Source: http://pbohan.blogspot.com/2018/03/
Timestamp: 2019-04-22 01:17:56+00:00

Document:
History is neglected in our school system. History is not a prerequisite for college. History is not important enough to establish any government standards like reading, writing, math or science. Sure, those subjects may be more important than history, but that does not mean history is not important at all. Evidence in many Supreme Court or lower court cases is provided through a historical analysis to properly interpret our Constitution. History was instrumental to decide many important and landmark cases. For example, to elevate a Fundament Right using Substantive Due Process (rights not found in the text of the Constitution) one of the key perquisites is determine whether the proposed right is “deep-rooted in American history and traditions” (Washington v. Glucksberg – 1997). This standard was most recently applied in Troxel v. Granville (2000) and McDonald v. Chicago (2010). In Troxel, the Court held that parents had a fundamental right to make decisions regarding their children and in McDonald the Court held individuals had the right to keep and bear arms for self-defense. Each decision provided a detailed historical analysis to prove its position.
Most decisions regarding Constitutional Clauses require Justices to make a historical analysis to interpret our Founding Fathers intent. In Kelo v. City of New London (2005), Justice Thomas provided a history of Takings Clause. In NLRB v. Canning Noel (2012) the Court provides a history of the Recess Appointment Clause. In United States v. Lopez (1995) Justice Thomas provides a historical analysis of the Commerce Clause and how the Court has deviated from the traditional intent of that clause. Justice Thomas also provides a historical analysis of African-American life after the Civil War in diversity cases such as Grutter v. Bollinger (1997). In McDonald Justice Thomas also provides a detailed historical analysis of the privileges and immunities Clause in both the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments. The Necessary and Proper Clause, the Establishment Clause, and the entire Bill of Rights for that matter have all faced historical analysis by Justices in determining cases. Cases involving the structure of the Constitution such as the separation of powers between branches of government also requires a historical analysis. Cases involving the unique nature of federalism and the concept of dual sovereignty of the nation and states a historical analysis is necessary. Historical analysis is necessary to interpret the Founding Fathers intent as well as the intent of the drafters of the Fourteenth Amendment. To understand the intent of these people, Justices also need to understand the philosophies of John Locke, William Blackstone, and the Baron de Montesquieu, since it was their writings that influenced the drafting of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
James Madison’s writings are probably the most influential to understanding the intent of the Founding Fathers. Madison, of course, authored several of the 85 Federalist Papers along with John Jay and Alexander Hamilton. Madison’s Federalist #10 about factions is highly influential and quoted immensely by Justices. The history of Colonial State Constitutions and its provisions and clauses are also important to understand the intent of the Founders when writing the Constitution. Justices routinely compare the meaning of words within the Constitution and between State Constitutions to understand intent. For instance State can have two meanings: Nation and the States of the Union. Justices routinely disagree about meanings of clauses and provisions in the Constitution and can provide two unique historical analyses to back up their claims. For instance, conservatives view the Establishment Clause as a federalism clause applying only to the federal government, however liberals see the clause also applying to the states. And then, of course, the Justices must understand the significance behind the history of hundreds of years of precedent and how to apply it.
Liberal Justices work tirelessly to take historical analysis from Court decisions. They can accomplish this by saying the Constitution is a “living document” first theorized by early progressive justices such as Oliver Wendell Holmes. History can also be eliminated from judicial decisions by using other liberal or progressive techniques such as “presumption” or “judicial restraint”. Justices use the technique of “restraint” to sustain State or Federal laws by “presuming” these laws are constitutional unless those challenging the laws can prove otherwise. Finally, liberal justices can eliminate history in the decision process by merely siding with the majority. Of course, this is dangerous. Majority rule led to precedent such as Jim Crow Laws, mandatory sterilization, unlawful internment, and a clear and present danger. In the first landmark case in Supreme Court history, Marbury v. Madison (1804), Chief Justice Marshall said it was the job of the Court “to say what the law is”. By omitting history through a “living document”, “presumption”, “judicial restraint”, and majority rule Justices are not deciding “what the law is”. It is judicial laziness. Justices merely “defer” to what is popular or what Congress wants and do not care if a law passes Constitutional muster.
Knowledge is paramount. I cannot see any reason to limit rulings based on lesser knowledge of history. In Meyer v. Nebraska (1923) the Court recognized the fundamental right to obtain knowledge. Why would Justices not practice what they preach to be a fundamental right? Of course, students may believe history is not essential to survive, but is it okay to be ignorant (unless they want to be a judge). Today, there is no reason to be ignorant about history with encyclopedias on our phones – yet we are getting dumber, not smarter. Without understanding history and our framers intent, we take our Liberty, fundamental rights, and personal freedoms for granted. That should never happen. That is mockery to every person that died fighting for our personal freedoms. Freedom comes at a cost and it is important to never forget that.
I hear it every day: conservatives do not like minorities or the poor. However, when it comes to eminent domain cases, liberals are the ones who favor government intrusion in favor of the wealthy and corporations over minorities and the poor. Eminent domain cases are covered under the Fifth Amendment’s “Takings Clause” which states: “nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.” In Calder v. Bull (1793) Justice Chase said that government is restricted from passing a “law that takes property from A, and gives it to B.” However, liberal interpretations of the “Takings Clause” has completely changed the meaning of the clause to include taking private property for private use. A great case to examine is Kelo v. City of New London (2005) to illustrate this point.
In Kelo the Court held (Justice Stevens wrote the majority opinion) the City of New London can take Kelo’s property for private reasons if it meets public concerns such as creating “new jobs and increased tax revenue”. Furthermore, even if the takings could have possible public implications, then it is constitutional. New London’s renewal plan included, among other things, clearing space for a new Big Pharma (Pfizer) facility. Two previously erroneous Supreme Court decisions were the key precedent used for this case: Berman v. Parker (1954) and Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff (1984). In Berman the Court held that a DC redevelopment plan was constitutional and in Midkiff the Court held that a Hawaii plan to allocate land from wealthy land owners to private citizens was constitutional. In Berman, the Court held that the area being redeveloped was so run down that it was a public hazard making the takings acceptable (even though much of land would be used to build new private businesses). In Midkiff the Court held the State’s purpose to end the “social and economic evils of land oligopoly” qualified as a valid use of police power. Interestingly, Justice O’Connor wrote the majority opinion in Midkiff, and the minority opinion in Kelo.
Justice O’Connor’s dissent in Kelo is well reasoned (unlike Midkiff). O’Connor starts by stating “that no word was unnecessarily used, or needlessly added” to the Constitution. She continues to point out two viable reasons for the government to take private property: 1. For “a road, a hospital, or a military base and 2. For a “transfer to private parties, often common carriers, who make the property available for public use – such as with a railroad, public utility, or a stadium.” O’Connor offers a third reason that is flawed which gave birth to Berman and Midkiff. O’Connor points out that 64% of the property taken in the Berman case were “dwellings beyond repair.” But what about the other 36% of properties confiscated that O’Connor fails to acknowledge. Mr. Berman’s store property was given to another private business even though it was well maintained. O’Connor would rightly assert “police power and ‘public use’ cannot always be equated.” O’Connor summarized the ramifications of the majority’s decision in Kelo means “Nothing is to prevent the State from replacing any Motel 6 with a Ritz-Carlton, any home with a shopping mall, or any farm with a factory.” O’Connor is correct to point out if the only basis for taking property is to increase government tax revenue, they are free to take anybody’s property; no one is safe.
Justice Kennedy was again the swing vote. In his concurring opinion he states “under the Equal Protection Clause [the Court] must strike down a government classification that is clearly intended to injure a particular class of private parties, with only incidental or pre-textual public justifications.” This explains so much and why Kennedy was a swing vote in Romer v. Evans and Obergefell v. Hodges (2015). In Romer the Court struck down a law prohibiting preferential treatment to gays for things such as quota systems for schools or corporations. Of course, Obergefell was the famous case that made gay marriage a fundamental right. Maybe if Kelo was gay then Kennedy would have struck down this law, but his opinion in Romer and Obergefell conflict with Kelo since Kelo discriminates against the poor. For example, in Bailey v. Alabama (1911), the Court saw through a law that was valid on its face, but had discriminatory intentions. The state of Alabama made blacks sign work contracts and when blacks broke the contract they were subject to hard labor in prison. The problem with law was that white people did not have to sign work contracts, so the law was targeting blacks to make them slaves again. Kelo and Berman are no different. States are targeting depressed areas to take property from poor people and to give it to wealthy rich people and companies like Pfizer. Berman and Kelo’s properties were well maintained and should not have been taken simply because the neighborhood around them was depressed, especially for private economic reasons. It is important to note that Kelo’s property was a vacant lot for several years after this decision. When developers financing fell through, Kelo’s lot was vacant gaining no tax revenue and was at one point used as dump site after Hurricane Irene hit the town. Liberals will never tell you this and the media will not cover it, but Kelo is an example of liberal social justice gone awry.

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