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Timestamp: 2019-04-23 16:21:47+00:00

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This is a group biography of Kentucky’s earliest law reporters, the individuals who collected and published the early opinions of Kentucky’s highest court from 1803 to 1878. Kentucky’s law reports were used and cited throughout the nation; they ranked among the best available and helped in the development of a uniquely American common law. The early law reporters were leading members of Kentucky’s bench and bar and an active part of its political class. They included former and future high court judges, legal scholars, US senators and representatives, and a secretary of the treasury. Collectively, their life’s work touched on many of the important, formational struggles of the time: slavery and civil war, economic crisis, and establishment of the Democratic and Whig Parties. Despite their prominence, only a few of these men have received serious biographical treatment. Embodied in the stories of these early reporters, and in this work, is the essence of Kentucky’s rich history, its legal beginnings, and the establishment of a legal print culture in America.
This chapter discusses the United States Supreme Court Opinion on the case of Nancy Cruzan who had been severely injured in an automobile accident on January 11, 1983. It notes that Cruzan remained in a coma for approximately three weeks and then progressed to an unconscious state in which she was able to orally ingest some nutrition. It further notes that subsequent rehabilitative efforts proved unavailing and Cruzan was in a persistent vegetative state: generally, a condition in which a person exhibits motor reflexes but evinces no indications of significant cognitive function. It states that the Cruzan Majority in the United States Supreme Court endorsed the Missouri Supreme Court's presumption in favor of human life. It notes that this approach is identified as deeply grounded in the common law tradition.
The role of law in government has been increasingly scrutinized as courts struggle with controversial topics such as assisted suicide, euthanasia, abortion, capital punishment, and torture. This book explores such issues by using classical standards of morality as a starting point for understanding them. Drawing on works of literature and philosophy, and on U.S. Supreme Court decisions, the book examines the intimate relationship between human nature and constitutional law.
This chapter explores the Opinion of the United States Supreme Court in Minersville School District v. Gobitis (1940) case involving compulsory pledge. It notes that a pledge of allegiance was readily resorted to in furtherance of this effort, a pledge which did not yet have the “under God” language that has provoked challenges of its own in recent years. It observes that there remain for further consideration the traditional natural right/natural law principles that could once be depended upon to guide judgments upon both citizens and their governments. It opines that these are principles that permit proper assessments both of personal consciences and of massive international campaigns.
This chapter examines two abortion-related cases, one from Texas and the other from Georgia, which were decided on January 22, 1973, by the United States Supreme Court. It states that the rulings of the Court that day seemed to mean, in effect, that no State could ever again prohibit most of the abortions that women in this country were likely to consider having. It provides that the Opinion of the Court in the Georgia case, Doe v. Bolton, recognized that the State statute under consideration permitted more abortions than did the Texas statute (which permitted only “an abortion procured or attempted by medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother”).
This chapter explores the Planned Parenthood v. Casey case. It notes that many women during the decade after Roe v. Wade, got used to the notion that substantial access to abortions was a right they could count on. It further notes that concern is expressed by the Court in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992) about the likely consequences of a repudiation of Roe v. Wade. It provides that such Justices almost seem to concede that Roe v. Wade might have been, in 1973, a mistake which it would now be an even more serious mistake to repudiate altogether.
This chapter discusses the arguments on capital punishment. It notes that the conscientious opponent of capital punishment today does not readily confront the problem implicit in the fact that thoughtful men and women had, for millennia, regarded it as not only permissible but even necessary. It further notes that there have always been protests against particular death sentences that were believed to be unjust. It provides that in those instances the challenge might have been as to the guilt of the person condemned.
This chapter discusses the principal efforts of abolitionists which were devoted to piecemeal critiques of the uses of capital punishment rather than to its complete elimination, once American executions resumed in 1977. It notes that it was not likely, after the United States Supreme Court's 7–2 ruling in Gregg v. Georgia (1976), that capital punishment could soon be stopped altogether, not even temporarily. It further provides that the capital punishment issue in the United States is largely an issue colored by race relations.
Politicians made themselves known through stump speaking. Kentuckians would come from miles away to hear the orators loudly proclaim their positions and gesticulate wildly atop their stand. In one of Kentucky's greatest crises, from 1823 to 1825, the Relief Party, demanding help for debtors unable to pay for their land in the panic and depression of 1819, challenged sound banking, constitutional protection of contracts, and independence of the judiciary. The conflict pitted the Old Court against the New Court in most of the political decisions facing the state. The three great political issues during the period were debtor relief, internal improvements, and public education. The recurrent theme in the political history of antebellum Kentucky is that the people and their political leaders were not only interested in economic progress, they were also genuinely humane.

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