Source: https://depts.drew.edu/jhc/rp1cor15.html
Timestamp: 2019-04-23 19:53:01+00:00

Document:
Robert Price, "Apocryphal Apparitions: 1 Corinthians 15:3-11"
JHC 2/2 (Fall 1995), 69-99.
CONCERNING the pericope 1 Cor 15:3-11, A. M. Hunter says, "Of all the survivals of pre-Pauline Christianity in the Pauline corpus this is unquestionably the most precious. It is our pearl of great price."1 His sentiment is widely shared, not least by those who see the passage as crucial for Christian apologetics, but also by those who at least feel that here we have a window, opened a crack, into the earliest days of Christian belief. In the present article I will be arguing that this pericope presents us instead with a piece of later, post-Pauline Christianity. Whether it thus loses some of its pearly sheen will lie in the eye of the beholder (cf. Gos. Phil. 62:17-22).
RECENT ARTICLES have tried to establish ground rules for scholarly theorizing that would rule out arguments such as mine from the start. Two of these prescriptions against heretics are Frederik W. Wisse, "Textual Limits to Redactional Theory in the Pauline Corpus" and Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "Interpolations in 1 Corinthians."2 These scholars seem to speak for the majority when they maintain that, short of definitive manuscript evidence, no suggestion of an interpolation in the Pauline Epistles need be taken seriously. The texts as they stand are to be judged "innocent until proven guilty" (Wisse, 170), which in the nature of the case, can never happen. Otherwise, if we had to take seriously interpolation or redaction theories based on internal evidence alone, "the result [would be] a state of uncertainty and diversity of scholarly opinion. Historians and interpreters [in such a case] can no longer be sure whether a text or parts of it represent the views of the author or someone else" (Ibid). The game would be rendered very difficult to play.
I see in such warnings essentially a theological apologetic on behalf of a new textus receptus, an apologetic not unlike that offered by fundamentalists on behalf of the Byzantine text underlying the King James Version. Just as the dogmatic theology of the latter group was predicated on particular readings in the Byzantine/King James text and thus required its originality and integrity, so does the "Biblical Theology" of today's Magisterium of consensus scholarship require the apostolic originality of today's Nestle-Aland/UBS text. Herein, perhaps, lies the deeper reason for the tenacious unwillingness of such scholars to consider seriously the possibility of extensive or significant interpolations (or, indeed, any at all).
One of the favorite harmonizations used by scholars is the convenient notion that when Paul sounds suddenly and suspiciously Gnostic, for example, it is still Paul, but he is using the terminology of his opponents against them.9 This would seem to be an odd, muddying strategy. But it was no strategy of the apostle Paul, only of our apologists. It commends itself to many, including Murphy-O'Connor: "If Paul, with tongue in cheek, is merely appropriating the formulae of his adversaries, there are no contradictions in substance."10 Note the talk, familiar from fundamentalist inerrancy apologetics, of merely apparent contradictions. It is implied when Murphy-O'Connor is satisfied with "no contradictions in substance," "no real contradiction" (Interpolations, 83).
Wisse even repeats the circularity of apologist C. S. Lewis's argument in the latter's "Modern Theology and Biblical Criticism." Lewis dismisses historical-critical reconstructions, of the historical Jesus, for example, since they are merely a chain of weak links: "[I]f, in a complex reconstruction, you go on... super-inducing hypothesis on hypothesis, you will in the end get a complex, in which, though each hypothesis by itself has in a sense a high probability, the whole has almost none."11 But, we must ask, how is the orthodox apologist's edifice of apologetical bricks any more sturdy? The merely probabilistic character of the critics' position is evident to him; that of his own is not.
And so with Wisse: "since the burden of proof rests on the arguments for redactional interference, the benefit of the doubt rightfully should go to the integrity of the text. If the case of the prosecution is not able to overcome serious doubts, then the text deserves to be acquitted" (172). Again, "This lack of certainty is sometimes obscured by scholars who wishfully refer to certain redactional theories as if they were facts" (Ibid). And yet Wisse seems willing to consider harmonizations as facts, as if they themselves were not just as debatable as the interpolation hypotheses he despises. Because the critical argument is merely probabilistic and not certain, notwithstanding the similar vulnerability of his own preferred reconstructions (for that is what every harmonization is), Wisse feels as entitled as Lewis did simply to assume the case is closed.
The whole judicial verdict analogy is inappropriate to Wisse's argument anyway. In the one case, we have two choices, to put a man in jail or not. In the other, we have three choices: certainty of an authentic text, certainty of an inauthentic text, and uncertainty. A suggestive argument that nonetheless remains inconclusive should cause us to return the third verdict, but Wisse will not consider it. The logical implication would seem to be textual agnosticism, but Wisse prefers textual fideism instead.
Murphy-O'Connor rejoices at any exegesis "liberating us from speculative interpretations, some with far reaching consequences regarding the authority of Scripture" (85). Here is the heart of the apologetical agenda, but with genuine criticism it has nothing in common. And thus we proceed with our inquiry.
Again, v. 2 makes clear that what follows is not just a helpful piece of apologetics but rather the saving message itself. The phrases "if you hold it fast" and "unless you believed in vain" are not antithetical parallels. Rather, the latter means "unless this gospel is false," as the subsequent argument (vv. 14, 17) shows.
The pair of words in verse 3a, "received / delivered" (paralambanein / paradidonai) is, as has often been pointed out, technical language for the handing on of rabbinical tradition.17 That Paul should have delivered the following tradition poses little problem; but that he had first been the recipient of it from earlier tradents creates, I judge, a problem insurmountable for Pauline authorship. Let us not seek to avoid facing the force of the contradiction between the notion of Paul's receiving the gospel he preached from earlier tradents and the protestation in Gal. 1:1, 11-12 that "I did not receive it from man." If the historical Paul is speaking in either passage, he is not speaking in both.
Some might attempt to reconcile the two traditions by the suggestion that, though Paul was already engaged in preaching his gospel for three years, it was on his visit to Cephas in Jerusalem that he received the particular piece of tradition reproduced in verses 3ff. But this will not do. These verses are presented as the very terms in which he preaches the gospel. The writer of 1 Cor. 15:1-2ff never had a thought of a period of Pauline gospel preaching prior to instruction by his predecessors. Gordon Fee claims there is no real difficulty here, as all Paul intends in his Galatian "declaration of independence" is that he received his commission to preach freedom from the Torah among the Gentiles directly from Christ, not from men (Corinthians, 718); but is this all "the gospel which was preached by me" (Gal. 1:11) denotes? The question remains: if Paul had to wait some three years to receive the bare essentials of the death and resurrection of Jesus from the Jerusalem leaders, what had he been preaching in the meantime?
Sch�tz expresses his dissatisfaction with other previous attempts to harmonize the two passages. Cullmann had suggested that there was no real conflict between the two passages since the Risen Christ both was the ultimate origin of the traditional material and remained active within it as it was transmitted.19 Thus Paul merely denies in Gal. 1:11 that his gospel is of a fleshly, non-divine origin, while in 1 Cor 15:3 he makes no bones of the fact that there were intermediate tradents between the originating Lord and Paul as one of the receivers of the divinely created and transmitted gospel tradition. One either does or does not recognize such reasoning as a harmonization, the erection of an elaborate theoretical superstructure, itself never outlined in the texts, in order that we may have a single framework in which both texts may be made somehow to fit. Not only so, but on Cullmann's reading it becomes impossible to see the point of Paul's argument in Galatians: Gal 1:12 makes it clear, surely, that Paul means to deny precisely his dependence on any human instruction.
Roloff's harmonization is of a different character, but no more helpful. He draws a distinction between the gospel of the resurrected Christ received by Paul at the time of his conversion, and hence taught by no apostolic predecessor, and the traditional statements of 1 Cor. 15, which he had used to clothe, to flesh out, the preaching of the gospel to the Corinthians in former days. When he refers simply to the gospel in 1 Cor. 15:1 he merely does not scruple to differentiate between form and content, husk and kernel.20 Yet are we justified in reading such a distinction into the text in the first place? Certainly the author of this passage does not draw it. Rather, for him, these are the very logia that will save if adhered to. 1 Cor. 15:ff means to offer a formulaic "faith once for all delivered to the saints." And we seem to be in the presence of a post-Pauline Paulinism, not too dissimilar to that of the Pastorals.
Sch�tz himself seeks another alternative. For him, Paul's gospel is not so much the basic facts of the death and resurrection of Jesus as it is the implications of those facts for Christian life and apostolic ministry. Because of the saving events, human sufficiency is negated, pure reliance on the Spirit is mandated. In Galatians, Paul must deal with those who would return to fleshy self-reliance by means of a beguiling gospel of works. In 1 Corinthians he is dealing with those who believe that Christ's resurrection has brought a realized eschatological newness of life which in fact is only another disguise for the exaltation of the flesh in religious enthusiasm. In opposing the Galatian error, Paul declares the heavenly origin of his gospel�i.e., the heavenly origin of his message and the incarnation of it in his own apostolic existence. His gospel, so defined, is not from men. That is, Christian and apostolic sufficiency is not from men. In 1 Corinthians, he says the same thing when he notes in 15:10 what he has already said in 4:8-13, that in himself he is unworthy and impotent, but thanks to Christ, he is an effective apostle. In all this, according to Sch�tz, there is no need to deny that he may have inherited the saving facts of Christ from predecessors. Such facts, in and of themselves, are not quite the same as the gospel (Authority, 35-83). Sch�tz canvasses various passages in Paul where the phrases "my gospel" or "our gospel" occur, seeking to demonstrate in them the usage he has described (Ibid, 71-78), but his application of this usage to 1 Cor 15 seems to me tortuous, inferring the outlines of a grand Paulinist polemic not actually visible in the text. Is not Sch�tz's harmonization victim to the same weakness as Cullmann's? Is there anything in either Gal 1 or 1 Cor 15 to support such a super-exegetical trellis?
The stubborn fact remains: in Galatians Paul tells his readers that what he preached to them when he founded their church was not taught him by human predecessors. In 1 Cor 15 he is depicted as telling his readers that what he preached to them when he founded their church was taught him by human predecessors. In other words, the same process they underwent at his hands, instruction in the gospel fundamentals, he himself had previously undergone: "I delivered to you... what I also received." In fact what we see in 1 Corinthians is a picture of Paul that corresponds to that in Acts, the very version of his call and apostolate he sought to refute with an oath before God in Gal 1:20.
Here scholarly unanimity vanishes. Most seem to feel that the credo extended at least this far,21 some extending the original tradition to include the Twelve,22 though Weiss excised the reference to the Twelve as a scribal gloss to harmonize the list with the Gospels.23 Still others leave room for the reference to James and all the apostles.24 Almost all would bracket the mentions of the 500 brethren (v. 6) and of Paul himself (vv. 8-10) as Pauline additions to the formula.
Before the Second World War, as Murphy-O'Connor notes,25 most scholars took the whole complex down through v. 7 to form part of the same confessional formula. Since then, the tide has turned. However, many scholars, while severing all or part of the list of appearances from the creed concerning the death, burial and resurrection, would nonetheless understand the list of appearances as at least representing another set of traditional materials which now appear as part of a structured whole, i.e., as a subsequent addition to the original formula, but still already part of the formulaic tradition delivered to the Corinthians.
The real point of originality in Wilckens's thesis is his partition of the creed of vv. 3-5 into four separate previous traditions. He takes the instance of kai hoti in verse 5 to denote that the series of hotis represents not connectives between the articles of a creed, but rather Pauline connectives between disparate citations of scripture or of brief traditional formulae. Against Wilckens, Kramer, followed by Conzelmann, rejects such a usage as having no form-critical parallel.29 Instead, Kramer reasons, the hotis were injected by Paul as punctuators, emphasizing the various points in the formula, as if to stress, "first..., second..., third..." Murphy-O'Connor shows that elsewhere even in 1 Corinthians itself hoti... kai hoti is used to introduce quotations of phrases that followed one another immediately in the quoted source (the supposed letter to Paul from Corinth quoted in 1 Cor. 8:4).30 This means that even though Wilckens may be right in denying that the uses of the hoti connector formed part of the original creed, it is still quite likely a creed that is being quoted. The hotis were never the principal reason for thinking the material to be a creed anyway.
then [he appeared] to all the apostles.
As already anticipated, at least the clauses modifying the appearances to the 500 and to Paul himself ("most of whom are still alive..." and "as to one untimely born") are additions by a later hand (whether Paul's or someone else's�see below), since they break the formal structure. We can see the same sort of later embellishment in both the Decalogues of Exod 20 and 34. In the latter case, the embellishments threaten to obscure the barely-discernible outline altogether.
Besides this there is the question whether a tradition delivered to Paul would include an account of Paul's own resurrection vision, especially if, on the assumption of most, the list/creed was formulated in Jerusalem, where Paul was not so well venerated, at least not unanimously enough to permit his inclusion in a creed.34 Scholars universally conclude that Paul must have added the note on his own experience. I will leave that question for later attention.
Since the focus of the tradition seems to be on notable leaders of the community, the sudden mention of the 500 anonymous brethren seems to be an intrusion.35 Beyond this, though, the reference to the 500, most still available for questioning, raises another major problem: what was the intended function of the list? Was it, as Bultmann holds, a piece of apologetics trying to prove the resurrection?36 Or is Wilckens right, in which case the list is a list of credentials? One who claimed an apostolate had better have seen the Lord (cf. 1 Cor. 9:1). These had.37 The reference to the 500 unnamed witnesses certainly implies, as Sider argues,38 that the list is an apologetical device, especially with the note of most of the crowd still being available for corroboration. But the focus on community leaders seems to me to demand Wilckens's view. It is therefore not unlikely that the list began as a list of credentials for Cephas, the Twelve, James, and the other apostles, but that subsequently someone, reading the list as evidence for the resurrection, inserted the reference to the 500 brethren. I will return below to the question of apologetics vs. credentials. It will appear in a new light following a discussion of various details of the list.
His answer is, "The Gospel narratives of the Resurrection are governed by another set of needs and meet another situation than those of the first kerygma" but this is unsatisfactory on his own accounting, since all the apologetical and liturgical motives Allen sees at play in the gospels may be paralleled in the various functions suggested by scholars for the 1 Corinthians 15 list itself. Again, "If we suppose, as we well may, that this incident [the appearance to the 500] is to be located in Galilee, it is not difficult to imagine why it was not taken up into the mainstream of tradition" (Ibid, 453). But clearly the whole point of 1 Cor 15:11, and at least the clear implication of verses 5-7, is that the quoted creed is the mainstream of the tradition.
Barrett, on the other hand, counsels that "it may be better to recognize that the Pauline list and the gospel narratives of resurrection appearances cannot be harmonized into a neat chronological sequence."40 But Barrett's agnosticism itself functions as a harmonization. It implies there is a great cloud of unknown circumstance: if we knew more we might be able to see where it all fits in. But in fact we know enough. It must at least be clear that if such an overwhelmingly potent proof of the resurrection had ever occurred it would have been widely repeated from the first. Surely no selection of resurrection appearances would have left it out. The story of the apparition to the 500 can only stem from a time posterior to the composition of the gospel tradition, and this latter, in comparison with Paul, is already very late.
True, ever since Christian Hermann Weisse some scholars have tried to see the episode of the 500 dimly reflected in the Pentecost story of Acts 2.41 Fuller, representing this position, asks, "Could it not be that, at an earlier stage of the tradition, the [Pentecost] pericope narrated an appearance of the Risen One in which he imparted the Spirit to the +500, as in the appearance to the disciples in John 20:19-23?" (Formation, 36). But despite the considerable expenditure of scholarly ink the suggestion has generated, including its recent espousal by Gerd L�demann,42 its epitaph must be the words of C. H. Dodd: "it remains a pure speculation" (Appearances, 127).
In fact, would it not be far more natural to suppose that if any connection existed between the two passages, the relation must be just the opposite? That, rather, an originally subjective pneumatic ecstasy on the part of a smaller number at Pentecost has been concretized into the appearance of the Risen Lord to a larger group on Easter? But then we are simply underscoring more heavily the apocryphal character of the result. L�demann unwittingly confirms this: "The number 'more than 500 brethren' is to be understood as 'an enormous number', i.e., not taken literally. (Who could have counted?)"43 It is just this sort of detail that denotes the fictive character of a narrative. It is like asking how the narrator knew the inner thoughts of a character: he knows them because he made them up!44 No more successful is the suggestion that the appearance to the 500 be identified with Luke 24:36ff. The same question presents itself: if there were as many as 500 present on that occasion, how can the evangelist have thought this "detail" unworthy of mention? And if we suppose he did include it, what copyist in his right mind would have omitted it?
For this tradition there is no thought of any conversion of James from unbeliever to believer. The resurrection appearance vouchsafed him is simply of a piece with the others: an appearance granted to a disciple. Indeed nowhere in the tradition of early Christianity do we find the appearance to James likened unto that of Paul: the apprehension of an enemy of Christ to turn him into a friend. This notion, which serves the agenda of modern apologists47 seeking to disarm the suspicions of those who point out that Jesus appeared only to believers, is quite common among critical scholars as well.48 Nonetheless, it is an exegetical phantom. Nowhere is this connection made in the texts. True, we have an unbelieving James, a believing James, and an apparition of the Risen Christ to James, but the relationship between these textual phenomena is other than is usually surmised.
If James were not "turned around" by an appearance of the Risen Jesus, how else can we account for his assumption of an early leadership role in the Church? The answer is not far to seek. He was the eldest brother of King Messiah. Once honored for this accident of birth, he did not see fit to decline it. One might well remain aloof to a movement in which one's brother was the leader yet soon warm to it once the leadership role were offered to oneself.
Similarly, Hegesippus passes along legendary tales of the exemplary piety of "James the brother of the Lord," who "was called 'the Just' by all men, from the the Lord's time until our own," since "he was holy from his mother's womb," who had callouses on his knees from long vigils of prayer on behalf of unrepentant Israel, and whose testimony to Jesus as the Saviour convinced many, who had previously rejected the resurrection, to believe.52 The final stage in the beatification of James the Just was to assimilate him to the pattern of the Twelve, late traditions making him a faithful disciple already before the Cross (present even at the Last Supper!) and the recipient of a special resurrection appearance. It is here that I think 1 Cor 15:7 joins the historical stream. The note of James' resurrection vision carries no hint of anything exceptional, as might be expected if the appearance had turned an enemy into a friend, the like of which is noted in the case of Paul in v. 8. The implication, of course, is that the tradition at this point, as in the case of the 500 brethren, is apocryphal and post-Pauline. To be clear, however, let me note that on my reading the appearance to James the Just was an original part of the list, marking the whole list as post-Pauline, while the note about the 500 is later still, an interpolation redolent of much later legendary extravagance.
I WILL NOW RETURN to the much-disputed question of whether the appearances to Cephas and the Twelve and to James and all the apostles represent rival traditions. I believe Harnack was essentially correct and that the criticisms of Conzelmann, von Campenhausen, Kloppenborg, Fuller, and others are not decisive.
Fuller, for example, first points out that if the two independent formulae suggested by Harnack had been added onto the death and resurrection kerygma of vv. 3-5b, then we would have to leave that kerygma in its original form ending, implausibly, with "appeared" (Formation, 12). But some scholars have suggested we do this on independent grounds anyway, e.g., for the symmetry that would then exist between the short membra "that he was buried" and "that he appeared."
Second, Fuller argues, "[O]n Harnack's analysis, the appearance to the five hundred is left in isolation, belonging neither to the Cephas formula nor to the James formula. In either position it would destroy the parallelism between the two formulae and can only be explained as an independent tradition or as a Pauline insertion." Then that is the way to explain it; Fuller has answered his own objection.
Third, Fuller maintains that "the theory of an outright rivalry between a Peter- and a James-party is speculative. There is no real evidence for this in the New Testament." And as if uneasy about this absolute statement Fuller immediately adds, "Galatians 2:11 shows that there were for a time differences between Peter and James on the interpretation of the 'gentlemen's agreement' (Gal 2.9-10), but to speak of a rivalry goes beyond the facts." But is not Fuller's reading of the Galatians passage itself a going beyond the facts, setting them into a harmonizing, catholicizing model? At question is precisely the interpretation of these facts. He seeks to forestall a critical interpretation of the facts with an apologetical reading of his own. And besides, there is certainly material in the New Testament that is polemically aimed at James and the heirs (John 7:5; Mark 3:21, 31-35) as well as pro-Peter polemic (Matt 16:18-19) and anti-Peter polemic (Mark's story of his denials of Christ, hardly neutral material),53 followed by the denial narratives of all the gospels; contrast the milder Johannine shadowing of Peter in favor of the Beloved Disciple.54 A James versus Peter conflict is as plausible a Sitz-im-Leben for such materials as any.
Fourth, Fuller observes that for the compiler of the 1 Cor 15 list (whom he thinks to be Paul himself) the relation between these various appearances was a strictly chronological one, the order of which was verifiable (Formation, 12f.). This calls for two responses. To begin with, there is no question that the eita... epeita structure of the list as it now stands implies temporal sequence; but this may simply be the gratuitous assumption of the redactor of the list. Second, Fuller's own assumption (shared by O'Collins, Von Campenhausen, and others)55 that Paul himself compiled the list on the basis of extensive interviewing of the principal players is a fanciful piece of historicization. To realize just how fanciful it is, one need only read Bishop's "The Risen Christ and the Five Hundred Brethren,"56 which makes explicit the dubious scenario implicit in all such suggestions: Paul taking the role, usually assigned Luke, as a pilgrim to the Holy Land seeking out various living saints willing to reminisce about the great days of old when angels whispered in one's ear and dead men tapped one on the shoulder.
Conzelmann (1 Corinthians, 252) and K�mmel add the argument against Harnack's view that there seems to be no polemical edge or tone discernible in either of the supposed rival credential-formulae. But this is far from certain, as I hope to show.
Many scholars exercise themselves over the meaning of the "all" in "all the apostles" (verse 7). Many think the reference is to the larger group of missionaries, including, for example, such persons as Andronicus and Junia, as well as the narrower circle of the Twelve.57 Schmithals thinks "all the apostles" excludes the Twelve, since the latter were not regarded as apostles until the second century when Luke melded the two categories together.58 In all this there would indeed be no polemic. But what if, as Winter suggests, "all the apostles" means to exclude James but to include Peter and the rest of the Twelve? Then the sense would plausibly be construed as a polemical counter to the "Cephas, then to the Twelve" formula. The point would be that the Risen Christ appeared first to James, and only then to the apostles, including Peter. Not Peter first, followed by his colleagues, but rather James first, followed by Peter and the rest.59 Seen this way, it becomes obvious that the James formula is the later of the two, since its very wording presupposes the Cephas formula.
L�demann sees this: "The formula in 1 Cor. 15:7 grew out of the fact that disciples of James claimed for their leader the primacy that Peter enjoyed by virtue of having received the initial resurrection appearance. To support his claim they constructed the formula of 15:7, patterned after that of 15:5" (Opposition, 49; cf. Resurrection, 37). But, as we will see, L�demann explains "all the apostles" in a different and, I think, unsatisfying way.
While it is evident that Schmithals, like Fee, disdains Harnack's theory, his words just quoted can hardly be called refutation, being merely sentiments of distaste and incredulity. One suspects that Schmithals's antipathy toward the Harnack hypothesis is occasioned by Harnack's equation of "the Twelve" in verse 5 and "the apostles" in verse 7. Schmithals, of course, has argued persuasively that these two groups are not connected / conflated until the late Luke-Acts. One pillar of his theory is that this connection is made nowhere in earlier New Testament material, including Paul, who always keeps the Twelve and the apostles separate. To accept Harnack's argument here would seem to force Schmithals to admit that Paul (or whoever framed the list) had already equated the Twelve and the apostles.
But the solution to Schmithals' plight is a simple one: the list with its equation of the Twelve and the apostles is ipso facto shown to be not only post-Pauline, but even post-Lukan, since the list takes the conflation for granted. Could there still have been sectarian strife between the Peter and James factions this late? Indeed there was, as is shown by late apocrypha like the Letter of Peter to James, which subordinates the former to the latter, as well as by the preferential treatment given to James the Just over Peter in Gos. Heb., where we read that, unlike Peter, the stalwart James maintained his faith without wavering until Easter morning.
L�demann, too, is plunged into confusion by his early dating of the list. While he accepts Schmithals's disentangling of the Twelve and the apostles, he yet maintains that already for Paul the phrase "all the apostles" included the Twelve within a larger group (Opposition, 50). He could hold consistently to Schmithals's excellent schema if he would only recognize the late character of the list. Dodd, while apparently innocent of such wrangling, admits that Harnack's suggestion has "some plausibility" (Appearances, 125), while Winter and L�demann accept it wholeheartedly,60 as does Stauffer,61 showing how Harnack's proposed Sitz-im-Leben fits in well with what else can be surmised about factional polemics within Jewish Christianity of the first and second centuries. Again Dodd: "But in that case we must certainly take it that the two lists had been combined before the formula was transmitted to Paul,"62 i.e., before it reached the form in which it appears in 1 Cor 15.
The trouble is, can we really allow the presumably long process of sectarian evolution, factional polemics, and tradition-formation that must lie behind the rival formulas�already by the time of Paul? As Patterson observes, "[T]he 50's CE is a little early for apostolic authority to have exercised an overwhelming power in shaping the tradition."63 And since the conflation of the two formulas must be a catholicizing measure,64 it must have come significantly later than the now-cooling sectarian infighting it presupposes. Grass is on the right track here: The harmonization of competing traditions is the affair of a later generation. "A writer who stands far distant from the events does such a thing, but not a person who, like Paul, has an immediate relationship with the persons and events."65 What he does not see, however, is that the harmonizing conflation was not Paul's idea. On the assumption that Paul wrote it, there wouldn't have been enough time, so Grass is sent searching for some other exegesis. But if this bit of tradition post-dates Paul then there would seem to be plenty of the time required for it to serve the catholicizing purpose Grass rejects. Whereas Grass dismisses the notion of a catholicizing harmonization because of its incompatibility with Pauline authorship, I regard the opposite course to be the better: since the harmonization of the two lists is apparent, why not rather concede that its redactor was an "early catholic" like Luke, not a man of the age of Paul? And scarcely Paul himself.
The Recollections of an Eyewitness?
I SUBMIT that even if the post-apostolic character of the James material were not apparent, we would still be able to recognize the spurious character of the whole tradition from one simple but neglected fact. If the author of this passage were himself an eyewitness of the resurrection, why would he seek to buttress his claims by appeal to a third-hand list of appearances formulated by others and delivered to him? Had he forgotten the appearance he himself had seen?
We are faced by a similar problem in the case of the old claim for the apostolic authorship of the (so-called) Gospel of Matthew. All scholars now admit that the author of this gospel simply cannot have been an eyewitness of the ministry of Jesus, since he employs secondary sources (Mark and Q), themselves patchworks of well-worn fragments. It is just inconceivable that an eyewitness apostle would not have depended upon his own recollections. This gospel was not penned by the disciple Matthew.
As an ostensible Pauline addition, v. 8 is even more embarrassing to the notion of Pauline authorship, and for the same reason. For all we have in it is the bare assertion that there was an appearance to Paul. Would not a genuine eyewitness of the resurrection of Jesus Christ have had more to say about it once the subject had come up? Luke certainly thought so, as he does not tire of having Paul describe in impressive detail what the Risen Christ said to him (Acts 22.6-11; 26.12-18). While these accounts are in fact Lukan creations, my point is that they illustrate the naturalness of the assumption that an actual eyewitness of the Risen Christ would hardly be as tight-lipped on the subject as "Paul" is in 1 Cor 15:8. In 2 Cor 12:1-10 Paul declares himself reticent to share his heavenly revelations�but this very statement is found in the middle of a miniature apocalypse that is hardly unspectacular in itself!
The problem becomes particularly acute with Vielhauer's discussion of the passage (Paul and the Cephus Party). According to his interpretation of the whole epistle, particularly 1:10-4:7; 9, Paul is fighting against claims for Petrine primacy being circulated in Corinth by the Cephas party. He aims everywhere to assert his own equality (and that of Apollos) with Cephas. If this is the case, however, when he turns to the topic of the resurrection in chapter 15, why would he risk losing all he has thus far built by introducing a formula which draws special attention to the primacy of Cephas as the first witness of the resurrection? Surely it would have been much more natural for Paul to pass over this inconvenient fact in silence. If he had wanted to begin his discussion by reaffirming the resurrection of Jesus, why would he not rather appeal to his own recollections, which certainly must have been more vivid, not to mention safer?
One might reply that Paul needed to cite the formula in order to underscore the ecumenical character of the resurrection preaching since he was attempting to reason with all the Corinthian factions, including the Cephas party, and he dared not leave anyone out. But as Vielhauer himself admits, there is no reason to assign the specific Corinthian problems to any of the various apostle-boosting parties in particular (p. 131). Paul would need to call Cephas as a witness (by citing the formula) only if the Cephas party denied the resurrection, and there is no reason to think they did.
Verse 8, like the whole passage, is no more the work of the Apostle Paul, eyewitness to the Risen One, than the Gospel of Matthew is the work of one of Jesus' disciples. On the other hand, seeing that the whole is post-Pauline, v. 8 might originally have formed part of the formula if it mentioned Paul in the third person: "Last of all he appeared to Paul." The "last of all" does fit well as the conclusion of a series of clauses beginning with "Then..., then..., then..." Scholars have omitted verse 8 from the list only because it was naturally hard to imagine that Paul's own Christophany formed part of a list repeated to Paul by his predecessors. But if the list is a late, catholicizing fragment it might well have mentioned Paul.
In v. 8, the kamoi means not "also me," but rather "even me," because the point is that Christ in his grace condescended to appear even to the chief of sinners (cf. 1 Tim 1:15-16). The Pauline apologist altered the Paulos of the original text of the list to kamoi when he changed the third-person reference to a first-person one, in order to tie it in more securely.
Originally 15:12 followed immediately on vv. 1-2. It read, "Now I would remind you, brethren, in what terms I preached to you the gospel, which you received, in which you stand, by which you are saved, if you hold it fast�unless you believed in vain. But if Christ is preached as raised from the dead, how can some of you say there is no resurrection of the dead?"
To translate de in v. 12 as "Now" is to imply a taking stock after the exposition of vv. 3-11. But we may just as easily translate it "But," implying a direct contrast with v. 2. Then the idea would be: This gospel as I preached it is your salvation�unless of course it was all a big mistake! But you are saying it was a mistake since you are denying the resurrection of Christ!
[Vv. 3-5 are] a formula which seems to have little influence on the rest of the chapter.
Why would anyone have made such an interpolation? A scribe felt he could strengthen the argument of the chapter as a whole by prefacing it with a list of "evidences for the resurrection." In short, he was no longer interested in (or even aware of) the original function of the list as apostolic credentials. That was all a dead issue. No one any longer disputed the authority of any of the great apostolic names, who were all regarded only as sainted figures of the past. He could take the authority of the lot for granted. In his day, by contrast, debates concerned who had the right to appeal to the apostles as a whole. He and the hated Gnostics alike claimed the whole apostolic college. So instead he saw the value of the list solely as a piece of apologetics for the historical resurrection. And it was this scribe, I suggest, who also interpolated the reference to the 500 brethren, a clearly apologetic intrusion, as we have seen. Why did he not trim the now-extraneous vv. 9-10? He simply overshot the mark, as when the Fourth Evangelist drew John 13:16 from a list of mission instructions much like Matthew chapter 10, where the same saying occurs (Matt. 10:24), and retained the now-pointless John 13:20 along with it (cf. Matt. 10:40).
On my view, then, Wilckens correctly discerned the intent of the original list and of its use by an advocate of Paul's apostolate, while Bultmann just as correctly detected the intention of the scribal interpolator of vv. 3-11 into chapter 15 and of v. 6 into the list. Wilckens and Bultmann were both right. The trouble lay in their assumption that the whole text was a Pauline unity.
By way of conclusion, though I have sought to argue my case in terms of its own logic, I would like to measure my results against a set of criteria for pinpointing interpolations compiled by Winsome Munro (Interpolation, 432-39) from her own work as well as that of P. N. Harrison, William O. Walker Jr., Robert T. Fortna and others.
First, I freely admit the lack of direct textual evidence. There are no extant copies of 1 Corinthians which lack my passage. While the presence of such texts would greatly strengthen my argument, the lack of them does not stultify it. There simply are no texts at all for the period in which I suggest the interpolation occurred. With Walker (Proof, 615), however, I believe the prima facie likelihood is that many interpolations occurred in those early days, on analogy with the subsequent, traceable textual tradition, as well as with the cases of other interpolated, expanded, and redacted canonical and non-canonical texts (Munro, 432).
Second, as for perceived disparities between the ideologies of the supposed interpolation and its context, I have already sought to demonstrate that the tendencies of the passage, both the catholicizing apologetic and the Jacobean-Petrine polemics, are either alien to Paul or anachronistic for him.
Third, though stylistic and linguistic differences, often a sign of interpolation, appear in the text, they are not pivotal for my argument, since they could just as easily denote pre-Pauline tradition taken over by the apostle.
Fourth, as I have indicated, it is not rare to find scholars remarking on the ill-fit of the passage in its present context, as Munro suggests we ought to expect in the case of an interpolation. I have suggested that the argument flows better without this piece of text.
Fifth, Munro notes that the case for an interpolation is strengthened if we can show its dependence on an allied body of literature otherwise known to be later in time than the text we believe to have been interpolated. In her own work, Authority in Paul and Peter, she connects the Pastoral Strata with the Pastoral Epistles. I have argued not for direct dependence but for relatedness of themes and concerns with later polemics and traditions on display in works like the Gospel of the Hebrews, the Epistle of Peter to James, and Luke-Acts. These factors would also seem to satisfy Munro's sixth criterion, that of literary or historical coherence with a later period than that of the host document.
Seventh, as to external attestation, though snippets of my passage (including few if any of the "appearance" statements, interestingly) appear here and there in Patristic sources, these citations are indecisive, since writers like Tertullian and Irenaeus are too late to make any difference, while in my view the date and genuineness of 1 Clement and the Ignatian corpus are open questions.
The eighth criterion is that of indirect textual evidence, minor variations between different texts all containing the body of the disputed passage (Walker, Evidence, 627). Fee notes (1 Corinthians, 717) that a few textual witnesses (Marcion, b, and Ambrosiaster) lack "what I also received" in v. 3. Perhaps a few scribes sought to harmonize 1 Corinthians with Galatians by omitting the words; or else most scribes sought by adding them to subordinate Paul to the Twelve.
Ninth and last, I have provided a plausible explanation for the motivation of the interpolations, both of the list into the apologetic fragment, and of the fragment into 1 Cor 15. The first sought to homogenize Paul and the other apostolic worthies, while the second sought to buttress the argument for the resurrection by adding a passage listing eyewitnesses to it.
Though, as Munro says, the weighing of the evidence and of the various criteria must be left to the judgment of each scholar, I venture to say that the emergent hypothesis, while it can in the nature of the case never be more than an unverifiable speculation, can claim a significant degree of plausibility as one among many options for making sense of the passage.
Allen, E. L. "The Lost Kerygma," NTS 3 (1956-57).
Bultmann, Rudolf. "Karl Barth, The Resurrection of the Dead," in idem., Faith and Understanding, I. (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 66-94.
Conzelmann, Hans. 1 Corinthians. A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976).
Fee, Gordon. The First Epistle to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987).
Fiorenza, Elisabeth Sch�ssler. In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins (New York: Crossroad, 1984).
Fuller, Reginald H. The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives (New York: Macmillan, 1971).
Hunter, A. M. Paul and his Predecessors (London: SCM, 1961).
Kearney, P. J. "He Appeared to 500 Brothers (I. Cor. XV 6)," NovTest, 22 (1980), 264-284.
Lindsell, Harold. The Battle for the Bible (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1976).
L�demann, Gerd. The Resurrection of Jesus: History, Experience, Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994).
L�demann, Gerd. Opposition to Paul in Jewish Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989).
Munro, Winsome. "Interpolation in the Epistles: Weighing Probability," NTS 36 (1990), 431-443.
Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome. "Interpolations in 1 Corinthians," CBQ 48 (1986), 81-94.
Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome. "Tradition and Redaction in 1 Cor 15:3-7," CBQ 43 (1981).
Patterson, Stephen J. "1 Cor 15:3-11 and the Origin of the Resurrection and Appearance Tradition," Westar Institute Seminar Papers (March 1-5, 1995), 22-23.
Schmithals, Walter The Office of Apostle in the Early Church (New York: Abingdon, 1969).
Sch�tz, John Howard. Paul and the Anatomy of Apostolic Authority (SNTSMS 26; New York: Cambridge, 1975).
Vielhauer, Philipp. "Paul and the Cephas Party in Corinth," JHC 1 (Fall 1994), 129-142; German original = "Paulus und die Cephaspartei in Korinth," NTS 21 , 341-352.
Walker, William O. "The Burden of Proof in Identifying Interpolations in the Pauline Letters," NTS 33 (1987), 610-618.
Walker, William O. "Text-Critical Evidence for Interpolations in the Letters of Paul," CBQ 50 (1988).
Weiss, Johannes. Der erste Korintherbrief (G�ttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1910), 330; cf. idem, The History of Primitive Christianity (New York: Wilson-Erickson, 1937).
Wilckens, Ulrich. "The Tradition-history of the Resurrection of Jesus," in C. F. D. Moule, ed., The Significance of the Message of the Resurrection for Faith in Jesus Christ (Naperville: Alec R. Allenson, 1968), 51-76.
Wilckens, Ulrich. Resurrection, Biblical Testimony to the Resurrection: An Historical Examination and Explanation (Atlanta: John Knox, 1978).
Wisse, Frederik W. "Textual Limits to Redactional Theory in the Pauline Corpus," in J. E. Goehring et. al., eds., Gospel Origins and Christian Beginnings: In Honor of James M. Robinson (Forum Fascicles, 1; Sonoma: Polebridge, 1990), 167-178.
1 A. M. Hunter, Paul and his Predecessors (London: SCM, 1961), 15.
2 Frederik W. Wisse, "Textual Limits to Redactional Theory in the Pauline Corpus," in J. E. Goehring et. al., eds., Gospel Origins and Christian Beginnings: In Honor of James M. Robinson (Forum Fascicles, 1; Sonoma: Polebridge, 1990), 167-178; Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "Interpolations in 1 Corinthians," CBQ 48 (1986), 81-94.
3 Winsome Munro, "Interpolation in the Epistles: Weighing Probability," NTS 36 (1990), 431-443: 443.
4 William O. Walker, Jr., "The Burden of Proof in Identifying Interpolations in the Pauline Letters," NTS 33 (1987), 610-618: 615.
5 Ibid., 614; cf. Bart D. Ehrman, The Orthodox Corruption of Scripture: The Effect of Early Christological Controversies on the Text of the New Testament (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 277: "this study has reinforced the notion that theologically motivated changes of the text are to be anticipated particularly during the early centuries of transmission, when both the texts and the theology of early Christianity were in a state of flux, prior to the development of a recognized creed and an authoritative and (theoretically) inviolable canon of Scripture." See also pages 55 and 97.
6 Elisabeth Sch�ssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins (New York: Crossroad, 1984), 41: "Rather than understand the text as an adequate reflection of the reality about which it speaks, we must search for clues and allusions that indicate the reality about which the text is silent."
7 See James Barr, Fundamentalism (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978), 85-87.
8 Harold Lindsell, The Battle for the Bible (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1976), 174-176.
9 See, for example, Gordon Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987), 102; Ralph P. Martin, Colossians: The Church's Lord and the Christian's Liberty (Exeter: Paternoster, 1972), 75; Stephen Neill, Paul to the Colossians (World Christian Books, Third Series, no. 50.; New York: Association Press, 1964), 11 ("It is probable that Paul picks up some of the phrases used by the false teachers, and himself uses them sarcastically."); Oscar Cullmann, The New Testament: An Introduction for the General Reader (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1968), 81.
10 Murphy-O'Connor, "Interpolations in 1 Corinthians," 83.
11 C. S. Lewis, "Modern Theology and Biblical Criticism," in Walter Hooper, ed., Christian Reflections (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1967), 163.
12 William O. Walker, Jr., "Text-Critical Evidence for Interpolations in the Letters of Paul," CBQ 50 (1988), 625; Munro, "Interpolation," 432-439.
13 Wisse, "Textual Limits," 173: "Indeed, in view of the heavy burden of proof, it would appear that in practice it is virtually impossible to make a convincing case for any interpolation that lacks manuscript support."
15 It is worth noting that the arguments of Wisse and his congeners would seem to mirror precisely those of fundamentalists who dismiss source criticism as groundless and speculative. After all, we don't have any actual manuscripts of J, E, P, or Q, do we? Walker and Munro, it seems to me, are simply extending the analytical tools of the classical source critics into textual criticism. Would Wisse and the others argue, as the Old Princeton apologists once did, that we must uphold Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch or the unitary authorship of Isaiah until these traditional views are "proven guilty"? I doubt it.
16 Martin Dibelius, From Tradition to Gospel (New York: Scribners, n.d.), 18.
17 See Joachim Jeremias, The Eucharistic Words of Jesus (Oxford: Blackwell, 1955), 129.
18 John Howard Sch�tz, Paul and the Anatomy of Apostolic Authority (SNTSMS 26; New York: Cambridge, 1975), 81.
19 Oscar Cullmann, "The Tradition: The Exegetical, Historical and Theological Problem," in idem, The Early Church (New York: Scribners, 1956), 68-69.
20 J. Roloff, Apostolat-Verk�ndigung-Kirche (G�tersloh, 1965), 92.
21 E.g., Michaelis. TDNT, 5, 358f.
22 Hans Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians. A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976), 251; Fee, Corinthians, 723; L�demann, The Resurrection of Jesus: History, Experience, Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994), 35.
23 Johannes Weiss, Der erste Korintherbrief (G�ttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1910), 330; cf. idem, The History of Primitive Christianity (New York: Wilson-Erickson, 1937), 24.
24 Reginald H. Fuller, The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 11.
25 Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "Tradition and Redaction in 1 Cor 15:3-7," CBQ 43 (1981), 584.
26 Wilckens's view (neatly summarized in Fuller, Formation, 13ff) was set forth first in his work Die Missionsreden der Apostelgeschichte (Neukirchen: Neukirchner Verlag, 1960); cf. idem, "Der Ursprung der �berlieferung der Erscheinungen des Auferstandenen," in W. Joest and W. Pannenberg, eds., Dogma und Denkstrukt�ren (G�ttingen: Vanderhoeck und Ruprecht, 1963), 56-95; "The Tradition-history of the Resurrection of Jesus," in C. F. D. Moule, ed., The Significance of the Message of the Resurrection for Faith in Jesus Christ (Naperville: Alec R. Allenson, 1968), 51-76; and Resurrection, Biblical Testimony to the Resurrection: An Historical Examination and Explanation (Atlanta: John Knox, 1978), 6-15.
27 Adolf von Harnack, "Die Verkl�rungsgeschichte Jesu, der Bericht des Paulus I Kor 15, 3 ff. und die beiden Christusvision des Petrus" (Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1922), 62-80.
28 Wilckens, "Tradition-history," 60. Gerd L�demann (Opposition to Paul in Jewish Christianity [Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989], 47), accepts Wilckens's partitioning of the formula but returns to Harnack's proposal of a James-Cephas rivalry as the Sitz-im-Leben of vv. 5 and 7.
29 Werner Kramer, Christ, Lord, Son of God (SBT, 56; Naperville: Alec R. Allenson, 1966), 19, n. 9; Conzelmann, Commentary, 254-255.
30 Murphy-O'Connor, "Tradition and Redaction," 589.
31 P. J. Kearney, "He Appeared to 500 Brothers (I. Cor. XV 6)," NovTest, 22 (1980), 264-284.
32 Peter Stuhlmacher, Das paulinische Evangelium: I. Vorgeschichte (FRLANT 95; G�ttingen: Vanderhoeck und Ruprecht, 1968), 274�as summarized by John S. Kloppenborg, "An Analysis of the Pre-Pauline Formula in 1 Cor 15:3b-5 in Light of Some Recent Literature," CBQ 40 (1978), 359.
33 C. H. Dodd, "The Appearances of the Risen Lord," in More New Testament Studies (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1968), 125.
34 C. F. Evans (Resurrection and the New Testament [Naperville: Alec R. Allenson, 1970], 43) observes, "The suggestion of B. Gerhardsson, Memory and Manuscript (1961), p. 299, that since the other apostles had accepted Paul, his name could have stood in the traditional formula, is scarcely feasible."
36 Rudolf Bultmann, "Karl Barth, The Resurrection of the Dead," in idem., Faith and Understanding, I. (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 83.
37 Wilckens, Resurrection, 13: "These are 'legitimation formulae,' that is, the appearances are kept embodied in the tradition because they are seen as demonstrating that the leaders of primitive Christianity received their legitimation, their mandate, their vocation and calling, and their position of full power and authority, from Heaven." Marxsen's view, though put slightly differently, seems to amount to about the same thing: The intention of the list of appearances "is to trace back the later functions and the later faith of the church, as well as the later leadership of James, to the one single root: the appearance of Jesus... Paul wants to include himself in the group. He wants to say that he too belongs to the very same circle..." (The Resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979], 95). L�demann's view is still a variation on Wilckens's at this point. L�demann thinks that in reproducing the list Paul is trying to vindicate his apostolic authority in rebuttal to his detractors in the Cephas party by demonstrating that he holds the same credentials as Cephas, just as he does in 9:1 (Opposition to Paul, 72). However, there seems to be some ambiguity in L�demann's opinion as to Paul's intentions in using the list of appearances. He can say on the one hand that "the object of Paul's proof by means of the witnesses was Paul's apostleship, and not the resurrection of Jesus" (ibid., 72), and on the other that "The formulae in vv. 5 and 7... are now used by Paul to testify precisely to the fact of the appearances..." (ibid., 51).
38 Ronald J. Sider, "St. Paul's Understanding of the Nature and Significance of the Resurrection in I Corinthians XV," NovTest 19 (1977), 129.
39 E. L. Allen, "The Lost Kerygma," NTS 3 (1956-57), 350.
40 C. K. Barrett, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (New York: Harper & Row, 1968), 342.
41 S. M. Gilmour traces the history of the theory and shows that it was Weisse who originated it, not E. von Dobsch�tz, as one often hears ("The Christophany to More Than Five Hundred Brethren," JBL 80 ).
42 L�demann, Resurrection of Jesus, 103, 106. Gilmour ("Easter and Pentecost," JBL 81 ) tries to rehabilitate the theory; but despite a few interesting insights, he really fails to make a convincing case�as C. Freeman Sleeper shows ("Pentecost and Resurrection," JBL 84 ). Stephen J. Patterson ("1 Cor 15:3-11 and the Origin of the Resurrection and Appearance Tradition," [Westar Institute Seminar Papers, March 1-5, 1995], 22-23) puts forth a softer version of the argument, suggesting that the reference to the 500 indirectly reflects mob glossalalic ecstasy like that stylized in Acts 2. In this case, to have "seen" the Risen Lord would, for the 500 brethren, have meant seeing his power active among them in the form of tongue-speaking and prophecy. This is not much of a resurrection appearance in my opinion, or rather perhaps a demythologization of one.
43 L�demann, Resurrection of Jesus, 103.
44 See K�te Hamburger, The Logic of Literature, 2nd ed. (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press., 1993), 136.
46 The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1924; reprint 1972), 3-4.
47 George Eldon Ladd, I Believe in the Resurrection of Jesus (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975), 105: "It is highly probable that it is this experience which made James a believer." Clark H. Pinnock, Set Forth Your Case (Chicago: Moody, 1978), 98: "James had formerly been skeptical (Jn 7:5) but after a resurrection appearance (1 Co 15:7) took the helm of the mother church in Jerusalem (Ac 15:13; Ga 1:19)." Frank Morison, Who Moved the Stone? (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1978), Chapter 11, "The Evidence of the Prisoner's Brother."
48 J. Weiss (History of Primitive Christianity, I, 25): "But it is a fact of importance, historically, that James had such an experience, uniquely and individually. For it was no doubt a distinction which was used to support his later position as head of the community." Raymond E. Brown (The Virginal Conception and Bodily Resurrection of Jesus [Paramus, NJ: Paulist, 1973, 95): "One must probably postulate an appearance of James to account for the fact that a disbelieving brother of the Lord became a leading Christian." Gerd L�demann (The Resurrection of Jesus, 109): "... this individual vision... represents a kind of conversion of James."
49 Abdulaziz Abdulhussein Sachedina, Islamic Messianism, The Idea of the Mahdi in Twelver Shi'ism (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981), 6-7; Farhad Daftary, The Isma'ilis: Their History and Doctrines (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 39.
50 Ignaz Goldziher, Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 175; Sachedina, Messianism, 6; but see W.M. Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology (Edinburgh: The University Press, 1979), 23.
52 Cited by Eusebius, EH 2. 23:4-9. Some of this material, however, may be Eusebius's own interpretation: see R. M. Grant, Eusebius as Church Historian, 67-70; and W. Pratschr, Der Herrenbruder Jakobus und die Jakobustradition, 107-121; 191-193.
53 This, of course, is the reading of Theodore J. Weeden (Mark: Traditions in Conflict [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971]), already anticipated, as I read it, in Robert M. Grant, The Earliest Lives of Jesus (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1961), 7-8.
54 Raymond E. Brown, The Community of the Beloved Disciple (New York: Paulist, 1979), 84-87. Vielhauer, 352, compares the Peter-Beloved Disciple rivalry in John to that existing at Corinth between Cephas and Paul.
55 Ibid., 28; cf. Hans von Campenhausen, "The Events of Easter and the Empty Tomb," in Tradition and Life in the Church, Essays and Lectures in Church History (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1969), 44; Gerald O'Collins, The Resurrection of Jesus Christ (Valley Forge, PA: Judson, 1973), 5.
56 E. F. F. Bishop, "The Risen Christ and the Five Hundred Brethren (1 Cor 15,6)," CBQ 18 (1956), 341-344.
57 Fee (Corinthians, 729), Wilckens, Lietzmann, Conzelmann (Commentary, 258) and others.
58 Walter Schmithals makes a case for this view in The Office of Apostle in the Early Church (New York: Abingdon, 1969), 67-87.
59 Paul Winter, "I Corinthians XV: 3b-7," Nov.Test.2 (1957), 148-149.
60 Winter, "I Corinthians XV," 148-149; L�demann, Opposition to Paul, 50.
61 Ethelbert Stauffer, Jesus and His Story (New York: Knopf, 1974), 148-149.
63 Patterson, "1 Cor 15:3-11," 7.
64 See Karl Barth, The Resurrection of the Dead (New York: Revell, 1933), 132; Marxsen, Resurrction of Jesus, 95; Philipp Vielhauer, "Paul and the Cephas Party in Corinth," JHC 1 (Fall 1994), 129-142: 140 (German original = "Paulus und die Cephaspartei in Korinth," NTS 21 , 341-352: 351). Edward Schillebeeckx, Jesus, An Experiment in Christology (New York: Seabury, 1979), 348-349: "He is providing a list of authorities who all say the same thing." In light of v. 11, the catholicizing intent is plain if Paul wrote it; but even if v. 11 represents an early interpretation by someone else, the catholicizing dimension seems implicit in the wide range of witnesses cited.
65 Hans Grass, Ostergeschehen und Osterberichte (G�ttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1956), 97.
66 W. C. van Manen, "Paul," in Encyclopaedia Biblica (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1914), col. 3629.
67 Bultmann, "Karl Barth," 83-84.
69 Conzelmann, Commentary, 249 and n. 11. Conzelmann then offers the traditional explanation: "Looking back, we can then see how vv 12ff were prepared for by vv 1-11: the foundation is the traditional confession of faith..." (249). But we saw above that the material in vv 3-11 can hardly be understood as a traditional "confession of faith."
70 Schillebeeckx, Experiment in Christology, 348. L�demann (Resurrection of Jesus, 34) attempts a harmonization at this point, trying to make the complex argument of vv. 13ff the natural continuation of the appearance list. He suggests that Paul placed the list before the ensuing argument so as to prove his authority for the rather controversial notions he is about to propose. But this belies the tenor of the argument through the rest of the chapter, which is a diatribe seeking to win over its reader by reason and rhetoric (cf. Burton L. Mack, Rhetoric and the New Testament [Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990], 56-59), not by pulling apostolic rank in an apodictic fashion. The argument of chapter 15 stands by itself as a "Treatise on the Resurrection," reminiscent of similar writings by Philo and the Writer to Rheginos. L�demann's proposed linkage is so artificial as to make the unnaturalness of the juxtaposition all the more stark.
71 Though she does not elaborate on her reasons, it is worth noting that Winsome Munro "suspects" 1 Cor. 15:1-11 of belonging to a subsequent, post-Pauline stratum of the epistle (Authority in Paul and Peter, The Identification of a Pastoral Stratum in the Pauline Corpus and 1 Peter [SNTSMS 45; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983], 204). J. C. O'Neill also deems it most probable that "1 Cor. 15.1-11 is a later credal summary not written by Paul" (The Recovery of Paul's Letter to the Galatians [London: SPCK, 1972], 27).

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