Source: http://ieg-ego.eu/en/threads/crossroads/courts-and-cities/markian-prokopovych-rosemary-h-sweet-literary-and-artistic-metropolises
Timestamp: 2019-04-20 12:38:28+00:00

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Artistic and literary production are not inherently urban processes in themselves but they have always flourished in an urban context and the processes of cultural production have played a major role in urban economies. Literary and artistic metropolises have also acted as nodal points in networks of cultural exchange, their creative dynamism drawing strength from and encouraging the movement of people and ideas. Focussing on the period 1450–1930, this essay considers how and why certain cities have emerged as literary and artistic metropolises and the factors that enabled such a cultural flowering to take place.
Since antiquity a clear association has been made in western culture between literary and artistic activity and urban society. Artistic and literary institutions have been a defining element of urban life and essential to the rhetoric of urban civilization. In the modern era the concept of the "creative city" has been coined that assumes a direct correlation between urbanity and creative development.1 Thus Jane Jacobs (1916–2006) famously argued in The Economy of Cities (1969) that the dense concentration of diverse populations in the urban environment created the precondition for innovation and economic development.2 Her argument has provoked scepticism from a number of quarters: cities are not and should not be seen as the only environments that produce, foster and encourage creativity and neither should we simply assume that, if certain criteria of size and heterogeneity are met, a burst of creativity is bound to happen. However, while this article cannot claim to provide an explanation of the complex relationship between creativity and (urban) economic development, by looking at creative metropolises from 1450 until 1930 we do intend to tackle those specific urban centres that succeeded in becoming literary and artistic centres of global significance from the early modern period onwards.
Whilst all urban societies can be said to engage in cultural production at some level there have always been certain cities that have been particularly renowned as centres of such activity and which we might describe as literary and artistic metropolises. For such cities the production and consumption of art (whether paintings, sculpture, architecture or music) and literature becomes a key part of the urban economy, and also part of the city’s identity and reputation. The relationship between a particular city and a specific cultural form is often so close as to be synonymous: for example, 17th-century Rome and the baroque or 19th-century Paris and the Beaux Arts movement. By literary or artistic metropolises, then, we understand cities which were centres for production, consumption and dissemination of the arts and literature on a global scale, which for the period 1450–1930s primarily meant Europe and its colonies.3 These literary and artistic metropolises emerged not least because they were also nodal points in other networks of communication and exchange, and it was the very fertility of new ideas, new products, and technological innovation, as well as the resources of wealth and patronage in a flourishing urban economy, that enabled these cities to assume a role of cultural leadership. Thus we put special emphasis on the networks that link the cities to each other and, consequently, on those cities that succeeded in spreading their artistic production through the existing networks on the transcontinental scale. At different points in European history a variety of cities have acquired reputations as literary or artistic metropolises: some, such as Rome, Paris or London, display an almost unbroken line of artistic and literary dominance across several centuries; others, such as New York arrived late on the scene; and some such as Dresden, or early 20th-century and interwar Moscow, flowered for briefer periods, but continue to be shaped by and benefit from the legacy of earlier cultural efflorescence, even if their literary and artistic influence diminished over time. Many other cities deserve our interest, too, and will be treated in the larger comparative context.
Artistic and literary production are not inherently urban processes in themselves but they have always flourished in an urban context and in considering how and why certain cities have emerged as literary and artistic metropolises, it is worth identifying some of the reasons that enable such cultural flowering to take place. In the first instance the urban economy has always generated much of the surplus wealth essential for the purchase or commissioning of art and literature.4 The availability of capital and surplus wealth has also been essential for the technological innovations in cultural production, whether it be the investment needed for the printing press which underpinned the literary metropolis of the 16th century or the construction of theatres and opera houses in the 19th century. Due to their density of population, cities have also constituted a higher concentration of demand which encourages the production of high valued goods. Similarly, the urban economy offers a concentration of specialized skills, the product of higher levels of education, training and competition found in cities, whether provided through the guilds of early modern Europe or the art academies or the conservatoires of the modern period. The success of artistic and literary metropolises has also drawn upon the trading networks of the urban economy: these offer the means for sale and distribution of artistic productions and the dissemination of cultural influence. But equally importantly these networks have also been the channels through which new goods, new ideas and new talent (in the form of migrant labour) arrived facilitating the innovation that has sustained cultural dominance.
In many centres, as artistic production became institutionalised, it was used to justify urban improvement, to promote local patriotism and to enhance prestige. Well-established artistic or literary metropolises have exploited their status to attract more innovation, more artists and more investment in the arts; centres which lacked a comparable cultural dynamic often aspired to create one, either through monarchical or state involvement or through the intervention of municipal authorities. Thus the influence of artistic and literary metropolises spreads not only through the exchange of goods and ideas, but also through emulation and urban rivalry. In some cases the "cultural capital" of being a literary and artistic metropolis has also helped to counteract the consequences of commercial or manufacturing decline. Finally, it is important to remember the importance of urban space as well as the urban economy in stimulating artistic and literary production: without the proximity of urban living there would not be the possibility for the cross fertilisation of ideas, skills and information that Deborah Harkness has identified as an "urban sensibility".5 Without the spaces of coffee houses or art galleries, there would not be the opportunities for the exchange of ideas, the development of the language, of taste and criticism, or for the emergence of a public that consumes the cultural products.
This essay begins with the cities that dominated the flowering of urban culture in the late 15th century commonly termed the renaissance. This is not the place to discuss the origins of the renaissance or the different interpretations, but in this context it is important to emphasise that it was, overwhelmingly, an urban phenomenon, concentrated in the urban hotspots of Europe – in northern and central Italy and in the Low Countries.
For all that the reputation of Rome and Florence as centres of literary and artistic excellence lingered on throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, sustained by the cultural institution of the Grand Tour, this was nonetheless a reputation that was largely historic and rested on former glories rather than current achievement. There was a strong sense amongst contemporaries that the impetus of artistic creativity had shifted northwards and westwards, to centres such as Paris and London, and to a lesser extent Berlin, Vienna or Dresden. In the latter cities the presence of the resident court and nobility provided the patronage and the cachet that attracted both the artists and other consumers. In capital cities and the Residenzstädte the arts were harnessed to the project of enlightened absolutism and as a means of glorifying and legitimating the authority of the ruling prince.25 Royal or aristocratic patronage remained essential for every art form during the 18th century, whether in the form of subscription, subsidy or sinecures.26 Art, music and literature did not, of course, come cheap; however, what is evident in the 18th century is that the market for such cultural products began to expand in response to the increasing significance of the urban bourgeoisie as consumers of and participants in artistic and literary production. From this sprang other developments such as the emergence of a sophisticated art market in cities; the development of a culture of public viewing, public taste, and discussion and the commodification and commercialisation of the arts and of leisure more widely defined. Across Europe it became widely accepted that the cultivation of the arts was an index of the degree of civilization to which that city or state had attained. These are themes which the following paragraphs will explore in more detail.
Elsewhere in Europe for Italian cities such as Naples, Venice or Rome or German cities such as Dresden, theatre and music arguably assumed an even more prominent role in the absence of significant commercial or manufacturing developments. Here the provision of musical and theatrical entertainment played a central part in the cities’ economies, dependent as they were on catering to the demands of resident nobility and attracting the custom of wealthy travellers making the tour of Europe. Private patronage, however – from the monarchy or nobility – provided an essential subsidy.46 Venice, the birthplace of opera, famously boasted seven theatres, more than any other city in Europe, and in Naples the magnificent Teatro San Carlo, under royal patronage, was a tourist destination in its own right.47 Musicians trained in Naples and Venice were in high demand across Europe: London played host to the castrato Farinelli (Carlo Broschi, 1705–1782) in 1734 and in a single decade he performed in Rome, Vienna, Naples, Milan, Bologna, Munich, Venice, Vienna (again), London, Paris and finally Madrid.48 Metastasio (Pietro Trapasisi, 1698–1782), whose libretti for opera seria were translated into all the major European languages of his day, or Carlo Goldoni (1707–1793), the Venetian librettist who helped to transform opera buffa into an art form, similarly moved from one 18th-century metropolis of music to another: from Rome to Vienna, from Venice to Paris.49 Farinelli’s career illustrates the networks between centres of music education where the future singers were trained, centres of power such as royal and aristocratic courts and, if not identical with the latter, centres of large public audiences. The European success of Italian castrati, followed by that of classical opera singers, composers, virtuosi and the travelling ensembles performing music to increasingly modern and urban audiences, would have been unthinkable without the existence of this network. As the courts and the aristocracy gradually moved into permanent urban residence, training and learning music increasingly became an urban affair, too (seen in the 19th-century foundation of conservatoires). While the role of Italian training centres would remain pivotal for the emergence of music stars such as castrati and, later, opera singers, larger European capital cities such as Paris, London or Vienna were to become decisive for their eventual success. It is not difficult to see why this was the case: not only did music superstars require large audiences that only the largest cities could offer, but they also increasingly relied on the role of the press in the dissemination of this success and to generate a sense of expectation and anticipation amongst the audiences of the cities they visited.50 This eventually led to select music metropolises – Paris, Milan, Dresden, Vienna – dictating music taste and eventual success for every aspiring talent during the 18th and the 19th centuries.
What Baudelaire’s example illustrates is the centrality of Paris as the art metropolis of Europe overshadowing all other larger cities, in which a fundamental transformation was taking place along with a high concentration of professional academic art institutions, fierce competition in art, music and theatre, the booming of salon culture, bohemian existence, and the emergence of new artistic movements. The new modern city and its distinct phenomena such as extreme density of population, social inequality, the luxury life of the upper class, and flânerie then became the subject of art itself.55 French Romantic art, of which Eugène Delacroix’s (1798–1863) Liberty Leading the People (1830) is perhaps the most familiar, had already begun to choose the contemporary city as one of its main themes. The emergence of the illustrated and the satirical press and the profession of caricaturist is another contemporary phenomenon characteristic of the July Monarchy.56 Honoré Daumier (1808–1879), whose work is so highly praised today, surfaced in the arena of the hitherto highly restricted public art life of the city through his work in the journal La Caricature.57 After the fall of Louis-Philippe (1773–1850) and the establishment of the Second Republic, realist art increasingly dominated public space, including the salons that had now become much less restrictive. Gustave Courbet’s (1819–1877) Realist manifesto (1855) proclaimed that art was no longer at the service of imperial representation. Although world exhibitions such as the Exposition Universelle, at which this manifesto was proclaimed, were largely meant to glorify the current political regime and the progress that had been made in the realms of industry and trade, it should not be forgotten that they were also major urban events in the sense that they were constructed in the main cities, often with strong municipal financial support, catered for the urban public, and allowed for a display of art that carried clearly different aims. Courbet’s Pavillon du Réalisme, which was organised on the fringes of the Exposition, is a clear illustration of just how diverse and inspiring universal exhibitions could be. In the context of a permanent confrontation between the established and officially supported artists and the increasingly larger and growing group of independent artists in search of new modes of expression so typical of the French metropolis, the splitting of the Société Nationale des Beaux-Arts in 1890 from the Société des Artistes Français is illustrative. The split, often considered as the first artistic secession, was followed by similar developments in several other artistic centres of Europe.58 It created two equally prestigious salons in Paris that continued to dominate the artistic scene of the entire continent for decades: the Salon du Champs de Mars and the Salon de Champs-Élysées.
Though the choice of the city as the subject of art in Paris and elsewhere has a long history, perhaps the first images that come to mind when thinking of art in a modern metropolis are the works of the impressionists. A whole large range of paintings starting probably with Édouard Manet’s (1832–1883) A Bar at the Folies Bergères (Un bar aux Folies-Bergères, 1881–1882) , Claude Monet’s (1840–1926) Saint Lazare Train Station (Gare Saint Lazare, 1877) , Auguste Renoir’s (1841–1919) Ball at the Moulin de la Galette (Bal du Moulin de la Galette, 1876) and a much more recently rediscovered Gustave Caillebotte’s (1848–1894) The Floor Scrapers (Les Raboteurs de parquet, 1875) , Paris Street; Rainy Weather (Rue de Paris un jour de pluie, 1877) and The Europe Bridge (Pont de l’Europe, 1876) each in their own way established an entirely new tradition of picturing and representing the city.61 The establishment of the artistic colony in Montmartre had a profound influence on the further development of art in Paris and other artistic metropolises. The Société des Artistes Indépendants and its Salon des Indépendants were formed in Paris in 1884 and dominated the art scene for the following decades with their annual exhibitions as well as through the Salon d’Automne. Impressionism, along with other, less established art trends that worked on the borderline of art, innovation and the popular culture flourished and spread across the continent due to a close network of artists and institutions.
The 20th century is characterised by an unprecedented proliferation of modes of artistic expression and representation, assisted by the rapid technological developments of radio, television and the electronic age. The subject requires another essay in its own right. What this essay has illustrated is how and why certain urban centres have assumed dominant roles in the process of artistic and literary production, dissemination and exchange, and how, in many cases, a pattern of path dependency sets in, ensuring that the reputation is perpetuated and built upon in subsequent generations. Although we now live in a world in which more than fifty percent of the population is urban and increasingly connected, through both physical and virtual networks, certain cities – Paris, Rome, London or Vienna – continue to command a reputation for cultural creativity that derives much of its legitimacy from the historical antecedents that this essay has discussed.
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^ See, for example, Van Damme, Unscrewing the Creative City [forthcoming]. Also see Heßler, Creative Urban Milieus 2008.
^ See Jacobs, The Economy 1969 and Hall, Cities in Civilization 1998. For recent literature within this scholarly tradition see, for example, Cooke, Creative Cities 2008; Scott, Social Economy 2008; Scott, The Cultural Economy 2000.
^ For the purposes of this essay, our discussion will be confined to literature, the fine arts, music and theatre. Space does not permit discussion of other cultural forms.
^ Goldthwaite, Wealth 1993; Hume, The Economics of Culture 2006. The question of whether or not artistic creativity is a prerequisite of a well-functioning urban economy, however, is an issue beyond the scope of this article.
^ Harkness, The Jewel House 2007 explores this idea in the context of the exchange of scientific knowledge and learning in 16th century London.
^ Nuttall, From Flanders to Florence 2004.
^ Hay / Law, Italy 1989, p. 313.
^ Kent, Lorenzo de’ Medici 2006; Mallett, Lorenzo the Magnificent 1996.
^ On the reputation of Florence (and Rome) as centres of artistic excellence continued through the 18th century, see Sweet, Cities and the Grand Tour 2012.
^ Ewing, Marketing Art 1990.
^ Wood, Art in Fifteenth-Century Venice 2007.
^ Brown, The Genius of Rome 2001.
^ San Juan, Rome 2001; Schudt, Le Guide di Roma 1930.
^ Lorizzo, People and Practices 2006.
^ Bowron, Art in Rome 2000.
^ See for example the lists of British artists in Rome such as Stainton, Hayward’s List 1983.
^ Lowry, The World of Aldus Manutius 1979.
^ Boorman, Ottaviano Petrucci 2006.
^ Hale, The Civilization of Europe 1994, p. 289.
^ Hoftijzer, Metropolis of Print 2001.
^ For an overview of see Israel, The Dutch Republic 1995.
^ While the first newspaper was printed in Strasbourg in 1605, with Amsterdam and other cities following a decade later, Amsterdam was unequivocally the dominant centre of print and news production by the middle of the 17th century. See Würgler, News Distribution 2012.
^ Blanning, The Culture of Power 2002.
^ See e.g. Hume, The Economics of Culture 2006.
^ Montias, Art at Auction 2002; Freedberg, Art in History 1991, especially part II; De Marchi, Mapping Markets 2006; Bok, The Rise of Amsterdam 2001.
^ Gibson-Wood, Picture Consumption 2002; Lippincott, Selling Art 1983.
^ Pears, The Discovery of Painting 1988; Cowan, Areas of Connoisseurship 1998; Cowan, Art and Connoisseurship 2006.
^ On prints see Clayton, The English Print 1997; the literature on Hogarth is huge, but see Bindman, Hogarth 1981 or Hallett, Hogarth 2000; on the expansion of art market more generally see Craske, Art in Europe 1997.
^ Solkin, Painting for Money 1992.
^ Crow, Painters and Public Life 1985; Jones, Paris 2006, p. 215.
^ On salon culture in Paris see Goodman, The Republic of Letters 1994.
^ For overviews of the expansion of print culture and its implications see Munck, The Enlightenment 2000, chapter 4 or Hesse, Print Culture 2004.
^ The Encyclopédie is accessible online under http://alembert.fr/index.php [13/02/2015].
^ Garrioch, The Party of the Philosophes 2004.
^ Darnton, The Forbidden Best-Sellers 1996; see also Chartier, The Cultural Origins 1991 who charts the declining proportion of religious publications and the cultural and political consequences of these changes in the output of printed material.
^ Rogers, Grub Street 1972; Darnton, The Literary Underground 1982; Darnton, Gens de Lettres 1991, pp. 107–118.
^ Raven, The Business of Books 2007, p. 157; Raven, London and the Central 2009, vol. 5.
^ Weitzman, Eighteenth-Century London 1975.
^ Summers, The Empress of Pleasure 2003. Cornelys was widely suspected of offering rather more than simply music at her entertainments. On the emergence of the operatic impresario in Italy during this period see Holmes, Opera Observed 1993 and Rosselli, The Opera Industry 1984.
^ Brewer, The Pleasures 1997; Weber, Musical Culture 2004; McVeigh, Concert Life in London 1993; Woodfield, Opera and Drama 2001.
^ Jones, Paris 2006; Brewer, The Pleasures 1997.
^ Burden, The Lure of Aria, 2009. Burden analyses how Italian opera in London responded to the demands of a broader public for less formal musical drama. He also emphasises the importance of London as a publishing and distribution centre for all kinds of music.
^ Coke / Borg, Vauxhall Gardens 2011.
^ Butler, Italian Opera 2009.
^ Rosand, Opera 1991; Benedetto, Music and Enlightenment 2000.
^ McGeary, Farinelli’s Progress 2005.
^ See especially the thematic issue on music and the city of Prokopovych, Urban History 40,4 (2013) and the Böhlau series Die Gesellschaft der Oper: Musikkultur europäischen Metropolen im 19. Und 20. Jahrhundert: for example, Zur Nieden, Vom Grand Spectacle 2010; Müller, Die Oper 2010; Stachel, Wie europäisch ist die Oper? 2009; Müller, Bühnen der Politik 2008.
^ See an excellent online overview on the website of the project "Paris, Capital of the 19th century", initiated by the French Studies and Comparative Literature Departments of Brown University: http://library.brown.edu/cds/paris/ [11/02/2015].
^ Benjamin, The Arcades Project 2002.
^ Ferguson, Paris as Revolution 1994; Harvey, Paris 2003; Higonnet, Paris 2002; Clayson, Paris in Despair 2002; Burton, Blood in the City 2001. See also Schwartz, Spectacular Realities 1998; Truesdell, Spectacular Politics 1997; Mainardi, Art and Politics 1987.
^ Among the large body of literature on Baudelaire, see, for example, classic Citron, La poésie de Paris 1961. A regular correspondent of current artistic periodicals of the time, Baudelaire analysed the life of the official salons and gave due credit to those who did not present there. It was due to his critical acclaim that the artists that we find inseparable from the notion of modern culture and capitalist society in the west – Honoré Daumier, Eugène Delacroix, Constantin Guys and even Richard Wagner – received international recognition beyond their home country. The staging of his work by major composers of the time (Gabriel Fauré (1845–1924), Marc-Antoine Charpentier (1643–1704), Claude Debussy (1862–1918)) are another important highlight of how broad reaching his interests were.
^ Generally on art in the service of different political regimes in 19th-century France, see Boime, A Social History of Modern Art 1990, vol. 2; Boime, A Social History of Modern Art 2004, vol. 3; Boime, Art and the French Commune 1995; Porterfield, The Allure of Empire 1998; Agulhon, Marianne into Battle 1981. Among many interesting recent works on the new interpretation of the flâneur see, for example, D'Souza, The Invisible Flâneuse? 2006; Martin-Fugier, La vie élégante 1990.
^ See Bann, Parallel Lines 2001; Cate, The Graphic Arts 1988.
^ Later, during the Second French Empire, satirical illustrated press, especially Le Charivari (est. 1832) would occupy a prominent place in the public space of the French capital. The Punch, or The London Charivari (est. in 1841) was an obvious cultural transfer across the channel, and soon evolved into a major publication in its own right. The influence of French and British satirical press on the emergence of their equivalents in Central Europe, especially Viennese Kikeriki (est. 1861) and Budapest Borsszem Jankó (est. 1868) would be difficult to overestimate. See Rossel, Le Charivari 1971; Altick, Punch 1997; Schäfer, Vermessen 2005; Gluck, Jewish Humor 2008.
^ On Secessionisms, see Simon, Sezessionismus 1976.
^ Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna 1981, pp. 208–278; Topp, Architecture 2004.
^ On the way literary traditions, especially the novel, spread throughout the continent, see especially Moretti, Atlas 1998.
^ See Clark, The Painting 1999; Stern Shapiro, Pleasures of Paris 1991.
^ See especially Gluck, Popular Bohemia 2005; Haine, The World 1996; Perloff, Art 1991; Weber, Music and the Middle Class 2004; Whiting, Satie the Bohemian 1999.
^ Gerhard, The Urbanization 1998; Johnson, Listening in Paris 1996.
^ See the thematic issue on music and the city of Prokopovych, Urban History 40,4 (2013).
^ Patureau, Le palais Garnier 1991; Mallgrave, Gottfried Semper 1996.
^ Dienes, Fellner & Helmer 1999.
^ Older venues as well as contemporary smaller orpheums, music halls and later cabarets also contributed with their own programmes that linked the European continent in a network of cultural exchange and transfer.
^ Hobsbawm, The Invention 1983; Gillis, Commemorations 1996. On Central Europe, see especially Bucur, Staging the Past 2001; Unowsky, The Pomp 2005; Prokopovych, Habsburg Lemberg 2009; Wood, Becoming Metropolitan 2010.
^ See, for example, Prokopovych, In the Public Eye 2014; Müller, Die Oper 2010; Stachel, Wie europäisch ist die Oper? 2009; Müller, Bühnen der Politik 2008.
^ Çelik, Empire 2008; Çelik, The Remaking of Istanbul 1993; Eldem / Goffman / Masters, The Ottoman City 1999; Exertzoglou, The Cultural Uses 2003; Hanssen, Fin de Siècle Beirut 2005; Mazower, Salonica 2005.
^ See Brooke, Albert Gleizes 2001.
^ Witkovsky, Avant-Garde Art 2011; FitzGerald, Making Modernism 1996; Vezin / Vezin, Kandinsky 1992; Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna 1981, pp. 322, 366; Cooke, Russian Avant-Garde 1995.
^ Garafola, The Ballet Russes 1999; Minden, Fritz Lang’s Metropolis 2002; Tsivian, Lines of Resistance 2004.
^ Quoted in Wilson, Francis Scott Fitzgerald 1962, pp. 27–28.
^ Segel, Turn-of-the-Century Cabaret 1987. On the birth of European jazz in interwar Paris, see, for example, Jackson, Making Jazz French 2003.
by Markian Prokopovych, Rosemary H. Sweet Prokopovych, Markian; Sweet, Rosemary H.: Literary and Artistic Metropolises, in: Europäische Geschichte Online (EGO), hg. vom Leibniz-Institut für Europäische Geschichte (IEG), Mainz European History Online (EGO), published by the Leibniz Institute of European History (IEG), Mainz 2015-05-13. URL: http://www.ieg-ego.eu/prokopovychm-sweetr-2015-en URN: urn:nbn:de:0159-2015050519 [JJJJ-MM-TT][YYYY-MM-DD].

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