Source: http://israel-academia-monitor.com/index.php?type=large_advic&advice_id=6606&page_data
Timestamp: 2019-04-18 10:37:11+00:00

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[TAU, Law] Eyal Benvenisti: "the so called "disengagement" from the Gaza Strip in 2005", in his article:"The Law on the Unilateral Termination of Occupation"
The Law on the Unilateral Termination of Occupation Eyal Benvenisti (Forthcoming in Veröffentlichungen des Walther-Schücking-Instituts für Internationales Recht an der Universität Kiel (Andreas Zimmermann and Thomas Giegerich, Eds. 2009)). Abstract This brief note discusses the legal ramifications of the unilateral termination of occupation. The note seeks to characterize the moment of termination and examines the obligations of the occupant during (and possibly after) the termination process.
In principle there can be four ways for an occupation to end.1 First, it can end by the loss of effective control. Second, occupation can end by the dissolution of the ousted sovereign, as has been recognized under the doctrine of debellatio. But this doctrine is now widely considered incongruent with the principle of self-determination of peoples and therefore widely accepted as desuetude.2 Third, occupation could come to an end by the signing of a peace agreement or an armistice agreement with the ousted government. Fourth and finally, occupation can end by transferring authority to an indigenous government endorsed by the occupied population through referendum and by international recognition.3 This brief note discusses the first type of termination. It seeks to characterize the moment of loss of control and examines the obligations the occupant has during (and possibly after) the termination process.
When will the withdrawal of the occupant from territory it held be considered as terminating the occupation? This section suggests that to answer this question it is necessary to make a rather careful factual determination, because often there would be a fine line that would distinguish between rearrangement of occupation forces which does not bring occupation to an end, and withdrawal of forces, voluntary or involuntary, whereby the occupant would lose its ability to control the area and thereby the occupation will terminate.
was required, an occupant who decides to terminate its direct relations with the local population could claim that it was no longer an occupant.
9 The US Military Manual (The Law of Land Warfare FM 27-10 (1956)) insists that "the invader has successfully substituted its own authority for that of the legitimate government in the territory invaded" (para. 355) and that "the force in possession must have taken measures to establish its authority" (para. 356). The German Military Manual (Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflict – Manual (1992)) states that "the occupying power must be able to actually exercise its authority" (first emphasis mine). The 2004 British Manual appears to contain a contradiction. On the one hand it stipulates that "the occupying power [must be] in a position to substitute its own authority for that of the former government" (para. 13.3, my emphasis), but later it indicates that occupation "depends on whether authority is actually being exercised over the civilian population." (para. 13.3.2, my emphasis). See UK Ministry of Defence, The Manual of the Law of Armed Conflict (Cambridge University Press, 2004). 10 Eyal Benvenisti, Responsibility for the Protection of Human Rights under the Interim Israeli-Palestinian Agreements, Israel Law Review 28 (1995) 297, 309. 11 Case no. IT-98-34-T Prosecutor v. Naletilic, 31 March 2003. 12 Tsemel v. The Minister of Defence, 37(3) PD 365 (1983); Benvenisti, (note 2) at 181-182. 13 Anonymous v. The State of Israel (not yet published, judgment of 11 June, 2008) at para. 11. On the question whether Gaza is still occupied after the disengagement see Mustafa Mari, The Israeli Disengagement from the Gaza Strip: An End of the Occupation? Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 8 (2005) 359 (yes);Yuval Shany, Faraway So Close: The Legal Status of Gaza after Israel's Disengagement", Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 8 (2005) 359 (no). 14 Note, for example, Art. 55 that goes way beyond the obligations under the Hague Regulations, and requires the power in whose hands protected persons are found "to the fullest extent of the means available to it, [to] ensur[e] the food and medical supplies of the population; it should, in particular, bring in the necessary foodstuffs, medical stores and other articles if the resources of the occupied territory are inadequate."
foreign army" also in occupied territories, but does not have its own definition of occupation, or of the circumstances where people "find themselves" in the occupant’s hands. In principle, one could have argued that those provisions of the 4th Geneva Convention related to occupied territory had no independent existence and were complementary to the occupation regime established by the Hague Regulations, and thus become applicable only in situations defined by Article 42 of the Hague Regulations.15 But such an interpretation would have meant, for example, that a foreign army that had not established its own authority over the civilian population was not precluded for example from deporting them or from transferring parts of its own civilian population into the territory. This outcome clearly runs contrary to the object and purpose of the 4th Geneva Convention to safeguard Protected Persons. Hence, at least with respect to obligations under the 4th Geneva Convention, the determination of the existence of occupation must not be dependent on actual authority being exercised by the foreign army.16 This conclusion is apparently endorsed indirectly by the ICJ in Congo/Uganda judgment which states that a foreign army that has not established its authority nevertheless bears at all times the responsibility for all actions and omissions of its own military forces (as opposed to those of third parties) in the enemy territory in breach of its obligations under international humanitarian law which are relevant and applicable in the specific situation.17 The same paragraph adds that the foreign army, even if it is not formally an occupant, could still be responsible for violations by its troops of relevant and applicable rules of international human rights law.
15 According to Art. 154 of the Convention, the provisions of the Hague Regulations are supplementary. 16 The potential control requirement seems an appropriate test for imposing certain Convention obligations that are related to the administration of the occupied area in the post-hostilities stage. 17 Note 7 at para 180. 18 The Naletilic decision, (note 11) at para. 218.
that forces are considered "present" when the occupying force can, within a reasonable time, send detachments of troops to make its authority felt within the occupied area. The number of troops necessary to maintain effective occupation will depend on various factors such as the disposition of the inhabitants, the number and spread of the population, and the nature of the terrain. Battle areas may not be considered as occupied, but sporadic local resistance, even successful at times, will not render the occupation ineffective. But obviously, if the sending of troops requires them to engage in battle to recapture an area from the enemy, the area will no longer be considered occupied until the troops actually manage to establish their control over it.
The law on occupation is designed to apply while occupation lasts. This makes eminent sense when one envisions the typical 19th century short-term occupation, and also the more recent experiences: the law wishes to delimit the power of the occupant and to safeguard the interests and rights of the sovereign people and its government. So far the doctrine has not dealt with the question of the obligation of the occupant in the period leading up and during the period of the unilateral termination of the occupation. This is mainly due to the fact that most occupations ended either by force or by agreement to which the law deferred.19 In recent years however, occupations often become more a liability than fan asset. Consequently, occupants, although not driven out by force, have unilaterally decided to withdraw their forces and terminate their effective control, leaving the local population to face up the challenge of reestablishing public order. Situations like the termination the occupation by Israel of Southern Lebanon in 2000, or the so called "disengagement" from the Gaza Strip in 2005, raise therefore new questions with regard to the transition to the post-occupation era. The first question involves the present-tense obligations of the occupant: Do they entail also the taking into account of the needs of the population in the post-occupation era? The second question relates to the voluntary decision of an occupant to withdraw from a territory it controls. To what extent it must take into account the needs of the occupied population and ensure them during and immediately following the withdrawal?
My argument here is that the present tense obligations of the occupant toward the occupied population should be interpreted as entailing also obligations to ensure as much as the occupant possibly can the continuation of "public order and civil life" during and immediately after the termination of the occupation and the transition to indigenous rule.20 This scope of this obligation deepens and widens in direct relations to the length of the occupation. This obligation is more pronounced in occupations where the occupant becomes actively involved in managing the daily life and controls the institutions that run the local public institutions, and the local population thus becomes reliant on them. As dependency on the occupant widens and deepens, so grows the responsibility of the occupant to ensure smooth transition to indigenous control. This is especially the case in the so-called humanitarian occupations21 or transformative occupations22 that had been prompted by the urge to protect the local population from internal persecution. These considerations imply that already during occupation the occupant must take into account the post-occupation period and make the necessary provisions in anticipation of the termination of its control.
20 The Hague Regulations of 1907, Art. 43: "The authority of the legitimate power having in fact passed into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety [l'ordre et la vie publics], while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country." 21 For a comprehensive treatment of this type of occupations see Gregory H. Fox, Humanitarian Occupation (2008). See also Benvenisti (note 2), at 166-167. 22 Adam Roberts, Transformative Military Occupation: Applying the Laws of War and Human Rights, AJIL 100 (2006) 580 (referring to occupation "whose stated purpose (whether or not actually achieved) is to change states that have failed, or have been under tyrannical rule").
civil life for the duration of the termination process and immediately in its aftermath. At times this attention would be minimal – some food, water and medical supplies – for the duration until the incoming power establishes control. When the withdrawal is planned and executed in an orderly manner, it should include the orderly transfer of control over public buildings and installations, police headquarters and prisons,23 private buildings such as banks and shopping centers that could become targets of looting, to responsible representatives of the local population, if such can be found. And if circumstances require, and time and resources allow for, the occupant may be called upon to build the capacity of the indigenous community before it retreats. The obligation to "ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety" persists till the very end of the occupation.
23 The 4th Geneva Convention specifically mentions the obligation to hand over protected persons who have been accused of offences or convicted by the courts in occupied territory together with the relevant records. (Art. 77).
24 The Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory , ICJ Advisory Opinion of 9 July 2004, available at www.icj-cij.org/icjwww/idocket/imwp/imwpframe.htm; The Congo/Uganda Judgment, supra note 7. For a critical appraisal see Aeyal M. Gross, Human Proportions: Are Human Rights the Emperor’s New Clothes of the International Law of Occupation? European Journal of International Law (EJIL) 18 (2007) 1. 25 Rein Mullerson, Continuity and Succession of States, by Reference to the Former USSR and Yugoslavia, International and Comparative Law Quarterly (ICLQ) 42 (1993) 473, 492.
26 Rhoda Mushkat, Hong Kong and Succession of Treaties, ICLQ 46 (1997) 181, 191.
27 On this doctrine see Akbar Rasulov, Revisiting State Succession to Humanitarian Treaties: Is There as Case for Automaticity? EJIL 14 (2003) 141, Mushkat, (note 27) at 190-191. Judge Weeramantry’s separate opinion in Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro) Preliminary Objections ICJ Rep. 1996 (available at http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?p1=3&p2=3&k=f4&case=91&code=bhy&p3=4 ) upheld that doctrine, stating that human rights and humanitarian treaties can be regarded as an exception to the general "clean slate" approach in state succession because inter alia they "involve no loss of sovereignty or autonomy of the new State, but are merely in line with general principles of protection that flow from the inherent dignity of every human being which is the very foundation of the United Nations Charter." (at page 645). 28 Concluding Observations of the Human Rights Committee (Hong Kong) : United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. 18/11/96 (CCPR/C/79/Add.69). 29 Yuval Shany, Law Applicable to Non-Occupied Gaza (draft 2008).
to remove a person from their territory, where there are substantial grounds for believing that there is a real risk of irreparable harm, such as by torture, in the country to which removal is to be effected or in any country to which the person may subsequently be removed. A higher level of abstraction will stipulate that parties may not hand over persons to the incoming authority by leaving such persons behind.30 Such persons will definitely include individuals who acted as collaborators or informers to the occupying army and there is reason to believe that the incoming power would subject them to torture. Arguably the same case can be made for people expected to be persecuted by the incoming power, such as gays and lesbians, political dissidents or members of ethnic minorities.31 When Israel unilaterally withdrew from South Lebanon (2000) it opened its borders also to the fleeing members of the Israeli-backed militia called the South Lebanon Army. When it withdrew from Gaza in 2005 its Gazan collaborators were resettled within Israel.
30 For the use of the same rationale in an even wider sense see Shany, (note 29) (p. 9). 31 Those are likely to qualify also as refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (Article 35 on the prohibition of refoulement). 32 Art. 35 of the 2001 International Law Commission’s Articles on State Responsibility.
The obligations at the voluntary termination of occupation are obviously not obligations of result but rather of conduct. They require due diligence. The adequacy of their realization depend on the specific circumstances, including the nature and the duration of the occupation, the resources available to the retreating occupant and to the incoming power, the needs of the local population and the circumstances of the withdrawal. Ultimately, as is the case with other decisions the occupant must take, the occupant needs to balance the interests of the population against its own military interests.
The failure to undertake the necessary steps in anticipation of the transition could raise, in the aftermath of the occupation, the responsibility to correct its previous violations, under the general principles of the law on state responsibility. The application of these general principles to the specific situation of occupation should take into consideration all the relevant circumstances. Thus, for example, the remedy of restitution, namely the obligation to "re-establish the situation which existed before the wrongful act was committed,"
often be meaningless where the population lacks basic infrastructure and public institutions. The more relevant type of satisfaction that the previous occupant would be legally expected to make would most often relate to the same services it provided or had to provide or ensure provision. These would entail at least the supply of resources required for basic subsistence. In addition, as part of the satisfaction, the previous occupant would be to provide access to or through its own territory for crucial services that are not available in the previously occupied area. Obviously, these remedial obligations are by nature temporary. The incoming power must assume responsibilities as part of its assumption of sovereign authority. Gradually the burden to provide for the occupied population will shift to the incumbent authority.
Then the court addresses the question of "duties of the State of Israel relating to the residents of the Gaza Strip." In addition to duties "derived from the situation of armed conflict that exists between it and the Hamas organization controlling the Gaza Strip [and] from the extent of the State of Israel's control over the border crossings between it and the Gaza Strip," the court recognizes a duty stemming "from the relations which has been created between Israel and the territory of the Gaza Strip after the years of Israeli military rule in the area, as a result of which the Gaza Strip has now become almost completely dependent upon supply of electricity by Israel." The court cites no authority to support this assertion. It is submitted that this welcome assertion can be based on the principles of the law of occupation and presumably also on human rights law.
In our collective memory, the termination of occupation is associated with the joy of liberation.36 We tend to view this period as one of enormous excitement, of self- and collective fulfillment. But there may be different scenarios, especially in times when occupants experience the severe costs associated with their position. Unilateral withdrawals can be events as painful as other situations of political transition in which the protection of individual rights is particularly important. Probably given the rather idyllic connotation, the law of occupation has so far failed to seriously address the occupant’s obligations in anticipation of and during the transitional period at the end of the occupation. It is time to fill this gap.
36 The occupants of Iraq in 2003 tried to take advantage of this connotation by presenting the occupation as "liberation" (see Roberts (note 21)).

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