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Page Number: 45

20 

TRUMP v. MAZARS USA, LLP 

THOMAS, J., dissenting 

460 (Rep. Gallatin).

Other evidence from the 1790s confirms that the power 
to  investigate  includes  the  power  to  demand  documents. 
When the House of Representatives sought documents re-
lated to the Jay Treaty from President George Washington, 
he refused to provide them on the ground that the House 
had no legislative powers relating to the ratification of trea-
ties.  5 Annals of Cong. 760–762 (1796).  But he carefully
noted that “[i]t does not occur that the inspection of the pa-
pers asked for can be relative to any purpose under the cog-
nizance of the House of Representatives, except that of an 
impeachment; which the resolution has not expressed.”  Id., 
at 760.  In other words, he understood that the House can 
demand documents as part of its power to impeach.

This  Court  has  also  long  recognized  the  power  of  the
House  to  demand  documents.    Even  as  it  questioned  the 
power to issue legislative subpoenas, the Court in Kilbourn 
acknowledged the ability to “compel the attendance of wit-
nesses,  and  their  answer  to  proper  questions”  when  “the
question of . . . impeachment is before either body acting in
its appropriate sphere on that subject.”  103 U. S., at 190. 
I express no view today on the boundaries of the power to
demand  documents  in  connection  with  impeachment  pro-
ceedings.  But  the  power  of  impeachment  provides  the
House with authority to investigate and hold  accountable 
Presidents who commit high crimes or misdemeanors.  That 
is the proper path by which the Committees should pursue 
their demands. 

IV 

For nearly two centuries, until the 1970s, Congress never 
attempted to subpoena documents to investigate wrongdo-
ing  by  the  President  outside  the  context  of  impeachment. 
Congress  investigated  Presidents  without  opening  im-
peachment proceedings.  See, e.g., 2 Hinds §1596, at 1043–
1045 (President James Buchanan).   But it never issued a