Source: https://impeachdonaldtrumpnow.org/resources/faqs/
Timestamp: 2019-04-20 12:55:15+00:00

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What are you asking Congress to do?
Why is this conduct impeachable?
If President Trump is impeached, does that mean Vice President Pence would become President?
The House of Representatives has the power to launch impeachment charges. Typically, a resolution calling for an investigation is referred to the House Committee on Rules, which in turn may refer it to the Judiciary Committee for investigation. In such an investigation, the Judiciary Committee has the power to subpoena witnesses and documents. The Judiciary Committee may then report articles of impeachment for a full House vote. The House votes on these articles by simple majority.
If the House votes to impeach, then the Senate conducts the impeachment trial. When the President is tried, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court presides.
The Senate requires a two-thirds majority to convict. Conviction results in immediate removal from office.
Foreign diplomats have already begun shifting their D.C. hotel and event reservations to Trump International Hotel, to curry favor or at least avoid insulting the president.  Indeed, the Embassy of Kuwait was reportedly pressured by the Trump Organization to change an existing reservation and reschedule the event at the Trump International. Payments by foreign diplomats for lodging, meeting space, or food at the hotel are foreign emoluments.
Trump’s business partner in Trump Tower Century City (Manila, Philippines) is Century Properties. (Trump is not the developer; he has a brand licensing contract.) The head of Century Properties is Jose Antonio, who was just named special envoy to the United States by the president of the Philippines.  Payments from a company owned by a foreign government official are foreign emoluments.
Finally, the Committee should also investigate whether President Trump is violating the Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge Act of 2012 (STOCK Act). The STOCK Act is one of the few federal ethics statutes that specifically includes the President. Among other provisions, it prohibits the President from (1) using nonpublic information for private profit, and from (2) intentionally influencing an employment decision or practice of a private entity solely on the basis of partisan political affiliation.
Unfortunately, President Trump has been unwilling to separate his presidential duty from his business interests. President Trump’s conduct has the effect of undermining the integrity of the presidency and disregarding his constitutional oath to “faithfully execute the office of the President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.” His ongoing receipt of income and other financial benefits through his businesses disregards his constitutional oath to “preserve . . . the Constitution of the United States,” undermines the integrity of the executive branch, and abuses the public trust.
Anyone becoming president in the wake of an historic impeachment and removal from office of the sitting president based on massive corruption of the Oval Office and defiance of the Constitution will be under even closer scrutiny to follow the Constitution. It would crucially re-affirm the bedrock principle that no one is above the law, not even the President of the United States. The alternative of allowing President Trump to remain in office while he continues to defy the Constitution and the rule of law is unacceptable and extremely dangerous to the future of our republic.
 See Susanne Craig & Eric Lipton, Trump’s Plans on Businesses May Fall Short, N.Y. Times, Jan. 11, 2017, http://nyti.ms/2jWKdjR; Clare Foran, Why Trump’s Conflict-of-Interest Plan Won’t Prevent Conflicts of Interest, The Atlantic, Jan. 11, 2017, http://theatln.tc/2jWTSXM.
 U.S. Const. art. II, § 4.
 Lewis Deschler, Precedents of the U.S. House of Representatives, ch. 14 § 5.11; T.J. Halstead, Congressional Research Service, An Overview of the Impeachment Process (Apr. 20, 2005) at 2-3.
 U.S. Const. art. I, § 3, cl. 6-7.
 See Norman L. Eisen & Richard W. Painter, Trump Could Be in Violation of the Constitution His First Day in Office, The Atlantic, Dec. 7, 2016, http://theatln.tc/2i0ApY4; see also Richard W. Painter et al., Emoluments: Trump’s Coming Ethics Trouble, The Atlantic, Jan. 18, 2017, http://theatln.tc/2jwtwNr.
 Jonathan O’Connell & Mary Jordan, For foreign diplomats, Trump hotel is place to be, Wash. Post, Nov. 18, 2016, http://wpo.st/VemN2. The motivation is obvious: “‘Why wouldn’t I stay at his hotel blocks from the White House, so I can tell the new president, “I love your new hotel!” Isn’t it rude to come to his city and say, ‘“I am staying at your competitor?”’ said one Asian diplomat.” Id.
 Charles V. Bagli, A Trump Empire Built on Inside Connections and $885 Million in Tax Breaks, N.Y. Times, Sept. 17, 2016, http://nyti.ms/2cXa60i.
 Steven L. Schooner & Daniel I. Gordon, GSA’s Trump Hotel Lease Debacle, Gov’t Executive, Nov. 28, 2016, http://bit.ly/2k4VNcG.
 Charles Doyle, Congressional Research Service, Impeachment Grounds: A Collection of Selected Materials, 1, 26 (Oct. 29, 1998); Gary L. McDowell, “High Crimes and Misdemeanors”: Recovering the Intentions of the Founders, 67 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 626, 638 (1999).
 McDowell, supra, 67 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. at 638.
 See Laurence H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law 170 (3d ed. 1999).
 See Laurence H. Tribe, Defining “High Crimes and Misdemeanors”: Basic Principles, 67 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 712, 718 (1999).
 See, e.g., The Federalist No. 65 (Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961); see also Jared P. Cole & Todd Garvey, Impeachment and Removal, Congressional Research Service 1, 7–8 (Oct. 29, 2015).
 Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution § 746, at 547 (5th ed. 1891).
 Jonathan Elliot, 2 The Debates, Resolutions, and Other Proceedings in Convention on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution 358-59 (1828).
 The Federalist No. 65 (Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961).
 Deschler, supra, ch. 14 App.
 U.S. Const. art. II, § 8.
 U.S. Const., amend. XXV, § 1.

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