Source: https://www.nycsubway.org/wiki/The_Impact_of_the_IRT_on_New_York_City_(Hood)
Timestamp: 2019-04-20 04:26:59+00:00

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View of the side platform on the uptown side at 96th Street station. Photo by David Sagarin, Historic American Engineering Record, Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, August 1978.
Historic American Engineering Record · Survey Number HAER NY-122, pp. 145-206.
The records in HAER were created for the U.S. Government and are considered to be in the public domain. It is understood that access to this material rests on the condition that should any of it be used in any form or by any means, the author of such material and the Historic American Engineering Record of the Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service at all times be given proper credit. For information on HAER, visit Built In America: Historic American Buildings Survey and the Historic American Engineering Record, 1933-Present, Library of Congress American Memory Project.
The day after the IRT opened on October 27, 1904, the New York Tribune announced the "birth of (the) subway crush."1 New Yorkers welcomed the subway eagerly at first. Hundreds of thousands waited in lines as long as two city blocks for an opportunity to play with the "new toy." But the enthusiasm quickly ended because of overcrowding. Train after train moved along the line, but the crowds never diminished, The cars were packed to the limit, and station platforms were congested.2 "In short," the Real Estate Record and Builders Guide said on November 5, "the Subway should have been designed to handle much larger crowds than existing stations and other approaches can accommodate."3 During the next decade, the overcrowding of the IRT argued strongly for the development of additional transit facilities in New York.
The Rapid Transit Commission intended to construct more rapid transit lines eventually, but in 1900, the one subway under construction was the most the city could afford. The Board hoped it would suffice to relieve transit congestion temporarily.
In 1902 and 1903 the Rapid Transit Commission prepared its plan for the further development of underground and elevated railways. This plan, known as the comprehensive plan, was both the outgrowth of longstanding Commission policies and also a response to the immediate demand for additional facilities.
From 1895 the Rapid Transit Commission conceived of the original subway as the first in a series of rapid transit lines; the only remedy for traffic congestion, the subway planners believed, was the construction of a well-coordinated railway system. The initial subway proposal in 1895 had envisioned additional subway routes on the east and west sides. The plan was abandoned because of the municipal debt limit and the adverse decision of the New York State Supreme Court.
By creating a new center of distribution, the IRT changed Brooklyn's traffic flow, and bypassed some distant lines.
The overcrowding of the New York railways led a new group of reformers, the Progressives, to call for both the improvement of existing lines and also the expansion of the system. The Progressives thought of rapid transit as a panacea for slum clearance. Jacob Riis, the most prominent housing reformer of his day, called rapid transit "the key to the solution of our present perplexities."54 In providing rapid transit between the city core and outlying sections, the subway acted to separate the home from the workplace. With rapid transit, the Progressives believed, workers no longer needed to live in the overcrowded districts near their jobs in the city center. "Though population must be concentrated," Adna F. Weber wrote in his 1902 article about "Rapid Transit and the Housing Problem", "it does not follow that population must be congested unless we assume that a man's abode cannot be separated from his workplace."55 From the cities that bred physical disease and social pathology, laborers could move to the suburbs.
The Progressives were critical of existing conditions in the American cities, but few advocated a return to rural areas. Many of the reformers who were concerned with rapid transit had departed from the rural areas, of their youth in order to take advantage of the educational and professional opportunities available in cities.
Adna F. Weber, the author of the famous study, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century, was born in Erie County, New York, in 1870, attended public schools in upstate New York and also Cornell University before moving to New York City to study at Columbia University. Milo Roy Maltbie, also a native of upstate New York, received graduate degrees from the University of Chicago and Columbia. Appointed secretary for the New York City Reform Club and editor of the Progressive journal Municipal Affairs in 1897, Maltbie was also an active member of the National Municipal League He was an economist who specialized in street railway transportation and also gas and electric utilities. William R. Willcox, who grew up on a farm in Chenango County, New York, served as the principal of several rural schools from 1882 to 1887. After moving to New York City, Willcox graduated from Columbia Law School and began to practice law. He was involved in settlement house work with reformers such as Jacob Riis and was appointed Commissioner of Parks for Manhattan and Staten Island in 1902.
The Progressives put special emphasis on the social benefits of suburban development. Their concern for the poor was, genuine, but they were equally concerned with the pathological consequences of life in the slums -- crime, social deracination, and corruption. By dispersing immigrant and native workers from cities, the reformers sought to reduce social, pathology. This objective entailed the assimilation of working-class groups into middle-class life.
The plan for urban dispersal was dependent on the provision of adequate transportation facilities. The Progressives believed that high fares prevented workers from using transit lines.65 Even to the highly-paid workman, Adna F. Weber wrote in 1902, "the five-cent fare is unduly burdensome, especially if he has a large family; to the lowly-paid laborer or sweat-shop worker the prevailing rates are actually oppressive."66 Although European railways operated separate trains for workers at discounted rates, the Progressives rejected workingmen's trains as unsuitable for a "classless" society like America. Instead, the New York reformers advised reducing the standard nickel fare for the benefit of all passengers.
Within the decade, as will be shown later, the Progressives were compelled to address the effect of rapid transit lines on stimulating tenement construction in new areas. For the moment, however, the reformers were concerned with improving the transit facilities in New York.
The dispute that arose between the Progressives and the leaders of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company and the Rapid Transit Commission involved different attitudes about public service. The two groups were also distinguished by career patterns.
The professional and small-business orientation of the reformers played a part in their approach to public service. In opposing entrepreneurial activity in government service, the Progressives insisted on the necessity of making sharp distinctions between the public and the private interest. The municipal engineer, for instance, should be "an engineer rather than a self-interested promoter, a public-spirited citizen rather than an overzealous runner in the race for wealth."70 When politicians and businessmen abused the public trust, the provision of vital social improvements was neglected.
From the perspective of the Interborough Company and the Rapid Transit Commission, the Progressive distinction between public and private interest was artificial. Unlike the reformers, the transit leaders were prominent businessmen accustomed to operating in the public realm. Their attorneys, Albert B. Boardman and Edward Shepard, were corporate lawyers. August Belmont and Seth Low were patricians from birth, but even self-made men such as Abram Hewitt became part of the elite.
The Progressive campaign was designed to gain greater control over the Interborough Company and transit planning. Some reformers preferred municipal ownership of the subway. New York City held title to the subway in accord with the Rapid Transit Act of 1894, but the reformers understood municipal ownership as meaning government rather than private operation. Only by operating the subway itself, these critics believed, could New York establish sufficient control.
The key to the Progressive plan was competition among transit interests. Because contract number one embodied a property right, the Progressives were unable to alter directly the legal terms under which the Interborough held the original subway. Instead the reformers wanted to amend the Rapid Transit Act of 1894 in order to make bidding more competitive on new subway projects. With a number of companies from which to choose, the city could receive favorable terms and retain control. And since competition would end the Belmont strangle-hold on transit expansion; the Rapid Transit Commission could also use the threat of competition to make the assignment of new contracts to Belmont conditional on the modification of the original subway terms.
In 1903 the Citizens' Union drew up a bill, known as the Elsberg Rapid Transit Bill, based on measures instituted in Boston. Its terms changed over time, but the Elsberg Bill obliged the Rapid Transit Commission to make short-term, revocable contracts for new subways, to separate construction from operational contracts, and either to lease the subways to capitalists or operate them itself.
The resistance of the Rapid Transit Commission hampered the reformers, but it was the merger between the Interborough and the Metropolitan Street Railway, which took place in December 1905. The new enterprise, known as the Interborough-Metropolitan Securities Company, was incorporated in January 1906 with a capital of 155 million dollars. The Metropolitan operated most of the surface lines in Manhattan, and the merger gave Belmont control of nearly all the railways in that borough.
The Act created two five-member commissions. The jurisdiction of the second district was upstate New York, and the first district covered New York City. The law abolished the Rapid Transit Commission, transferring its powers to the Public Service Commission for the First District. Unlike the Rapid Transit Commission, whose authority was limited to the subway, the Public Service Commission supervised all of the railways in New York City, along with the gas and electric suppliers. In part this was due to the fact that the State Board of Railroad Commissioners, which regulated the surface and elevated lines, was dominated by Boss Blatt's Republican machine.
Four months after entering office in July, 1907, the Public Service Commissioners ordered a study of subway modifications needed to remedy the unanticipated traffic. Rather than assign its staff engineers to prepare the study, the Commission retained a prominent consulting engineer, Bion J. Arnold.
In 1908, the Interborough began to install a new signal system designed to increase the number of express trains in service. When one train occupied the block of track in a station, the original signal system held an oncoming train in the block of track beyond. the station. This system was established to ensure safe operations; a block of track was the distance required to stop a train running at full speed in addition to a safety margin of 50 percent. But the system seriously delayed trains, especially during rush hours.
The Public Service Commission also altered the design of the subway car. The original design, with two doors on each side at one end, proved unsatisfactory because of the heavy subway traffic. In his Report Upon the Subway Cars, Bion J. Arnold wrote that single end door cars made the delays at stations.
For the new design, Arnold favored the adoption of cars with two pairs of end doors on each side rather than cars with one central door and two end doors. According to Arnold, double end door cars both provided separate entrances and exits for improved circulation and also circumvented the problem of platform gaps. Passengers encountered gaps between the cars and platforms at stations such as Fourteenth Street, but the most dangerous, gaps were at the two stations located on subway loops, City Hall and South Ferry. Because the distance from the curved platform to the center of the cars was about two feet at each station, the operation of center-side door cars was especially difficult.
The technical modifications increased the capacity of the subway, but the rapid traffic growth sustained the overcrowding. The Public Service Commission reported in 1912 that the modifications made since 1907 enhanced train operations. During that period, the average headway decreased from 2 minutes 4 seconds on express tracks an4 2 minutes 5 seconds on local tracks to 1 minute 48 seconds for both services. Consequently, the Interborough operated an average of 33 trains per hour in 1912 compared to 29 trains five years earlier. And since the trains were longer and ran more frequently than before, they provided about 40% more seats per hour. These were major improvements in view of the added traffic, however, the Public Service Commission concluded that the principal effect of the modifications was to prevent the congestion from worsening.114 "Yet this vastly increased traffic is handled with no greater congestion and inconvenience to passengers than obtained in 1907."115 The Commissioners neglected to mention that by 1907 the overcrowding was already far too great.
The Commission recognized that IRT improvements were merely palliative. Some points of delay were incorporated in the subway itself. On the Lenox Avenue branch between Ninety-Sixth and One Hundred Tenth Streets, for instance, curves in the tracks required trains to proceed slowly. Since northbound trains alternated between the Lenox and Broadway divisions, the defective track restricted all operations above the junction. Little did the builders of the subway think, the Electric Railway Journal commented in 1911, "that a long stretch of track on one division beyond the four-track section would ever limit the capacity of the entire section."116 It was difficult to correct problems such as the Lenox track because of the high costs and also the interruption of subway service. But even if further modifications were made, the Commission knew that the great volume of traffic would continue to overwhelm the IRT.
The introduction of the subway affected land-use patterns in New York City. The IRT was one of several transit improvements that contributed to the northward movement of the commercial districts that were already encroaching on residences in midtown Manhattan. In midtown the subway played the largest role in the emergence of Times Square as a city-wide entertainment center. On the Upper West Side, the subway allowed for both the development of Broadway as a business district and also for the construction of elite apartment buildings on West End Avenue and Riverside Drive. The greatest impact of the IRT was on the undeveloped territories in the Bronx and northern Manhattan. The Progressives wanted private houses to be erected in these new areas, but the actions of land and building speculators brought about the construction of tenements for the poor.
Instead, a boom in the construction of buildings with office and loft space began in 1909. At Fourth Avenue and Eighteenth Street, for instance, office buildings replaced the Belvedere House, the Florence House, and the Clarendon Hotel in 1909. The subway played a part in this transformation, but the entire section grew because wholesalers required locations at an accessible distance from the retail districts uptown.
The subway played a major role in the development of the Upper West Side between Seventy-second and Ninety-sixth Streets. After 1904, Broadway replaced Columbus Avenue as the main business thoroughfare in the district. The most intensive development occurred near the IRT stations, where the largest apartment buildings and stores were erected. In addition, streets such as Seventy-second became shopping areas. The coming of the IRT also stimulated residential growth west of Broadway. Ten to fourteen story apartments covering as much as half a block-front went up on Riverside Drive and West End Avenue.
The only local business center of any consequence on Broadway in 1898 was Sherman Square, the intersection of Broadway, Amsterdam, and Seventy-second Street. On the west side of Sherman Square, the Rutgers Riverside Presbyterian Church and the 8-floor Hotel St. Andrew shared the block-front between Seventy-third and Seventy-second Streets. One block south stood the Colonial Club and the Christ Protestant Episcopal Church. At Seventy-first Street, the Sherman Square Hotel occupied the southwest corner and the Roman Catholic Church of the Blessed Sacrament the southeast corner. East of Broadway from Seventy-first to Seventy-second, a l2-story apartment building was located on the southern corner, while the northern corner was taken by brownstones that fronted onto the side street. Opposite these row houses, the northeast corner of Seventy-second and Amsterdam was vacant.19.
North of Sherman Square, Broadway was sparsely developed. Here and there large apartment houses were scattered, for instance, the Lyonhurst at Seventy-sixth, the Saxony at Eighty-second, the Versailles at Ninety-first, and the Wollaston and Wilmington between Ninety-sixth and Ninety-seventh. But most of the land was held in large plots by owners awaiting an increase in land values. Because these owners were unwilling to sell or make permanent improvements before the demand for their property grew, most of the land was either vacant or the site of small, temporary structures. On the eastern side of Broadway in 1898, the block-fronts between Seventy-sixth and Seventy-seventh, Seventy-ninth and Eightieth, and Eighty-fifth and eighty-sixth were unimproved. The entire block bounded by Eighty-sixth and Eighty-seventh and by Broadway and Amsterdam was vacant. No buildings were contained on the block-fronts west of the boulevard from Ninety-seventh to Ninety-sixth, Ninety-fifth to Ninety-fourth, Ninetieth to Eighty-ninth, and Eighty-seventh to Eighty-fifth. Of the 84 street corners from Seventy-sixth to Ninety-sixth, nearly 30 were vacant in 1898.
On developed land, the most common buildings were the one- or two-story "taxpayers" that housed small businesses. Taxpayers were temporary structures intended to earn an income sufficient to repay the cost of construction and to cover the taxes on the land and the buildings. Because the erection of these inexpensive structures entailed less risk than the erection of more elaborate buildings, taxpayers were constructed in districts undergoing an uncertain change in land use patterns. Taxpayers were built in response to temporary conditions, but they often survived long after the transformation in land use made possible the construction of structures that made more intensive use of the land. In 1898, taxpayers occupied the eastern sides of the blocks north of Eighty-second and Seventy-eighth.
Table 1. Number of Tickets Sold at Upper West Side Stations, 1905-1915. Sources: Annual Reports of the Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners and the Public Service Commission - First District.
The land near IRT stations was put to the most intensive use, but the other sections of Broadway were also developed. Only one street corner between Seventy-sixth and Ninety-sixth was vacant in 1921. No coal yards remained, and a number of old buildings were demolished. Yet many of the earlier structures survived, such as the taxpayers lining the eastern block front north of Eighty-seventh Street. The subway made possible higher levels of land use, but previous uses often did not become obsolete since parts of Broadway were already improved with apartments and retail buildings. There was frequently little profit in replacing structures able to function adequately under changed conditions. This was especially true of the areas away from the IRT stations that showed smaller increases in land values. And because much of the improved property was held in small parcels, a number of different decisions entered into the process of development resulting in a mix of old and new buildings.
Barney's early involvement in the IRT project was the key to his success as a speculator. It provided him with advance knowledge of the subway route and the assurance the subway would be completed on time. This assurance was important because experienced speculators were often reluctant to risk the acquisition of land alongside projected transit lines for fear that the lines might be either seriously delayed in opening or never finished. "Mr. Barney was one of the men most intimately concerned with the initiation of the subway project in New York," the Times noted in 1907, and with his real estate operator's instinct he went again largely into realty investment on the Upper West Side along the route that was then known to only a few of the inner circle of subway financiers.45 Barney acquired Upper West Side parcels such as the four vacant Broadway corners at the Eighty-sixth Street IRT station, but most of his transactions were made in northern Manhattan and the Bronx.
In order to raise capital for the venture, Charles T, Barney formed a syndicate that included: George Rumsey Sheldon, a New York banker who was a specialist in street railway finance, the treasurer of the New York County Republican Committee from 1899 to 1903, and National Republican Committeeman in 1903-1904; Francis M. Jencks, who was president of the Safe Deposit Company of New York and formerly a partner in the New York Loan and Improvement Company; and William F. Havemeyer, Jr., named after his father, a three-term mayor of New York City and ally of William C. Whitney and Abram Hewitt in the struggle of reform Democrats against Boss Tweed during the early 1870s.
Table 2. Location of Tenements in Manhattan for which plans were filed, 1902-1908. Source: New York Tenement House Department, Fourth Report, 1907-1908.
Table 3. Distribution of Tenements in Manhattan By Date of Construction, February 1909.
Number and Estimated Cost of Tenements and all Structures for which plans were filed, The Bronx, 1902-1910. Source: New York City, Borough of the Bronx, President, Annual Report, 1910 and 1911.
The IRT played a limited role in relieving the overcrowded slum districts. For the most part, unskilled workers remained behind in the residential areas that provided easy access to their jobs in the central cities. These lowly paid laborers were unable to afford the nickel subway fare. Since wives and children often worked in addition to adult males, the cost of commuting would have been higher for poor families than for families of better means in which adult males were more likely to be the sole wage earners. Because the only free transfer point on the IRT was at Third Avenue and One-hundred-thirty-ninth Street in the Bronx, many laborers would have had to pay an extra fare in order to reach their places of work. For laborers who spent 10 or 14 hours a day at work, the traveling time of one to one and a half hours between job and home was prohibitive. Since many unskilled workers lacked secure employment and were compelled to move from job to job, they were unable to count on regular journeys to work. These workers required residences in central areas that offered a network of information about job opportunities and a nexus of transportation facilities.
During the decade that followed the opening of the IRT and that witnessed the construction of tenements throughout the new areas, the reformers went from promoting new subways to seeking means of limiting their impact. No longer was the subway a panacea.
1. New York Tribune, October 28, 1904.
2. New York Mail & Express, October 28, 1904; New York Commercial, October 31, 1904; New York Sun, November 1, 1904.
3. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, November 5, 1904, p. 949.
4. "The Rapid Transit Problem," Street Railway Journal, March 18, 1905, p. 501; William Barclay Parsons to Alexander E. Orr, February 19, 1903, pp 207-208, in Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903 (New York: n.p., 1904).
5. "The Rapid Transit Problem," Street Railway Journal, p. 501.
6. New York Tribune, October 28, 1904; October 7, 1905; Daniel L. Turner, "Is there a Vicious Circle of Transit Development and City Congestion?", National Municipal Review, June 1926, p. 322; Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1904 (New York: n.p., 1905), p. 261; Abraham Lincoln Merritt, "Merritt Journal," May 2, 1908, February 16, 1914, Electric Railroaders Association, New York.
7. Bion J. Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway. Report No. 4, The Capacity of the Subway, (New York: Public Service Commission, First District, 1907/1908), p. 7. The reports were No. 1, The Equipment and Operation of the Subway, No. 2, The Subway Signal System, No. 3, Report Upon the Subway Car, No. 4, The Capacity of the Subway, No. 5, The Cooling and Ventilation of the Subway, and No. 6, The Traffic of the Subway.
8. U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census, Street and Electric Railways, 1902 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 38.
9. New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929 (Albany; J.B. Lyon Company, 1930), pp. 85-86; New York Times, October 29, 1904.
10. New York State Public Service Commission, First District, Investigation of Interborough-Metropolitan Company and Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company, v. 1 (New York Law Reporting Company, 1907), pp 3-254.
11. U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census, Street and Electric Railways, 1907 (Washington, D;C,: Government Printing Office, 1910), p. 29.
12. U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census, Street and Electric Railways, 1902, p. 290; "Electricity Supplants Cable," Street Railway Journal, June 1, 1901, p. 671; "Hearing on Traffic Conditions of the Metropolitan Street Railway Company of New York," Street Railway Journal, January 31, 1903, pp. 176-178; Street Railway Journal, April 4, 1908, p. 581.
13. H.H. Vreeland, "Cars and Car Service in Metropolitan New York," Street Railway Journal October 13, 1900, p. 959; Street Railway Journal, April 4, 1908, p. 581; New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, p. 85.
14. U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of the Census, Street and Electric Railways, 1902, p. 36. The 1901 statistic is for the year ending September 30; Street Railway Journal, June 16, 1900, p. 516; Chicago Public Library, Municipal Reference Library, A Study of Rapid Transit in Seven Cities, Municipal Reference Bulletin No. 3 (Chicago: Municipal Reference Library, 1914), p. 16, New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1910, v. III (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1911), pp. 26-27.
15. New York Times, July 1, 1901, November 1, 1901, March 19, 25, 1902; William Fullerton Reeves, The First Elevated Railroads in Manhattan and the Bronx of the City of New York, The John Divine Jones Fund Series of Histories and Memoirs, IX (New York: The New York Historical Society, 1936), p. 43; "The Electrical Equipment of the Manhattan Elevated Railway," Street Railway Journal, January 5, 1901, p. 10; "The Opening of the Manhattan Elevated Railway," Street Railway Journal, January 18, 1902, p. 82; New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, pp. 85-86; Glen E. Holt, "The Changing Perception of Urban Pathology," pp. 331. In Kenneth T. Jackson and Stanley K. Schultz, eds. Cities in American History, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972).
16. New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, pp. 85-86; Street Railway Journal, April 4, 1908, p. 581.
17. "Crowded Cars", Street Railway Journal, May 17, 1902, p. 605.
18. William Barclay Parsons to Alexander E. Orr, February 19, 1903. In Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903, p. 208.
19. Ibid.; Alexander E. Orr to William Barclay Parsons, May 29, 1902. In Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1902, (New York: n.p., 1903), pp. 65-68; Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1906 (New York: n.p., 1907), p. 18; New York Evening World, October 28, 1904; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, September 19, 1904, p. 526., July 23, 1904, p. 177.
20. Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1902, p. 310.
21. William Barclay Parsons to Alexander E. Orr, February 19, 1903. In Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners, Report 1903, p. 208.
22. William Barclay Parsons to Alexander E. Orr, February 19, 1903. In Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903, pp. 209-214; William Barclay Parsons to Alexander E. Orr, March 12, 1903. In Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903, p. 215; New York Sun, October 23, 1904; James Blaine Walker, Fifty Years of Rapid Transit, 1864-1917, (New York: n.p., 1918), p. 149.
23. "Rapid Transit Subways in Metropolitan Cities," Municipal Affairs, September 1900, pp. 478-479; Robert H. Whitten, "Comparison of Operation of the New York and Paris Subway Systems," Electric Railway Journal, December 11, 1909, pp. 1178-1184; New York World, October 2, 1904.
24. William Barclay Parsons, The New York Rapid Transit Subway (London: Institution of Civil Engineers, 1908), pp. 86-89.
25. William Barclay Parsons to Alexander E. Orr, February 19, 1903. In Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903, pp. 210-212; Chicago Public Library, Municipal Reference Library, A Study of Rapid Transit in Seven Cities, pp. 7-8; Reeves, Reeves, The First Elevated Railroads, 43; New York State Board of Railroad Commissioners, Eighteenth Annual Report, v. II (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1901), p. 839.
26. New York World, October 2, 1904.
27. London County Council, The Rapid Transit Subways of New York, (London: Southwood, Smith, 1904), p. 32; Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway, Report No. 7. The Traffic of the Subway, pp. 15-17.
28. William Barclay Parsons to Alexander E. Orr, February 19, 1903 in Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903, p. 249; Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway, Report No. 3, Report Upon the Subway Car, pp. 3-8.
29. Parsons, The New York Rapid Transit Subway, p. 49.
30. The Merchant's Association of New York, Passenger Transportation Service in New York, (New York: n.p., 1903), pp. 13-19, pp. 97-105; New York State Board of Railroad Commissioners, Twenty-Third Annual Report, Vol. II (Albany: Brandow Printing Company, 1906), p. 1181; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1907, Vol. II (New York: Public Service Commission First District, 1908), p. 29; New York Commercial, August 2, 1907.
31. New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, p. 95; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1907, Vol. II, p. 29; Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway, Report No. 6. The Traffic of the Subway, 17; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Investigation of Interborough-Metropolitan Company and Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company, v. I, pp. 130-131; New York Times, August 29, 1907; New York Evening Mail, August 3, 1907.
32. "Subway Conditions About Normal," Street Railway Journal, November 2, 1904, p. 893.
33. City Club of New York, New York City Transit (New York: M.B. Brown, 1901), pp. 24-27; Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903, p. 256; New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, p. 88; New York Evening Post, August 7, 1907; Charles M. Higgins, City Transit Evils: Their Causes and Cure, (Brooklyn: n.p., 1905), p. 7.
34. Higgins, City Transit Evils. Their Causes and Cure, p. 7.
35. New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, pp. 90, 97. The Mileage Statistics include an unspecified amount of track owned by the Westchester Electric Railroad Company and located in Westchester County. Ibid.
36. Street Railway Journal, February 10, 1906, p. 252.
37. Ibid.; New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, p. 85; Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1906, p. 254.
38. From 1908 to 1914, the total length of all railway track in Brooklyn increased 4 percent to 608 miles. Statistics before 1908 classify track in Queens with that in Brooklyn, and statistics before 1919 make an arbitrary division between Brooklyn elevated and surface track "owing to the existence of a considerable mileage having mixed characteristics." New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, pp. 90-91, 95-97; Manhattan surface track increased from 281 miles in 1900 to 295 miles in 1914. The miles of track operated by the Manhattan Railway Company; later the elevated division of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, in Manhattan and the Bronx numbered 109 in 1900 and 117 in 1914. Ibid., pp. 90-91, 96-97.
39. Abraham Lincoln Merritt, "Merritt Journal," January 9, 1908; "Effect of New Tunnel on Brooklyn Traffic," Street Railway Journal, January 25, 1908, p. 153; Street Railway Journal, January 18, 1908; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1912, v. I (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1913), p. 189.
40. "Effect of New Tunnel on Brooklyn Traffic," Street Railway Journal, p. 153.
41. Electric Railway Journal, January 2, 1909, p. 46; New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, p. 85.
42. Alan Paul Kahn, The Tracks of New York, No. 1: Metropolitan Street Railway, 1907, (New York: Electric Railroaders Association, 1973), Figure 1; Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners, Report 1903, p. 226; Board of Rapid Transit Railroad Commissioners Report 1905 (New York: n.p., 1906), p. 63; New York City Department of Docks and Ferries, Thirty-Ninth Annual Report (New York: n.p., 1911), p. 21; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1912, v. I, p. 189; Street Railway Journal, January 18, 1908, pp. 88-89.
43. New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, pp. 86-87; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1910, v. III (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1911), pp. 25-31.
44. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Central Electric and Power Stations and Street and Electric Railways, 1912. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1915), pp. 2l4-2l5.
45. New York State Department of Public Service, Metropolitan Division, Transit Commission, Ninth Annual Report: 1929, p. 86; Chicago Public Library, Municipal Reference Library, A Study of Rapid Transit in Seven Cities, p. 16.
46. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Central Light and Power Stations and Street and Electric Railways, 1912, pp. 214-215.
47. Chicago Public Library, Municipal Reference Library, A Study of Rapid Transit in Seven Cities, p. 16. The only foreign line for which the number of riders per single track miles was reported was London, which averaged 1.070 million in 1914. In 1914 the lengths of the subway routes were: New York, 29.1 miles; London, 40.2 miles; Berlin, 5.5 miles; and Paris, 48.5 miles. Ibid.; Traffic on the Paris and Berlin subways was dense because neither extended far beyond the city core. For the Paris subway, see Robert H. Whitten, "Comparison of Operation of New York and Paris Subway Systems," Electric Railway Journal, December 11, 1909, pp. 1178-1184.
48. New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1910, v. I (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1911), pp. 441-443.
49. George A. Soper, "The Condition of Air of the Rapid Transit Subway," Street Railway Journal, March 31, 1906, p. 496.
50. "The Discomforts of New York," Outlook, January 5, 1907, p. 15.
51. Ibid., "The Strong-Arm Brigades," Electric Railway Journal, August 26, 1911, p. 340; Holt, "The Changing Perception of Urban Pathology," pp. 327-333.
52. "New York's Subway Problem: A Review," Outlook, June 22, 1912, p. 386.
53. James Joseph McGinley, S.J., Labor Relations in the New York Rapid Transit System, (New York: King's Crown Press, 1949), p. 18.
54. Quoted in Roy Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York, 1890-1917, (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962), p. 111.
55. Adna F. Weber, "Rapid Transit and the Housing Problem," Municipal Affairs, Fall 1902, p. 411.
56. Municipal Affairs, Fall 1902, p. 506; National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. A (New York: James T. White and Company, 1930), p. 445; National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 14 (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1967), p. 382; Joel A. Tarr "From City to Suburb: The Moral Influence of Transportation Technology," pp. 202-212. In Alexander B. Callow, Jr., ed., American Urban History, 2nd. ed., (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973).
57. Tarr, "From City to Suburb: The Moral Influence of Transportation Technology," p. 203.
58. Ibid.; Adna F. Weber, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), pp. 469-475; Weber "Rapid Transit and the Housing Problem," Municipal Affairs, p. 415; Lubove, The Progressives and The Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890-1917, pp. 6-11.
59. Weber, "Rapid Transit and the Housing Problem," Municipal Affairs, pp. 412-424; New York Times, September 17, October 10, 1910; Robert Coit Chapin, The Standard of Living Among Workingmen's Families in New York City, (New York: Charities Publication Committee, 1909), pp. 75-84; H.L. Cargill, "Small Houses for Workingmen," pp. 331-335, 346-353. In Robert W. DeForest and Lawrence Veiller, eds., The Tenement House Problem, v. 1 (New York: MacMillan, 1903).
60. New York Times, September 17, 1911; Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890-1917, pp. 131-132; Lawrence Veiller, "Housing Conditions and Tenement Laws in Leading American Cities," pp. 131-136. In DeForest and Veiller, eds., The Tenement House Problem, v.1.
61. Cargill, "Small Houses for Workingmen," p. 352.
63. New York Times, September 10, 1911.
64. Weber, "Rapid Transit and the Housing Problem," Municipal Affairs, pp. 412-417; H.L. Cargill, "Small Houses for Workingmen," pp. 331-132.
65. H.L. Cargill, "Small Houses for Workingmen," pp. 33l-332; Chapin, The Standard of Living Among Workingmen's Families in New York City, pp. 111-114.
66. Weber, "Rapid Transit and the Housing Problem," Municipal Affairs, pp. 414.
67. Ibid., pp. 412-414; Cargill, "Small Houses for Workingmen," pp. 331-332; New York City Commission on Congestion of Population, Report, (New York: Lecouver Press, 1911), p. 25.
68. Cargill, "Small Houses for Workingmen," p. 353.
69. National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 44, (New York: James T. White and Company, 1962), p. 548; Who's Who in New York, 7th ed., (New York: Who's Who Publications, 1917), p. 1063.
70. Robert A. Bruere, "George Staples Rice," Outlook, May 25, 1907, p. 191.
71. Ray Stannard Baker, "The Subway 'Deal'", McClure's Magazine, March 1905, p. 469; See also R. Fulton Cutting, "Public Ownership and the Social Conscience," Municipal Affairs, March 1900, pp. 3-7; West Side Citizen's Transit Reform Committee of One Hundred, Report of Executive Committee (New York: n.p., 1903), pp. 5-7; and Higgins, City Transit Evils: Their Causes and Cure, pp. 6-15.
72. Cutting, "Public Ownership and the Social Conscience," Municipal Affairs, pp. 3-7; Baker, "The Subway 'Deal,'" pp. 458-471; Bruere, "George Staples Rice," Outlook, pp. 191-194.
73. New York Times, December 24, 1905.
74. Street Railway Journal, January 4, 1902, p. 31.
75. Baker, "The Subway 'Deal,'" McClure's Magazine, p. 468.
78. John Dewitt Warner, "Municipal Ownership Needed to Correlate Local Franchises," Municipal Affairs, Winter 1902-1903, p. 516.
79. Baker, "The Subway 'Deal,'" McClure's Magazine, pp. 467-469; Outlook, June 24, 1911, p. 369; Higgins, City Transit Evils: Their Causes and Cure, p. 6; Brooklyn Eagle, February 22, 1906; New York Evening Post, August 7, 1907; New York Press, February 20, 1906.
80. New York Telegram, December 29, 1906; New York World, July 24, 1905.
81. North Side News, February 18, 1906.
83. New York Times, January 26, 1904.
84. New York World, October 2, 1904, July 24, 1905; New York Times, December 10, 1908.
85. R. Fulton Cutting, "Shall New York Own Its Subway?" Outlook, April 15, 1905, pp. 931-933; "New York's Subway Problem: A Review," Outlook, pp. 384-388; Outlook, December 29, 1906; William J. Gaynor, "New York's Subway Policy," Municipal Affairs, June 1901, p. 434; Baker, "The Subway 'Deal,'" McClure's Magazine, pp. 463-469; Warner, "Municipal Ownership Needed to Correlate Local Franchises," Municipal Affairs, pp. 515-524.
86. Baker, "The Subway 'Deal,'" McClure's Magazine, p. 494.
87. Cutting, "Shall New York Own Its Subway?" Outlook, pp. 931-933; "New York's Subway Problem: A Review," Outlook, pp. 384-388; B.L. Beal, "Boston Municipal Subway," Municipal Affairs, June 1900, pp. 219-220; Charles A. Beard, The Traction Crisis in New York, Municipal Research Pamphlet No. 94 (New York: Bureau of Municipal Research and Training School for Public Service, 1919), pp. 10-16; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, April 25, 1903, pp. 88l-882.
90. Cutting, "Shall New York Own Its Subway?" Outlook, pp. 931-933.
91. Ibid., p. 934; New York American, April 5, 1905; Brooklyn Eagle, February 22, 1906; New York Press, April 14, 1906.
92. New York Times, March 11, 1905.
93. Baker, "The Subway 'Deal,'" McClure's Magazine, pp. 462-463.
94. Mark D. Hirsch, William C. Whitney: Modern Warwick, (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1948), pp. 522-528; William Russell Hochman, "William J. Gaynor: The Years of Fruition," (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1955), pp. 360-364; New York Sun, December 23, 1905; Brooklyn Eagle, December 22, 1905; Brooklyn Citizen, February 22, 1906.
95. Cynthia M. Latta, "The Return on the Investment in the Interborough Rapid Transit Company," (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1974), p. 71.
97. New York Evening World, December 23, 1905; Outlook, April 21, December 29, 1906.
98. Brooklyn Eagle, March 10, 1907; New York Herald, December 27, 1907; Wall Street Journal, February 26, 1907; Robert F. Wesser, Charles Evans Hughes: Politics and Reform in New York, 1905-1910, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), pp. 21-33, p. 154, pp. 160-169.
99. Wesser, Charles Evans Hughes: Politics and Reform in New York, 1905-1910, pp. 153-155; Herb J. Pusey, Charles Evans Hughes, v. I, (New York: MacMillan, 1951), pp. 200-207; Street Railway Journal, July 6, 1907, p. 45; James Blaine Walker, Fifty Years of Rapid Transit, 1864-1917, (New York: n.p., 1918), p. 209; National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 25 (New York: James T. White and Company, 1936), p. 327.
100. George S. Rice, who succeeded William Barclay Parsons as chief engineer of the Rapid Transit Commission, continued in that capacity for the Public Service Commission until late 1907. Henry B. Seaman, the division engineer in charge of the first IRT section until 1902, was chief engineer from 1907 to 1909. Alfred Craven, second division engineer and also deputy chief engineer during the IRT construction, served as chief engineer between 1910 and 1916. Daniel L. Turner, an assistant engineer who worked on subway drainage and surveys for the Brooklyn extension, was chief engineer of the Public Service Commission, and then the Transit Commission from 1916 to 1921. Formerly an assistant and division engineer for the Rapid Transit Commission, Robert Ridgway was employed by the Transit Commission as chief engineer between 1921 and 1924. National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 12, (New York: James T. White and Company, 1904), pp. 82-83; Who's Who in New York, 9th ed., (New York: Who's Who Publications, 1929), pp. 15-17, p. 393; National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. E (New York: James T. White and Company, 1936), pp. 77-78, pp. 91-92; Walker, Fifty Years of Rapid Transit, 1864-l9l7, p. 183, pp. 189-191.
101. Electric Railway Journal, October 1, 1910, p. 527; New York Times, October 27, 1907; Walker, Fifty Years of Rapid Transit, 1864-1917, pp. 209-210; Bruere, "George Staples Rice," Outlook, pp. 191-194.
102. National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 14, pp. 62-64; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1908, v. I, p. 9.
103. Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway, Report No. 1. The Equipment and Operation of the Subway, p. 4.
104. Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway, Report No. 4, The Capacity of the Subway, pp. 3-7, p. 9.
105. Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway, Report No. 2, The Subway Signal System, pp. 8-24; New York Public Service Commission First District, Report 1908, v. I, pp. 9-20; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1909, v. I (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1919), pp. 85-87; Merritt, "Merritt Journal," November 1, 5, 25, 1908, May 9, August 22, 1909.
106. "The Neck of the Bottle," Electric Railway Journal, February 11, 1911, p. 248; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1910, v. I, p. 85; Street Railway Journal, February 29, 1908, p. 343; Parsons, The New York Rapid Transit Subway, pp. 31-32.
107. Parsons, The New York Rapid Transit Subway, p. 32.
108. "The Neck of the Bottle," Electric Railway Journal, p. 248; Electric Railway Journal, February 19, 1910, p. 315.
109. Arnold, Reports Upon the Interborough Subway, Report No. 3, Reports Upon the Subway Car, p. 7.
110. Ibid.; "History of Center-Door Cars for the New York Subway," Electric Railway Journal, February 10, 1912, pp. 246-247; Electric Railway Journal, August 19, 1911, p. 320; "Extensible Platform in New York Subway," Electric Railway Journal, February 21, 1914, pp. 421-422; Merritt, "Merritt Journal," March 1, 1909, October 27, 1910, November 11, 1912.
111. Arnold, Reports Upon the Subway, Report No. 4, The Capacity of Subway, pp. 8-9.
112. Ibid., 11-12; New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1909, v. I, pp. 91-92; Merritt, "Merritt Journal," October 24, 27, 1910; January 23, 1911.
113. New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1911, v. I (Albany: The Argus Company, 1912), p. 107.
114. New York State Public Service Commission First District, Report 1912, v. I, (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, 1913), pp. 51-52, pp. 190-191.
116. "The Neck of the Bottle," Electric Railway Journal, p. 248.
1. New York Times, January 4, 1910; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, December 18, 1909, p. 1088; Edwin H. Spengler, "Land Values in New York in Relation To Transit Facilities: Studies in History," Public Law, No. 333 (New York: Columbia University), 47-50.
2. New York Times, September 4, 1904; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, October 20, 1900, 486.
3. New York Times, January 4, 1910.
4. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, April 29, 1905, 929.
5. Spengler, "Land Values in New York in Relation To Transit Facilities: Studies in History," 50-70.
6. New York Times, April 20, ??? May 17, 1901, April 9, 1904; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, May 18, 1901, 886, June 11, 1904, 1439-1445, October 20, 1906, 635-636, December 8, 1909, 1086-1087.
7. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, July 7, 1996, 2.
8. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, May 10, 1900, 864, November 3, 1900, 571, July 12, 1902, 37, New York Times, April 9, 1906; Mary C. Henderson, The City and the Theatre (Clifton, N.J., James T. White and Company, 1973), 186-196.
9. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, December 22, 1900, 866.
10. New York Times, May 14, November 13, 1904; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, June 29, 1901, 1133, August 5, 1905, 245.
11. Charles C. Colby, "Centrifugal and Centripetal Forces in Urban Geography," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, March 1933, 14-15; Henderson, The City and the Theatre, 186-192, 203; New York Times, January 1, 1905.
12. Phillips' Business Directory of New York City, 1900-1901 (New York: W. Phillips, 1900); 1161-1162; Phillips' Business Directory of New York City, 1915 (New York: W. Phillips, 1915); 1150-1151.
13. New York Times, October 15, 1907.
14. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, June 16, 1906, 1137.
15. New York Times, January 1, 1905, October 15, 1907; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, June 16, 1906, 1137, February 3, 1917, 75; Henderson, The City and the Theatre, 207-209.
16. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, January 9, 1909, 45.
17. On this point, see the forthcoming book about Forty-second Street by Professor Stanley Buder of Baruch College.
18. G.W. Bromley and Company, Atlas of the City of New York: Metropolitan, 1898, (Philadelphia: G.W. Bromley and Company, 1898), plates 5,6,7,10,1,14.
19. Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Manhattan, 1898, V. 3, plates 5,6; New York Times, December 17, 1905.
20. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, February 4, 1911, 200-201, June 10, 1911, 1091-1092, May 18, 1912, 1055; Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Manhattan, 1898, v.3, plates 6,7,10,11,14.
21. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, June 10, 19l1, 1091.
22. For the assessed valuation of taxable land in each block of Manhattan in the years 1905, 1913, 1921, and 1929, see Spengler, Land Values in New York in Relation to Transit Facilities, 145-162; the starting point for the Spengler study was 1905, the first year the value of the land was computed separately from the value of improvements. Ibid., 27; Regional Plan of New York and Its Environs, Regional Survey of New York and Its Environs, v.2, Population, Land Values, and Government (New York: Regional Plan of New York and Its Environs, 1929), 142-151.
23. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, February 9, 1907, 306, January 20, 1909, p. 848, June 10, 1911, p. 1091; New York Times, October 15, 1905.
24. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, June 10, 1911, p. 1091; G.W. Bromley and Company, Atlas of the City of New York: Borough of Manhattan, 1920-1921, v. 3 (Philadelphia: G.W. Bromley and Company, 1921), plates 11, 14.
25. Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Manhattan, 1898, v. 3, plate 11; Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Borough of Manhattan, 1920-1921, v. 3, plate 11.
26. Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Borough of Manhattan, 1920-1921, v. 3, plates 9, 10; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, November 7, 1908, p. 873, June 10, 1911, p. 1091.
27. New York Times, December 17, 1905.
28. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, July 8, 1905, 61.
29. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, September 23, 1905, 459, January 26, 1907, 157, June 10, 1911, 1091, October 23, 1915, 685, September 18, 1917, 311, June 3, 1922, 681; New York Times, July 9, December 17, 1905; Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Manhattan, 1898, v. 3, plate 6; Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Borough of Manhattan, 1920-1921, v. 3, plate 6; Norval White and Elliot Willensky, AIA Guide to New York City, revised edition (New York: Collier Books, 1978), 189.
30. Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Manhattan, 1898, v. 3, plates 6,7,10,11,14; Bromley, Atlas of the City of New York: Borough of Manhattan, 1920-1921, v. 3, plates 6,7,9,10,11; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, February 4, 1911, 201, July 22, 1911, 8.
31. Herbert S. Swain, "Hundred Years of City Planning in New York," Part II, Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, March 31, 1917, 431; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, July 8, 1905, 6l, January 26, 1907, 157, October 23, 1915, 685; New York Times, July 9, 1905, February 11, 1906.
32. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, March 6, 1915, 369; Phillips' Business Directory of New York City, 1915, 1151.
33. New York Times, September 19, 1909; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide October 11, 1902, 518-519, August 26, 1911, 257-276, June 29, 1912, 1393-1394.
34. New York Times, September 19, 1909.
35. New York Times, August 7, 1938; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, April 25, 1908, 754, January 14, 1911, 48, September 23, 1911, 415-416, April 26, 1916, 650; Robert A. Caro, Robert A. Moses and the Fall of New York (New York: Vintage, 1975), 525-534.
36. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, October 31, 1908, 843, June 22, 1912, 1359, March 27, 1915, 525.
37. New York Public Opinion, November 3, 1904.
38. Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, September 10, 1904, 525.
39. Homer Hoyt, One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1933), 163-165, 192; Richard M. Hurd, Principles of City Land Values, 3rd Ed. (New York: The Record and Guide, 1911), 2-13.
40. Spengler, Land Values in New York in Relation to Transit Facilities, 76.
41. Hoyt, One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago, 163; Hurd, Principles of City Land Values, 11.
43. National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 15 (New York: James T. White and Company, 1916), 363-364; Henry Morgenthau, All In a Life-Time, (New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1927), New York Times, December 6, 1900, November 21, 1903, November 15, 1904; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, January 20, 1900, 94, October 22, l904, 835.
44. National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 34 (New York: James T. White and Company, 1948), 395-396; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, May 4, 1901, 789, November 16, 1907, 799; New York Times, November 15, 16, 1907; "Passenger Statistics and Engineering Details of the New York Subway," Street Railway Journal, October 1, 1904, 464; Mark D. Hirsch, William C. Whitney: Modern Warwick, (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1948), 1-2, 34-35, 56-58, 62-66, 625-626.
45. New York Times, November 15, 1907.
46. National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 14 (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, Inc., 1967), 489; National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, v. 18 (New York: James T. White and Company, 1922), 115-116; Who's Who In New York, 1914, (New York: Who's Who Publications, 1914), 650; Hirsch, Whitney, 35, 62-66; New York Times, November 15, 1907; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, February 27, 1904, 434, October 22, 1904, 835, November 16, 1907, 799.
47. New York Times, January 5, 1900, March, 25, 1906, November 3, 15, 1907; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, February 27, 1904, 434, March 30, 1907, 639.
48. Hoyt, One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago, 136, 163-166; Hurd, Principles of City Land Values, 77-78; H.J. Dyos, Victorian Suburb: A Study of the Growth of Camberwell, (Leicester University Press, 1961), 80-86; Real Estate Record and Builders Guide, July 22, 1905, 153; New York World, September 24, 1905.
49. New York Times, August 30, 1908.
51. New York City Tenement House Department, Fifth Report, 1909 (New York: Little and Ives, 1910), 102-103.
53. New York City Tenement House Department, Ninth Report, 1913 (New York: np., 1914), map showing New Law Tenement Houses Erected Since the Organization of the Tenement House Department, 1902-1913.
54. New York World, September 24, 1905.
55. New York City, Borough of the Bronx, President, Annual Report, 1911 (New York: M.B. Brown, 1912), 136.
56. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census of of the United States: 1900. Bulletin 11, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1900), 15; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census of the United States: 1920. vol. III Population, (Washington,. D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1922), 710; Cities Census Committee, Inc., Population of the City of New York, 1890-1930, (New York: Cities Census Committee, Inc., 1932), 83-84; Regional Plan of New York and Its Environs, Regional Survey of New York and Its Environs, vol. II Population, Land Values, and Government, 76-79.
57. Robert Coit Chapin, The Standard of Living among Workingmen's Families in New York City (New York: Charities Publication Committee, 1909), 75-84.
58. Lawrence Veiller, "The Safe Load of Population on Land," Proceedings of the Second National Conference on City Planning and the Problems Congestion, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1910), 72-79; Lawrence Veiller, "Protecting Residential Districts," Proceedings of the Sixtieth National Conference on City Planning, (Boston: Boston University Press, 1914), 98-110; Edward M. Law, "The Preparation of the Building District Map of the City of New York," Municipal Engineers Journal November 16, 1916, 107.1-107.15; Edward H. Bassett, Zoning (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1940), 7-12, 45-63; New York City Heights of Buildings Commission, Report (New York: np., 1913), I; New York Commission on Building Districts and Restrictions, Final Report (New York: Board of Estimate and Apportionment, 1916), 2-5; Seymour Toll, Zoned American (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1969), 3, 144-147, 172-181.
60. New York City Commission on Building Districts and Restrictions, Final Report, 147.

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