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Timestamp: 2019-04-23 02:06:07+00:00

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In the entries giving the birth-dates of the Bëorians is seen the emergence of an elder line of descent from Bëor the Old beside Barahir and Beren: Barahir now has a brother Bregolas, whose sons are Baragund and Belegund (in this History all three have been named in rewriting of the Layof Leithian, III. 335, but that belongs to a much later time). In this line Morwen and Rían are genealogically placed, and as the daughters of Baragund and Belegund become cousins. But though nothing has been said before of Rían's kindred, the idea that Morwen was related to Beren goes right back to the Tale of Turambar, where (as that text was first written, when Beren was a Man) Mavwin was akin to Egnor, Beren's father (see II. 71, 139).
The Bëorian house is thus now in its final form in the last and most important generations, though Barahir and Bregolas were later to be removed by many steps from Bëor with the lengthening of the years of Beleriand from the rising of the Sun.
By this genealogical development, too, Túrin and Tuor are descended both from the house of Bëor and from the house of Hador; and they become cousins on both sides.
Haleth, who in Q was the son of Hador, now becomes independent, a ‘Father of Men’; cf. the pencilled alterations to Q §9 (note 11 and pp. 210-11), where Haleth ‘the Hunter’ enters Beleriand shortly before Hador—as is implied also in AB I. The account of the physical characters of the Men of the Three Houses of the Elf-friends is the origin of that in The Silmarillion (p. 148); but at this stage the people of Haleth are likened to those of Hador rather than to the Bëorians, and this is undoubtedly a reflection of the fact that the ‘Hadorian’ and ‘Halethian’ houses had only just been divided (see pp. 210-11).
In Q (§13, p. 155), Brandir the Lame was the son of Handir, son of Haleth; but now in AB I a new generation is introduced in the person of Hundor, by early addition to the text (see note 13).
In the house of Hador the removal of Haleth as Hador's elder son leads to the appearance of Gundor, as seen already in the later alteration to Q §9 (note 11 and pp. 211-12). In AB I Hador is spelt both Hádor and Hador, and on the assumption that the accent must be intended whereas its absence may not I have extended the form Hádor throughout.
The genealogies of the Three Houses of the Elf-friends, together with their dates as given in AB I (after revision), are now therefore as shown on p. 377.
That Hádor became a vassal of Fingolfin (annal 120) is extended from the statement in Q §9, ‘the sons of Hador were allied to the house of Fingolfin’, with the addition that he was given lands in Hithlum. That his grandson Húrin had his house in Hithlum is of course an ancient feature of the legends.
Beren's name Mablosgen, the Empty-handed (note 15) first appears here (Camlost in The Silmarillion).
The sadness of the Elves who witnessed it at Bëor's death ‘of weariness’ (annal 150) foreshadows the passage in The Silmarillion, p. 149.
In these annals (to be compared with Q §9) are many new details and one major development. In a later addition (note 17) the Battle of Sudden Fire (itself appearing, as the Battle of Sudden Flame, in a later addition to Q, note 19) receives the Elvish name Dagor Hurbreged; and Glómund is present at the battle—by another later addition (note 18) now in his ‘full might’. At each stage, in addition to S, in Q, in addition to Q, in AB, and in addition to AB, the history of Glómund is pushed further back; for the details see pp. 219-20. In The Silmarillion p. 151 the same expression ‘in his full might’ is used of Glaurung at the Battle of Sudden Flame, where the statement has the point that at his first appearance (p. 116) he was not yet full-grown; see pp. 405-6.
The death of Bregolas and the greater part of the warriors of Bëor's house is recorded (cf. The Silmarillion pp. 151-2), as also is the death of Hádor ‘now aged’ and his son Gundor, defending Fingolfin (in The Silmarillion they fell at Eithel Sirion). Orodreth as well as Felagund is said to have been rescued by Barahir: this is not at all suggested in Q, where he came to Nargothrond with Celegorm and Curufin only ‘after a time of breathless flight and perilous wanderings', and it seems natural to suppose that he had escaped from Taur-na-Danion (Taur-na-Fuin) when his brothers Angrod and Egnor were slain. On this matter see further below, annal 157.
Whereas in Q Himling is said to have been ‘fortified’ by the sons of Fëanor at this time (p. 128; previously it was their ‘watchtower’, p. 125), in AB it has been said earlier (annal 51) that Himling was their ‘fortress’, and it is now told that through the prowess of Maidros it was not lost to them. The passage of Orcs through ‘the passes east of Himling’ into East Beleriand, and the scattering of ‘the Gnomes of Fëanor's house’, are now first mentioned: in The Silmarillion (p. 153) this is much amplified.
The annal 157 introduces the interval of two years between the Battle of Sudden Fire and the taking of Tolsirion, which thenceforward was the Isle of Werewolves (and by the later addition given in note 20 receives the Elvish name Tol-na-Gaurhoth); cf. The Silmarillion p. 155. But in this annal it is said that not only Orodreth and Celegorm and Curufin retreated to Nargothrond at this time, but Felagund also, and that they made there a great hidden palace. It is difficult to know what to make of this, since in the entry for the year 50 it is said that Felagund ‘established his armouries' in the caves of Narog, and in that for 51 ‘he has his seat beside Narog in the South' (though his power is centred on Tolsirion). Possibly the meaning is that though Nargothrond had existed for more than a hundred years as a Gnomish stronghold it was not until the Battle of Sudden Fire that it was made into a great subterranean dwelling or ‘palace’, and the centre of Felagund's power. Even so, the story still seems very confused. In annal 155 ‘Barahir and his chosen champions saved Felagund and Orodreth’, but also ‘Celegorm and Curufin were defeated and fled with Orodreth’; while two years later, in 157, ‘Felagund and Orodreth, together with Celegorm and Curufin, retreated to Nargothrond’.
The implication of the last two of these statements is surely that Celegorm and Curufin fled west with Orodreth after Taur-na-Danion was overrun and took refuge with Felagund on Tolsirion; and when Tolsirion was taken two years later all four went south to Narog. If this is so, it seems to contradict the first statement, that Barahir saved Felagund and Orodreth at the Battle of Sudden Fire in 155. Perhaps the fact that the annal heading 155 is written twice hints at an explanation. The second heading is written at the top of a manuscript page (which finishes at the end of the entry for 157); and it may be that this page is a revision which was not properly integrated into the narrative.
In the second paragraph of 157 various new elements appear: the sending of Morwen and Rían to Hithlum (cf. The Silmarillion p. 155); Morwen's name Eledwen (note 24; she is called ‘Elfsheen’ in Q §9 and in annal 145); the presence of Baragund and Belegund in Barahir's band, and (by later addition, note 23) the names of two others (in addition to Gorlim): Radros and Dengar (> Dagnir). Dagnir remains in The Silmarillion; Radros became Radhruin.
It may be noticed here that while my father subsequently greatly expanded the duration of Beleriand from the rising of the Sun to the end of the Elder Days, this expansion was not achieved by a general, proportionate enlargement of the intervals between major events. Rather, he increased (in successive versions of the Annals) the lapse of time in the earlier part of the period, the Siege of Angband being enormously extended; and the relative dating of the later events remained little affected. Thus in AB I the Battle of Sudden Fire took place in the year 155, the attack on the fortress of Sirion's Well in 162, and the Fall of Nargothrond in 195; in The Silmarillion the dates are 455 (p. 150), 462 (p. 160), and 495 (p. 211).
The Swarthy Men were referred to somewhat obliquely in Q §11, as first written: ‘Men from East and South' came to Maidros’ banner (p. 141), and ‘the swart Men, whom Uldor the Accursed led, went over to the foe’ (p. 142). In a later interpolation (note 14) the Men from the East are ‘the Swarthy Men’ and ‘the Easterlings’, and ‘the sons of Bor and Ulfang’ are referred to, Uldor the Accursed being the son of Ulfang. It is not made clear in Q when these Men came out of the East. In AB they entered Beleriand in the year following the attack on Eithel Sirion, while in The Silmarillion their coming is put somewhat earlier (p. 157); but the description of them in AB is preserved closely in The Silmarillion, with the mention of their liking (clearly boding no good) for the Dwarves of the mountains. The interpolation in Q has the final form Ulfang, whereas in AB he is Ulfand (< Ulband, notes 30, 45); * his sons are Uldor, Ulfast, whose names were not afterwards changed, and Ulwar, who became Ulwarth. The association of Cranthir (Caranthir) with these Men also now appears. With the words of AB concerning the Dwarves cf. Q §9, p. 126.
There is some slight difference in the accounts in Q §11 and in AB: thus the deeds of Celegorm and Curufin are here made the reason for Thingol's refusal to join the Union of Maidros, and the reluctance of the Elves of Nargothrond is due to their strategy of stealth and secrecy, whereas in Q (as in The Silmarillion, pp. 188-9) Thingol's motive is the demand made on him by the Fëanorians for the return of the Silmaril, and it is the deeds of Celegorm and Curufin that determine Orodreth's policy. There is possibly a suggestion in the words ‘for his people will not be restrained’ that the emergence of the host of Gondolin was against Turgon's wisdom; in Q §11 as rewritten (in note 7, where the story of the much earlier foundation of Gondolin had entered) Turgon ‘deemed that the hour of deliverance was at hand’.
My father doubtless had both Q and AB in front of him as working texts for a considerable time, and some emendations to Q are later than some emendations to AB.
‘The Orcs are slowly driven back out of Beleriand’: cf. the rewritten passage in Q §11, note 14, ‘Now for a while the Gnomes had victory, and the Orcs were driven out of Beleriand. ’ But this comes after ‘Having gathered at lastall the strength that he might Maidros appointed a day’: as I noted (p. 216), the two phases of the war are not clearly distinguished—or else it is only with the Annals that the first successes against the Orcs are moved back, with the concomitant idea that Maidros ‘made trial of his strength too soon, ere his plans were full-wrought’ (The Silmarillion p. 189).
In this account of the Battle of Unnumbered Tears, with which is to be compared that in Q §11, the Annals introduce many new details that were to endure. Thus it is now told that Huor wedded Rían ‘on the eve of battle’; and that there was to be a visible signal from Maidros to the hosts waiting in the West. The doubt concerning the part of the people of Haleth (see p. 218) is now resolved, and ‘Hundor son of Haleth and the Men of the wood were slain in the retreat across the sands'; and ‘glad meeting of Húrin and Turgon’ now arises out of the story first told in annal 155; Balrogs smote down Fingon, though Gothmog is not yet named as his slayer; Turgon took with him in his retreat a remnant of Fingon's host (so in The Silmarillion p. 194); Huor died of a venomed arrow (ibid. ); Húrin threw away his shield (ibid. p. 195).
The change of Flinding son of Fuilin to Gwindor son of Guilin (note 40), which is made also in Q, clearly occurs for the first time in AB, since Flinding here became Findor before he became Gwindor.
In a few points AB differs from the later story. Here, Turgon's host descended out of Taur-na-Fuin, whereas in Q (as rewritten, note 7) ‘they encamped before the West Pass in sight of the walls of Hithlum’, just as in The Silmarillion (p. 192) the host of Gondolin ‘had been stationed southward guarding the Pass of Sirion’. The loyalty of Bór and his sons, not mentioned in Q, now appears, but whereas in the later story Maglor slew Uldor, and the sons of Bór slew Ulfast and Ulwarth ‘ere they themselves were slain’, in AB Cranthir slew Uldor, and Ulfast and Ulwar slew Bór and his three sons. The number of a thousand Balrogs who came from Angband when ‘Hell was emptied’ shows once again (see II. 212-13 and p. 207), and more clearly than ever, that Morgoth's demons of fire were not conceived as rare or peculiarly terrible—unlike the Dragon.
The passage at the end of annal 172 concerning Rían and Tuor, with the further reference to Tuor in annal 173, follows the rewriting of Q §16, note 3; and here as there there is no mention of Tuor's slavery among the Easterlings, which was however referred to in Q as first written.
The words ‘others [Morgoth] forbade to leave Hithlum, and they were slain if Orcs found them east or south of the Shadowy Mountains' must refer to those Elves who were not enslaved in Angband; but this is surprising. Cf. Q §12, where it is told that Morgoth penned the Easterlings behind the Shadowy Mountains in Hithlum ‘and slew them if they wandered to Broseliand or beyond’; similarly in The Silmarillion (p. 195) it was the Easterlings that Morgoth would not permit to leave.
In Q §12, as in S, and as in The Silmarillion (pp. 198-9), Túrin left his home before his sister Nienor was born (see p. 70). The entry in AB for Nienor's birth is an early addition and certainly belongs with the revised dating of Túrin's birth (i. e. in the year 165, not 170, see note 36) and of his journey to Doriath (i. e. in 173 not 177, see note 48); thus Túrin left after his sister's birth.
darkness of mind comes on Nienor’ is hardly recognisable as an account of the events known from the Tale, S, Q, and The Silmarillion; but the general concurrence of all these other versions shows that the wording of AB is the result of severe compression of the narrative, composed very rapidly (see p. 351). It is here, however, that the only development in the story appears: Morwen ‘vanishes in the woods', and is not, as in Q §13, led back in safety to Doriath.
The dates in these annals are of much interest as indicating my father's conception of the duration and intervals of time in the legend, concerning which the other early texts give very little idea. Thus Túrin's life as an outlaw after his flight from Doriath and until the capture of Beleg lasted three years, and a further two until the band was betrayed by Blodrin; he spent five years in Nargothrond, and was thirty years old at the time of its fall. Nienor dwelt among the Woodmen for some three years; she was twenty-six years old when she died, and Túrin Turambar was thirty-four.
Halmir the hunter of hart and boar.
In this annal is the first occurrence of the form Mormegil (Mormaglir in Q), though here corrected later (notes 52, 55) to Mormael.
You speak of secrecy, and say that therein lies the only hope; but could you ambush and waylay every scout and spy of Morgoth to the last and least, so that none came ever back with tidings to Angband, yet from that he would learn that you lived and guess where.
The alliance of the Gnomes of Nargothrond with the people of Handir (Haleth's grandson) is not found in The Silmarillion. In AB (annal 195) Handir was slain in the battle of the fall of Nargothrond; in The Silmarillion (p. 212) he was slain in the year of the fall, but before it, when Orcs invaded his land.
‘Glómund with a host of Orcs comes over Erydlómin (> Erydwethion, note 54) and defeats the Gnomes between Narog and Taiglin’ shows that, as in Q, the battle before the sack of Nargothrond was not fought at the later site, between Ginglith and Narog; see p. 222.
That Glómund passed over the Shadowy Mountains implies that he came from Angband by way of Hithlum, and it seems strange that he should not have entered Beleriand by the Pass of Sirion; but in the next major version of the Annals of Beleriand it is said expressly that he ‘passed into Hithlum and did great evil’ before moving south over the mountains. There is no indication of why Morgoth commanded, or permitted, this.
In the redating of the entry (196 > 195, see note 57) concerning Tuor's journey from Hithlum to the sea and along the coast to the mouths of Sirion there is a foreshadowing of the situation in The Silmarillion, where (p. 238) ‘Tuor dwelt in Nevrast alone, and the summer of that year passed, and the doom of Nargothrond drew near’; thus it was that Tuor and Voronwë on their journey to Gondolin saw at Ivrin, defiled by the passage of Glaurung on his way to Nargothrond, a tall man hastening northwards and bearing a black sword, though ‘they knew not who he was, nor anything of what had befallen in the south' (p. 239).
Why were the havens of Brithombar and Eldorest (> Eglorest) ‘ruined’? Nothing has been said anywhere of the destruction of the Havens. In the next version of the Annals of Beleriand the same remains true, and the Havens are again said, in the corresponding passage, to be in ruins. Later, the Havens were besieged and destroyed in the year after the Battle of Unnumbered Tears (The Silmarillion p. 296), and I have suggested (p. 282) that the statement on the Westward extension of the first map ‘Here Morgoth reaches the shores' may be a reference to this story: it seems then that it was present, though my father neglected to refer to it until much later.
The addition Silver Bowl (Celebrindon) (note 59) is another case, like that of Flinding > Gwindor in annal 172, where the alteration to AB preceded that made to Q. This is shown by the first, rejected form Celebrindon, whereas in the addition to Q (§13, note 14) there is only Celebros (translated, as here, ‘Foam-silver’).
Tuor entered Gondolin in 196, and thus dwelt there for three years before he wedded Idril. This agrees with S (§16, see p. 80); in Q nothing is said on the subject.
Húrin's band is now composed of Men, not Elves (see II. 137; in Q §14 they are only described as ‘outlaws of the woods'); but the story as very briefly given in AB does not advance matters at this difficult point (see my discussion, p. 227). Húrin's fate, and Morwen's, is now unknown; in Q ‘some have said that he cast himself at last into the western sea’, and (at the end of §13) ‘some have said that Morwen, wandering woefully from Thingol's halls... came on a time to that stone and read it, and there died’.
In the story of the Nauglafring (> Nauglamír, note 60) there is very little narrative development from Q (§14); but the change from ‘War ensues between the Elves and Dwarves' to ‘Enmity awakes’ (note 61) suggests that my father was revising the story at this point. The ‘war’ is the fighting in the Thousand Caves which first enters the narrative in Q, and of which the slain were buried in Cûm-nan-Arasaith, the Mound of Avarice.
The name of the river in which the gold was drowned, Asgar, is found also in the list of Old English names (p. 256); in Q, and on the Eastward extension of the map, as in The Silmarillion, the form is Ascar.
It is made clear that Lúthien died as a mortal (see pp. 230-1), and the suggestion is that she and Beren died at the same time. It is seen from the dates that they lived on only a very brief while after the coming of the Silmaril to Ossiriand; cf. Q ‘the brief hour of the loveliness of the land of Rathlorion departed’. Here is first mentioned the bringing of the Silmaril to Dior in Doriath by night.
A minor addition to the story in Q (§14) is that the battle between the Elves of the renewed Doriath and the Fëanorians took place on the eastern marches of the realm; and the young sons of Dior were slain ‘by the evil men of Maidros’ host’—which does not necessarily mean that the Fëanorians came upon Doriath with mortal allies, since ‘men’ is used in the sense ‘male Elves'. The sons of Dior, named Eldûn and Elrûn in an addition to Q (note 14), here bear the names Elboron and Elbereth; the latter must be the first occurrence of Elbereth in my father's writings. It is seen from the next version of the Annals of Beleriand that the names Eldûn and Elrûn replaced those given here.
In annal 210 it is said that Maidros actually forswore his oath (although in the final annal he still strives to fulfil it); and this is clearly to be related to his revulsion at the killing of Dior's sons in the annal for 206. Damrod and Díriel now emerge as the most ferocious of the surviving sons of Fëanor, and it is on them that the blame for the assault on the people of Sirion is primarily laid: Maidros and Maglor only ‘gave reluctant aid’. This develops further an increasing emphasis in these texts on the weariness and loathing felt by Maidros and Maglor for the duty they felt bound to.
In annal 229 Maglor, rather than Maidros as in Q §17, be-comes the saviour of Elrond; this change is made also in a late rewriting of Q II (§17 note 10), where however Elrond's brother Elros also emerges, as is not the case in AB.
The story of Elwing and Eärendel follows that in Q II: Elwing bearing the Silmaril is borne up out of the sea by Ulmo in the form of a bird and comes to Eärendel as he returns in his ship, and they voyage together in search of Valinor; and it is Eärendel's ‘embassy of the two kindreds' that leads to the assault on Morgoth (see p. 238).
This is the first mention of any kind of the life of the few surviving Gnomes who remained free after the destruction of the people of Sirion; and in a later addition (note 65) is the first appearance of Amon Ereb, the Lonely Hill in East Beleriand, where they lurked.
The refusal of the Teleri to leave Valinor at all (though they built a great number of ships) seems to be a reversion to the story in Q I §17 (p. 178); in Q E (p. 185) ‘they went not forth save very few’, and those that did manned the fleet that bore the hosts of Valinor. But AB may here be simply very compressed.
In the account of the assault on Morgoth from the West there are some additions to the narrative in Q (§17): the Battle of Eldorest (> Eglorest), where Ingwil (> Ingwiel) landed in Middle-earth (Ingwiel is the form in an addition to Q II, note 19; the form Ingwil in AB preceded this), the summons of Fionwë to all Elves, Dwarves, Men, beasts and birds to come to his banners, and the array of the hosts of West and North on either side of Sirion.
The statement (subsequently corrected, notes 70-1) that both Maglor and Maidros ‘perished in a last endeavour to seize the Silmarils’ seems to suggest a passing movement to yet another formulation of the story (see the table on p. 246); but may well have been a slip due to hasty composition and compression.
It remains to notice the chronology of the last years of Beleriand that now emerges. Tuor wedded Idril in the year (199) of the deaths of Túrin and Nienor; and both Eärendel and Elwing were born in the following year, five years after the Fall of Nargothrond (195). Dior's re-establishment of Thingol's realm lasted no more than four years (202-6), and the Fall of Gondolin followed only one year after the final ruin of Doriath (in the old Tale of the Nauglafring, II. 242, the two events took place on the very same day), and one year after the capture of Meglin in the hills. Eärendel was seven years old at the Fall of Gondolin (as stated in Q §16), and thirty-three years old when he came to Valinor. The settlement at the delta of Sirion lasted twenty-three years from Elwing's coming there. The shortness of the time as my father at this period conceived it is very remarkable, the more so in comparison with the later lavish millennia of the Second and Third Ages, not to mention the aeons allowed to the ages before the rising of the Sun and Moon. The history of Men in Beleriand is comprised in 150 years before the beginning of the Great Battle; Nargothrond, Doriath, and Gondolin were all destroyed within thirteen years; and the entire history from the rising of the Sun and Moon and the coming of the exiled Noldoli to the destruction of Beleriand and the end of the Elder Days covers two and half centuries (or three according to the addition given in note 69: ‘This great war lasted fifty years').

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