Source: https://cvir.st-andrews.ac.uk/articles/10.15664/jtr.231/
Timestamp: 2019-04-23 12:25:37+00:00

Document:
Fraser Galloway graduated in 2010 with an LL.B. (Hons) from the University of Glasgow. He spent a year on exchange at the National University of Singapore where he was taught by Professors Chesterman and Beckman in comparative law and international law. He is currently undertaking the Legal Practice Course at BPP Law School, London before starting a training contract with Hogan Lovells LLP. He represented BPP at the Philip C. Jessup International Law Moot Court Competition. His article, The Evolution of the Jihad Doctrine: Can Modern Islamic Terrorism Be Justified in Terms of Classical Jihad? was published in the 2010 edition of Groundings, an undergraduate interdisciplinary journal in the arts, humanities and social sciences published by the University of Glasgow Dialectic Society with the support of the University’s Chancellor’s Fund (available at http://www.groundings.co.uk/Content/2010edition/Evolution of Jihad Doctrine.pdf). This article is based upon his undergraduate dissertation, supervised by Professor Christian J. Tams.
The United Nations Security Council’s anti-terrorism regime constitutes a serious threat to the legitimacy and unity of the United Nations system as a whole. Recent European Court of Justice jurisprudence emphasises that Security Council resolutions which breach human rights norms will not be enforced by member states. The Security Council has insufficient internal checks to ensure that it passes resolutions which sufficiently respect human rights norms. Judicial review is therefore required on the part of the International Court of Justice to ensure that the Security Council passes resolutions which remain effective and do not bring the United Nations system into disrepute.
Security Council resolutions regarding terrorism have been subject increasingly to the scrutiny of regional organisations, particularly EU courts. The most notable recent example is perhaps the Kadi case in which the ECJ ruled that direct adoption of Security Council resolutions by European member states breached fundamental rights. It appears likely that the Security Council will be subject to increasingly frequent review by regional courts. It is submitted that such a trend creates a challenge to both the legitimacy and unity of the UN system.
To address this challenge, this article argues that the ICJ should assert the power of judicial review so that Security Council resolutions are reviewed within the UN system, rather than the UN as a whole being subject to external criticism. The article is argued from the perspective of the UN and assumes that it benefits the Organisation to uphold both the legitimacy and unity of the UN system. Part I considers the evolving role of the Security Council since the end of the Cold War. Part II examines the human rights limitations to which the Security Council is subject. Finally, Part III proposes a judicial review model for holding the Security Council to account.
Since 9/11, anti-terrorism resolutions have perhaps been the principal manifestations of the Security Council’s newfound authority. Anti-terrorism is an issue which unites disparate member states as, by definition, all non-state actors threaten the legitimacy of nation states and their governments. The international fluidity of terrorist movements which disregard national borders is a further incentive for co-operation: one reason for Russia’s condoning the US-led invasion of Afghanistan was awareness that Afghan terrorism also posed a threat to Russian security by destabilising Chechnya.  A number of these anti-terrorism resolutions are markedly different to those traditionally passed by the Security Council and raise concerns that the Security Council is acting in its own intergovernmental interest, not merely to the potential detriment of unrepresented member states, as in the 1990s, but also to the detriment of individual liberty. These resolutions can be broadly divided into those of a legislative and judicial character.
While the motivations for the Security Council’s producing such broad legislation are clear, the effects can be damaging. Such an example is India, an important case study for the ramifications of Security Council resolutions because it is the world’s most populous nation without permanent membership of the Security Council and therefore represents the most prominent example of the Council’s democratic deficit. Resolution 1373 played a substantial role in framing the debate on India’s anti-terrorism laws, which were consequently augmented by the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2002 (“POTA”) . Upon the bill’s introduction to Parliament, Home Minister L.K. Advani asserted that the Security Council’s adoption of resolution 1373 rendered it India’s “duty to the international community…to pass [POTA].”  This view was echoed in civic society: retired Major General Ashok K. Mehta wrote in 2001 that, “All states are required by United Nations Security Council resolution 1373 to promulgate anti-terrorism laws within 90 days and report completion to the Secretary-General. POTA need not, therefore, be made such a big political issue.”  Even an opponent of the bill acknowledged that POTA was an obligation of international law.  POTA was therefore enacted against a backdrop of perceived Security Council coercion.
The Security Council is therefore responsible for drafting a resolution which, when transposed into Indian domestic law, gave rise to serious human rights violations. Although subsequent resolutions have attempted to address human rights concerns,  this episode demonstrates the potential for damage to the reputation of the whole UN system when the Security Council attempts to draft and enact legislative resolutions.
Applying the facts of the case, the ECJ held that, by the inclusion of the appellants’ names on the sanctions list, the rights to be heard and to an effective remedy were “patently not respected” . The latter required that the reasons for the measures and evidence against the applicant be communicated “within a reasonable period”, especially considering the severity of the complete loss of access to financial means to which listed persons are subject.  The defendants sought to apply the German Federal Constitutional Court case Solange II, whereby the ECJ should defer to the UN, provided that the UN sufficiently protect human rights. The defendants submitted that fundamental rights were adequately protected by the UN Sanctions Committee re-examination procedure. Significantly, the ECJ considered the protections offered by the Sanctions Committee and, accordingly, “A future Solange deference therefore seems to be clearly possible if the remedies available at the UN level are reinforced.”  On the facts, however, the ECJ held that the remedies available were insufficient and, therefore, the resolution, as incorporated by the Regulation, breached EU law.
Resolutions adopted in 2006 marked modest progress in requiring individuals to be informed of their designation on a list and outlining criteria to be considered in a request to be removed;  however, “None of these moves addressed the foundational concern that individuals were having their assets frozen without any formal process for review of how that decision was made, or the circumstances in which it could be revoked.”  That some states are hesitant to submit new names for inclusion on the sanctions lists is evidence that the legitimacy and unity of the UN system is still being challenged.  Accordingly, the consideration which the ECJ gave to the Solange II principle in Kadi should be seized as an opportunity by the UN to re-establish its legitimacy: if it passes resolutions conforming to human rights norms, national and regional courts are unlikely to challenge them; the universality of resolutions and of the UN system will therefore be upheld.
There are, however, limited means available within the UN system to ensure that Security Council resolutions uphold human rights norms. The Security Council’s power derives substantially from Article 39, which gives it discretion to make determinations as to whether an act or situation constitutes a “threat to the peace”; “breach of the peace”; or “act of aggression”. Once such a determination is made, the Security Council may act to counter such challenge to international peace and security. Despite possessing the ability to decide its own jurisdiction, the Security Council is not an organ with unlimited powers: it is limited by the Charter, by general international law and by jus cogens norms.
The principal limitation on the Security Council within the Charter is Article 24(2), which provides that, in maintaining international peace and security, the Security Council “shall act in accordance with the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations”. As one of the Purposes of the UN, Article 1(4) provides for international co-operation “in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights”. Article 55 similarly declares, “the United Nations shall promote…universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms…” There is, however, a lack of clarity as to which human rights the Security Council must respect. T.D. Gill has suggested, “the Council will at a minimum be bound by the rules of human rights contained in the International Bill of Rights from which no derogation is permitted in time of emergency and armed conflict”.  Dapo Akande submits that “…human rights norms which have entered into the corpus of general international law are binding on the Security Council and also that by Articles 1(4) and 55(c), human rights obligations (such as various human rights treaties) adopted within the United Nations system are binding on the Organisation even if they are not yet accepted by all member States”.  There is therefore no consensus as to human rights limitations on the Security Council’s powers.
The overwhelming problem with holding the Security Council to account, however, is that there is no sovereign authority to adjudicate and enforce the Security Council’s compliance with Charter and international law. The limitations on the Security Council have been insufficient to avoid regional organisations having serious misgivings about some of the resolutions passed. Such lack of accountability and recourse on the international plane is forcing individuals to seek judicial remedies in member states and regional organisations, thereby constituting a serious threat to the legitimacy and unity of the UN system. It is therefore vital that more active judicial intervention be considered as a serious proposal to limit the excesses of the Security Council.
Since 9/11 and the resultant demand for action, the judiciary has played an important role in liberal democracies worldwide in preventing legislative excesses;  the ICJ has not acted as a corresponding limitation at the UN to the growing power of the Security Council.
The Marbury analogy suggests that the ICJ has both concurrent jurisdiction with the Security Council and power to declare the Council’s resolutions ultra vires. In the 1962 Certain Expenses case, the ICJ held that it had authority to offer an opinion on whether peacekeeping costs constituted expenses “…‘decided on in conformity with the provisions of the Charter’, if the Court finds such consideration appropriate”.  In the 1970 Namibia case, the ICJ started from the premise that “the Court does not possess powers of judicial review or appeal in respect of the decisions taken by the United Nations organs concerned”, before ruling explicitly on the validity of the acts in question that the Security Council resolution was in accordance with the Charter.  Indeed, Judge Dillard expressed a strong opinion that “it is not in the long-range interest of the United Nations to appear to be reluctant to have its resolutions stand the test of legal validity when it calls upon a court to determine issues to which this validity is related” .
Both Certain Expenses and Namibia therefore suggest that the ICJ has implicitly accepted that it may consider the validity of a Security Council resolution when giving an advisory opinion, which may be requested only by a UN organ.  Lockerbie is important because for the first time a significant proportion of the ICJ held that its power of judicial review also extends to contentious disputes between states and therefore may be binding on parties. It also suggests a growing acceptance by the ICJ that judicial review should not be limited only to when it is implicitly or explicitly requested by a UN organ as to the legal effect of that organ’s acts.  While in the Lockerbie majority opinion, the court did not have the opportunity to rule conclusively that it had ultra vires review powers,  in Namibia Judge de Castro had stated explicitly that, “the Court, as a legal organ, cannot cooperate with a resolution which is clearly void, contrary to the rules of the Charter, or contrary to the principles of law.”  Thus, Certain Expenses, Namibia and Lockerbie confirm that the ICJ may, in principle, review the legality of a resolution.
Standing, however, is a major obstacle for a more interventionist court. In this crucial aspect, the Marbury analogy does not hold because neither an individual, nor a state, can bring a case of judicial review at will. Article 96(a) provides that, “The General Assembly or the Security Council may request the [ICJ] to give an advisory opinion on any legal question”. Clearly, the Security Council cannot be relied upon to challenge its own resolutions at the ICJ. The General Assembly therefore has a responsibility to challenge the legality of Security Council resolutions, which threaten the legitimacy, and unity of the UN system.
The reality of the relationship of UN organs is of complementary institutions functioning in “fruitful interaction” rather than of political organs subject to judicial supremacy.  The UK’s long held doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty is analogous to the Security Council in that Parliament determines its own jurisdiction. However, the ECHR requires that Parliament not pass laws which undermine its enumerated human rights. A compromise reached by section 4, HRA 1998 is that, if an Act of Parliament is fundamentally incompatible with the ECHR, UK courts will issue a declaration of incompatibility. These are non-binding opinions, which state that the UK is in breach of the values it is committed to upholding. It is then the right of Parliament to bring the law into conformity with the ECHR.
Applying this model to the UN system, a declaration that the Security Council is acting ultra vires, or even the threat thereof, would have significant influence on Council resolutions regardless of its binding effect. Given that the Security Council has no autonomous enforcement powers, it relies on maintaining the confidence of member states. The Bosnia Genocide case demonstrates how easily the Security Council and the UN as a whole can be undermined if its resolutions are deemed illegal and illegitimate.  Indeed, as Jose Alzarez notes, “given the level of compliance with the Court’s advisory opinions and the difficulty of enforcing its contentious judgments, the Council’s options might, in practical terms, be as constrained by an advisory opinion as they would be by an adverse decision in a case like Lockerbie.”  The General Assembly, if it is serious about defending the interests of the UN system, should therefore request, either directly or through the HRC, that the ICJ judicially review Security Council resolutions such as 1373 and 1390.
Whereas the Security Council’s Cold War history was defined by deadlock, its post 9/11 histories is currently defined by its unprecedented expansion. Unchecked power in the hands of the Security Council has allowed anti-terrorism resolutions to be passed which not only undermine the legitimacy and unity of the UN system in the international legal order, but which could be counter-productive to the Council’s own aims. Placing questions of interference with individual autonomy on the legal plane reinforces the gravity of the consequences of Security Council resolutions which fail to give due regard to human rights: “[l]egal language carries, virtually in ossibus, the idea of legal restraints.”  That member states take seriously the question of legality is demonstrated by the angry reaction of the US government to Secretary-General Annan’s unilateral declaration that the Iraq war was “illegal”.  Kadi indicates that regional organisations will not submit to the derogation of fundamental rights. If the UN system fails to acknowledge this, it is likely to conflict with member states, some of which it is dependent upon for its continued effectiveness, and consequently UN law will fragment across member states, to the detriment of international anti-terrorism.
About the author: Fraser Galloway graduated in 2010 with an LL.B. (Hons) from the University of Glasgow. He spent a year on exchange at the National University of Singapore where he was taught by Professors Chesterman and Beckman in comparative law and international law. He is currently undertaking the Legal Practice Course at BPP Law School, London before starting a training contract with Hogan Lovells LLP. He represented BPP at the Philip C. Jessup International Law Moot Court Competition. His article, The Evolution of the Jihad Doctrine: Can Modern Islamic Terrorism Be Justified in Terms of Classical Jihad? was published in the 2010 edition of Groundings, an undergraduate interdisciplinary journal in the arts, humanities and social sciences published by the University of Glasgow Dialectic Society with the support of the University’s Chancellor’s Fund (available at http://www.groundings.co.uk/Content/2010edition/Evolution of Jihad Doctrine.pdf). This article is based upon his undergraduate dissertation, supervised by Professor Christian J. Tams.
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*All Articles refer to the UN Charter unless otherwise stated.
9/11 – Coordinated terrorist attacks in New York, Virginia and Pennsylvania, USA, 11th September 2001.
ABILA – American Brach of the International Law Association.
Agenda for Peace – Report of the Secretary-General, An Agenda for Peace, Preventative Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peace-keeping, 1992, U.N. Doc. A/47/277 – S/24111.
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Certain Expenses – Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter), (Advisory Opinion), ICJ 1962, 151.
Charter – Charter of the United Nations, signed at San Francisco, 26th June 1945 and entered into force on 24th October 1945.
EC – Treaty Establishing the European Community, as amended.
ECHR – Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, signed at Rome, 4th November 1950, and entered into force on 3rd September 1953.
HRC – Human Rights Council, see General Assembly resolution 60/251 (2006).
Kadi – Cases C-402/05 and C-415/05, Yassin Abdullah Kadi and Al Barakaat International Foundation v. Council of the European Union and Commission of the European Communities (European Court of Justice, 3rd September 2008).
Lockerbie – Questions of Interpretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention arising from the Aerial Incident at Lockerbie (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya v. United States of America) (Provisional Measures), ICJ 1992, 114.
Montreal Convention – Montreal Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Aviation, signed at Montreal on 23rd September 1971, 24 UST 564, TIAS No. 7570.
Namibia - Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), (Advisory Opinion), ICJ 1971, 16.
Nicaragua – Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America), (Provisional Measures), ICJ 1984, 169.
UN Conference – United Nations Conference on International Organization, San Francisco, 26th June 1945.
Vienna Convention – Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 23rd May 1969, 1155 U.N.T.S. 331. N.B. The Convention entered into force on 27th January 1980 and has been ratified by 110 states as of October 2009.
Wall - Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (Advisory Opinion), ICJ 2004, 136.
Kadi (Cases C-402/05 and C-415/05, 3rd September 2008).
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E.g. Resolutions 1456 (2003); 1566 (2004); and 1624 (2005).
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Council Regulation (EC) 881/2002, 27th May 2002.
Kadi,Joined Cases C-402/05 and C-415/05, 3rd September 2008.
Re the Application of Wünsche Handelsgesellschaft (1987) 3 CMLR 225, 265.
UN Security Council, 5474th Meeting, 22nd June 2006, U.N. Doc. S/PV.5474 (2006), pp.4-5.
E.g. Resolutions 1730 (2006); 1732 (2006); 1735 (2006).
Chesterman, Simon, ‘I’ll Take Manhattan’: The International Rule of Law and the United Nations Security Council, (2009) 1 HJRL 67, pp.71-72.
Gill, T.D., Legal and Some Political Limitations on the Power of the UN Security Council to Exercise its Enforcement Powers under Chapter VII of the Charter, (1995) 26 NYIL 33, p.79.
Akande, Dapo, The International Court of Justice and the Security Council: Is There Room for Judicial Control of Decisions of the Political Organs of the United Nations?, (1997) ICLQ 309, p.323.
E.g. A v. Secretary of State for the Home Department  UKHL 56.
Watson, Geoffrey R., Constitutionalism, Judicial Review, and the World Court, (1993) 34 HVILJ International Law Journal, 1, p.4.
Certain Expenses, ICJ 1962, 157.
Sabahi, Babback, The ICJ’s Authority to Invalidate the Security Council’s Decisions under Chapter VII: Legal Romanticism or the Rule of Law?, (2004) 17 NYILR 1, pp.11-37.
Alvarez, Jose E., Judging the Security Council, (1996) 90 American Journal of International Law 1, p.24.
Certain Expenses, ICJ 1962, 168.
ICJ 1993, 3. Following Judge Lauterpacht’s judgment that Security Council resolution 713 (1991) had the indirect effect of calling on UN members to become supporters of genocidal activity and therefore to breach a jus cogens norm, the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, Croatia and Malaysia declared that the ban was illegal and the US Congress overwhelmingly passed a bill (vetoed by President Clinton) requiring the United States to lift the arms embargo on Bosnia.
Alvarez, Judging the Security Council, p.8.
Reisman, W. Michael, The Constitutional Crisis in the United Nations, (1993) 87 American Journal of International Law 83, p.92.
BBC News, Iraq War Illegal, Says Annan, 16th September 2004, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/3661134.stm.

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