Source: https://fedsoc.org/commentary/publications/the-war-on-terrorism-law-enforcement-or-national-security
Timestamp: 2019-04-20 05:02:36+00:00

Document:
The War on Terrorism: Law Enforcement or National Security?
The horrific events of September 11th were immediately labeled "acts of terrorism," but as events unfolded, they were quickly revealed as "acts of war." The anthrax attacks that followed were surely acts of terrorism, but not necessarily acts of war by a foreign belligerent. As of this writing, investigators have been pursuing the possibility that the anthrax attacks are acts of domestic terrorism with no organizational links to those who engaged in the acts of war on September 11th.
Federal officials face the unprecedented situation of having to respond immediately to crisis events that are both war and crimes. This new paradigm of warfare has blurred the previously more-or-less clear line between national defense and law enforcement. And the idea of national defense is changing to encompass a broader range of threats than historically posed by a warring nation-state.
3) centralized and decentralized defenses.
Debate about particular anti-terrorism measures often rests on an incomplete understanding of the constitutional principles involved as well as on an over-judicialization of political and policy issues. Our national leaders have a constitutional responsibility to secure the country from foreign threats, and the Framers of our Constitution often referred to this obligation during the Philadelphia convention, in The Federalist Papers, and elsewhere. Indeed, the Preamble to the Constitution makes this very point when it states that the Constitution was ordained and established to "insure domestic tranquility" and "provide for the common Defence." In other words, we must not only account for the traditional rights that citizens enjoy, but also the broad national security power that the Constitution grants to the government to take action against unlawful belligerents acting on U.S. soil. Resolution of the significant constitutional questions raised by measures to address the current terrorist threat thus requires a clear understanding of both the powers that the Constitution grants to the government when national security is at stake, and the circumstances in which the exercise of those powers do and do not infringe our civil liberties. This is consistent with how the Framers viewed our Constitutional system - namely, that structural issues are inextricably intertwined with questions relating to the protection of freedom.
It is axiomatic that the federal government has all the constitutional power necessary to defend the nation, whether the threat comes from foreign attack or from the breakdown of internal order. As Alexander Hamilton wrote in Federalist No. 23, the powers of the federal government to provide for the common defense are complete.
These powers ought to exist without limitation: Because it is impossible to foresee or define the extent and variety of national exigencies, or the correspondent extent & variety of the means which may be necessary to satisfy them. The circumstances that endanger the safety of nations are infinite; and for this reason no constitutional shackles can wisely be imposed on the power to which the care of it is committed. This power ought to be co-extensive with all the possible combinations of such circumstances; and ought to be under the direction of the same councils, which are appointed to preside over the common defense.
The federal government does have law enforcement powers, but those powers have limits. In particular, the federal government has no general police power.  Congress must find the source for enacting criminal law either in particular enumerated powers or in the means necessary to implement those powers.  In matters of national security, on the other hand, the powers of the federal government are broader. The Constitution grants to the Executive and Legislative Branches, as the preamble announces, specific powers to "insure domestic Tranquility and provide for the common Defence." Most notable and relevant for present purposes is the power of the Congress under Article I, section 8 to declare war, but also its power to "define and punish . . . Offenses against the Law of Nations" and to "make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water." Likewise, the role of the President, under Article II, section 2, as the "Commander in Chief of the Army and the Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States" reflects the Constitution's grant of authority to the Executive Branch to address threats to national security independent of the President's separate role as chief magistrate and prosecutor of criminal laws.
The authority that the Constitution confers on the federal government to prosecute the enemy by all appropriate means applies to the enemy found at home as well as those encountered abroad.  Quirin concerned a group of saboteurs who were landed by German U-boats on U.S. beaches during World War II. Their assignment from the German military authorities was to destroy military targets and war-production facilities on the U.S. home front. All of the saboteurs were Germans except one, Haupt, who claimed to be a naturalized U.S. citizen. After capture by the FBI, the belligerents were placed in military custody. Pursuant to an Executive order, they were tried by a military commission, which found them all guilty and sentenced them to death. They then filed petitions for writs of habeas corpus, challenging the authority of the military tribunal, and the tribunal's denial to them during its proceedings of the Constitutional rights specified in Article III and the Fifth and Sixth Amendments.
Finally, the Court in Quirin readily rejected Haupt's claim of constitutional rights by virtue of his purported U.S. citizenship. U.S. citizenship, the Court held, "does not relieve him from the consequences of a belligerency which is unlawful because in violation of the law of war."  By virtue of his allegiance to a foreign enemy and his taking up arms on behalf of that enemy, therefore, Haupt was subject to military punishment, rather than criminal justice.
The assessment of anti-terrorist measures, both those already enacted and those considered for future implementation, should not be examined exclusively through the lens of the government's traditional law enforcement powers. To the extent that anti-terrorist measures are directed at protecting our nation's security from those in the active service of our enemies, then the government may exercise a constitutional authority that is separate from and independent of its law enforcement powers. The exercise of that authority is not an infringement on the constitutional rights of civilians under Article III or the Fifth and Sixth Amendments, but a vindication of the citizens' collective grant of the powers of defense to the national government.
Moreover, foreign governments are not bound by the Constitution unless there is an active collaboration with United States agencies. Acts of a foreign government within its own territory against United States citizens are not subject to the limitations of the Constitution.  Accordingly, United States officials and agencies are free to accept and make use of any truly independent assistance or information offered by other nations without regard to the methods or sources by which it was obtained.
The controlling precedent concerning the Fourth Amendment's application to aliens outside the United States is United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez.  Verdugo-Urquidez was indicted on drug charges under United States law, when he was a Mexican citizen residing in Mexico. Mexican police officers delivered Verdugo-Urquidez to the United States border, where he was arrested and charged. Agents of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), with the permission and assistance of the Mexican federal police, conducted searches of Verdugo-Urquidez's two houses in Mexico, obtaining documents evidencing Verdugo-Urquidez's drug smuggling.
The Supreme Court reversed, holding that the Fourth Amendment does not apply to the search and seizure of a nonresident alien's property outside of the United States.  Both the majority opinion and the dissent recognized that the Fourth Amendment applied to protect American citizens, without regard to territorial restriction.  While other provisions of the Bill of Rights, such as the Fifth or Sixth Amendments, establish procedural trial rights which inure to a person who becomes a criminal defendant in United States custody, the Fourth Amendment's restrictions on search and seizure protect a right of "the people" as opposed to any person or any accused. A search and seizure can violate these restrictions prior to, or even absent, a trial or conviction.  It therefore made no difference to a Fourth Amendment analysis, despite the dissent's protest to the contrary, whether Verdugo-Urquidez was within or without the United States, or in custody, at the time the agents searched the Mexican properties. A judicial warrant would have had null effect outside the United States.  But a requirement to obtain a warrant, implied by application of the Fourth Amendment, would have pernicious effect on United States operations overseas, including, the Court feared, military operations.  The Supreme Court accordingly reversed the two lower courts' opinions.
The Supreme Court dissent noted that "non-law enforcement activities, not directed against enemy aliens in wartime but nevertheless implicating national security"  should not suffer impairment under the Fourth Amendment. "Many situations involving sensitive operations abroad likely would involve exigent circumstances" and thus not need a warrant.  Thus both the dissent and the majority in Verdugo-Urquidez leave open the possibility that intelligence collection and operations overseas can proceed without constitutional burden, on the significant, if unstated, assumption that the intent remains unchanged throughout the investigation to collect information solely for intelligence purposes. But the dissent's analysis seems necessarily to rely on the continued dichotomy between intelligence and law enforcement in distinguishing the Fourth Amendment's applicability to either function. In today's world, where the line between crime and war has been blurred by mass murder of civilians in attacks upon nations by unlawful belligerents, the dichotomy between gathering "intelligence" in support of national defense and obtaining evidence in support of law enforcement is less clear than the dissent might have supposed.
This does not mean that aliens would be devoid of all legal protection or safeguard. The Court in Verdugo-Urquidez left the door open to constitutional claims by aliens in this country.  In addition, where the Constitution and federal statutes are otherwise silent, aliens may resort to relevant international agreements such extradition treaties, treaties of friendship, commerce and navigation, tax treaties, and mutual legal assistance treaties, to the extent they are self-executing.
In conclusion, under Verdugo-Urquidez, the Fourth Amendment does not operate to protect individuals; rather it operates to protect "the class of persons who are part of a national community or who have otherwise developed sufficient connection with the country to be considered part of that community."  The farther an individual is removed from the "community," the less claim he has to constitutional protection.  Accordingly, it would be reasonable to conclude that an unlawful belligerent--even within the United States (and certainly outside the United States)--has by taking up arms against the United States so far removed himself from the national community as to forfeit Fourth Amendment rights.
"[A]dmission to the United States [is] a privilege and [an alien] has no constitutional rights regarding his application, for the power to admit or exclude aliens is a sovereign prerogative."  Congress and the Executive have clear legal powers to exclude terrorists, to remove them if they get inside our borders, and to revoke their citizenship if that citizenship was based on fraud.
Other aspects of this paper make clear that the Constitution confers ample powers on the President and Congress to defend the nation from international terrorists on U.S. soil. This portion addresses why aliens who obtain their immigration status by fraud should be deemed without lawful status and, therefore, not entitled to the full panoply of constitutional protections accorded to United States citizens.
These rules are obviously fair. But what constitutional protection should be accorded an alien who has procured his presence in the United States through fraud or other unlawful act? The law generally denies the benefit of a transaction to one who procured that transaction by fraud.  Moreover, fraudulently obtaining immigration status or citizenship is no garden-variety fraud. It undermines the social compact, the foundation of our legal system, by falsely claiming to have entered it. Even the most ardent civil libertarian would agree that the law cannot be permitted to reward deceit and fraud. An alien who lies and cheats to enter this country simply does not deserve the same legal protections as do the millions of immigrants and visitors who obtained their status lawfully. Alien terrorists and suspected terrorists who claim constitutional protections against searches, detention and other anti-terror measures should first have their immigration status examined. If that status was obtained by fraud, misrepresentation or other unlawful means, then it should be deemed void ab initio. Such an alien should be treated under the law as if he never was lawfully admitted to the United States - because in a very real sense he was not.
Treating aliens who procure immigration status or citizenship through fraud as if they were excludable aliens would have important implications for the war on international terrorism.
First, this "entry fiction" supports Congress's recent grant of authority to detain terrorists and terrorist suspects. Under the USA PATRIOT Act,  the Attorney General must detain any alien certified as a suspected terrorist.  The Attorney General may make this certification if he has "reasonable grounds to believe,"  that an alien has committed specified forbidden acts associated with terrorism. To be sure, certain administrative and judicial safeguards apply. The Act requires the Attorney General to begin removal proceedings, charge the alien with a crime, or release the alien within "seven days after the commencement of such detention."  If an alien is held solely because he is certified by the Attorney General under the Act and his removal is "unlikely in the foreseeable future,"  the Attorney General is authorized to continue detaining him for six-month intervals "only if the release of the alien will threaten the national security of the United States or the safety of the community or any person."  Furthermore, the Act directs the Attorney General to review the certification of an alien as a suspected terrorist every six months.  The alien may submit a written request for reconsideration every six months, and such a request for reconsideration may include "documents or other evidence in support of that request."  Judicial review is available only in habeas corpus proceedings,  and the only Court of Appeals authorized to hear appeals under the Act is the D.C. Circuit.  Congress has deemed these procedural safeguards to be all the process due to suspected alien terrorists. For those of that group who procured their immigration status or citizenship through fraud, this may be more process than is constitutionally required.
It is axiomatic that a contract is void ab initio where there is "fraud in the execution,"  meaning that one party misrepresents an agreement's "essential terms."  An alien who falsely claims the right to enter the United States to study, perhaps at a flight school, and then commits terrorist acts misrepresents the "essential terms" of the agreement between him and this country. It follows that the agreement to let him enter is void. He had no constitutional rights before entry. Should the law be construed to give him the benefit of his fraudulent bargain by extending him constitutional protections anyway?
As horrific as the events of September 11th were, the damage to the United States was not catastrophic. The unprecedented loss of life and property was actually crippling only within limited geographic areas. Certainly, the resulting economic damages have been felt nationwide, as measured in the decline of stock prices, employment rates, airline passenger traffic, consumer confidence, and corporate profits. These economic damages have been driven by fear of uncertainty and vulnerability. As tremendous and widespread as these damages have been, the enemy nevertheless has not inflicted physical damage on our far-flung defense or production capabilities. Indeed, the decentralization of people, production capabilities, and defenses across a large land mass minimizes the potential for physical damages from terrorism.
Fear, more so than physical damages, is the threat. This fear is prompted by localized concentration of populations and nationwide interconnectedness. Populations concentrate in cities, buildings, subways, stadiums, and aircraft and dispersed populations are interconnected through the mail system, water supplies, the food supply, the blood supply, and the financial system. Terrorism and the fear it generates have renewed interest in the quarantine, curfew, and the martial law powers of the states. Along with the powers of the federal government, these local powers remain an important feature of the federal system for responding to new forms of violence and threats to public health, as well as the fear of both.
Debate over the recently enacted USA PATRIOT Act  was typically framed in libertarian terms as a contest between liberty and security. It has been difficult for many Americans (especially lawyers) to understand that security and liberty can be hand-maidens. Liberty and security naturally conflict in a centralized state; they need not and should not in a decentralized state such as the United States. When the Framers created a strong Executive, they faced the charge that the President's powers -- said to be equal to those of a king -- posed a threat to liberty. They responded that an energetic Executive is essential to the defense of the people's liberty,  a view which has been confirmed by history and the opinion of the American people. Presidents have never been more esteemed by the American people than when, acting as Commander-in-Chief, they defend individual liberty by defending the nation's security.
Since the attacks of September 11th, the knee-jerk reaction on the part of many has been towards greater centralized control. Underlying this reaction is the mistaken assumption that greater centralization would have prevented the attacks. The argument in favor of centralization ignores the consequences of concentration of power, which can be to escalate the damages if an attack is not prevented. Suppose the United States were as completely centralized as France, with all powers concentrated in one city like Paris. If in addition to being the political capital, Washington, D.C. was also the most populous city, the financial nerve center, and the single transportation hub, it would be the equivalent of Paris. In that situation, the combined attacks of September 11th would have been far more destructive to the country because the target would have been more centralized and concentrated. The physical and psychological damages would have been greater to the rest of the country precisely because of a greater dependence on the centralized target.
Among many potential targets of terrorism, some are unique, e.g., the White House, the Capitol, and the Supreme Court Building. Anything which is unique, i.e., one of a kind, represents a form of centralization. The greater the centralization or concentration of wealth and/or power, the greater the level of security required. Thus the White House, the Capitol, and the Supreme Court get greater security than post offices, not solely because high-level officials may be "more important" than postal workers, but because there is only one Capitol, one White House, and one Supreme Court, whereas there are many post offices. The relationship between concentration/centralization and the need for security spreads across all levels of society. Even though there are many banks and armored trucks, they need more security than most residences because they are less numerous and contain more money than individual residences. "That's where the money is!" as Willy Sutton, the bank robber said when asked why he robbed banks. With greater centralization or accumulation of money and/or power and the need for greater security, comes the potential for greater damages if the security is breached.
This is not to argue against every response that involves some greater centralization. Rather, it is to argue that centralization per se is not wise policy. Thus, the Congress has debated whether airport security should be completely federalized/centralized by making security personnel federal employees or whether instead security should be governed by federal standards but administered by private contractors. The argument against making the security personnel federal employees is that degree of centralization actually undermines security.
Centralized coordination differs from centralized control. The federal government certainly has centralized control over the nation's defenses. Under Article Two, Section 2 of the Constitution, the President commands not only the military services, but also "the militia of the several States, when called into actual Serves of the United States." The federal government, however, does not and can not control all the many resources which contribute to the nation's defense, such as the emergency medical response services. Nevertheless, federal agencies such as the Department of Health and Human Services serve as central points of data collection and dissemination which, when performing well, provide centralized coordination.
D. Concentrating on "Core Competencies"
In the current war, the great difficulty lies in distinguishing what should and should not be federalized or centralized. As many American businesses have decided, it is good policy for corporations to concentrate on their "core competencies," i.e., do only what they do best. Indeed, that just happens to be the organizational design of the Constitution, giving powers to the federal government that only it could do well. As illustrated by the following observations, devolving or shedding extraneous responsibilities from the center allows national security forces and federal law enforcement to concentrate on their primary responsibilities.
2. The FBI: The well-known difficulties of the FBI are at least in part due to expecting the Bureau to do too many things. If the Bureau has lost its focus, Congress must share much of the blame. Congress has imposed on the FBI wide-ranging responsibilities which result from too much federal criminal legislation that overlaps state criminal jurisdiction. Any resources the FBI devotes to crimes that are essentially state matters are resources that cannot be devoted to truly federal matters. Meanwhile, the FBI's responsibilities for domestic intelligence cannot be performed by the state law enforcement.
Moreover, the more the FBI is involved in ordinary, local crime the greater concern arises that the Bureau is directing its surveillance capabilities at ordinary citizens. To the extent that the Bureau is focused on intelligence related to foreign threats, its surveillance powers generate less concern about the potential for the abuse. There has been at least one report, however, that the FBI is preparing to increase its surveillance capability potentially over all citizens by imposing a centralized routing system on the Internet.  In addition to the civil liberties concerns, such a centralizing of communication actually undermines the defense to terrorism, as discussed below.
3. Communication Infrastructure: Decentralized communication received a big boost from the September 11th attacks. The use of wireless telephones on hijacked aircraft and in the Twin Towers demonstrated their intelligence and emergency response value. Since September 11th, the military has shown great interest in already available technology which can provide secure communications based on the peer-to-peer concept of Napster.  That same communication structure can fill the "communication gap" which exists among local emergency response agencies, as related by Governor Keating's report on "Dark Winter."
Through cutting-edge technology, communication is rapidly moving towards becoming ubiquitous. To the extent that it is based on or modeled after the Internet, this communication system will be decentralized. Although the Internet is not invulnerable,  it is less vulnerable than more centralized communication systems, namely the telephone system. The origins of the Internet reflect a concern to create an alternative to the telephone system in order to have a communication system that would survive a nuclear attack. The Internet is a (con)federal system, with very minimal centralized control.
Current developments in communications are leading what has been called the technology of decentralization.  The Internet's distributed communication is now being recognized as a strategy for defending against terrorism.  As demonstrated on September 11th, however, the potential of the Internet is limited by the bottle-necks created by overloads on the centralized telephone system which is generally used to connect to the Internet. Instead of following the natural urge to centralize all communications that many in federal law enforcement have, the Federal Government could do much to defend against terrorism by centrally coordinating a rapid decentralization of the nation's communications system. This approach may seem as counter-intuitive as the President's proposed missile-defense system. Both proceed on the premise that the best offense is a good defense. In fact, the Defense agencies have recently announced such a decentralized communications model.  The federal government could coordinate the extension of that kind of decentralized communication infrastructure so that, for example, a mission-critical communication system would connect the nations' local emergency-response resources of police, fire and health agencies with each other, with federal agencies, with public health experts, and with the public.
*White & Case, Washington, D.C. Mr. Terwilliger served as Deputy Attorney General in the Bush I Administration.
***White & Case, Washington, D.C.
****Kelley Drye & Warren, New York. The views expressed herein are those of the author alone and do not reflect the views of Kelleye Drye & Warren.
*****Paul Weiss Rifkind Wharton & Garrison, Washington, D.C.
1.Bas v. Tingy, 4 U.S. (4 Dall.) 37, 40 (1800) see (opinion of Washington, J.).
2. For statutes on piracy, see 18 U.S.C. § 1651-1661.
3. See "Diplomatic Security and Antiterrorism Act of 1986," Pub. L. N. 99-399, 100 Stat. 853.
4. For discussion of whether a formal declaration of war by Congress is required, an issue beyond the scope of this paper, see generally Bas v. Tingy, 4 U.S. 37 (4 Dall.) (1800) (opinion of Washington, J.); The Prize Cases, 67 U.S. (2 Black) 365 (1862).
5. See Federalist No. 8.
6. See Federalist Nos. 23-24.
7. See Federalist No. 51.
9. Brown v. United States, 12 U.S. [8 Cranch] 110, 125-126 (1814).
10. See United States v. Curtis-Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 315-19 (1936).
11. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. at 315.
13. "Posse Comitatus" means "power of the country."
14. 18 U.S.C. § 1385.
15. See United States v. Morrison, 120 S. Ct. 1740, 1754 (quoting United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 566 (1995) ("[t]he Constitution withhold[s] from Congress a plenary police power").
16. See McCulloch v. Maryland. 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316 (1819).
17. In re Yamashita, 327 U.S. 1, 9 (1946); accord Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. 763, 774-75 (1950) ("Executive power over enemy aliens, undelayed and unhampered by litigation, has been deemed throughout our history, essential to war-time security"); Miller v. United States, 78 U.S. (11 Wall.) 268, 305 (1870) ("Of course the power to declare war involves the power to prosecute it by all means and in any manner in which war may legitimately be prosecuted. It therefore includes the right to seize and confiscate all property of an enemy and to dispose of it at the will of the captor").
18. Ex Parte Quirin, 317 U.S.1 (1942).
21. Quirin, 317 U.S. at 30-31.
22. Id. at 45; see also Yamashita, 327 U.S. at 23 (rejecting a Fifth Amendment challenge to the introduction of hearsay evidence in a prosecution before a military commission; "[T]he commission's rulings on evidence and on the mode of conducting these proceedings against petitioner are not reviewable by the courts . . .. From this viewpoint it is unnecessary to consider what, in other situations, the Fifth Amendment might require[.])"
23. Quirin, 317 U.S. at 37.
24. 71 U.S. (4 Wall.) 2 (1866).
25. The majority refused to consider the scope of the military tribunal's authority in this context, although the minority readily acknowledged the authority of such a tribunal that is "exercised in time of invasion or insurrection within the limits of the United States . . . when the public danger requires its exercise." 71 U.S. at 121 (majority) & 142 (opinion of Taney, C.J. and Wayne, Swayne and Miller, JJ.).
26. Ex Parte Milligan, 71 U.S. at 121-22.
27. See Quirin, 317 U.S. at 45. (Milligan involved a citizen who "was not an enemy belligerent . . . subject to the penalties imposed upon unlawful belligerents. . . . [Milligan was not] a part of or associated with the armed forces of the enemy, was a non-belligerent, not subject to the law of war save as . . . martial law might be constitutionally established").
28. The courts have also made clear that they stand ready to patrol the boundary between the exercise of legitimate national security powers directed to unlawful belligerents and the illegitimate use of that authority when directed at citizen civilians. In Quirin, and on two occasions since Quirin, the Supreme Court has recognized its authority to consider habeas corpus petitions filed by enemy aliens who claim they are wrongly held in military custody. In Yamashita, the Court held that Congress "has not withdrawn, and the Executive branch of the Government could not, unless there was suspension of the writ, withdraw from the courts the duty and power to make such inquiry into the authority of the commission as may be made by habeas corpus." 327 U.S. at 9. In Johnson v. Eisentrager, the Court pointed out that, despite its rulings in Quirin and Yamashita upholding the authority of the military commissions, in each case the petitioners had the benefit of a hearing at which an Article III court considered their applications and provided them with an opportunity to present reasons for their release from military jurisdiction. 339 U.S. at 780-81.
29. Reid v. Covert, 354 U.S. 1 (1957); Best v. United States, 184 F.2d 131,138 (1st Cir. 1950), cert. denied, 340 U.S. 939 (1951); Berlin Democratic Club v. Rumsfeld, 410 F. Supp. 144, 157, (D.D.C. 1976)("There is no question, of course, that the Constitution applies to actions by the United States officials taken against American citizens overseas.").
31. Almeida-Sanchez v. United States, 413 U.S. 266, 272 (1973) (citing Chae Chan Png v. United States, 130 U.S. 581, 603-04).
33. Best, 184 F.2d at 140-41 (warrantless search by U.S. Army upheld in Occupation Zone of postwar Austria).
34. United States v. Bin Laden, 126 F. Supp. 2d 264 (S.D.N.Y. 2000) (Applying Fourth Amendment to overseas search of American citizen, declining to apply exclusionary rule).
35. Rumsfeld, 410 F. Supp. at 154 ("The fourth amendment does apply to actions of foreign officials if United States officials participated in those actions so to convert them into joint ventures between the Untied States and the foreign officials") (citations omitted); see also Stonehill v. United States, 405 F.2d 738, 743-44 (9th Cir. 1968).
36. Rumsfeld, 410 F. Supp. at 152.
37. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. at 266.
38. Id. at 269; see Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. 763 (1950).
39. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. at 774-75.
40. 494 U.S. 259 (1992).
41. 494 U.S. at 263.
42. United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 856 F.2d 1214 (9th Cir. 1988).
43. 494 U.S. at 274.
44. 494 U.S. at 283 n.7, 291 n.11.
45. Id. at 264; id. at 278 (Kennedy, J., concurring).
46. Id. at 274; id. at 279 (Stevens, J., concurring).
47. Id. at 273. This reasoning also militates against application of constitutional due process protections and other Bill of Rights provisions to aliens who are abroad.
50. United States v. Alvarez-Machain, 504 U.S. 655, 661 (1992) (citing to Frisbie v. Collins, 342 U.S. 519 (1952).
51. Frisbie v. Collins, 342 U.S. 519.
52. Ker v. Illinois, 119 U.S. 436 (1886).
53. 504 U.S. 655 (1992).
54. 504 U.S. at 667.
57. Compare Bridges v. Wilson, 326 U.S. 135 (1945) (resident alien has first amendment rights) with U.S. ex. Rel. Turner v. Williams, 194 U.S. 229 (1904) (excludable alien does not have First Amendment rights).
58. Landon v. Plasencia, 459 U.S. 21, 32 (1982).
59. Laurie Mylroie, "The World Trade Center Bomb: Who is Ramzi Yousef? And Why it Matters," 42 Nat'l Int. 3 (1995).
61. Ed Timms, "Critics Say Visa System Was Help to Hijackers," Dallas Morning News, Sep. 15, 2001, at 25A.
62. Shaughnessy v. United States ex rel. Mezei, 345 U.S. 206, 223 (1953) (Jackson, J., dissenting).
63. 8 U.S.C. at § 1227(a)(3)(C).
64. Id. at § 1227(a)(3)(D).
65. Id. at § 1451(a).
66. Cf. Restatement (Second) of Torts § 549, cmt. g (1976).
67. See, e.g., Shaughnessy v. United States ex rel. Mezei, 345 U.S. 206, 210 (1953).
69. Landon v. Plasencia, 459 U.S. 21, 32 (1982) ("an alien seeking initial admission to the United States requests a privilege and has no constitutional rights regarding his application . . . .").
70. Cf. Leng May Ma v. Barber, 357 U.S. 185, 187-88 (1958).
71. Kaplan v. Tod, 267 U.S. 228, 230 (1925) (Holmes, J.).
72. Fedorenko v. United States, 449 U.S. 490, 506 (1981).
75. Shaughnessy v. United States ex rel. Mezei, 345 U.S. 206, 212 (1953).
76. See Wong Wing v. United States, 163 U.S. 228, 238 (1896).
77. See Landon v. Plasencia, 459 U.S. 21, 32-34 (1982).
78. See Kaplan v. Tod, at 267 U.S. at 230.
80. Id. at § 412(a)(1).
82. Id. at § 412(a)(5).
88. Id. at § 412(b)(3).
89. United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259, 265 (1990).
93. Matthews v. Diaz, 426 U.S. 67, 79-80 (1976).
94. Hetchkop v. Woodlawn at Grassmere, Inc., 116 F.3d 28, 32 (2d Cir. 1997).
95. Restatement (Second) of Contracts § 163, cmt. a (1981).
96. ...the power surrendered by the people, is first divided between two distinct governments, and then the portion allotted to each, subdivided among distinct and separate governments. Hence a double security arises to the rights of the people. The different governments will control each other; at the same time that each will be controlled by itself.
Federalist No. 51 (emphasis added).
97. USA PATRIOT Act of 2001, Pub. L. No.107-56.
98. See Federalist No. 70.
99. See Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952) (holding President Truman's order to seize steel plants in support of the Korean Conflict an unconstitutional violation of separation of powers, not justified by his powers as Commander-in-Chief).
100. See n. 3, Part I.
101. See Woods v. Miller Co., 333 U.S. 138 (1948) (upholding national rent controls under the war power even though the Housing and Rent Act of 1947 was adopted after the "cessation of hostilities" (although technically a state of war still existed) in World War II).
104. Testimony of Paul Bremer, Hearing Before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate; 106 Cong. 2d Sess., June 15, 2000, www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate at 5 (Emphasis added).
105. Richard Reeves, Security in the Homeland - A Tough Job, Universal Press Syndicate, Oct. 12, 2001.
108. Frank Keating, Gov. of Oklahoma, Testimony Before the 107th Congress House Committee on Government Reform; Subcommittee on National Security, Veterans Affairs, and International Relations (July 23, 2001).
Local government and law enforcement agencies were the ones with the power to impose and enforce quarantines, curfews and states of martial law, to disseminate information through local media and to collate and forward epidemiological data to federal agencies such as the Centers for Disease Control in Atlanta. Local law enforcement would be the ones to discover, preserve and secure any available crime scenes of evidence.
The one central problem which emerged in Oklahoma City was that of communications. From the initial response effort through the final body recovery, it was noted that the many different radio frequencies and institutional policies in play all too often left many participants in the effort in the dark concerning vital decisions that should have been shared universally. This was remedied in part -- but only in part -- by the creation of a unified command center which invited key representatives from all of the agencies involved to frequent information briefings and discussions on tactics.
The rapid and accurate flow of information -- both internally among government agencies and externally to the public -- is absolutely essential.
Perhaps the strongest lesson from Oklahoma City -- and perhaps the most worrisome outcome from the Dark Winter exercise -- concerns the almost instinctive urge common to officials of federal agencies and the military to open the federal umbrella over any and all functions or activities. Simply put, the federal government all too often acts like the 500 pound gorilla.
In Dark Winter, we encountered this tendency as soon as state National Guard units were activated in response to the bio-terrorist attack. The function of those units--imposing curfews and quarantines and keeping public peace -- were exclusively local in nature. Still, many of the participants sought to call the Guard into federal service immediately. I want to thank Senator Nunn, who played the role of the President in the exercise, for resisting this temptation and deciding not to federalize the Guard.
113. See Hearing on the Department of Defense's Role in Homeland Security: S. Armed Services Comm., 107th Cong. 4 (2001) ( Chairman of the Armed Services Committee Sen. Carl Levin raised the issue with Thomas White, Secretary of the Army: "Another overarching issue: Should the Posse Comitatus Act be revised or repealed?" at 4 ).
114. See Federalist No. 8.
The perpetual menacings of danger oblige the government to be always prepared to repel it - its armies must be numerous enough for instant defence. The continual necessity for their services enhances the importance of the soldier, and proportionably degrades the condition of the citizen. The military state becomes elevated above the civil. The inhabitants of the territories, often the theatre of war, are unavoidably subjected to frequent infringements of their rights, which serve to weaken their sense of those rights; and by degrees, the people are brought to consider the soldiery not only as their protectors, but as their superiors. The transition from this disposition to that of considering them as masters, is neither remote, nor difficult:(sic) But it is very difficult to prevail upon a people under such impressions, to make a bold, or effectual resistance, to usurpations, supported by military power.
116. See Leslie Walker, "Uncle Sam Wants Napster!," The Washington Post, Nov. 8, 2001; Pg. E01.
117. See Thomas E. Weber, "Terrorist Attacks Raise The Issue of How Best To Protect the Internet," The Wall St. Journal, Oct. 8, 2001, A15.
118. Thomas E. Weber, "A Primer on Technology That Has the Potential To Help Foil Terrorism," The Wall St. Journal, Sept. 17, 2001, Pg. B1.
119. See Kevin Maney, "Could Internet be used as a weapon against bioterrorism?," USA TODAY, Oct. 24, 2001, Pg. 3B.

References: v. 
 v. 
 § 1651
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 § 1385
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 § 1227
 § 1227
 § 1451
 § 549
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 § 412
 § 412
 § 412
 v. 
 v. 
 v. 
 § 163
 v. 
 v.