OB Fo~erunner MSL 11,154: 139-143) . The meanmg
Feinmehl " still retained for mundum by AHw. 673 a,
;"as reject~d by B.Landsberg.er! AfO 18 (1957 / 58)
339-140 , who first suggested It 10 O.L:Z: 19 22, 34~ff.
(see 'below, § 4). Groat~, are "quahf;ed " by ~exlcal
entries such as damqum good, zakum pure, and
kab[tum] "dense" (01' kab[rum] "thick"?: see CAD
K 2sa; AHw. 4 17 b).
§ 3. Techno logy. Texts d~scribing analytically the process of makmg flour are
unfortu nately lacking in the Sumero -Akkadian literatur e (for Hittite sources see H.A.
HoHne r Jr., Alimen ta Hethaeo rum [1974J
134 f f.). We know, however, that all over the
Fertile Crescen t the technol ogy was conservative in this regard. Before the intro duction of the rotary mill, which aHowed at a
high er or lower degree of ref.inen:ent of .the
final product (Forbes, Studles m Ancle~t
Techno logy, III, 145-148 ; Dalman , ArbeIt
und Sitte in Palästina, III, figs. 47-5 1, 62),
flours and meals were essentially obta.ined
either by crushing the grain .seeds 10 .a
mortar or rubbing them on a gnnd (Getreldemühl e*). The recent discovery of a weIl
preserve d milling installation at Ebla, in .the
2nd Mill. Western Palace Q (L. 3135), glves
a good example both of the t?ol~ typically
used for grinding - basalt gnndm g stones
and saddle querns - and of the se.tting of .a
palace mill (P. Matthia e, Ebla: un Impero fltrovato [19892J 170, fig. 88).
The milling process might have been
slightly differen t for whe.at and barley due
to the specific morpho loglcal features of the
grains. A differen tiated treatme nt was .certainly applied to these cere~l~ at a prevlOus
stage, namely that of .0b~amlOg de-husk ed
grains prior to the grmdlOg. As shown by
Fig. 1 and suggested by ethnogr aphical data
(see G.Hillm ann, BSA 1 [19 84] 114- 152),
pestles, mortars , and grinding stones wer~
employ ed in differen t steps. of the c~reals
process ing chain: for poundm g the spIkelets
of glume-w heats (such as einkorn wheat and
emmer wheat) and for de-hulli ng the grains
of barley (R.Ellis on, JESHO 27 [1~84J
9of .). It is probabl e t~at these ?peratlOns
were carried out by usmg large Slze pestles
made of wood, at least in those areas where
stone was rare and expensive
N. Postgat e,
BSA 1 [19 84] 1°7-108 ; bibliogr aphy on the
Sumeria n and Akkadia n lexicon of pestles
and mortars in P. Steinkeller, FAOS 17
[19 89J 36-42: gis-gan a = bukannu m;
gisnaga -zl-gaz = madakku; naga/n aga 4
= esittum).
In addition , parchin g as weH as poundlOg
was often perform ed in successive stages.o f
the milling process (de-hus king and treatmg
barley and wheat grains),. as is attested by
some of the terms for gram and flour: e. g.,
se-sa "roasted barley", dabin- sa "toasted barley flour", etc. (Hrozny , Getreid e, 7 8, ~9;
cf. Akk. qalftum and laptum). For Akkadla n
qajätum (Ca parched grain" (CAD Q 54 b
with ref. to gajätum and kajätum) , attested
from the OB period onward; cf. the Eblaite
lexical equivalence se - bil = ga-a-tum
(MEE 4, 67 2), which can be explained as qalatu'!! "roasted badey" (cf. CAD Q, p.69 s. v.
qalu, lex. sect.). The relationship between
qamum I "to burn" and qamum II "to grind"
in A"kkadian (CAD Q s. v.; cf. AHw. s. v.
qemum, qamu IU) possibly rests on the fact
that the burning of grain was sornetimes
prep.aratory to the grinding
Anglm, 131. In the "Ebla Vocabulary"
MEE 4, 16 9, ga-ma-u<J(-um), ga-ma-um
corresponds to rn u 11, as a forerunner of
rnu = qamum: see G. Conti, QuadSem. 15
[19 88 J 38.
Since the lexicon of miIIs refers to a variety of different flours, it is probable that differeI?-t s?ecific tools and techniques were
apphed III order to obtain a more or less
re~ined product. 0 B texts, for example, distin _
gUlsh among millstones (NA4 .IjAR = erum)
made for, coarse tappinnum flour, for fine
flours (ZID SAG, ZID.GU), for isququm
flour, etc. CA.Salonen, Hausgeräte I [19 6 5]
50-56; CAD E 324a s. v. eru). The fact that
different materials were often used for the
upper and lower millstone (M. Stol, On
Trees, Mountain.s, and Millstones [1979]
83-93) had obvlOus relevance to milling
The connection between grinding procedures and ~lour varieties is also apparent in
the Akkadlan. vocabulary: if qemum, as a
general term, IS the result of the action of
!enum "to grind", other terms - such as mundumlsindu (= ni-ar-ra), samrdum (AHw.
s. v; samf~~m I), and baslätum (AHw. s. v.
baslumlbwltum - refer to the making of
groats (see below). As regards the technical
~sage of samädum (= mur, aras)' see refs.
In CAD S 107 a and esp. VS 7, 170: 3-4,
'um ana samädi "badey to be
ground llltO groats" is opposed to SEum ana
!eni "badey to be ground into flour" (cf. in
the Ebla Vocabulary MEE 4, 656 se-ar-ar
= da-'d-numlnu-um, /ta~änum/ "to grind":
M'v~ebernik, ZA 73 [1983] 25). As for
basalum (= kum, gaz), see discussion in
A~MTVI! 258 f. From a technological
POlllt of vlew, the difference in meaning
between basälum and samädum is difficult
to grasp ~Postgate, BSA 1 [1984J 107).
Akkadlan maräqum is generally applied to
legumes and seeds for medicinal use but as
a loanwo~~ in Sumerian (mara-ka), it refers
to a speclftc way of processing flour (zl-15
nI-ar-ra mara-ka "coarse kukkusum flour
to crush into groats": M. Cooper, ASJ 7
[19 8 5J 115- 11 6; cf. J.-P. Gregoire, Archives
adm. sumo 135 vi 37-38: ni-ar-ra mar-ra
ar-ra "(women) crushing groats in a mortar" [Ur IU]).
. Sieving operations (napum, sabälum =
SI m) usually follow the crushing of the
cere~l seeds (barälu~; cf. J. Bauer, AWL 65 1
S. V. s e-GAZ; also ZI z-GAZ: Y. Rosengarten
Le concept sumo de consomm. [196o] 7~
note 2) and can be performed before, as weIl
as ~fter, the .grinding (CAD N/2, 327 a). The
lexlcon of sifters (nappum, nappftum), however, does not seem to be specialized, and
references to these too1s - when they are
used for flour- are scanty, even in the economic texts. Note, however, the occurrence
o.f a n~Pfftum-sieve for groats (gi-ma-anSlm nI-ar-ra: Straßburger Keilschrifttexte
38 rev. 9-10, cf. SLB 112 30, 11-13 and P.45
ad 13) and the lexical ref. to a sieve for g uflour (MSL 7, 43, b).
§ 4· Va.ri~tie~. The richest inventory of
flour vanetIes IS attested in the Ur IU
admmistra.tive ~ext.s. This is hardly by
~hance, smce It IS probable that both
lrnprovements in and a specialization of
mill~ng techniques took place in Mesopotamla toward the end of the third millennium. This is reflected in the abundance of
terms r~ferring to flour components and
preparatlons. Excerpting from the bulk of
textual documentation, one may cite the
example of cl long record such as H. Limet,
Textes sumo de la UIe dyn. d'Ur (1976)
N°.l08 (distribution of food staples and
obJects to. p~lace dependents, possibly from
Umma), hstmg the commonest varieties of
~reads and flours generally used at that
tIme. The attested items will be discussed
hereafter (rnostly in alphabetical order) as a
survey of the flour nomenclature attested in
the Syro-Mesopotamian cuneiform sourees.
1. da (A.TIR) = Akk. sasqum (probably not a
Sumo loanword: Lieberman, HSS 22, 16 note 38), a
fine grade flour (not acereal or spicy product, as proposed by Oppenheim, AOS 32 F 12, then followed in
many translations), mostly derived from emmer- zlz
and ziz-AN: see, e.g., Contenau, Umma 20: 2; Limet,
Texts sumo de la IIIe dyn. d'Ur 92: 5 f.; ARM XII 1:
11 f. (On the difference between ZIZ "(unprocessed)
emmer" and zlz-AN "husked emmer" see lastly
Powell, BSA 1 [1984] 52). Different qualities are
listed in the Nippur and OB Forerunners to Ijb.
XXIII (MSL 11, 117-18, section 4; 148 ii 67-69). In
Ur III and OB texts it occurs as a fine flour delivered
for provisions (E. Sollberger, TCS I, p.117 S. v.) as
weil as for ritual offerings (UET 3, esp. 149; B.
Lafont, Doc. adm. sumo 88: 3; 223:4; Gregoire, Archives adm. sumo 106: 3 [eSa-sig s ]; Sigrist, Les sattukku [1984] 15; in general Hrozny, Getreide, 122 ff.
and F. Biome, Opfermaterie [1934] 231). The latter
becomes the only attested destination after the OB
period (CAD S 193 f.).
The good quality of this flour (price in Ur III: D.
C. Snell, Ledgers and Prices [1982] 138) is also suggested by the relatiyely small quantities that are
usually issued to men and gods (see, e. g., WMAH
143 pass., where the ratio between dabin and eh
flour is 6:1 or 5:1; or Walters, Water for Larsa 59:6,
where the ratio between sasqum and zi-gu flour is
10:1). In the Mari and Sagar Bäzär texts sasqum is
frequently included among the cereal staples for the
royal meal (naptan san'im), and can either designate
the flour itself, or a sort of cake and beverage (me
sasqfm) made of it (Bottero, ARMT VII p. 263 f.;
Birot, ARMT XII p.11). When the determinative
NINDA is missing, esa may still represent asolid
(baked?) food, as is demonstrated by several OB records listing amounts of dabin or zi-gu flours "(for
preparing) baskets (gipisan) of sasqum" (D.O.
Edzard, Tell ed-Der [1970] 164; see also CAD S
193 a S. V. sasqu, usage a). Moreover, the use of eh
flour for the preparation of soups is attested by lexical entries such as tu 7 -eh, tUresa-sig5 (MSL 11,
113: 14-15; 152: 22-23).
The parallelism ma!oatum / / sasqum in the ritual
texts (see, e.g., the Mari ritual, RA 35, 2 i 21,23 and
cf. the inscription of king Takkil-ilissu of Malgium:
ZA 68, 115: 50) says very little about the nature of
sasqum, i.e., its grinding technique. mafoatum (= zima-ad-ga, attested from the OB period on) is in
fact a cheap flour used almost exclusively for ritual
offerings (consider the co-occurrence ma!oatum /
maqqftum "libation": discuss. in ZA 68, 12of. ad 4546) and only occasionally for food deliveries.Since
the mafoatum flour is described as a powder very
suitable for being mixed with liquids and poured
upon the victims, it is possible that the sasqum Hour
had these same characteristics of fineness and
lightness. The beverage called me sasqfm, "water of
s." (an infusion?), seems in fact to have been used
especially in ritual ceremonies (AHw. 1032a; CAD S
193b; cf. W.Mayer, Gebetsbeschwörungen [1976]
488f.).
a; L. Hartmann/A. L. Oppenheim, JAOS Suppl. 10
[195 0 ] 32, 53)· The difference between dabin and
zi-gu, frequently attested together (e. g., PBS 7, 51:
10; YOS 2, 152: 6; ARMT XXIII 71: i; other refs. in
Birot, ARMT XII p. 11), lies in their being a coarse
and a fine kind of flour respectively, both made from
the same cereal. As a kind of semolina, dabin was
either cooked or baked, and was therefore very suitable for travel provisions (e. g., Gregoire, Archives
adm. sumo 173: 22; Lafont, Doc. adm. sumo 91: 7; 191:
17 [dabin-gu]). In the OB texts from Der, dabin
and zi-gu are frequently used for preparing sweet
cakes (mutqum; also at Mari: see refs. in AHw. 688b;
CAD M12 302 a) and da-food (see above) - probably
breads in this context, since they were stored in
baskets (Edzard, Tell ed-Der, P.164). Other kinds of
breads made of dabin-flour have not been c1early
interpreted (for ninda-DU s see Oppenheim, AOS
32 C 8: "bread made of bran", questioned by Edzard,
O. c., p.166. Here DUs means probably "baked", not
"bran" = tuobum [AHw. 1366b with lit.]).
dabin-f1our could be occasionally obtained from
toasted barley (dabin-sa), according to a milling
procedure also used for other kinds of meals (e.g.,
zi-sa(-a) // se-zi-sa in the Ebla texts: A.Archi, AoF
13 [19 86 ] 205. Cf. SE.SA.A = laptum [AHw. 526a
S. V. läbtumj CAD L 96 b S. V. laptu B, but also labätu,
with discuss.] and qalftu "roasted barley"). For
dabin-sa see e.g., TUT 126 ii 21; Limet, Textes
sumo 108 i 12, vi 27; UET, s.v.j for dabin-sa-a
list of refs. in Oppenheim, AOS 32 B 9.
2. dabin = Akk. tappinnum "barley grits", a
coarse-grained flour made of barley (AHw. 1321
4. z i - ba - b a "flour for porridge". According to
PSD B 17: a type of barley flour attested as such only
3. ni-ar-ra = Akk. mundum (sindu < simdu in
the Pract. Voc. of Assur: see Landsberger, AfO 18
[1957-58] 339-340 ad I. 193) "(emmer) groats". In
Pre-Sargonic Girsu ni-ar-ra is replaced by the
Akkadian loanword mun-du, indicating an ingredient for making beer which is also used for breakfast oHerings (Landsberger, Der kultische Kalender
[1915] 54 note 9; Rosengarten, Le concept sumo de
consomm. 284 f. note 2j Powell, ZA 76 [1986] 12 H.
contra Bauer, AWL 411 ad i 1j skeptical about the
connection between m u n· d u and mundum is the
CAD Mi2 202 b S. v. mundu). The lexical entry tU 7
ni-ar-ra (MSL 11, 152,15,7) suggests that emmer
groats could also be used in the preparation of soupS.
ni-ar-ra is the product of samädum "to grind into
groats" (Landsberger, OLZ 25 [1922] 337-344), as it
is explicitly pointed out in several documents, esp. in

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