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Individuals with disabilities are at far greater risk for abuse of all kinds than people without disabilities. We believe people with disabilities must be free from abuse, neglect or any kind of mistreatment. The Arc provides training for self-advocates and those who support them, plus a wealth of online and print resources.
- Read The Arc’s Position Statement
- Take the pledge to stop violence, abuse and bullying
- Watch our video “It’s Not OK”
Developmental Disability and Sexuality Online Course
Talking with your child about sexuality can create anxious feelings along with many reasons to avoid the topic. Take the Developmental Disability and Sexuality Online Course and learn how to creating a supportive, safe, and trusting space for you and your child. Click here to learn more.
Relationships, Sexuality, and Dating Classes
The Arc’s Relationships, Sexuality, and Dating classes are curriculum-based classes that offer people with intellectual and developmental disabilities a wide-range of accessible information about healthy relationships and sexuality.
Designed for and by people with developmental disabilities, these sessions use a groundbreaking and accessible curriculum developed by The Green Mountain Self-Advocates and Planned Parenthood of Northern New England. In the spirit of “nothing about us without us” people with developmental disabilities played an active role in the creation of this curriculum and all sessions are led by a 2-person teaching team which includes a self-advocate with a disability and an Arc Advocate.
To learn more and register for the classes, click here.
ARC GUIDE RESOURCES
- Arc Guide to Abuse Definition & Statistics
- Arc Guide to Risk Factors for Abuse
- Arc Guide to How to Empower Individuals to Prevent Abuse
- Tips Case Managers Can Use to Help Prevent Abuse of People with Disabilities
HOW DO I GET MORE INFORMATION?
For more information, please submit your question to Ask an Advocate or call The Arc Greater Twin Cities at 952-920-0855. | <urn:uuid:1cd1d1e7-577c-4ef1-9b58-cf2b6425f86b> | CC-MAIN-2017-26 | https://arcgreatertwincities.org/abuse-prevention/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128320865.14/warc/CC-MAIN-20170626203042-20170626223042-00088.warc.gz | en | 0.918132 | 412 | 2.78125 | 3 |
American Sign Language Dictionary
This ASL Dictionary is an online curriculum resource for ASL students,
instructors, interpreters, and parents of Deaf children. Please update
your browser to see our site as it should be viewed.
ASL classes online
ASL related articles
Why an American Sign Language Dictionary?
Any true language evolves to meet the ever changing needs of the people who
use it. American Sign Language is constantly adapting to the needs of Deaf
people, our families, and those with whom we associate. Lexicography, (the
making of dictionaries), is like painting sunsets. By the time the paint dries
the subject has changed.
To use this dictionary, at the top of this page click the first letter
of the word you are seeking. That will load the links into
the left hand side of the page. Then scroll down to the
word you are looking for and click on it. Not all words are
there (yet) but I add more and more as time goes on.
Best wishes in your ASL endeavors.
- Dr. Bill
William G. Vicars, Ed.D
Associate Professor, American Sign Language | <urn:uuid:96d143ff-a291-4802-af1c-ca112ed21aa7> | CC-MAIN-2015-18 | http://lifeprint.com/dictionary.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-18/segments/1429246633972.52/warc/CC-MAIN-20150417045713-00122-ip-10-235-10-82.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.898087 | 249 | 2.578125 | 3 |
Peer Grading FRQS
Peer grading free response questions is a great way to
1. Teach kids how the questions are graded by the national readers and how picky and precise the language should be.
2. Save you some personal time.
My method of peer grading has morphed into this method through the years. Like most teachers I’ve take ideas of here and there and merged into what works for me. You can read how I use and teach FRQs here.
When we peer grade, my students write their student ID # on the FRQ instead of their name. A couple of days after the exam (when most make-ups are finished), I pass out the FRQs to grade. Since I teach multiple sections of AP, classes don’t grade their own class’ FRQs. That way, its harder for the students to know if they’re grading someone that they know. I also pass out a pink slip.
I don’t usually use the College Board rubrics for peer grading with the students. Many students find them confusing. Instead, I type the most common answers from the rubric that I know my students will use on a PowerPoint. If you are new to teaching the course, I suggest you place the answers that your students learned in the textbook, activities, or lecture. Its unlikely that students will know or guess something different (but it does happen so be sure to answer questions). We go through each part of the FRQ on the PowerPoint and I answer any questions. The only exception to is when we grade math.
Students need to highlight the exact words that give the points. This helps students understand that they don’t need to write lots of words and sentences for points and helps them clearly identify where the points are. They are not guessing or saying “well it sounds right” and give points. They need to clearly indicate where the points are by highlighting.
When we grade math, I find it best to copy just the page with the math solutions from the College Board rubrics. That way, kids can see exactly what their math needs to look like. I also make notes on the rubric about remembering units and how any points each question is worth. After the math is graded, we go back to a PowerPoint for the rest of the FRQ.
After all sections are graded, students add up the points out of 10 or 11 and write on the top of the students’ paper. They also write it on the pink slip. If they need me to check something or they had another comment for me only, they need to write it on the pink slip. Students will never get the pink slips back to them. They are only for me. This helps with anonymity.
I go through each pink slip and check for comments. When I’m finished, I recycle/toss the pink slips.
Students will get their own FRQ returned to them to check over on a different day. I also include a “fudge” point in the curve. If they want to argue 1 point, I say I don’t want to hear it as its factored in the curve. If they find 2 or more points in error, they can come see me, but they have to show me exactly where the mistake was made. They cannot say “I’m sure I got more points, can you please check it over?” This prevents a long line of students who want to argue one point or grasping at straws to get a better grade.
Here’s my peer-graded curve as an FRQ is worth 50 exam points for me. (Multiple Choice is worth 100 points) | <urn:uuid:b9a18b49-0e89-4b79-89d2-a06f58f59342> | CC-MAIN-2020-16 | https://teachingapscience.com/peer-grading-frqs/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-16/segments/1585371620338.63/warc/CC-MAIN-20200406070848-20200406101348-00225.warc.gz | en | 0.956663 | 765 | 3.140625 | 3 |
Author: Dr Phillip E Judkins, University of Buckingham Centre for Security and Intelligence Studies
Title: Before Dawn: Air Defence and Telecommunications during World War One
During World War 1, Britain developed a comprehensive system of air defence, using telecommunications to link its sensors (radio intercept/ decryption, sound locators, visual observers) through a central control room, to civilian air-raid warning and to military air defence, both ground-based (searchlights, anti-aircraft guns both static and mobile) and fighter aircraft. How was this achieved, and how best are the remaining artefacts and sites to be interpreted? The paper examines these questions with particular examples drawn from sites local to Yorkshire, but with conclusions relevant nationally.
By contrast, Germany possessed the intellectual property to a primitive but patented and workable radar system, but despite this and despite having organised anti-airborne weapons against balloons at the Siege of Paris in 1871, did not capitalise on this knowledge to produce comprehensive air defence of its own. What factors inhibited German developments? The paper draws upon Dutch and German research to illustrate the issues of countervailing power of intellectual property claims upon the development of novel technology; and shows Dutch use of artefact reconstruction in interpretation. | <urn:uuid:653512d7-a5cf-4db4-82a7-74dd33d69380> | CC-MAIN-2017-47 | http://blogs.mhs.ox.ac.uk/innovatingincombat/events/workshop-june-28-programme/phil-judkins-before-dawn-air-defence-and-telecommunications-during-world-war-one/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-47/segments/1510934806225.78/warc/CC-MAIN-20171120203833-20171120223833-00683.warc.gz | en | 0.930765 | 250 | 2.625 | 3 |
bill (noun, verb) /bɪl/ LISTEN
A bill is a statement with the detail of how much money is owed to somebody and also, in US English, a piece of paper that is worth a specific amount (this is called a note in the UK). In politics, a bill is a proposal for a new law and, in show business (ie, film, theater), it is a schedule for an entertainment event. As a verb, to bill means ‘to send a list of charges to someone’ and, in show business, ‘to advertise something or someone.’ Unrelated to this meaning, a bill is also the beak of a bird or, in US English, the visor of a cap (called a peak in UK English).
- The electricity bill arrived in the mail this morning.
- Wendy paid with a $10 bill.
- The Senate is voting on the renewable energies bill.
- There are several comedy acts on the bill tonight.
- The translator billed her client for the work she had done.
- There is a new show billed at the theater this week.
- The bird picked up the twig in its bill. (A twig is a very small piece of wood from a tree or bush.)
- The old man had turned his cap around, so the bill was at the back.
Words often used with bill
fill the bill (US), fit the bill (UK): fulfill a purpose or need well. Example: “I need a new dress for the party and I’ve seen one that fits the bill, but I can’t afford it!”
bill and coo (dated): behave amorously. Example: “The school dance was full of teenagers billing and cooing.”
give someone a clean bill of health: say that someone is healthy. “The doctor gave me a clean bill of health, so I can leave the hospital!”
foot the bill: pay for something. “My parents are footing the bill for our wedding so they want to invite all of their friends.”
In pop culture
No one likes having to pay bills! Here is Destiny’s Child with a song about just that:
In both the US and the UK a bill is a demand for payment for utilities (like electricity, gas, and water) or for services (like getting your car repaired or a website designed). These kinds of bills can also be called invoices. In the UK, the word bill is also used for the amount you need to pay at the end of a meal in a restaurant (and we never say invoice for this), but in the US that is called the check.
Did you know?
biller (noun), billable (adjective)
Bill first appeared in English before the year 900. The Old English noun bill was a fancy word for a sword, especially one with a hooked blade. It can be traced back to the Proto-Indo-European root bheie-, which meant ‘to cut or hack,’ and is related to the Old Saxon bil ‘sword,’ as well as the Middle Dutch bile, the Dutch bijl, the Old High German bihal, the German Beil, and the Old Norse bilda (all meaning ‘hatchet’). Because of the physical resemblance, this word came to be used to describe the beak of birds around the year 1000, and, for the same reason, in Middle English (around the year 1200), it was used to name thin strips of land projected into the sea. The original meaning has disappeared, but the other two remain. The other meaning of bill, a ‘statement of money owed,’ is completely unrelated. It came into English as the Middle English noun bille from the Anglo-French (bille) in the early 14th century. It can be traced back to the Latin bulla, which meant ‘list.’ The verb, ‘to charge someone,’ comes from this noun.
Word of the Day is released Monday through Friday. | <urn:uuid:1879626a-d96e-498f-9e5d-6bca7464e583> | CC-MAIN-2023-23 | https://daily.wordreference.com/2023/03/01/intermediate-word-of-the-day-bill/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224654016.91/warc/CC-MAIN-20230607211505-20230608001505-00550.warc.gz | en | 0.963858 | 876 | 3.71875 | 4 |
Conservationists working with loggers to produce better conservation results — a science-based vision of the future, or a pipe dream?
The online news service E&E News has just published a three-part series on how such efforts are playing out in Indonesia — the world’s third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases, in part because of deforestation there. And The Nature Conservancy’s forest science and conservation efforts there are a cornerstone of the coverage.
Links to each installment of the series below:
Reduced-impact logging techniques could reduce CO2 emissions from deforestation by up to 30 percent, according to a Conservancy analysis. E&E News reporter Coco Liu goes into the forest with Conservancy scientist Peter Ellis to find out why the benefits of such a logging approach might often outweigh the costs.
How might conservation scientists convince loggers to adopt reduced-impact logging tactics? It’s not easy — but a variety of pitches helps, as the Conservancy’s Bambang Wahyudi and Peter Ellis demonstrate.
Members of the Dayak community — an ethnic group in Indonesian Borneo who used to use blowguns to hunt their food — are now part of a Nature Conservancy program to entice them away from slash-and-burn agriculture toward more sustainable livelihoods.
Opinions expressed on Cool Green Science and in any corresponding comments are the personal opinions of the original authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Nature Conservancy. | <urn:uuid:4943392e-b84b-476b-83c2-fda19b7bb486> | CC-MAIN-2017-09 | http://blog.nature.org/science/2014/10/22/logger-tropical-forest-conservation-ee-news-series/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-09/segments/1487501172017.60/warc/CC-MAIN-20170219104612-00580-ip-10-171-10-108.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.909687 | 304 | 3.296875 | 3 |
Grape vines can be used in many interesting ways. We most often see them in images from wine growing areas and have them at home growing up a lattice or chain link fence. But what if you use them not only for food, but to produce a cool shade or as a fast growing screen on a fence?
Although very fast growing in season, with little effort, the vines can be kept under control and can be used very nicely as an informal hedge-with some support, or to provide summer shade on an arbor or pergola. To produce the best fruit and to help reduce mildew, it is best to grow the plants in full sun.
Here is a vine grown for wine production.
This is the structure of the vine when it is deciduous, or has lost its foliage in the winter.
An older vine supported on a wire can add interesting branching structure, try this at home.
Here are example of grapes grown on an overhead wire structure and pergola.
This European city uses much of its unused area as green space. Young grape vines grow in the median. | <urn:uuid:e1f3a244-913b-48c2-a936-b6c19333fa63> | CC-MAIN-2016-36 | http://neighborhoodnursery.com/grape-vines-can-be-used-in-the-landscape/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-36/segments/1471982976017.72/warc/CC-MAIN-20160823200936-00260-ip-10-153-172-175.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.955136 | 227 | 2.59375 | 3 |
The Giving Compass family put together this book list as a starting point for readers looking to learn more about environmental problems and solutions. From informative nonfiction to inspiring fiction, this list has something for everyone. Get a hard copy or an ebook from your local library to enjoy these books without consuming natural resources.
The Botany of Desire: A Plant’s-Eye View of the World by Michael Pollan
Pollan explores the relationship between humans and nature through four crops that have suffered and benefited from cultivation by humans.
Cadillac Desert: The American West and Its Disappearing Water by Marc Reisner
Originally published in 1986, this book examines the history of western water management – a topic fraught with controversy that persists to this day.
The Elephant Whisperer: My Life with the Herd in the African Wild by Lawrence Anthony with Graham Spence
The true story of Anthony’s work to save a herd of elephants from poachers in South Africa. An animal conservation must-read.
Last Child in the Woods: Saving our Children from Nature-Deficit Disorder by Richard Louv
Louv explains the connection between children raised indoors on screens and the rise of concerning health trends.
The Nature Fix: Why Nature Makes Us Happier, Healthier, and More Creative by Florence Williams
Williams investigates current research on the health benefits of spending time in nature.
Silent Spring by Rachel Carson
Carson’s 1962 book on the harmful effects of DDT brought environmental concerns to the fore of American political discussion. No history of environmentalism is complete without mention of this pivotal book.
The Sixth Extinction: An Unnatural History by Elizabeth Kolbert
Kolbert introduces species that have already been driven extinct by human activity, and many more that are currently endangered.
World Without Us by Alan Weisman
What would the world look like if all humans disappeared? Weisman paints a compelling picture of what would crumble to dust and what would be preserved for long time periods.
Annihilation: A Novel (The Southern Reach Trilogy) by Jeff VanderMeer
An exploration of Area X – a twisted, natural landscape inhospitable to humans – by researchers attempting to uncover the truths buried there.
The Lorax by Dr. Seuss
A classic children’s book with an environmental message about extractive capitalism that is relevant to all age groups.
Nausicaä of the Valley of the Wind by Hayao Miyazaki
This graphic novel follows the story of a princess in a post-apocalyptic world attempting to protect her people both from an invading kingdom and the creep of the toxic forest that is taking over the earth.
Parable of the Sower by Octavia E. Butler
In a future where society is in partial collapse due to climate change, Lauren Oya Olamina is forced from her relatively comfortable gated community to journey on foot to look for a safe and habitable refuge.
Original contribution by Clarissa Coburn with input from the Giving Compass family.
Since you are interested in Arts and Culture, have you read these selections from Giving Compass related to impact giving and Arts and Culture?
Are you ready to give?
If you are looking for opportunities to take action and give money to Arts and Culture, here are some Giving Funds, Charitable Organizations and Projects aggregated by Giving Compass where you can take immediate action. | <urn:uuid:1e318b4e-f580-4195-b64c-8ddc24dced38> | CC-MAIN-2020-16 | https://givingcompass.org/article/leaf-through-these-books-on-earth-day/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-16/segments/1585370509103.51/warc/CC-MAIN-20200402235814-20200403025814-00318.warc.gz | en | 0.922413 | 689 | 2.859375 | 3 |
Close to 20,000 studies in the past 30 years have tried to determine caffeine's effect on the body. After writing my blog on antioxidants and their good effect it has on your body...would you believe most people get their daily antioxidants from coffee!! Yes, you read that right...In study of 100 food items, including vegetables, fruits, nuts, spices, oils and common beverages. They concluded that the average adult consumes 1,299 milligrams of antioxidants daily from coffee. The closest competitor was tea at 294 milligrams. Rounding out the top five sources were bananas, 76 milligrams; dry beans, 72 milligrams; and corn, 48 milligrams. According to the Agriculture Department, the typical adult American drinks 1.64 cups of coffee daily.
Now that certainly doesn't mean you can replace fruits and vegetables with coffee...it simply means there are benefits to coffee. Other benefits to that little cup of joe has is....... regular coffee drinkers reduced their risk of Parkinson's disease by 80 percent. Two cups of coffee per day reduced cirrhosis by 80 percent, too. It reduced colon cancer by 20 percent, and seemed to protect elderly brains against Alzheimer's disease.
Coffee helps your headache and not just the withdrawal headaches caused by skipping your daily dose of caffeine! Studies show that 200 milligrams of caffeine—about the amount in 16 ounces of brewed coffee—provides relief from headaches, including migraines. Exactly how caffeine relieves headaches isn’t clear. But scientists do know that caffeine boosts the activity of brain cells, causing surrounding blood vessels to constrict.
It's not all good when it comes to coffee....Coffee acts on the brain in similar ways as methamphetamines by increasing dopamine levels, making you feel good while it increases adrenaline, which keeps your body in an alert state. Staying in this state for long periods of time can make you jumpy and irritable. Both regular and decaffeinated coffee contain acids that can make heartburn worse.
Just like anything with your healthy Journey ....Moderation!! | <urn:uuid:85ec4234-6f0f-418b-a1c0-1a167a4c1f72> | CC-MAIN-2020-24 | http://www.vickisfoodies.com/vickis-blog/coffee-vs-healthy-lifestyle | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-24/segments/1590347396089.30/warc/CC-MAIN-20200528104652-20200528134652-00345.warc.gz | en | 0.94995 | 428 | 2.640625 | 3 |
THE CARIBOO GOLDRUSH ADVENTURE GAME
An Adventure Game exploring the 1860's Goldrush in British Columbia
In the decade of the 1860's, the Colony of British Columbia came to the attention of the world. GOLD had
been discovered on Fraser's River and in Cariboo - land occupied by Salish and Chilcotin Indians, as well
as by fur trappers and traders. The search for gold was a major force in opening British Columbia for
settlement and in shaping our landscape, our government and laws. The story of the Cariboo Goldrush is
an exciting chapter in the history of Canada.
In THE CARIBOO GOLDRUSH ADVENTURE GAME, join goldseekers along the Cariboo Trail
and learn how the goldrush shaped British Columbia. The Cariboo Trail begins in Fort Victoria and heads
north 500 miles to the goldrush town of Barkerville.
It is a hard trail. Many never return. On your adventure, you will meet many historical characters.
Sometimes they speak a different language, or in dialect, or they use words or phrases differently than we
do today. Pay attention to their stories and advice. Choose your partner carefully - his character can help
or hinder your adventure. Gain all the knowledge you can; take care of your health and keep track of your
wealth. There is danger and hardship at every turn of the Cariboo Trail, but a wise goldseeker could strike
it rich in Cariboo!
In THE CARIBOO GOLDRUSH ADVENTURE GAME Web site students use reading-comprehension
and problem-solving skills to relive the Cariboo Goldrush of the 1860's - a significant event in the
settlement of the Canadian West. Teacher's Corner provides information and lesson plans to help you use
THE CARIBOO GOLDRUSH ADVENTURE GAME in the Classroom.
Check out the Attractions link for more information on Historic Sites, Museums and
relics of the Cariboo Waggon Road that you can visit today!
HISTORIANS & DEDICATED PLAYERS
Check out the Primary Sources link to read historic
manuscripts, letters and reports about the Cariboo Goldrush. Review the Maps to locate yourself in time
and place. Also check out the Cariboo Music and the Bibliography. | <urn:uuid:e00c61ae-31b2-4754-b399-1806ab46af1f> | CC-MAIN-2020-45 | http://cariboogoldrush.csp.net/site/en/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-45/segments/1603107902038.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20201028221148-20201029011148-00696.warc.gz | en | 0.891973 | 490 | 2.953125 | 3 |
EVACUATION: THE RECEPTION
The first task of the receiving authorities was to find accomodation for the mothers and children before nightfall. The methods used to obtain billets vared from place to place and depended, to a large extent, on the preparations made beforehand. In some areas rehearsals had been held, billets selected, communications tested, local transport planned, food supplies arranged, talks given to householders on the care of children, while questions of education had been discussed between the billeting and the education authorities. In these instances, where the imagination and planning had marched together, the loca lworkers were better able to cope with the problems set by the arrival of groups of evacuees different from those expected. Over many parts of the country, however, reception arrangements had been incompletely organised. Not only have the inability of the Health and Transport Departments to guarantee the composition of the evacuated parties been a serious impediment to planning, but it had sometimes been ued as an excuse for inaction until the arrival of the evacuees was imminent.
The conferences which the county councils had been asked to convene several months before the war were chiefly preoccupied with transport arrangements. They did not stimulate much discussion on welfare. The Ministry of Helath representaztives who attended and addressed these conferences aroused little interest in the human side of the reception plans. As the Department had only four woem inspectors at the time, this may have contributed to the faiulure to foresee the conditions in which the mothers and children would arrive, and the kind of services they would require. The evacuating authorities too were not helpful; they either failed to volunteer information or else they sent reassuring statements. Some instances of lack of cooperation are given later.
In addition, however, to ehse reasons the ban imposed on advance expenditure by reception authorities generally explainedf, if it did not wholly justify the absence of adequate reception arrangements. It will be recalled1 that local authorities had been asking for months to be allowed to spend money on preparing maternity homes and hostels, and for the purchase of various utems of equipment. All these applications had been refused until six days before the outbreak of war. Local authorities then received permission to incur 'such reasonable expenditure as is necessary for the reception of evacuated
persons'.2 The operation of this ban during the period of evacuation planning from January 1939 onwards probably made some local authorities think that they need not take the matter very seriously, for surely a Government in earnest about evacuating 4,000,000 persons (including a large number of young children and expectant mothers) would allow reception authorities to make some preparations in advance?
When the order for evacuation was given by the Cabinet on 31st August there were, in the reception areas, no reception areas, no reception hostels or sick bays; maternity accomodation was quite inadequate in most places; none of the camps was ready; beds, blankets, crockery, blackout material, furniture, lighting, heating, cooking and many kinds of equipment and categories of staff were either insufficient or in the wrong places. Moreover, as was only to be expected, the standard—in quality and quanitity—of the social services in the rural areas was inferior to that in London and other big cities. Even so, there was at least one county authority which proceeded to curtail its maternity and child welfare activities in the belief that such things were unnecessary in wartime.
Many reports testify to the general confusion and unpreparedness which characterised the reception of the mothers and children in September 1939.3 All the troubles caused by lack of pre-knowledge about the evacuees, train delays, the ban on spending and other factors, were piled higher when many of the parties, travelling in crowded trains, sometimes without lavatories and adequate water supplies, arrived in a dirty and uncooperative state. It was not a good start. Town and country met each other in a critical mood.
The wartime guests of the country were further aggrieved when, in many areas, they were walked or paraded around while householders took their pick. 'Scenes reminiscent of a cross between an earlyRoman slave market and Selfridge's bargain basement ensued.'4 One boy likened it to 'a cattle show',5 for farmers picked strong-looking lads, and the presentable, nicely dressed children were quickly chosen. The method of billeting seems geenrally to have been either direct selection by householders or haphazard allotment. Mothers were not in demand, and there were many who gave advice similar to that received by Lady Stanley—'I hope you will be more lucky in your attempt to get soldiers' children than us. Don't
get a mother anyhow—it is that which has overset us'.6 The indiscriminate handing round of evacuees in the billeting of 1939 inevitably resulted in every conceivable kind of social and psychological misfit. Conservative and Labour supporters, Roman Catholics and Presbyterians, lonely spinsters and loud-mouthed, boisterous mothers, the rich and the poor, city-bred Jews and agricultural labourers, the lazy and the hard-working, the sensitive and the tough, were thrown into daily, intimate contact. The hardest group of all to billet were the mothers with several children. Such difficulties often occurred among Roman Catholic parties from Liverpool and Glasgow,7 for the mothers refused to be parted from their children. Attempts were made to install them in empty and unfurnished houses. Not infrequently they took the next train home.
It was some days before any authority knew how many evacuees had been received either in particular areas or in the country as a whole. While the last trainloads of evacuees were arriving, small groups of mothers and children were waiting on opposite platforms to return home and, in most areas, a great deal of reshuffling and redistribution was taking place. School units had been completely broek up and scattered over wide areas,8 particular groups had arrived in the wrong place or had temporarily got lost, expectant mothers and nursery parties had to be found, sorted out, accomodated afresh, and a host of difficulties had to be handled without delay. Emergency services of many kinds had to be hasilty improvised. Empty houses were requisitioned and adapted in a few hours for maternity cases; hostels, nurseries and sick bays were hurriedly organised, and country towns and villages were ransacked for medical equipment, furniture, beds, blankets, crockery and blakout material. Town clerks, directors and inspectors of education, medical officers, teachers, civil servants and volunary workers
scoured the market places and assumed the roles of carpenters, electricians and general handymen. Treasury edicts and departmental circulars were temporarily forgoten in the presence of sick children and mothers in a late stage of pregnancy.
The provision of maternity services for these mothers waw one of the most difficult and serious problems, although the number of expectant mothers electing to be evcuated was relatively small (12,300 in England and 405 in Scotland). Before the war, plans had been drawn up for sending the mothers out; but little had been done to provide for them in the reception areas. By July 1939, arrangements had been made for the transfer of about seventy-five percent of the midwives in London municipal and voluntary hospitals to casualty work, while two-thirds of the maternity beds in London had been earmarked for air raid casualties; but when the Ministry of Health inquired on 4th August if it might sancaiton expenditure on emergency maternity homes in the country the Treasurty was not very helpful. '… there is obviously a danger that enthusiasts will tend to magnify the need … not all expectant mothers will have babies in the first weeks of a war, and if a war should occur there should be time after the outbreak to make reasonable provision in most areas since I gather that nothing very elaborate is contemplated and makeshift arrangements would have to suffice in the early days.'9 There followed, during the first week or two of war, a desperate search for suitable buildings, equipment and midwives.
In the eastern region, which received some 1,900 expectant mothers, improvised accomodation included a unit of two beds in an occupied private house, four beds in a midwife's house, while such buildings as a farmhouse, a boys' club, and a disused block of a public assistance institution were hurriedly acquired and equipped. In setting up a maternity hom, the shortest time taken from the first inspection to readiness for use was five dazys. The kind of worh which had to be done to amek these buildings fit for use included the installation of bathrooms, lavatories, sinks, sluices and cooking facilities. In all, 100 units comprising 1,385 beds were provided in the eastern region during September and October 1939. Similar feats of improvisation were achieved in other parts of the country. A detailed account of these developments, which later grew into the emergency maternity scheme—one of the most successful wartime social services—are contained in Studies in the Social Services.
All this work of improvising a variety of services and of rebilleting mothers and children had to be carried on in an atmosphere which, from being friendly and compassionate at the start, rapidly deteriorated until, in some areas, it became openly hostile. It did so, partly
because of the complications and irritations that have already been described, partly because of bad manners and behaviour and for other reasons which will become apparent later, and partly because both parties had rarely met before and knew little about each other's way of life. But the absence of air attacks, and—in the West—the undramatic opening phase of the war, were perhaps the chief reasons for the rapid change in mood from sympathy to hostility.
The excitement and tension aroused at the end of August, the sense of momentous events, the dissemination of rumours and the distribution of gas masks; these were the things which made many people in country districts ready to cast themselves for the role of comforter and friend to the refugees who were expected to pour out of the cities. While the countrysie wsa thus preparing itself, the adulty refugees were giving reign to self-pity, getting tired and despondent on their journeys, and consoling themselves with thoughts of ease and comfort at the end. Both sides were, when they met, expecting too much. Disillusionment set in from the first day, and the local and national press were soon filled with protests from indignant householders. Instead if the expected stories of bravery and endurance under air attack, the newspapers (with less news than in peacetime to report) carried thousands of articles on the condition of the evacuees, while the post-bags of two ministers and many M.O.s were loaded with complaints of dirt, lousiness and immorality.
All the evidence that accumulated in the Health Departments led the Government ot change its policy on evacuation. That is one reason for studying closely the question of social conditions. Another is that, so far as the social services were concerned, evacuation dominated social policy for at least the first nine months of war. The debate on the condition of the people continued much longer, though on a quieter note. It was heard again—but in a minor key—when the second great migration took place in the autumn of 1940; it affected in various ways the development of certain welfare services, while the Education Act of 1944 and other legilsation bore witness to its deep influenece. At no time, however, was opinion so vividly, and so freely voiced, as in the autumn of 1939. The subject is therefore confined to this chapter, and will not be discussed in detail again.
The complaints that were made about the evacuees took various forms. It was said that the children's clothing was generally inadequate and, very often, in a filthy condition: that many of the mothers and chldren were dirty, verminous and affected with scavies, impetigo and other skin troubles: that a large proportion of the children wetted their beds and soiled their clothes, and that many mothers were feckless, irresponsible, ungrateful, and deplorably mannered. To what extent were these statements true? Did they apply to five percent, fifty percent, or one hundred percent of the
1,500,000 mothers and children? Sifting the evidence to answer this question was been a heavy task. Fortunately, a great deal of it may be discarded as merely repetitive, or obiously coloured by resentment, by the sharpness of what the anthropologists call 'culture-contact', or by the sudden consciouness of things neglected. Even so, the bulk of relevant material is formidable. In the present chapter, only a small part of it has been used for purposes of illustration.
As soon as the evacuation movement was complted the Health Departments began to receive a stream of appeals, resolutions and complaints about clothing and footwear conditions from local authorities, voluntary agencies, civil servants and private individuals ranging from Lord Derby to the wives of agricultural labourers. Newcastle reported that of 31,000 children registered for evacuation thirteen percent were deficient in footwear and twenty-one percent were deficient in clothing. In Manchester it was said that about twenty percent of the childern arrived for the evacuation rehearsals in plimsolls. A large number of Welsh local authorities who received evacuees from Liverpool spoke of 'children in rags', in a condition which 'baffles description', and of clothing which was so dirty and verminous that it had to be destroyed. Liverpool became known, in the early months of the war, as 'the plimsoll city'. 'It is all wrong', commented one report, 'tha a rich city like Liverpool should look to Welsh peasants and labourers to clothe and shoe its children'. Merseyside was not, however, the only target for criticism. Other areas were named in reports alleging that quantities of clothing had to be burnt, that no change of cloyhing had been brought by the children, that footwear was cheap and shoddy, and even that some children arrived sewn into a piece of calico with a coat on top and no other clothes at all.10
It is highly probable that most of the children were sent away in the best that their parents could provide. Apart from the question of pride—and the clothing of children plays an important role today in matters of social status—it is unlikely that the childern were sent to safety while their best clothes were kept at home. Much depends on the criterion by which the adequacy of a child's clothing id judged. It turns not only suych matters as town and country and summer and winter wear, but quality, durability and fit. The question of standards in relation to the economics of children's clothing was curiously neglected in all the social surveys of the nineteen-thirties. Little is known, for instances, about the number and cost of different sizes in shoes that a child needs during its years of rapid growth.11
Yet this appears to be one of the most burdensome items in a family budget, as the records of relieving officers and case-work agencies such as the Family Welfare Association amply testify. It is not wholly surprising, therefore, that full employment and regular incomes from about 1942 to the end of the war presented the Board of Trade with one of its most baffling problems—an immense, unsatisfied demand for children's shoes even though production increased.12
The wartime experience of the Board of Trade suggests that a large number of parents would have preferred, in 1939, to have sent their children away better equipped. They may be criticised for not doing so; but their failure may also serve as a reminder that evacuation followed a long period of widespread unemployment. During 1939 the average number of insured persons unemployed in the United Kingdom was 1,480,324, and there were 1,049,718 persons in receipt of poor relief in England and Wales. These figures did not represent a standard army of permanently poor, long-unemployed persons. The number who experience some spell of unemployment in a year was not generally known. But it was probably very considerable. If, therefore, the above figure is multiplied several times, and account is also taken of the dependants and relatives who shared in the consequences of this unemployment, then it may reasonably be assumed that a high proportion of the fathers of the evacuated children had experienced unemployment during 1937–9. This unemployment bore much more heavily on the cities than on the rural areas. One city alone, whcih was severely criticised for the condition of its children's clothing, spent over £5,000,000 on pulbic assistance during the three years preceding the war.13
It has been estimated that before the war there were about 4,000,000 families in Britain living from hand-to-mouth or from pay-day to pay-day.14 Of this number, one-half were continually in and out of debt. For all these families, the purchase of boots and clothing often meant a capital outlay beyond their immediate resources. Many of them therefore had to buy cheap and generally shoddy equipment. Besides a widespread useof pawnbrokers, secondhand dealers and jumble sales, there grew up, partly in response to demand and partly because the housewives were easy to exploit, a vast instalment purchase organisation—the clothing clubs of the poor.15 Apart, however, from the question of poor quality and high costs—got clothes bought by hire purchase were often expensive—these clubs and check traders represented an important material bond which tied
mother to their homes in the cities. They were therefore one in a multitude of influences which led many mothers to return home.
When all these factors are considered—the problem of capital outlay for clothes when income is low, irregular and insecure, the different needs of town and country life, the close relationaship between poverty and large families, and the complexities of varying social standards—it is not surprusing that the clothing of a considerable proportion of the evacuated children was found to be inadequate.16 The commonest complaints were that some of the children had no spare underclothing and nightclothes, that mackintoshes and overcoats were unknown to a proportion, that some boys were no underclothing at all and that boots and shows were generally defective. A typical report to the Ministry of Health stated: 'The town standard and requirements are much lower than that of the reception areas—especially in the small county towns—many Manchester and Liverpool little girls have never worn knickers, a fact that distresses and horrifies the foster-parents. A large percentage have never possessed sleeping suits, but take off the outer clothing and sleep in their underwear (the latter frequently being father's old shirt pinned and/or stitched to fits its new purpose). Few have ever possessed a "best" outfit'.
Shortly before the outbreak of war, the Ministry of Helath realised that something would have to be done to provide extrea clothing for children from very poor families.17 But it was thought that there would be only 'a relatively small number of necessitous cases'.18 The annual reports of those local authorities who, in the course of school inspections, classified the condition of children's clothing supported this belief; but the worship of the statistical average made the classifications meaningless. Thus, in 1938, the London County Council's school nurses found that the clothing and footwear of elementary schoolchildren was 54.6 percent good, 45.1 percent fair and 0.3 percent poot. A study of the returns for individual metropolitain boroughs discloses a very low proportion of 'good' ratings in certain areas, notably, Bethnal Green seven percent, Poplar thirteen percent and Stepney thirteen percent.19 These individual returns were not published.
Among other large cities, only Glasgow appears to have referred to the subject in its annual reports. In the last pre-war statements of the pbulic health department,20 it was reported that out of 46,325 children examined only fourteen had insufficient clothing, while thirty-five were 'ragged' and another thirty-five 'dirty'. In addition, twenty-two children had not footwear nad in sixty instances boots or shoes were judged to be in an unsatisfactory state. Although these assessments only applied to conditions considered inimical to health, they seem surprisingly few in number when compared with the reports on clothing from the areas to which Glasgow children were evacuated, and with the fact that the same department supplied boots or clothing, or both, to 32,842 children during the year ended July 1939. Moreover, when evacuation took place a month later, Glasgow education authority spent £6,500 alone on the provision of overcoats for evacuated children.
In Scotland, local education authorities had received statutory powers, as early as 19089, to provide boots and clotyhing for necessitous schoolchildren.21 But no such powers were given to local authorities in England and Wales. The Ministry of Health, conscious of the need to make some provision in the event of evacuation, approached the Treasury in the spring of 1939. But a request for 'a concelaed subvention' of £40,000 for any necessitous cases among some 2,000,000 children was turned wodn. 'On present evidence', it was said, there as no justification for spending Government money in this way, 'except inso far as the Board of Education giave a grant in respect of the material used in needlework lessons'.22 This grant was, howvever, very small and, moreover, sum of ½d. a week or thereabouts were recovered by some local authoritiesw from the children who wnated the garments they had made. The usual policy of most authorities was that needlework and cookery should pay their way, and they any outlay on materials should be recovered from sales. In practice, this meant in some poor areas that girls were not given material for needlework because they were not capable of making garments which could be sold. Ordinary domestic articles—such as aprons—could be sold only with great difficulty 'even at cost price'.
The Ministry of Health continued to press the case for a clothing grant and at the end of august 1939 assent was given. On the 25th, a confidential letter was sent to evacuating authorities authorising the purchase locally of boots and clothing up to a limit of £1 for every 200 children. A condition was attached to the grant: the use of Government money for thus purpose was not to be made known.
When evacuation took place the number of 'necessitous cases' proved to be exceptionally large.23 Much of the burden of cost therefore fell onto the shoulders of the foster-parents, who felt that it was not possible—or desirable—for two standards of dress to exist side by side under the same roof. This is precisely what had not been appreciated by the Health Departments. If the children were to be assimilated into their temporary homes then they would have to eat the same food and wear the same kind of clothes as the rest of the household. In many ways, evacuation spelt a compulsory levelling-up in standards. As neither the parents nor the Government had provided for this in a large number of cases, the foster-parents had to do so.
The result was an outburst of scrubbing, washing, mending and re-clothing in the reception areas. At their own expense, many foster-parents reequipped their guests. In addition, charitable schems were organised in a large number of districts to raise funds and receive gifts of clothing, the Minister of Health broadcast an appeal on 8th September (which produced a few thousand secondhand garments of varying quality), the National Union of Teachers voted £1,000 and many other voluntary gifts helped to ease the problem for a time.24 The contribution made by charity towards clothing the needy children of Britain did not end with the first evacuation. Gifts of clothing from America and other countries continued to arrive in large quantities, while the Maharajah of Gondal presented a lakh of rupees (£7,500) and other individuals and institutions gave financial help.
Eventually, however, it became evident that the problem was too large for charity. It was also, as the winter of 1939 approached, too urgent to be left to the piecemeal efforts of voluntary agencies. If the parents of a considerable children could not—or would not—provide adequate equipment then the Government could not leave the responsibility with the foster-parents.25 What then was to happen to the town children, with outworn shoes and flimsy clothing, who would have to spend the winter in the mud and wet of the country if the Government's evacuation policy was to be maintained? This question was typical of many which continually arose in the administration of the evacuation scheme. Nearly all of them threw up some threw up some issue of fundamental public importance. The Government
wanted the children to stay in the country, yet it did not want to do anything which might undermine parental responsibility. At the same time the Government itself had accepted certain responisibilities, and had given undertakings about the welfare of the children to both the parents and foster-parents. If the health of the children suffered through lack of clothing, the Government would not avoid criticism by blaming the parents.
The first step towards finding a solution to the problem was taken by the Ministry of Health in November 1939, when it issued a circular to local authorities on the provision of clothing and footwear.26 While emphasising the principle of parental responisibility, attention was drawn to the help available from the poor law, the unemployment assistance board and voluntary agencies, and the suggestion was made that in cases where the necessary provision could not be obtained from one or other of these sources, the matter should be reported by tyhe head teacher in the reception area to the director of education for the evacuating area. On the understanding that nothing was said in public, a sum of about £15,000 was distributed to directors of education to enable them to deal with 'necessitous cases'. This was, in effect, the beginning of a new social service. It arose from the shock experieneced by the country in September 1939 in discovering the condition of the clothing of a large number of children. Its further development is traced in later chapters.27
While the Ministry of Health had expected, from thewarnings given to it by local authorities, that a proportion of the children to be evacuated would be deficient in clothing and footwear, it had not foreseen the seriousness of the problem of enuresis. The term 'enuresis' means failure to control urination and is not synonymous with bed-wetting. The latter is generally applied to the habits of infants under the age of two to three years until they are trained to keep dry.
Although enuresis as a social and medical problem had been neglected before the war, nevertheless, there existed a good deal of scattered evidence regarding its incidence among the older children and adults. It was (and still is) an embaressing problem for the Army28 and the Navy, public schools, poor law homes, charitable institutions, Home Office approved schools, holidary camps, Ministry of Labour training centres and shipping companies.29 At the end of the First World War, the London County Council, for instance, in a report for the years 1915–19, referred to the trbouel caused by enuretics in
residential and camp schools.30 Again, in 1945, a study was made for the Council on the incidence in various schools and homes.31 It was found that the percentage of enuretics in the Council's residential schools and homes was:
In certified Roman Catholic schools the figures were higher in each age group, namely 27.5 percent, 18.4 percent and 8.4 percent.
These lessons were not heeded. The Health and Education Departments did not gather the available evidence, and the public were not told that just as the Navy might have trouble for a short while with a young lad joining a training ship or college, so foster-parents might expect some temporary enuretics among the unaccompanied schoolchildren. Nor did the medical profession (notably the psychiatrists who were much preoccupied at the time with the question of morale and bombing) help to prepare the lay public or the Government for what was certain to happen.
In May 1939 the Ministry of Health ordered mackintosh overlays for the young bed-wetters—estimated at sixty percent of the children under the age of five to be evacuated. But only a small number of these overlays had been delivered to local authorities by the outbreak of war. No provision was made for older children.
As soon as the children arrived in the country the trouble bega. 'Somewhat unexpectedly', remarked the Lancet, 'enuresishas proved to be one of the major menaces to the comfortable disposition of evacuated urban children … every morning every window is filled with bedding, hung out to air in the sunshine. The scene is cheerful, but the householders are depressed'.32 The estimates that were made of the frequency of the trouble during the first week ro two of evacuation ranged from about one percent to thirty-three percent at different ages from five to sixteen.33 The country was undoubtedly shocked: no other aspect of the social results of evaucation received so much pbulicity or lent itself so easily to exaggeration and misunderstanding.
It was misunderstood because hitherto it had not been discussed, and it was exagerrated, partly because it had not been expected, and
partly because it represented, along with all the other sacrifices involved in accepting strangers into the house, a burden on country people out of all proportion to the war effort then being made by the nation.
Enuresis, like other psychoneurotic symptoms, is an expression of mental protest.34 It is primarily a symptom of emotional disturbance, although in a few habitual cases it may be the result of acquired lesions, or of congenital abnormality of the urinary tract.35 Among a majority of the children who were troublesom in the first week or two of September 1939 it was caused by an acute sense of insecurity.36 The loss ostability and protection led these children to revert—temporarily—to irresponsible babyhood. The interruption of the relationship with the individual who had steered the child from helpless dirtiness to controlled behaviour caused the regression. Like other observers, Professor Burt, who noted a greate increase in incontinence, especially nocturnal enuresis, believed that the emotional effect of evacuation on the children had been underestimated.37 In most cases the trouble cleared up quickly, as the children settled down and got to know their foster-parents, the dark and silence of the countryside and their way to oudoor (and often primitive) lavatories.
In a minority of children the trouble was deep-seated. It was these cases which got mixed up with the majority of temporary ones, and gave so many evacuated children a bad name. Among the minority, there were some who were chronic enuretics; some who had never used toilet paper, and some who deliverately fould curtains and furniture and who used corners of a room for defaecation. 'No words can descrbie', said one report to the Ministry of Helath, 'the terrible state of the room. Every scrap of bedding, clothing and even the blinds and curtains had to be burnt immediately'.38 'You dirty thing, messing the lady's carpet', expostulated one Glasgow mother to her six-year-old child. 'Go and do it in the corner.'39
Some observers attributed these cases to faulty training, and to a deplorably low standard of cleanliness and behaviour in the parents.40 Many of the most undisciplined children appear to have come from the kind of broken home which produces, in Bowlby's words, 'affectionless thieves'.41 'What is true of enuresis', said another observer, 'is more dramatically so in the case of faecal incontinence. The child psychiatrist has long since ceased to regard faecal incontinenence as a symptom of great rarity, or indicating a severe regression, since it is met with sporadically in a large number of emotionally disturbed children. This has been quite clearly brought out by evacuation, where a number of children, many of them over five, and normally trained in clean habits, have shown this symptom. It seems likely that all cases are not due to an identical mechanism. In ordinary peacetime practice, a high proportion of these cases occur in step and foster children, suggesting an uncertainty in their emotional relationships. In other cases, the aggressive elements seem to predominate, the child using this as a final and desperate demonstration of anger or despair'.42
The state of things in broken homes, and in homes which had meant much emotional stress in early life and mother-child separation, produced children who were a constant source of trouble and expense, not only to the evacuation scheme and to those administering the social services, but, in later life, to their fellows in any group activity. An investigation of Army enuretics showed, for instance, that a large number came from such homes and revealed evidence of what the psychiatrists call 'love deprivation' in childhood.43
The great characteristic of man is his capacity to learn; but he can do little without training. And this the child does not get, during the all-important first five years of life, in the broken home; the home without stability or harmony. The children too become unstable, aggressive, lazy, cynical and untrustworthy. They are, in Paneth's words, 'hurt people'.44 'At home', wrote Paneth, 'they suffer from vermin, dirt and bad nourishment; from parents who have neither time nor patience for them, who often drink and always swear and of whom they are afraid; parents who represent their ideals, but ideals
in conflict with the rest of the world around them; parents whom they know are looked down upon and who are often prosecuted, cheating and being cheated. There the children live in an atmosphere which, though outspoken and tough in many ways, is secretive and untruthful on essential points'. It was some of the children from the cities who, although proportionately few in number, shocked the countryside in September 1939.
In other cases, among which Merseyside and Glasgow children figured prominently, the occurence of insanitary and anti-social behaviour was closely linked to the physical environment from which the children came. Slum mores are consistent with a slum home. Indeed, it is optimistic to expect anything else. When one broken-down water-closet has to be shared by anything up to thirty people,45 and there is no bath and no indoor supply of water; when there is incessant conflict between the need to keep order and the child's natural demand for space; when privacy is impossible and everyone's quarrels, love-making and sexual life are heard or witnessed by children, and when the day-to-day drudgery of the mother is accompaned by a trial of ulcerated legs, carious teeth, haemorrhoids and backache,46 the training of children in self-control and in the identification of truth becomes difficult—if not impossible.
Here, then, were many reasons to explain both the frequency and the cause of enuresis among a proportion of the million or so children who left the cities on the outbreak of war. The majority ofcases, which were largely due to emtional stress, cleared up quickly with sympathetic handling by foster-parents. Other cases, particularly some of the more complicated and difficult ones, were solved—so far as the evacuation scheme was concerned—by the return of the children to their homes.
The problem recurred in 1940 and after other evacuation movements during the war. But it never again aroused the same accusations and bitterness with which it was attended in 1939. For one thing, the Government abandoned, after the first attempt, the principle of mass evacuation; in the later periods of exodus, when place and time were planned in advance, most of the children were medically reviewed before they went away and more carefully billeted when they arrived. Secondly, the establishment of hostels in 1940 meant that enuretic
children could be removed from harassed or unsympathetic householders. Thirdly, and perhaps most important of all, the reception areas knew what to expect. During 1940–41 the Health Departments arragned a better distribution of mackintosh overlays to local authorities and, in addition, sanction was given for the payment of an extra allowance to some householders who were caring for children suffering from enuresis.47 These measures did not touch—nor were they designed to cope with—the core of difficult cases; but they prevented them from again becoming a source of public embaressment.
In addition to the complaints about clothing conditions and enuresis, protests were made in September 1939 that a large number of the children—and some of the mothers—were heavily infested with head lice. This accusation is worth examing closely, for not only are many of the published statistics slovenly in themselves, but chronic head infestation is often regarded as an index of general dirtiness.
Graphic descriptions of verminous conditions began to reach the Health Departments as soon as the mothers and children arrived in the country. 'There were scenes of horror in the village street.' 'The heads of some children could be seen crawling with vermin.' Commentaries of this kind were followed by reports of the number of infested mothers and children. No overall survey was made, btu many local inspections were carried out—too many to discuss in detail here48—and these showed that the experience of different districts varied greatly. In parts of Wales, and in districts of Cheshire, Herefordshire and Shropshire receiving evacuees from Merseyside, the proportion of infested children ranged between twenty-two to fifty percent. Areas receiving children from London were more fortunate, for the range of proportions was lower at about eight to thirty-five percent.49 In Scotland, reports from seventeen out of twenty-eight reception areas returned an average figure of thirty percent, though in many districts it was around fifty percent.
No generalisation from these scattered surveys can be applied to
all reception districts in the country. There were some local authorities, mainly in the south of England, who did not complain at all. There were others, like Atcham in Shropshire which received Catholic children from Bishop Goss school in Liverpool, and Wigtown county which took mothers and children from Glasgow, who survived a horrifying experience. In one part of Wigtown, which received a large number of mothers and children, conditions were so bad that the medical officer sent messengers out at once in all directions to but hair-clippers. With the aid of many helpers (including three detachments of v.a.d's) all heads were shorn. The thing was done without formality and without permission.
Evacuation came at the end of the summer holidays and the children had not, therefore, been under the eye of the school medical service for some weeks. Moreover, on the journey itself, the louse had many opportunities to pass from child to child, particularly as no medical examinations were carried out before the evacuees were sent away. This was unfortunate, in view of the reassuring statements that had been made publicly earlier in the year about the condition of the children. The Minister of Health had told the House of Commons in March 1939, '… these are not scrofolous and verminous children … they are the bud of the nation'.50
The Government did not consider the possibility of the children thoroughly examined before they went away. The expectation of what conditions would be like in the event of war was partly responsible for this. As Chapters I and II made clear, the detailed organisation of the evacatuion scheme was shaped by the kind of war that was expected. Inevitably, therefore, the consequences of a policy which placed all the emphasis on the speed of the exodus were experienced by the reception areas. The Government's defence was a good one: to search for lice and nits while bombs were falling would not have been possible. Nevertheless, an opportunity of inspecting the children was missed when evacuation rehearsals were held at the end of August.
Only a few of the reception authorities made arrangements for inspecting the children when they arrived. For some, conditions—such as the time of arrival—made the work impossible or else the staff were not available, while most authorities either did not know what to expect or else they assumed that the job had already been done. Neither the Health and Education Departments nor the evacuating authorities had warned the countryside of the troubles that
might arise. Liverpool, for instance, whose school medical service had been known to be inadequate,51 had informed some Welsh authorities that the children would arrive 'clean, under medical supervision and free from infectious disease'.52
Travelling conditions, and the fact that the exodus took place at the end of school holidays, probably led to an increase in the number of infested children. But the evidence of later surveys makes it doubtful whether the state of affairs before the war was greatly exaggerated in September 1939. Infestation is much more a family, than a school, disease, and its incidence in September 1939 reflected home conditions rather than school environment. Foster-mothers in reception areas did not full understand that many children living in bad home conditions cannot easily escape harbouring a few nits, and that if a child's head is left uncombed for some nights, infestation can rapidly become serious.
One result of the reports received by the Government in the early months of the war was that the Board of Education and the Ministry of Health arranged with Dr. Kenneth Mellanby to continue, on their behalf, investigations he had already begun into the incidence of head infestation. In March 1941 a note on Dr. Melolanby's work was sent to local authorities, who were urged to attack the problem.53 Their attention had previously been drawn to the need for intensive action when the Ministry of Health issued, in January 1940, a memorandum on methods of dealing with the louse, and on the powers already possessed by local authorities for preventing and curing the spread of head infestation.54
Although Mellanby's inquiry, which dealt mainly with the situation before the war, was to some extent biased as it was principally concerned with patients admitted to infectious disease hospitals, and therefore included a preponderance of poorer people, its results nevertheless broadly substantiated the reports from many of the reception areas. Mellanby found that about fifty percent of girsl under fourteen years of age living in industrial areas had lousy heads; that boys returned a lower rate, declining from forty-five percent at age two to twenty percent at age fourteen, and that pre-school children of both sexes had the highest rates of infestation—up to fifty-two percent. The percentage of children in rural areas found
infested was very low, while over the whole of the country body infestation was reported to be rare.
Mellanby repeated his inquiry during the years 1940–3.55 Despite the effects of bombing, shelter life, bad housing conditions and other wartime difficulties, some evidence was found of a slight decline in infestation among children. On the other hand, the percentage of girls aged fourteen to eighteen with lousy heads rose from approximately twenty-two percent in 1939 to around thirty percent in 1943. A high and increasing incidence of infestation among young women was also observed by the War Office. This was one of the results of an inquiry into the rate of infestat9ion among women entering A.T.S. training centres. It was found that during 1942–3 twenty percent of recruits were infested; that in 1944 and the first half of 1945 the proportion rose to approximately twenty-six percent, and that in different parts of the United Kingdom the figures varied very widely. Northern Ireland led the way with about sixty percent (or three out of every five girls), followed by Scotland (just over thirty percent), Western Command (twenty-three percent to twenty-nine percent), Northern Command (sixteen percent to twenty-six percent), while the Eastern, Southern and South-Eastern Commands came out best with a range of eight percent to sixteen percent.
It is time now to gather together this statistical material, and to consider one or two question swhich have been needing attention since this chapter on social conditions began. The first is: why did the evacuation reports shock the Government and public opinion? And the second:: what was the cause of these unexpectedly high rates of infestation?
Both these questions inevitably raise some big issues affecting the administration and work of the public social services. To understand why, it is necessary to look briefly at the pre-awr figures from the schools, and to compare them with the reports from the receptioon areas and with the other statistics quoted above.
To put the matter simply, what is required as evidence of the frequency of infestation before the war is the ratio between the number of individual children found with head infestation in a given year and the mean number of children attending school during the same period. The first figure—the number of children with infested heads—can only be obtained with accurancy as a result of unannounced inspections by school nurses. But this figure was not usually provided before the war either by the central departments or by the vast majority of local authorities.56 Instead, most authorities presented and
published the results of announced routine medical inspections,57 and in doing so related the number of infested children to the number of examinations carried out during the year. Or else the total of nurses' ascertainments during the year were given without any indication as to the number of individual children involved. The figures that were obtained and published on such bases as these were meaningless as well as misleading. This, Table VIII of the last pre-war report of the Board of education58 provided (a) the total number of examinations by nurses and (b) the number of individual children found unclean. Although the Board did not calculate a percentage, the unsuspecting reader might easily fall into the error of assuming that the two figures could be related to each other.
To discover the true incidence of head infestation among schoolchildren before 1939 was made even harder because of the use, by the Board of Education and other authorities, of the euphemistic 'found unclean'. This term crept into use many year before the war; it was part of a growing tendency in public life to avoid calling a spade a spade. Some local authorities found the ambiguity handy, for it enabled them to include in one figure not only head and body infestation but any condition of general bodily dirtiness. Other authorities did not so. But the figures of all authorities were, nevertheless, added together although they were sometimes composed of dissimilar elements. The results were then publicy presented by the Board of Education in the form already described.
In their annual reports on the work of the school medical service the London County Council (and many other authorities) gave prominence to the results of the routine inspections. Thus, in 1938, under the heading of 'cleanliness', the Council announced that 97.7 percent of children were found free of nits or pediculi in the hair.59 Although they were available, the Council did not publish the statistics for the individual metropolitain boroughs. These showed a range—even for routine inspections—of from 0.2 percent in Lambeth and Hampstead to 18.6 percent in Shoreditch.60 Likewise, Liverpool gave no figures for individual areas when reported that 4.5 percent of boys and 13.1 percent of girls were found unclean at
routine inspections.61 Lower figures were reported from Glasgow, where only 0.6 percent of boys and 9.5 percent of girls were found with nits or lice in their heads at routine inspections.62
Such figures as these cannot be reconciled with the results of Mellanby's inquiries or the reports from the evacuation areas. Without exceptoin, so far as the writer is aware, the reports of local authorities for the large cities underestimated the incidence and drew a self-satisfied and optimistic picture. Mellanby reached the same conclusion. He also observed that whereas he had found no deterioration among children during the first four years of war, the published reports of many school medical officers showed higher figures of head infestation/63 It was thus erroneously assumed by many people that children had become lousier because of lack of parental control, the absence of mothers on war-work and other factors, whereas the likely explanation was that ascertainment had improved as a result of the lessons of evacuation in 1939.
The contradictions between the official facts that were published before the war and the evidence on social conditions that came to lights in September 1939 and subsequently were not confined to the matter of head infestation. The cheerful prominence given to the report that only about two percent of the men called up under the Military Training Act in 1939 were unfit for services was later found (and admitted) by the Government to have been unwarranted.64 In this matter, as in many others, everything depended on the quality of the medical exmination and the criteria adopted to determine fitness for service or for anything else. If these things were not stated and discussed, the figures by themselves not only meant very little but were also dangerous, inasmuch as their dissemination opened the way to complacency and their continued used deadened criticism.
That these understandable influences could infiltrate and affect the work of local authorities was particularly true of the assessment of the nutritional state of schoolchildren. 'Cheerfulness is a cardinal virtue', remarked one observer, 'but an unreasonable optimism is the most damning, as it is the commonest fault in a nutrition return'. This was the comment of a medical officer of the Board of Education who, in analysing these returns for 1939, found that no less than seventy-two local authorities did not report a single child as having been classed as having undernourished.65
When the returns for individual towns are compared with the reports from the reception areas on the frequency of lousiness, scabies and other skin diseases among the children from these towns, it becomes clear that optimism (if that is the world to use) had bitten deep. The disparities between what Liverpool said about its children, and what other people said about the, have already been remarked. To this may be added the conclusion of the Board of Education's medical officer that the Liverpool returns on the nutritional state of its children 'show an optimism which is frankly incredible'.
One further reason, which helps to exaplin why public opinion was shocked by the experiences of evacuation in 1939, was the absence, for some years before the war, of adequate public information by central and local authorities about their activities in the field of the social services. Statistical intelligence and annual reports on work done had still not recovered from the curtailment of published facts in 1915, in the early nineteen-twenties and again in 1931. How serious this was can be demonstrated by a simple sum. Despite retrenchment in 1915, caused by financial economies and staff shortages, the five annual reports of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education during 1915–19 totaled 1,164 pages, whereas during 1934–8 inclusive the corresponding reports were no longer than 651 pages in all.66 Quanity is not, of course, a good index of value, but a critical survey of the content and spirit of the ten reports does not lead to any higher appreciation of these public documents for the pre-war years.
The deterioration in the standard and output of social facts partly explains why it was that many people were ignorant of the conditions of life in a large number of town-dwellers. It was these conditions, the insanitary homes,67 the lack of baths and lavatories,68 the crowded
rooms and congested streets which, along with poverty, helped to generate the dirt, fashion the behaviour, and dull the mind of a people long inured to drudgery and disease yet, withal, resistant to any force which threatened the solidarity of the family circle.
Many people realised the folly of balming the children; but most were unsparing in their criticism of the adult evacuees. This too was often thoughtless. Corrupt manners naturally provoke censure, but they are usually the product of a corrupting environment. Such an environment signifies slovenliness and dirt, bad language69 and moral delinquency. Broken homes and undisciplined days reflect uneasy levels of livings. Garish lights and noise, decrepit public houses,70 pin-table saloones, fun-fairs, chain cinemas and fish-and-chip shops are the natural acccessories to such a culture. Trees and woods, country lanes and quiet fields are not. An environment which produces a higher infant mortality rate than Tokyo does not generally rear children who can come to terms with life in an Ayrshire village.71
This brief incursion into the condition-of-the-people question has concentrated chiefly on three problems: clothing deficiencies, enuresis and head infestation. The study that has been made of these problems does not pretend to be comprehensive, nor must it be assumed that they cover the whole range of questions which arose from the first evacuation. They were selceted, and they are put forward, not as exhaustive accounts of social conditions, but as illustrations of a particularly important episode in social history of the war. To have added a discussion of other questions such as the feeding and sleeping habits of evacuated mothers and children in relation to the standards of other social groups, would have made this chapter disproportionately long.
Nor can much be said here, for no adequate records exist, of what the househgolders and the local authorities in the reception areas did, during the first few weeks of September 1939, to cope with these problems. Although services were quickly improvised to deal with the most troublesome skin diseases and other ailments and to delouse the infested mothers and children, the major burden of cleansing children, cutting their hair and re-clothing them, was shouldered by the foster-parents. The contribution made by all these unnamed householders to the welfare of evacuated children, and the growth of new forms of social care in the reception areas, are examined in later chapters.
Because the shock to public opinion over the condition of some of the evacuees rivalled the outcry after the Boer War with its disclosures of sickness and low physical standards, it should not be assumed that all the evacuated mothers and children had been lving in squalor reiminscent of the eighteen-nineties. Nor did the presense of lice or nits in the hair necessairly mean that bodies were dirty, homes filthy or parents feckless.72 Had there been so much parental neglect, it is unlikely that eighty to ninety percent of London parents and seventy-four percent of Glasgow parents would have taken the trouble to attend during the school medical inspection of their children before the war.
If the revelations of evacuation are to be seen in the right perspective, and not simply against the unfavourable background of the early, unexpectedly quiet, months of war, it will be helpful to make one final point before this chapter ends. It is one which, in all the book and all the controversy which accompanied and followed the first evacuation, was never mentioned.
Practically all the mothers who went to the reception areas in September 1939 had spent part of their childhood and youth during the war years of 1914–18. For many, it was not well spent. 'There has been', said one report of 1917, 'a great increase in the wage-earning employment of children out of school hours'.73 Young children were employed for thirty to forty hours in addition to their schooling. Another report of 1917 emphasissed the 'premature and abnormal curtialment of school life for a large number of other children'.74 By 1918 it was estimated that the war had imposed a reduction of over one-third on the medical inspections of schoolchildren.75 Doctors and nurses had more imperative tasks to perform. Such drastic reductions in the work of the school medical service were not made without misgivings, for a survey in 1917 of school-leavers showed that seven to ten percent were absent from school on grounds of more or less chronic ill-health, and twenty-one percent were suffering from serious defects which 'will pervent them from playing their fair and proper part as citizens'.76
It was not only education and medical aid which many of the children missed during these war years. At a critical period of their lives they had missed their fathers and, in many homes, their mothers. An inquiry into the parental condition of 400 juvenile offenders showed that in a high proportion of homes the father was serving in the Army or Navy.77 Nor did the irremediable effects of the First World War end with the Armistice. There were over 750,000 war dead and as late as 1930, some 1,664,000 war disabled.78 How many lives were harmed in childhood and adolesence by the death of disablement of fathers? These children also suffered, as some children will always suffer, from economic inequalities, and from failure on the part of society to distribute fairly goods and services in short supply. Throughout the First World War there were never less than one-quarter of a millon children on poor relief in England and Wales.79
The Chief Medical Office of the Board of Education in drawing attention–as early as 1916—to the premature employment of 'a very large number' of young children, asked a question which is of particular importance in summing up this chatper. He first said that physical injuries in childhood are often insidious and inconspicuous. They do not catch the eye, or arrest the observer, but they may undermine the growth of the child at a critical point in its life. He
then asked: what will be the condition of these children in five, ten or twenty years?80
The long-term consequences of modern war cannot be disclaimed or disparaged just because they are not easily and quickly apparent. The bills of war contain both tangiable and intangiable items; when the first have ben paid, the second may still be accumlating. The social accounts of the First World War were not audited or inspected, partly because they were not obviosuly susceptible to measurement, and partly because they were obscured at the time by the distractions of balance sheets of a material kind.
It is well that these things should be recalled if any judgement is to be passed on the pattern of town life which was exposed in September 1939. Nor must it be forgotten that the evacuate dpopulation was, to a large extent, slsected by its inability to arrange—or but—safety in the country as 2,000,000 other people had done. All the spotlights were trinaed on those who travelled under the Government's scheme; nothing was said of those who remained behind or of the 2,000,000 who evacuated independently. The behaviour of some of these unofficial evacuees, who were not all aged and infirm, may have been as anti-social—in different ways—as that if the dirty and feckless mothers from the slums. The Times observed: 'The hotels are fillied with well-to-do refugees, who too often have fled from notyhing. They sit and read and knit and eat and drink, and get no nearer the war than the news they read in the newspapers …'81
At the other end of the social scale, large numbers of children—five percent in some areas and fifty percent in others—and a proportion of mothers had lousy heads. But it did not follow that itwas just to stigmatise them all as 'problem families'. Perhaps two percent, perhaps five percent, were 'problem' children from 'problem' homes. They were undoubtedly lousy, as well as generally dirty, and their behaviour reflected the community's failure before the war to cope with the condition of this particular group in society. The remaining ninety-five percent or ninety-eight percent, or whatever the figure may be, were not the neglected children of irresponsible parents. Their clothes may have been inadequate for country were, they may have preferred chips to green vegetables, they may have suffered from skin troubles and they may have had dirty heads, but such things do not mean that they beloned to the 'social proble' group. The facts do not sustain more than that. But just as it is necessary to distinguish between infested heads and bodily squalor, so it was silly for some M.P.s to protest violently at any mention of lice. In the post-mortem debate in the House of Commons some M.P.s
attacked other for casting slurs on 'the working-class'.82 Such emotional protests were not helpful. The decencies of health and sanitation are moreeasily achieved by the rich than the poor, but they are no sufficient measure of personal virtue or political principle. The louse is not a political creature; it cannot distinguish between the salt of the earth and the scum of the earth.
Contents * Previous Chapter (VII) * Next Chapter (IX)
1 See Chapter V, pp. 91–2.
2 Ministry of Health circular G.E.S.10, 25th August 1939.
3 Ministry of Health regional office reports; local authority reports and letters to the Ministry of Health and the Department of Health for Scotland; Boyd, W., (edited by) Evacuation in Scotland, 1944; Padley, R., and Cole, M., Evacuation Survey, 1940, and memorandum 'Evacuation 1939' prepared by the Charity Organisation Society for the War History.
4 Monograph by G. M. Lindsay, deputy evacuation officer to the West Hartlepool local education authority, 'The Physical, Social and Education Effects of Evacuation upon West Hartlepool Evacuated Schoolchildren', 1942.
5 Boyd, W., (edited by) Evacuation in Scotland, 1944.
6 This was written in connection with the activites of the Patriotic Fund of the Crimean War period. It was part of a voluntary scheme whereby the wives and relations of officers gave help to soldiers' families (Mitford, N. (edited by), The Ladies of Alderly, 1938).
7 In the Roman Catholic families evacuated from Clydebank, fifty-six percent had four or more children. (Boyd, W., (edited by) Evacuation in Scotland, 1944).
8 'May a school party was discoved to be dispersed in half-a-dozen to a dozen village scattered over many miles of countryside. "One headmaster", wrote a correspondent to The Times Educational Supplmenent, "has about 100 children billeted in six small village in the south of the county, while 70 more are in a county town 20 miles to the north". One half of a girls' senior school was spread over thirteen villages. Such cases were frequent—one had almost said typical.' (Dent, H. C., Education in Transit, 1944.) A mass of reports to the Board of Education and to local education authorities gave similar instances of the breakdown of school organisation and the loss of identity of evacuated schools. The chief inspector to the London County Council, in reviewing these educational problems in a report in December 1939, quoted many examples; thus, one London school in Norfolk was spred out in villages over an areas of about 400 square miles, and anoter was distributed over no less than 23 villages. The effect of all this disorganisation, central to a study of the educational system during the war, is the concern of Dr. Weitzman's educational volume in this series of histories. [Weitzman's volume was never published]
9 Letter from Treasury to the Ministry of Health, 8th August 1939.
10 See, for instance, Women's Group on Public Welfare, Our Towns, 1943.
11 In this connection it is interesting to note that a new national cost of living index, introduced in June 1947, allows for more expenditure by working-class families on wines and spirits (excluding beer) than on children's shoes, (Industrial Relations Handbook 1944, Suppl. No. 2, 1948).
12 For details see Chapter XX.
13 Report of the Public Assistance Committee, Liverpool, 1939.
14 Hilton, J, Rich Man, Poor Man, 1944.
15 Exact data on the ramifications and turnover of clotuhing clubs and check traders are not available. These institutions have not been studied by economists or sociologists. For a general description of the methods employed by the clubs, see Our Towns, (1943), pp. 54–65 and 124–6.
16 Further information on the matter of familiy economics is available from the results of an analysis of the recovery of billeting charges from the parents of evacuated schoolchildren—see Chapter X, pp. 159–61.
17 Ministry of Health Memo. E.V.4, July 1939. The proposal to supply clothing only applied to unaccompanied children. Children evacuated with their mothers were excluded. Families on public assitance and unemployment pay were eligible to apply for help. The Ministry of Health hoped that the needs of others would be met by charitable agencies.
18 Ministry of Health circular 1871, 12th September 1939.
19 These figuires were supplied to the historian by the Public Health Department of the London County Council.
20 Education Health Service Report for year ended 31st July 1939.
21 Section 6 of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1908.
22 Letters from the Treasury to the Ministry of Health, 2nd May 1939 and 28th July 1939.
23 Liverpool, allowed £502, spent £2,715—a sum approved by the Regional Commissioner.
24 A few evacuating authorities had attempted before the war to organise charitable schemes. In London a press appeal was made in July 1939, and gifts of clothing were distributed among the poorer schools.
25 It was repeatedly stated by the Ministry of Health that billeting allowances did not include the cost of clothing or footwear, '… no obligation is imposed on the householder to remedy deficiencies of this kind'. (Ministry of Health Memo. E.V.4, July 1939.)
26 Ministry of Health circular 1907, 7th November 1939.
27 Chapter X, pp. 165–6 and Chapter XIX.
28 See, for example: 'Investigation and Treatment of Enuresis in the Army.' Backus, P.L. and Mansell, G. S., British Medical Journal, 7th October 1944, ii, 462.
29 Women's Group on Public Welfare, Our Towns, 1943.
30 London County Council Annual Report, 1915–19. Vol. III, p. 95.
31 London County Council memorandum, 'Enuresis in Residential Schools', 28th November 1934, supplied to the writer for the purposes of this narrative.
32 Leader on the Lancet, 7th October 1939, ii, 794.
33 A figure of four to five percent was report from Brighton (Gill, S. E., British Medical Journal, 10th August 1940, ii, 199) and Boyd tabulated various Scottish figures ranging up to thirty-three percent (Boyd, W., (edited by) Evacuation in Scotland, 1944). Many reports to the Ministry of Health spoke of 'very large numbers' or cited figures between ten and twenty percent.
34 It is a significant fact that the Care of Children Committee (the Curtis Committee), appointed by the Governmnet in 1945 to inquire into the provision for children deprived of a normal home life, found that enresis was one of the most frequent complaints in voluntary and public assistance homes. One matron of a local authority home said that when children were ill they did not wet their beds, and she thought this was because they were getting the extra attention they needed. In many homes, however, the trouble seems to have been made worse by bad treatment and a system of punishments. In a number of charitable homes the enuretic children were distinguished from the rest in their sleeping arrangements, and in one such home they had a red light by their beds, (Report of the Care of Children Committee, Cmd. 6922, 1946, pp. 66–7 and 84–5).
35 Annotation in the Lancet, 9th June 1945, i, 728.
36 In a proportion of the sodlers evacuated from Dunkirk in 1940, enuresis was noted as a response to feelings of stress and insecurity. (Anderson, C., Jeffrey, M. and Pai, M. N., Lancet, 12th August 1944, ii, 218.)
37 Burt, C., British Journal of Educational Psychology, 1940, x, 8–15, and Burt, C. and Simmins, C. .A., British Journal of Educational Psychology, 1942, xii, 71–5.
38 Billeting officer's report to Lleyn Rural District Counil, 8th September 1939.
39 Report by medical officer of helath of the Stewarty of Kirkcudbright.
40 F. D. M. Livingstone emphasised the influence of past mismangement (The Practitioner, March 1940); J. Fergueson considered that in a large number of children enuresis was the result of bad training (Proceedings Royal Society of Medicine, May 1940); R. C. Webster referred to the admissions by older children or parents that enuresis was of long standing (Public Health, November 1939); and D. M. Odlum laid stress on the importance of training in habits of cleanliness infancy and early childhood (British Medical Journal, 6th January 1940).
41 Bowlby, J., Int. J. Psycho-anal., (1944), xxv, 1.
42 Creak, E. M., Proceedings Royal Society of Medicine, vol XXXIII, no. 7, May 1940.
43 Backus, P. L., and Mansell, G. S., British Medical Journal, 7th October 1944, ii, 462.
44 Paneth, M., Branch Street: A Sociological Study, 1944.
45 An enquiry into the lives of children in Shoreditch showed that about one-quarter had an indoor closet, while in over half the cases the closet was shared by a number of other individuals ranging from about eight to thirty. One-third had no indoor water supply, sixty-eight percent had no facilities for bathing at home, and in fifteen percent of the cases available supply of water was shared by three of more families (Shoreditch Housing Association, Growing Up in Shoreditch, 1938). Further details about the lack of baths, lavatories and water supplies in London and other cities and areas of England and Scotland are given on p. 131–2.
46 For a general description of these conditions see Spring-Rice, M. Working-Class Wives, 1939. For some figures on the high incidence of, for example, varicose veins see Foote, R. R., Lancet, 1947, i, 84.
47 The Provisional National Council for Mental Health first suggested the payment of additional allowances, and the Ministry of Health, with some misgivings agreed in June 1940. The fears expressed by the Department were substantiated in one case, where an extra 3s. 6d. a week was authorised on October 1940 for a householder in a Welsh rural area. This soon became known in the district. Although a doctor's certificate had to be obtained as evidence that the child was suffering from enuresis, the sum of about £350 was paid out to the villagers by the local council for th year ended 31st March 1942, notwithstanding a considerable reduction in the number of billeted children.
48 The conclusions of some of these surveys were published, e.g. Public Health, November 1939, no. 2, vol. LIII, and others were referred to in the annual reports for 1939 of medical officers. The results quoted here have been taken from these sources and from departmental files.
49 A survey made by the National Federation of Women's Institues showed a range of four to forty-five percent among children evacuated from the metropolitain boroughs.
50 H. of C. Deb., 2nd March 1939, vol. 344, col. 1524. The Ministry, in its 'Suggestions for Authorised Visitors' (circular E.V.2, 5th January 1939), had stated: 'Any householder who raises a question as to the cleanliness of the children may be assured that schoolchildren are subject to regular medical inspection, that there is no greater danger of dirt or infection from these children than from any other representative group in the country, and that the best possible arrangements will be made for their medical supervision'.
51 The service was inspected by the Board of Education in December 1939 when the arrangements for ascertaining verminous children were found to be inadequate. No further inspections were made before the war.
52 For instance, at a conference with Caernarvonshire County Council on 8th May 1939.
53 Ministry of Health circular 2306 and Board of Education circular 1544, 17th March 1941. A full report of the inquiry was published in the Medical Officer, 1st February 1941, i, 39.
54 Ministry of Helath Memo. 230/Med., January 1940.
55 Medical Officer, 25th December 1943, ii, 205.
56 As examples of the difficulty of understanding the statistics of head infestation among boys and girls attending elementary schools, see the figures given in the Annual Reports for 1938 by Liverpool and Manchester on the school medical service.
57 Announced inspections meant that the parents had an opportunity to clean the children before they were seen. In the majority of schools about six minutes were allowed for the inspection of each child. The form that had to be completed generally asked about 24 questions, head infestations being only one item. In practice, however, these 'medical' inspections appear to have occupied only one or two minutes per child in most cases (see Mellanby, K., Medical Officer, 1st February 1941, i, 39).
58 The Health of the School Child, 1938, p. 64.
59 Report of the School Medical Officer, 1938, p. 9.
60 These figures were supplied to the historian by the Public Health Department of the London County Council.
61 Report of the School Medical Officer, 1938.
62 Education Health Service Report for year ended 31st July 1939.
63 Mellanby, K., Medical Officer, 25th December 1943, ii, 205. See also appendix of Our Towns (Women's Group on Public Welfare, 1943), which contains the only thorough analysis know to the writer of the statistical problems involved in calculating rates of head infestation.
64 Army Appropriation Account, 1939 (para. 15, 'Acceptances for Army Service of Unfit Men') H.M.S.O., 1941.
65 Including the authorities for such areas as Ebbw Vale, Aberdare, Bradford and Doncaster.
66 During 1939–45 no reports at all were published.
67 In London, refuse had to be carried through sixty-three percent of all houses (and often through living rooms as well), (Statement of the President of the Institue of Public Cleansing, Public Health, October 1943, vol. LVII, 2).
68 No comprehensive national records exist to show the proportion of urban houses before the war which were without baths, piped water supplies and indoor lavatories. The Ministry of Health even lacked complete information about the number of public baths and wash-houses.1 Various surveys and inquiries instituted after 1939 provide sufficient data to show, however, that the number of inadequately equipped houses in urban areas was much higher than was generally recognised (some facts on conditions in rural areas are given in Chapter X, p. 177). In Hull, forty percent of the houses were without baths in 1943.2 In Bootle, the proportion was the same for 1939.3 In York, about sixty-six percent of working class houses were without baths in 1939.4 In Stepney, ninety percent of families had no bathroom in 1939.5 In Salford, fifty-two percent of the houses were without baths in 1943, and sixty-six percent had no proper food store.6 About one-half of the population of Glasgow had no baths in 1944, and one-third had to share lavatory accomodation with anything up to six families.7 One-third of all houses in the burghs and cities of Scotland had no independent water-closet in 1944.8 Water-closets or earth-closets had to be shared in common by the people lving in 405,000 out of the 1,319,570 dwelling houses in Scotland in 1946.9 In Birmingham, nearly one-quarter of the city's 283,611 dwellings had no bathroom in 1946, nearly one-third had nobath, twelve percent had no separate lavatory accomodation, two percent had no internal water supply and ten percent were 'back-to-back' houses.10 A national inquiry by the British Institue of Public Opinion in 1944 showed that fourteen percent of the poorer classes had no indoor sanitation.11 An investigation carried out by the Social Survey for the Ministry of Works in March 1947 showed that thirteen percent of households in urban areas of Britain had no baths and a further twenty-niine percent had only portable baths. In London, the proportions were fourteen percent and twenty-two percent respectively, and in urban areas of Scotland, eighteen percent and thirty-five percent respectively. In the poorest of five economic groups in urban areas of Britain, twenty-nine percent had no baths, and a further forty-one percent had only portable baths. The respective proportions and in the highest economic group were one percent and three percent. Approximately fifty-four percent of the poorest group could only obtain hot water for washing clothes by using kettles and pans on stoves. about three percent of all households in urban areas of Britain had no piped water supply.
1 H. of C. Deb., 9th March 1944, vol. 397, col. 2183, and 10th May 1944, vol. 399, cols 1930–1.
2 Hull Regional Survey, Civic Diagnosis, 1943.
3 Letter from the Town Clerk of Bootle to the writer, 29th April 1947.
4 Rowntree, Seebohm, Poverty and Progress, 1941.
5 Stepney Reconstruction Group, Living in Stepney, 1945.
6 Blease, J. E., Journal of the Royal Sanitary Institue, January 1946.
7 H. of C. Deb., 8th March 1944, vol. 397, col. 2094.
8 Scottish Housing Advisory Committee, Planning our New Homes, 1944.
9 Scottish Housing Advisory Committee, Modernising our Homes, 1947.
10 Birmingham Public Health Department, Report by the Medical Officer of Health on the Housing Survey, 1946.
11 News Chronicle, 9th November 1944 and 24th January 1945.
69 A story which is related in Our Towns (Women's Group on Public Welfare, 1943) shows that swearing often begins at a very early age. A child of some three years with a dummy in her mouth, was seen sitting in a field of stripping hops. She ran short of hops, removed the dummy, gave a piercing yell of 'More bleedin', bloody 'ops' and put the dummy back again.
70 Some of the evacuees, who caused much distress in the reception areas, came from a particular district in Liverpool where public houses can be found on the average every 50 yards or less (Jones, D. C., Survey of Merseyside, 1934).
71 Glasgow, with infant death rates of 98, 99, 109 and 104 per 1,000 births in 1934–7. The corresponding rates for Tokyo were 120, 88, 90 and 86 (League of Nations, Annual Epidemiological Report for 1937).
72 'The abundance of the head louse among the schoolchildren in cities in Britain and its rarity in adults is remarkable. I cannot put that down to negligent schoolchildren or negligent mothers. I suggest that there may be some difference in resistance to the parasite, a resistance that increase as the host grows older.' (Buxton, P. A., Proceedings of Royal Society of Medicine, 16h January 1941, vol. XXXIV (1), 193).
73 Annual Report of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education, 1917.
74 Annual Report of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education, 1917.
75 Annual Report of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education, 1918.
76 Annual Report of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education, 1917.
77 Leeson, C., The Child and the War, 1917.
78 Approximately forty percent of all the men wh oserved in the Forces were either killed or disabled (Official History of the Great War, Medical Services, Statistics volume, 19031, p. 315).
79 Return of Persons in Receipt of Poor Law Relief, 15th December 1919.
80 Annual Report of the Chief Medical Officer of the Board of Education, 1916.
81 10th January 1941.
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After reading the review of Syntropic Farming Guide in EDN 145, Roger Gietzen had some further thoughts to share on the topic of syntropic farming.
He began by sharing more about what he hopes to achieve with his design in Haiti. He commented, “One important advantage of the design I'm using in Haiti, is that it will produce an abundance of small pieces of wood that can be used for making charcoal or for building. And since it's coming from trees that can be pollarded, the yield will return every year without killing the trees. I got this idea from the Inga Foundation and integrated their alley cropping method into the design, [allowing for] more varieties of trees. I think this will be one of the most popular aspects of the design in Haiti and other tropical developing countries where wood is greatly needed. It is my biggest selling point to the farmers.”
Gietzen also told us about some literature that expands on what was presented in EDN 145. First, he mentioned a book from World Agroforestry, Agroforestry Systems for Ecological Restoration, which was just recently translated from Portuguese (available online in English and in Portuguese). He wrote, “[This book] talks about the challenges of bringing the technology of agroforestry to developing countries.” Gietzen highlighted a table in the book with a portion on page 38 (of the PDF file) that presents encouraging economic returns for successional agroforestry systems.
He added, “You might enjoy reading this article, too, written by one of Ernst's long-term students who has been doing research.” The article explains experiments underway to grow grain crops between tree lines in a syntropic agriculture system. When asked for further perspective, Gietzen commented, “To continually grow cash crops or market garden crops is important to a lot of farmers. The people I first consulted with on syntropic systems [told me] that they need to evolve into forest systems to really get into that strong, self-sustaining abundant phase. That means the farm eventually becomes shaded and is not fitting for growing many annuals or market garden crops. You only get about four years of good sun exposure in the food forest and then it’s shaded. That has bothered me from the beginning, because I know the annuals are the favorite crops for the farmers to grow in Haiti. I have been really wishing I can find some sort of compromise where I can use trees for soil regeneration, but prune them all so the farm stays sunny. That way the farmers can grow corn, beans, wheat, rice or whatever. I know it's possible, because I'm familiar with the inga alley cropping system. In fact, I started a couple inga systems this year in Haiti.” The syntropic agriculture model offers an advantage to the inga alley cropping system in the sense that it incorporates many different kinds of trees rather than just one.
Syntropic agriculture is often advertised as needing no outside inputs. The article referred to above (and referenced below) mentioned some inputs. Gietzen commented, “I noticed that they do sometimes use manure or rock dust or other inputs. So depending on the soil condition, it may make sense to amend the soil, so you don't have to wait years for the fertility to improve. I may emphasize that when I revise my guidebook. It's great you can grow a system without inputs, but each case is different and farmers shouldn't limit themselves when they are capable of using organic fertilizers to give the system a boost.”
Gietzen also responded to questions from our network about syntropic agriculture. That forum conversation can be found here.
Miccolis, A., F.M. Peneireiro, H.R. Marques, D.L.M. Vieira, M.F. Arcoverde, M.R. Hoffmann, T. Rehder, A.V.B. Pereira. 2016. Agroforestry Systems for Ecological Restoration: How to reconcile conservation and production. Options for Brazil’s Cerrado and Caatinga biomes. Brasília: Instituto Sociedade, População e Natureza – ISPN/World Agroforestry Centre – ICRAF.
Rebello, J.F.d.S. and D.G. Sakamoto. 2019. Large-scale syntropic farming: results and challenges. CEPEAS (Center for Research in Syntropic Farming).
Gietzen, R. 2020. Roger Gietzen on the topic of syntropic farming. ECHO Development Notes no. 146 | <urn:uuid:50b768c1-55b8-42a9-b9d3-13b010d00f29> | CC-MAIN-2021-17 | https://www.echocommunity.org/resources/2f1c61ee-51f1-4dc5-a638-72de3a907eee | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-17/segments/1618038065903.7/warc/CC-MAIN-20210411233715-20210412023715-00471.warc.gz | en | 0.936996 | 980 | 2.53125 | 3 |
Grade 2 is the time to consolidate and extend our learning from the essential basic skills taught in Kindergarten and 1st grade. In grade 2 we focus on acquiring skills and strategies that will enable us to gather, analyze and comprehend information about the world in which we live, and prepare us for further inquiries in 3rd, 4th and 5th grade. We will continue to develop social, emotional and individual academic abilities essential in shaping future responsible citizens of the global community.
Our strategies arise from a firm belief in differentiated teaching and the necessity for meeting individual learner needs in the best possible manner. We focus on reading, writing, listening and speaking skills daily, as well as, emphasizing these language areas in our Units of Exploration. We include the needs for enrichment students, as well as, English as an additional language and special needs learners.
Grade 2 students will have the opportunity to identify and reflect upon “big ideas” by making connections between the questions asked and the concepts that drive our inquiries. They will become aware of the relevance these concepts have to all of their learning. Mathematical studies at ISB are tied to real world experiences by exploring the five strands of mathematics within the PYP framework: Data Handling Shape and Space, Numeracy, Measurement, and Pattern and Function.
The power of mathematics for describing and analyzing the world around us is such that it has become a highly effective tool for solving problems. It is also recognized that students can appreciate the intrinsic fascination of mathematics and explore the world through its unique perceptions. In the same way that students describe themselves as “authors” or “artists”, ISB’s programme also provides students with the opportunity to see themselves as “mathematicians”, where they enjoy and are enthusiastic when exploring and learning about mathematics.
In the IB Primary Years Programme (PYP), mathematics is also viewed as a vehicle to support inquiry, providing a global language through which we make sense of the world around us. It is intended that students become competent users of the language of mathematics, and can begin to use it as a way of thinking, as opposed to seeing it as a series of facts and equations to be memorized.
You can find the details of each grade level in our Mathematics scope and sequence document.
In order to encourage a quality connection between home and school learning we communicate and share information with parents on a regular basis.
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Tennis can be a demanding, injury-inducing sport. You throw your elbows and shoulders into serves and strokes. You stop and go constantly, and most recreational players pound their legs on hard surfaces instead of clay or grass. If you incur a tennis injury, you risk more than losing a few games. You could be sidelined from tennis and other sports for months. Luckily, recreational players who do not hit the ball as hard or as often as advanced and elite players have a lower risk of injury. But, some tennis players, no matter what their skill level, are prone to injury. So, whether you head out to the local courts occasionally or you are heading for the pro tour, here is what you need to know about the most common tennis injuries.
Tennis elbow is an overuse injury of the wrist extensor tendons that attach at the outside of the forearm near the elbow. The injury is painful and may or may not be accompanied by swelling. You may also be limited in how you can move your forearm.
Follow some of these tips to avoid tennis elbow:
Tennis players have more than just their elbow to worry about. Tennis can often affect several parts of the moving body.
Shoulder pain can be caused by a number of ailments, but the most common is rotator cuff injury. Serving is largely responsible for shoulder pain. Using the correct service motion is less likely to cause shoulder problems. Learning proper serving mechanics from a qualified instructor can help you avoid doing any damage to your shoulder. Also, before you sign up for tennis lessons, strengthen your rotator cuff muscles off the court. A few simple exercises with light weights, cords, or resistance bands will go a long way in helping you protect your shoulder.
Tennis players often experience low back pain. Back injury can come from twisting and rotating when trying to hit the ball. The hyperextension of the back during a serve is also a time when the back can be injured. The repetitive action can put considerable stress on the muscles, ligaments, and tendons around the spine. Also, the discs in the back can be damaged.
During your serve, it is important to keep your stomach muscle flexed while bending at the knees. Do not arch your back very much during the serve. Proper form will help prevent your back from injury. While you workout your rotator cuff muscles, add some exercises to strengthen your core and back.
Ankle sprains are common in sports and occur when you injure your ankle ligaments. This can happen when you accidently twist or turn your ankle.
The key to avoiding ankle sprain is to keep the muscles well-balanced, strong, and flexible. Balance exercises can also help. Take some time to warm up before playing tennis. Look around the surface to see if it is even and there are not any places where you can trip or twist your ankle. Wearing proper footwear is important. Make sure you have sneakers that are approriate for tennis and fit you well. If you feel pain or fatigue, slow down your pace, or stop completely. Remember to gradually build intensity to prevent overuse.
Many athletes experience hamstring problems, and tennis players are no exception. Hamstring muscles need to be flexible and strong. Warm up first with brisk walking or a slow jog. When you get your blood flowing, gently and slowy stretch. Keep your hamstring muscles strong by doing exercises.
A common knee injury in tennis is a meniscal tear. Basically, it is torn cartilage in your knee resulting in pain. You can reduce your chances of knee injury by taking the time to strengthen and stretch the muscles around the knee, like the quadriceps or hamstrings. Exercises that focus on the hips and knee joint will also help.
Playing tennis could lead to either a strain or tear of the Achilles tendon. Good flexibility is the best preventive measure you can take. Always warm up first before you start playing hard. When you land, try to avoid the ball of the foot. Work on increasing flexibility in that area on off-court days, too.
Perhaps the most important actions you can take to prevent injury in tennis—as in many sports—is being in good condition and engaging in a good warm-up before playing. Take several minutes to ramp up your heart rate with a slow jog or some jumping jacks. When you are ready, start to slowly stretch your muscles. Hold each stretch for 30 seconds. Take your time and do not rush the process.
Start playing slowly by hitting the ball with your opponent. Serve several times until the shoulder feels loose and ready for hard play. When the match is over, cool down your muscles with more stretching.
Good habits start before you hit the court. Make sure you are properly fitted for a racquet. This will help prevent wrist or elbow injuries. Support your ankle with the correct athletic shoes and supportive padded socks.
Take some lessons and learn the proper way to hit a forehand, backhand, or serve. Technique is the most important component of playing tennis and it goes a long way in helping you stay safe.
American Council on Exercise
American Orthopedic Society for Sports Medicine
Canadian Orthopaedic Association
Ankle sprain. EBSCO DynaMed website. Available at: http://www.ebscohost.com/dynamed. Updated September 19, 2014. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Basic knee injury prevention. American College of Sports Medicine website. Available at: http://www.acsm.org/access-public-information/articles/2012/01/10/basic-knee-injury-prevention. Updated January 10, 2012. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Kerkhoffs GM, Rowe BH, Assendelft WJ, et al. Immobilisation for acute ankle sprain. A systematic review. Arch Orthop Trauma Surg. 2001;121(8):462-471.
Lateral epicondylitis. EBSCO DynaMed website. Available at: http://www.ebscohost.com/dynamed. Updated December 5, 2014. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Sprained ankle. American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons website. Available at: http://orthoinfo.aaos.org/topic.cfm?topic=A00150. Updated September 2012. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Tennis and back pain. Spine Health website. Available at: http://www.spine-health.com/conditions/sports-and-spine-injuries/tennis-and-back-pain. Updated October 2, 2012. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Tennis elbow. American College of Sports Medicine website. Available at: http://www.acsm.org/docs/current-comments/tenniselbow.pdf. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Tennis exercises for beginners. Optimum Tennis website. Available at: http://www.optimumtennis.net/tennis-exercises-for-beginners.htm. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Tennis injury prevention. American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons Ortho Info website. Available at: http://orthoinfo.aaos.org/topic.cfm?topic=A00186. Updated September 2009. Accessed January 2, 2015.
Last reviewed January 2015 by Michael Woods, MD
Please be aware that this information is provided to supplement the care provided by your physician. It is neither intended nor implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice. CALL YOUR HEALTHCARE PROVIDER IMMEDIATELY IF YOU THINK YOU MAY HAVE A MEDICAL EMERGENCY. Always seek the advice of your physician or other qualified health provider prior to starting any new treatment or with any questions you may have regarding a medical condition.
Copyright © 2012 EBSCO Publishing All rights reserved.
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Reducing climate impact is the second – and probably most significant aspect – of the UN’s Sport for Climate Action Framework. The Sustainability Report investigates the steps sports organisations need to take
At COP24, the UNFCCC unveiled its Sport for Climate Action Framework – a five-step policy to help the sports sector achieve climate leadership status. Over the first five months of 2019, The Sustainability Report will look at each step (or principle, as described by the UNFCCC) in more detail, continuing with Principle Two: ‘Reduce Overall Climate Impact.’
For an individual, reducing overall climate impact can seem a daunting task given that almost any action taken in our daily lives produces a negative environmental effect. For sports organisations, this is amplified to an even greater extent since the principal goal of any event is always to attract the greatest amount of spectators, requiring larger stadiums and more energy.
How, then, can sports organisations reduce their overall climate impact without altering the very nature of their existence and losing fans? The UNFCCC’s message builds upon the first principle in its framework, being systematic about climate action, by encouraging those who have signed up to the policy to accurately measure impact and act on the conclusions drawn from data, all while moving on from unfocused, ad-hoc methods.
Measure and Understand
The first element of principle two has so far proved challenging for sports organisations as they attempt to understand their role in relation to sustainability. It is difficult to accept and disclose that your organisation is intrinsically linked to climate impact, but it is a step for sports organisations committed to achieving climate neutrality.
But with so many aspects of hosting an event tied to negative environmental impact, how can governing bodies know what to measure? One solution is to have a central set of standards that all sports organisations should use to measure their impact.
“It’s important that there are standards that are agreed to at an international or industry level so that everyone is working from the same song sheet,” said Matt Dolf, director of strategic support at UBC Wellbeing. “That way, they can’t simply move the goalposts to focus on areas they think are important. In my research, I’ve found that if you can at least measure travel, energy use in venues, accommodation, and food, you will get a clear sense of the key areas.”
Though all-encompassing standards hold many benefits, it has proved complicated for any one organisation to provide a set of measures that are relevant to all sports. The variety of sports organisations with regards to size, location, and event type alone means that everyone has their own preferred focus and unique impact on climate, while the widest reaching standards are simply too large for most medium or small organisations.
Given the lack of centrality, there are now many smaller standards and reporting outlines appearing, though this proliferation renders it all the more difficult to compare the impact between sports and makes accountability far more elusive.
With a vast amount of data collected regarding sustainability and environmental impact, it is imperative that organisations extensively analyse the findings and consequently understand the areas in which they have the biggest impact. This is fundamental in avoiding an ad-hoc based approach. With the statistics evaluated, the conclusions drawn should then guide all future decision making within the organisation to establish sustainability as a central pillar rather than an afterthought. By using data in this manner, organisations can focus on activities that have the highest contribution to their climate footprint and implement the most cost-effective policies.
Once the appropriate measurements have been collected and correctly understood, sports organisations can then effectively take action to reduce their climate impact. One governing body that is setting benchmarks in its proactive approach to and execution of sustainability programmes is World Sailing.
Indeed, the governing body’s own set of targets had been issued through its Sustainability Agenda 2030 before the Sports for Climate Action Framework came into effect. A 12-year plan comprised of 56 targets, the blueprint aims to reduce World Sailing’s impact across many of the Sustainable Development Goals defined by the UN, with four specifically focused on climate measures.
According to Dan Reading, sustainability manager at World Sailing, the ideas put forward by the UNFCCC align perfectly with its own. “When the opportunity to participate in the Sports for Action Framework arose, we felt it was very important to do so because, as part of our corporate strategy, there’s an emphasis on being leaders in the sport, and we certainly see sustainability as an area we can lead in.”
Embedding sustainability as a key tenet of World Sailing’s philosophy as opposed to including it as an add-on has enabled the governing body to make concerted and, more importantly, coordinated efforts to reduce its footprint.
Having committed itself to carbon neutrality, World Sailing has taken a data-driven approach to managing its impact. “It’s an ongoing process, but we prioritise the areas where we can have the greatest impact and focus on those first. It’s very strategic and there’s a clear methodology in place rather than just random ad-hoc targets,” states Reading.
One of the clearest examples of this applied by World Sailing is linked to the very essence of the sport – boats. In accordance with its pledge to not only become carbon neutral by 2022 – but to also reduce its carbon output by 50% just two years later – the governing body has moved to phase out combustion engine-powered support boats, one of the biggest carbon emitters for World Sailing. This approach encompasses the preferred strategies outlined in the Take Action segment of the Sport for Climate Framework – Avoid, Reduce, and Substitute.
“Firstly, we are trying to reduce the number of support boats, which include both coach and broadcast vessels, though, eventually we are looking to phase in the use of electric coach boats. Another method implemented at our World Cup event in Miami was the use of drones and GPS tracking, which could mean that in years to come there may not be a need for officials to be on the water in person.”
World Sailing tackling one of its biggest direct sources of carbon emission demonstrates a clear adherence to the measure and understand principle, and it is this adherence that allows it to take effective action.
Furthermore, with sustainability deeply embedded in World Sailing policy, its sanctioned events also follow the same methodical principles before implementing any programme. The winner of the inaugural World Sailing 11th Hour Sustainability Award, Corpus Christi Yacht Club, organised the 2018 Youth Sailing World Championships in Texas, which became the first event to completely ban single-use plastic, avoiding the use of 65,000 non-biodegradable items.
The organisers were also able to redirect 3.28 tonnes of waste from landfill, or 89.8% of total waste created, instead recycling or composting and preventing 22 tonnes of carbon dioxide from being released into the atmosphere. Such an approach remains central to World Sailing, and as such, its recent event in Miami became the first in the Hempel World Cup Series to go single-use plastic free.
Although ad-hoc schemes can have short-term value, they should never provide the foundation on which sustainability policy is built. Only through a systematic approach can organisations truly have a significant impact on their climate footprint. Accurately measuring and understanding data should underpin any action taken, and if the findings are used to guide policy from the outset, organisations will truly be able to reduce their climate impact and move towards carbon neutrality.
Check out the first part of this series – How sport can become ‘systematic’ about climate action – here. | <urn:uuid:7bc27fba-a148-48d9-b952-349f9abd1438> | CC-MAIN-2019-30 | https://sustainabilityreport.com/2019/02/14/how-sport-can-reduce-its-overall-climate-impact/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-30/segments/1563195524522.18/warc/CC-MAIN-20190716095720-20190716121720-00063.warc.gz | en | 0.957312 | 1,583 | 2.84375 | 3 |
Headaches are very common in children, but usually are not dangerous and do not disrupt their lives. However, in some children, headaches become severe or frequent. On rare occasion, they may be the symptom of an underlying disease. The Headache Clinic at the University of Michigan is designed to provide consultation services to help pediatricians and family practitioners in diagnosing and managing headaches. Our team of experts provides comprehensive, compassionate care for children of all ages. The Headache Clinic is part of the Pediatric Neurology service.
Children can have two categories of headaches:
- A primary headache is diagnosed when the headache is the primary problem, and once the headache is controlled, the problem has been solved. Most primary headaches in children are migraines or tension-type headaches (which many believe to be mild migraines).
- A secondary headache is diagnosed when the headache is due to an underlying condition. Both the headache and the other condition need to be addressed and treated. Some of these conditions are dangerous (such as brain tumors, bleeding in the brain, or meningitis), but these are very rare. Other common problems that can result in secondary headaches include viral illnesses, depression, sleep deprivation, and caffeine withdrawal.
Migraines can affect both sides of the head or just one side, sometimes going from one side to the other. Most are located in the forehead area, but they can also occur on the sides or back of the head. The severity of a migraine ranges widely and varies from headache to headache. A headache need not be severe to be a migraine. Many children with migraines have loss of appetite, nausea, and sometimes vomiting. Many are very sensitive to light and sound. In 80 to 90 percent of children with migraines, one or both parents also have or had migraines, though they often do not realize that their headaches are in fact migraines.
Some children have an aura associated with their migraine. An aura occurs when part of the brain does not function correctly on a temporary basis. This can occur before, during, or after the headache. Vision changes such as blurred vision, loss of vision (either seeing holes or completely losing vision), or seeing things that are not real (spots, sparkles, zigzag lines) are most common, but many children develop numbness or tingling, a sense of spinning, loss of balance, ringing in the ears, double vision, and even fainting as part of a migraine aura.
Some symptoms can be warnings of more dangerous conditions. If your child has any of these symptoms, contact your primary care provider right away:
- A headache that happens with a high fever or stiff neck
- Headaches that consistently wake your child up at night
- Headaches that most frequently happen immediately upon waking up in the morning
- A severe headache that happens extremely suddenly
- A headache that happens after a head injury
- A headache associated with difficulties in walking, balance problems, double vision, severe confusion, or fainting
If your child needs urgent evaluation and treatment, your primary care provider may evaluate your child, send you to an emergency room, or refer you to us, as appropriate.
Even if the symptoms above are not present, if your child’s headaches are worrisome to you or disrupting his or her life, discuss the headaches with your child’s primary care provider.
A first visit to our Headache Clinic includes a comprehensive evaluation, including a thorough patient history. Keeping a diary or calendar of the headaches and noting the dates of their occurrence and associated features is helpful. We will perform a physical examination on your child and review any prior medical records that you or the primary care doctor provides. We will discuss any other testing that may be needed to diagnose the cause of your child’s headaches. For the vast majority of children with migraines, CTs and MRIs are not needed. Finally, we will discuss individualized treatment options and follow-up plans.
Treatment of migraines can consist of:
- Avoiding things that provoke migraines (including inadequate sleep)
- Lifestyle changes
- Pain medications given to stop a migraine
- When appropriate, medications to be taken every day to prevent the migraines from occurring
- When appropriate, behavioral management of the headaches, including relaxation therapy and a technique known as biofeedback (by which children learn how to control body responses to reduce pain). For these treatments, we work closely with the pediatric psychologists in our department.
Scheduling Your Appointment
The Headache Clinic is a referral subspecialty clinic. This means that all new patients must have a referral from their primary physician. Depending on your insurance, you may need a referral for return visits as well. Fax your referral to 734-615-2298. Once we receive the referral, we will mail you a headache calendar and headache questionnaire. The questionnaire needs to be completed and returned to us before we can schedule your appointment. The calendar need not be mailed back; it should be filled out and brought to the appointment.
To make your visit as useful and productive as possible, we would like you to gather the following information in advance and bring it to the clinic appointment:
- For all scans of the brain (CT, MRI scans): Please bring actual copies on computer disk (if the tests were not done at the University of Michigan). You will need to contact the radiology department of the hospital or clinic where the test was done to obtain these copies.
- We also need to review medical records (related to neurological issues including headaches) before we schedule the appointment. Please ask your child’s doctor’s office to mail or fax them to us. | <urn:uuid:52f62b97-ba03-47f6-a71c-d8843a514b8d> | CC-MAIN-2016-40 | http://www.mottchildren.org/conditions-treatments/pediatric-headache | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-40/segments/1474738661795.48/warc/CC-MAIN-20160924173741-00100-ip-10-143-35-109.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.947279 | 1,175 | 3.59375 | 4 |
What did Jesus mean when He uttered the words "It is finished!" in John 19:30?
The phrase actually translates one word in Greek, tetelestai, from the root teleō, which means "to finish, fulfill."
Significantly, this specific form of the verb, tetelestai, is only found twice in the entire New Testament, both times in John 19.
In fact, the two occurrences of tetelestai are found within three verses of each other: "After this, Jesus, knowing that all was now finished, said (to fulfill the Scripture), 'I thirst.' ... When Jesus had received the sour wine, he said, 'It is finished,' and he bowed his head and gave up his spirit" (John 19:28, 30).
Do you see that? Although the verb teleō occurs 28 times in the New Testament, the form tetelestai is found only twice, and those two occurrences are in the same context, right next to each other, making the meaning perfectly clear.
Jesus was saying, "Mission accomplished! Everything that had to be done has been done! It is finished!"
Similarly, leading New Testament scholar D.A. Carson writes,
The verb teleō from which this form derives denotes the carrying out of a task, and in religious contexts bears the overtone of fulfilling one's religious obligations. Accordingly, in the light of the impending cross, Jesus could earlier cry, 'I have brought you glory on earth by completing (teleiōsas; i.e. by accomplishing) the work you gave me to do' (17:4). 'Having loved his own who were in the world, he loved them eis telos—not only 'to the end' but to the full extent mandated by his mission. And so, on the brink of death, Jesus cries out, It is accomplished!
According to another great New Testament and Greek scholar, B. F. Westcott:
The earthly life had been carried to its issue. Every essential point in the prophetic portraiture of Messiah had been realized (Acts 13:29). The last suffering for sin had been endured. The "end" of all had been gained. Nothing was left undone or unborne. The absence of a definite subject forces the reader to call up each work which was now brought to an end.
Similarly, M. Dods wrote:
The cry, tetelestai, "it is finished," was not the gasp of a worn-out life, but the deliberate utterance of a clear consciousness that His work was finished, and all God's purpose accomplished (17:4), that all had now been done that could be done to make God known to men, and to identify Him with men.
Yes, the divine mission has been accomplished. Jesus has done it!
Every sin has been paid for, every evil deed judged, and the full and total price of our redemption purchased at the cross.
That is the power of the blood of Jesus.
That is the glory of the Son of God.
That is the depth of the Father's love—and it was all for you and for me so that forever, we could be with Him and even share in His nature.
Who could imagine such a story of love?
There's really no need to read other meanings into "It is finished," such as: "When Christ died, He said 'it is finished', meaning the old covenant was now fulfilled and done away with." Or, Jesus spoke in Hebrew on the cross, and when He said, "It is finished," it was actually the Hebrew word nishlam, which means 'Paid in full.'"
Regardless of whether there is any truth to these claims (Jesus certainly spoke in either Aramaic or Hebrew on the cross, not Greek), neither of them convey what John intended to convey.
Jesus perfectly lived the life He had to live and perfectly died the death He had to die. It is finished!
All we have to do is to put our faith in that finished work of the cross and follow that Lord who died and rose for us.
Our own works cannot save us, but the work Jesus did for us on the cross can save us perfectly and forever.
It is with good reason that John G. Lake (1870-1935) said, "In all of your preaching and teaching you must always leave people with the consciousness of the triumph of Christ."
(Excerpted and adopted from Michael L. Brown, Hyper-Grace: Exposing the Dangers of the Modern Grace Message.)
Dr. Michael Brown (www.askdrbrown.org) is the host of the nationally syndicated Line of Fire radio program. His latest book is Revival Or We Die: A Great Awakening Is Our Only Hope. Connect with him on Facebook or Twitter, or YouTube.
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Attention Pastors and Leaders: Leadership training and development are crucial for success. Enroll in a FREE 1-hour leadership mini-course by Dr. Mark Rutland. View Details | <urn:uuid:18717e02-b45d-4103-9196-a19a2a8c281c> | CC-MAIN-2021-39 | https://apprequest.charismanews.com/opinion/in-the-line-of-fire/56091-it-is-finished | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-39/segments/1631780056476.66/warc/CC-MAIN-20210918123546-20210918153546-00019.warc.gz | en | 0.967281 | 1,311 | 2.734375 | 3 |
Bible object lessons offer a simple tool to help us relate God's Word to our everyday surroundings. We can think of them as short, simple parables. They provide excellent Bible lessons for all ages - kids, teens, & adults.
Jesus used parables at all times of the day and in a variety of circumstances and locations. His teaching was ongoing. Let's be like Him as we share God's truth with those around us!
If you're in a hurry though, try using our quick Object Lesson Index.
Everywhere we turn, God has a lesson for us - whether it's from a butterfly in nature, a cell phone in our hand, or even a piece of silver. They can help us understand difficult concepts such as the Trinity.
A toolbox can be used to show how God uses a variety of unique people and gifts to build His Church and do His work alongside Him - "God's Toolbox."
I've even used my digital camera and a mirror to share a children's object talk teaching on our being created in the image of God.
Many Christian object talks take very little preparation; try these easy Bible object lessons that teach about prayer, relationships, and our worth in God's eyes.
Other object lessons for children use objects such as M&Ms, sponges, ping pong balls, and more!
A chocolate cake can also teach a wonderful Bible object lesson on the truth of Romans 8:28. Yum!!! Or another "cooking" Bible object lesson uses a recipe to teach that we can know what we believe to be true because "the proof is in the pudding!"
Brownies sound yummy until you find out cat food was mixed into the batter, but it makes a memorable Bible lesson on sin and how even just a little can make life yucky!
Use a sponge to teach how to respond when the "squeeze" is on...a lesson on dealing with tough times.
Simple objects such as an apple or water both can help children better (although not completely) understand the concept of the Trinity.
Hunting and fishing are topics that can teach children about Satan's schemes and the dangers of temptation.
Most of our kids play or at least watch different types of sports. What every time they went to football practice or saw a football game come on TV, it reminded them of how they can put on the armor of God?!
A variety of sports equipment can be used to demonstrate how you need the right equipment to play a certain sport correctly. You can't hit a basketball with a golf club and expect to win a game of golf! Use this to teach how Solomon tried a lot of wrong things to find purpose in life or how we each need to use the spiritual gifts and talents God has given us in the places of service He wants us to be.
Every season of the year brings new objects such as a pumpkin,
football uniform, Christmas ornaments, snowflakes, or even a
Valentine's Day Tootsie pop for new opportunities to teach
seasonal Christian object lessons!
Amazing math problems can be used to teach on
God's amazing love
or how our God is a
God of order!
To teach a Bible lesson on sin, use a misspelled word, chalkboard, and an eraser. This one is a lot of fun with kids!
You've probably seen the Sharpie permanent marker commercial that says to "Write Out Loud"; use the same idea to challenge students to "Live Out Loud" for Jesus by following Paul's example of Galatians 2:20!
Also try these fun science experiment object lessons from the "Mad Scientist" @ MadAboutJesus.net! Lessons include how dangerous even one sin can be, little people can do BIG things with God's help, and the importance of faith and believing God's Word. They are continuing to add new ones too!
Sometimes you may need Bible object lessons for specific age groups - children including
as well as
There are other times you may just need a short children's devotion to be used during children's church or for a
Using simple objects as visuals will make these times even more memorable and effective.
You can also use popular children's books for unique and creative Christian book talks.
Still others have learned to use Gospel Illusions to present visual illustrations for Biblical truths. Don't let the word "magic" scare you; these are only illusions used to capture students' attention and help them remember the truth of God's Word. There is no "magic" involved.
When we owned and operated our Christian bookstores, we were able to become familiar with many of the top Christian publishers.
Group Publishing is one of the top publishers in creative teaching materials for children, youth and adults. A preview of one of their youth Christian object lesson books is available online with eleven great object talks that are free for your use. They are copyrighted though; so please don't reproduce them. You may, however, want to purchase the book from them. It contains a total of 50 innovative and interactive Bible lessons for youth (or really any age).
Faith Metaphors: 50 Interactive Object Lessons for Youth Ministry
preview offers the following Bible lessons: Binoculars/Failure, Jump rope/Faith, Rubber ball/Family, Sidewalk chalk/Feelings, Cell phone/Following God, Canned goods/Forgiveness, Clothespins/Friendship, Super glue/God's love, Popcorn/God's power, Cookie cutters/God's will, & Tin foil/Holiness.
In Deuteronomy 4:6-9, God says:
"Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God, the Lord is one. Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength. These commandments that I give you today are to be upon your hearts. Impress them on your children. Talk about them when you sit at home and when you walk along the road, when you lie down and when you get up. Tie them as symbols on your hands and bind them on your foreheads. Write them on the doorframes of your houses and on your gates." (NIV)
Simple everyday objects can be used to teach amazing Bible study lessons. Use a Swiss army knife to teach the importance of every believer in the Church. A balloon can help illustrate the story of the rich young ruler in Luke 12, or a broken pen & clock can be used to teach how God can turn failure into success! Simple but memorable Christian lessons to teach powerful Bible truths that will have lasting and practical effects.
Christian object lessons are meant to be tools to assist you in sharing God's Word in everyday life. It will be like putting feet to your Bible Study!
A few more great Bible lessons from object talks...
If you still need more ideas, Christianbook.com offers several great Bible object lesson books.
Object Talks from Sports Kids Love
By Verna Kokmeyer / Standard Publishing
Kids love sports, and can easily draw metaphors from certain rules or even athletes. This book builds upon such familiarity, providing biblically sound object lessons taught from sports. Each lesson begins with a piece of sports equipment that most kids will recognize, and builds on a Scripture-based theme to lead kids to deeper spiritual application. In addition, each lesson also provides a send-home project suggestion. Ideal for bible school classes, mid-week programs and children's worship services. 48 pages, ages 6-12.
Science & the Bible: 30 Scientific Demonstrations Illustrating Scriptural Truths
By Donald DeYoung / Baker
Use everyday household objects to illustrate natural laws, teach biblical principles, and affirm God as the Creator of all things! Perfect for homeschool lessons, sermon illustrations, or family devotions, each of these 30 simple object lessons features a hands-on science experiment with a straightforward explanation and a related Scripture verse (NIV). For students of all ages.
Edible Object Talks That Teach About Jesus
By Susan Lingo / Standard Publishing
Perfect for Sunday School, VBS, children's church, or anytime you want to offer your kids a change of taste! Edible Object Talks that Teach about Jesus is a delicious collection of 25 life-changing messages that are as attention-grabbing and Bible-based as they are fun to make and eat. These are solid Bible messages with clever concoctions kids whip up then can eat. From Banana Splits to crunchy treats, kids will learn life-changing Bible truths and how to apply them in their lives today. Children Ages 6-12.
You can search for more Bible Object Lessons here:
Scriptures unless otherwise indicated are taken from the HOLY BIBLE, NEW INTERNATIONAL VERSION. Copyright C 1973,1978,1984 International Bible Society. Used by permission of Zondervan Publishers. | <urn:uuid:9d7275d3-560f-46d2-94b1-f6b12d42a968> | CC-MAIN-2014-10 | http://www.creativebiblestudy.com/Bibleobjectlessons.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1394021586626/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305121306-00013-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.92834 | 1,825 | 2.9375 | 3 |
Artistic Pursuits High School 9-12 Color and Composition
High School 9 - 12, Book Two
This edition offers students the opportunity to discover their own creative strengths in the arts. Color theory and composition are explored through beautiful color reproductions of European Art. This is a comprehensive art program designed to involve the student in the creative process while developing observational skills.
- The text is written in conversational manner which means the student can work independently
- Full year course in one book includes 68 lessons with projects
- Four unique projects in each unit include an exercise in creativity, art history and appreciation, techniques, and exploration of various subject matter
- Special assignments broaden student's experiences with art materialsSample PageSample Page | <urn:uuid:eec13746-08e5-4193-804f-3909d02c8494> | CC-MAIN-2019-30 | https://www.canadianhomeeducation.com/Artistic-Pursuits-High-School-9-12-Book-Two%2C-Color-and-Composition | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-30/segments/1563195525374.43/warc/CC-MAIN-20190717181736-20190717203736-00134.warc.gz | en | 0.931109 | 146 | 3.21875 | 3 |
Alexander Fleming was a Scottish botanist, biologist, and pharmacologist. Fleming was famed for being the pioneer in the production of an antibiotic after he discovered the world-famous penicillin in 1928. Fleming became renowned in the field of bacteriology after the discovery of penicillin led to him receiving the Nobel Prize in Physiology/Medicine along with Ernst Boris Chan and Howard Florey in 1945.
5. Early Life
Alexander Fleming was born on August 6th, 1881 at a farm near Darvel, a small town in Ayrshire, Scotland. Fleming was born to Hugh Fleming, a farmer, and his second wife, Grace Stirling Morton and was the third born of four children. Alexander Fleming attended the local Darvel School and the Loudoun Moor School in his childhood and later studied at the Kilmarnock Academy after receiving a two-year scholarship. In his late teen years, Fleming worked in a shipping office until he inherited some cash from his uncle, John Fleming in 1901. Using the inheritance, he enrolled at the St Mary’s Hospital Medical School in 1903 where he later received an MBBS degree in 1906. After receiving his degree, Alexander worked in the school’s research department under Sir Almroth Wright and was his assistant bacteriologist.
While at St. Mary’s School, Alexander Fleming gained a Bachelor of Science degree in Bacteriology and soon after that became a lecturer at the institution. During the First World War, Alexander was enlisted as a Royal Army Medical Corps captain and worked in several battlefield hospitals in France. During his time in the war, Alexander witnessed sepsis killing many soldiers despite the use of antiseptic when treating wounds and began his research on this cause of infection and later submitted his findings to “The Lancet,” a medical journal. After the war had ended, Alexander went back to St Mary’s Hospital and in 1928 became the Professor of Bacteriology at the University of London.
3. Major Contributions
After returning to St. Mary’s Hospital after the First World War, Alexander continued to conduct his research on the cause of deep tissue infection despite the use of antiseptic and focused his research on looking for alternative antibacterial substances. While doing his research, Alexander discovered an enzyme known as lysozyme (present in nasal mucus of a patient) inhibited the growth of bacteria. However, Fleming later discovered that the enzyme did not have the potential to be administered in wounds as it had little effect on the bacteria. On September 1928, Alexander discovered a fungus in his laboratory which effectively killed a wide range of disease-causing bacteria. The fungus was of the Penicillium genus, and after several tests, Alexander released an extraction from the fungus and named it “penicillin.” The discovery of penicillin is said to mark the start of modern antibiotics with penicillin saving millions of lives all over the world.
After Alexander Fleming had made his remarkable discovery, he published it in the Journal of Experimental Pathology. However, little attention was paid to his discovery and meant that Fleming received no support to conduct further research on penicillin. Despite the lack support, Fleming continued conducting his research in his laboratory, but after suffering few setbacks, he abandoned his research.
1. Death and Legacy
Alexander Fleming died of a heart attack on March 11th, 1955 in his country home in Barton Mill, Suffolk. Due to his tireless research which resulted in the discovery of penicillin, Alexander Fleming became one of the greatest medical researchers of all time. The laboratory in which the discovery was made was converted into a museum named “The Fleming Museum.” In 1944 Alexander became a Knight Bachelor after being knighted by King George VI. In 1999 the Time Magazine named Fleming was named among the 100 most important people in the 20th Century | <urn:uuid:d25138a8-6547-4447-a0ec-b1250eb94867> | CC-MAIN-2019-18 | https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/alexander-fleming-important-figures-throughout-history.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-18/segments/1555578529813.23/warc/CC-MAIN-20190420120902-20190420142902-00538.warc.gz | en | 0.985318 | 788 | 3.4375 | 3 |
The Consumer Price Index (CPI) is the central statistic the federal government uses to calculate inflation. The CPI is a statistic used by the government to track the cost of goods and services. Beginning with the Jimmy "I will never lie to you" Carter administration, food and energy were removed from the CPI because of the volatility in pricing of these items, but that has since been extended to include anything that reflects unstable or volatile pricing. This was done because this volatility in pricing interfered with long-range projections concerning inflation.
Since we went off the gold standard, which demanded we don't spend more than we make, it made it too hard for the Federal Reserve - a private, for-profit banking institution - to manipulate the markets to its benefit and to create inflation, recession, or depression when it felt it was necessary. John Williams, a veteran economist who has specialized in breaking down figures and investigating any moves the government makes concerning economic factors, said that if the government reported inflation accurately, the inflation rate would be at 11 or 12 percent, meaning cost-of-living adjustments would have to be paid to seniors and others receiving incomes from the government.
It was imperative to remove from the index, for example, expensive items, including food and energy, because that would push the index higher. Of course the reasoning behind including these items meant people on fixed incomes such as Social Security would have to be paid according to law a cost-of-living adjustment. I reckon we seniors need to consider quitting eating when food prices go up and stay home when gas prices go up if we are to satisfy these corporate businesses, government economists, and politicians.
It seems that is the only way food and energy cost can be included in the CPI. Although not publicly, we are classified as dead weight the same way non-production costs are to a business. Although we are human beings and not commodity items such as paper and pencils, we are nothing more to these people than overhead cost. To these corporate reprobates, politicians, and economists, our past contributions to society mean nothing because they feel the best thing we could do for our country is to die. So when you hear that famous quote as it has been used recently - "Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country" - you can now read between the lines to accurately translate the new meaning as it applies to we seniors today.
Already there are some that demand we have outlived our usefulness and have a duty to die. I must admit this comes from a close advisor to Hillary Clinton, Richard Lamm. In 1984, he said: "Old people have a duty to die and get out of the way." I reckon we are following the example of the EU, which has euthanasia laws intact in case national tragedies occur.
Manipulation of this sort has become commonplace in Washington these days. Employment figures are used to score big points for candidates for office. When we hear low unemployment figures, we are certainly glad to hear it, but when one learns how deceptively manipulated these figures are, it is not so nice. For one example, part-time jobs are figured into the equation to make politicians look good. What about the people who are trying to scratch out a living on a part-time/no-benefit wage job? At least they did do something about this by extending welfare benefits to these people.
As far as the fixed-income Social Security recipient goes, they haven't done anything for them in the here and now except for the socialized medical system of Medicare. They keep telling us Social Security is going broke, and maybe it is, but out of the other side of their mouths they are pushing as hard and fast as they can go to give Social Security benefits to reward people that have violated our sovereign laws by coming into our country illegally.
Seniors: Unless we get our collective heads out of the sand and stand united to throw all incumbents out of office, it is only going to get worse. After all, we make up 70 or better percent of the population. Never mind that many of us fought to retain the freedoms Americans enjoy today or contributed to making America the most sought-after country in the world today. With steak prices going up, we seniors must do our part to help the CPI by eating hamburger, and when that goes up, we must eat Kibbles 'n Bits until pricing for these items goes back down. We have to admit we are somewhere in between a rock and a hard place, and must do something about it.
David L. Lamon | <urn:uuid:e8965176-c6c7-4460-a8a4-9d0ceb9debc7> | CC-MAIN-2020-24 | https://www.rcreader.com/commentary/dog-food-seniors | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-24/segments/1590347409171.27/warc/CC-MAIN-20200530102741-20200530132741-00274.warc.gz | en | 0.972022 | 935 | 3.125 | 3 |
Do you know that you can use network bridge to connect 2 or more network at home without using network router?
Network bridging provides an easy way to connect 2 or more network to become a single big network without using router in order to share file, printer or Internet connection. Please note that all computers in different network that needs to be bridged must sit in same logical IP network.
Windows XP does provide the software bridging to bridge different network, so you don’t have to purchase hardware bridge for doing it. You cannot create a bridge connection on a computer running Windows 2000 or earlier versions of Windows. Please note also only one network bridge can be created on a computer.
As an example, this is my home network with 2 network, one is Ethernet network and the other one is wireless network. You can do network bridging on a computer that have physical connection to both network, so that they will become one big network.
Here is the way to do network bridging in Windows XP:
1) Go to Start, click Control Panel.
2) Control Panel window will appear. Double click on Network Connections.
3) Network Connections window will appear. Select each of the home network connections that you want to be part of the bridge. Right-click one of the highlighted network connections, and then click Bridge Connections.
Note: Only Ethernet, IEEE-1394 adapters, or Ethernet compatible
adapters such as wireless and home phoneline adapters (HPNA), can be part of the
Note: If you do not have Internet Connection Sharing (ICS) or Windows Firewall enabled, don’t create a bridge between the shared Internet connection and the other home network connections, or add the shared Internet connection to an existing network bridge. You will create an unprotected link between your home network and the Internet, and your home network will be vulnerable to intrusions if you do so.
4) You need to wait for a while to finish network bridging.
5) After bridging the network, you will see a Network Bridge icon created together with other bridged network.
6) Right click the Network Bridge and click Properties. It’s properties window will appear. You will see the bridged network connections here and also can assign IP and modify other network information.
Note: The network bridge will still work if no IP address is assigned to the bridge itself.
7) If you check the properties of those bridged network connections, they lost the TCP/IP attributes. No IP or other network information can be modified. The TCP/IP attributes will be recovered after deleting the bridge.
Note: If you want to delete the bridge, right click the bridge properties and click delete.
8) At last, you should be able to access all computers in bridged network. In this case, I will be able to access computers in wireless network from Ethernet network. | <urn:uuid:2604a561-c490-4e97-b3de-72282173f5f6> | CC-MAIN-2017-17 | http://www.home-network-help.com/network-bridge.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917124297.82/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031204-00596-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.885434 | 595 | 2.953125 | 3 |
LOW-NOISE AMPLIFIERS (LNAs) are critical components in most receivers, helping to boost sensitivity by adding signal gain with minimal noise. Although wireless infrastructure equipment, such as base stations, is often associated with large-signal power amplifiers, it can also benefit from small-signal LNAs.
The SKY67100-396LF and SKY67101-396LF LNAs from Skyworks Solutions incorporate advanced GaAs pseudomorphic high-electron-mobility-transistor (pHEMT) technology with active bias circuitry. Thus, they are able to achieve the high gain, low noise figure, and outstanding linearity. These new LNA improve the performance of wireless infrastructure receivers, especially in frequency bands of 700 to 1000 MHz and 1700 to 2000 MHz. Forthcoming LNAs within this product family will optimize performance at even higher frequencies. All of the amplifiers use a common package and layout.
These amplifiers are based on an enhancement-mode process for excellent linearity with a single positive supply voltage. With their internal active bias circuitry, circuit designers can adjust the supply current to fine-tune small-signal gain without affecting the noise figure. The LNAs are useful in a growing number of wireless infrastructure applications over their frequency ranges, from highly visible base stations near cellular towers to less-visible repeaters and smaller nanocells that are used to extend wireless service inside public buildings (such as in shopping malls).
Both amplifiers are supplied in miniature 2 x 2 mm, 8-pin dual-flat-no-lead (DFN), pin-compatible packages (Fig. 1). The lower-frequency SKY67101-396LF can be used over a full range of frequencies from 0.4 to 1.2 GHz, but provides optimum performance from 0.7 to 1.0 GHz with a single matching circuit. The amplifier provides usable broadband gain (Fig. 2), although with better gain flatness over the typical bandwidths found in wireless communications channels (Fig. 3).
With optimum performance in the 800-MHz band for cellular systems operating in that range, it features 0.63 dB typical noise figure at 0.80 GHz, 0.59 dB typical noise figure at 0.85 GHz, and 0.57 dB typical noise figure at 0.90 GHz (Fig. 4). The typical small-signal gain is 18.7 dB at 0.80 GHz, 18.0 dB at 0.85 GHz, and 17.6 dB at 0.90 GHz.
It exhibits input return loss of better than 17.2 dB at 0.80 GHz, 18.8 dB at 0.85 GHz, and 18.2 dB at 0.90 GHz. The output return loss is typically better than 19.8 dB at 0.80 GHz, better than 33 dB at 0.85 GHz, and better than 20 dB at 0.90 GHz. The reverse isolation is typically better than 30 dB from 800 to 900 MHz. Judging by a Rollet's stability factor of greater than 1 through 18 GHz, the SKY67101-396LF is extremely stable under a wide range of load conditions. It consumes typically 56 mA current from a +4-VDC supply, but can run at +5 VDC with higher current for improved linearity.
Amplifier linearity is vital to newer communications systems, especially those built around some form of amplitude or phase modulation, such as quadrature amplitude modulation (QAM). Because information is carried in the form of the amplitude and/or phase of a modulated signal's envelope, signal variations induced by component nonlinearitieseven the passive intermodulation (PIM) distortion of cables and connectorscan result in the loss of the information carried by the modulation.
In an ideal amplifier, a x-y plot of input power on the x axis versus output power on the y axis would show a straight line, with the slope of the line equal to the gain of the amplifier. That is, for every increase of input power, the relationship of the signal at the output of the amplifier would always increase by the same amount, with the gain being constant for all input power levels.
In practical amplifiers, however, some amount of nonlinearity exists due to active device variations, process variations, temperature-dependent variations, and other factors. The nonlinearity of an amplifier is typically judged in terms of the input and output power levels at where the gain starts to deviate from that ideal straight line, and where a given increase in input power yields somewhat less of a proportional increase in output power. At this point, the gain is said to compress.
One of the common figures of merit to compare amplifiers in terms of gain compression is the 1-dB compression point, which can be measured for both input and output signal levels. The SKY67101-396LF LNA has an input 1-dB compression point of +2.6 dBm at 0.9 GHz and an output 1-dB compression point of +19.2 dBm at 0.9 GHz.
Another measure of amplifier linearity is a parameter known as the third-order intercept point, which is essentially a measure of intermodulation distortion (IMD). Transistors in amplifiers are not ideal, and can generate harmonically related tones as well as IMD, which are the sum and difference products of two or more tones mixing in a transistor or transistor amplifier. The IMD for an amplifier is usually specified in terms of the output power at a given intercept point, such as the third-order intercept point.
For the SKY67101-396LF LNA, the input third-order intercept point is +16.2 dBm measured at 900 MHz, with two test tones each at -20 dBm and set 5 MHz apart. The output third-order intercept point is typically +33.8 dBm at 900 MHz under the same test tone conditions. The test conditions for third-order intercept point can vary widely from manufacturer to manufacturer, so it is important to note the test conditions (number of test tones, frequencies, power levels, and separation between tones) when comparing amplifiers from different suppliers.
The higher-frequency amplifier of the pair, SKY67100-396LF, can be used over a total frequency range of 1.2 to 3.0 GHz but provides optimum performance from 1.7 to 2.0 GHz. It delivers 18.3 dB typical small-signal gain at 1.75 GHz, 18.0 dB typical small-signal gain at 1.85 GHz, and 17.6 dB typical small-signal gain at 1.95 GHz. The typical noise figure is 0.62 dB at 1.75 GHz, 0.65 dB at 1.85 GHz, and 0.71 dB at 1.95 GHz (Fig. 5).
The LNA features better than 30 dB input return loss at 1.75 GHz, better than 25 dB input return loss at 1.85 GHz, and better than 20 dB input return loss at 1.95 GHz. The output return loss is typically better than 11 dB at 1.75 GHz, better than 12 dB at 1.85 GHz, and better than 12 dB at 1.95 GHz. At test frequencies of 1.75, 1.85, and 1.95 GHz, reverse isolation is typically 43 dB or better.
Like its lower-frequency counterpart, this LNA is designed for linear operation, but with low-level input signals. It has a 1-dB input compression point of +0.47 dBm at 1.75 GHz, +0.65 dBm at 1.85 GHz, and +0.80 dBm at 1.95 GHz. The 1-dB output compression-point performance is what one would expect from a small-signal linear LNA, with output levels of +18.7 dBm at 1.75 GHz, +18.4 dBm at 1.85 GHz, and +18.4 dBm at 1.95 GHz.
The input third-order intercept point performance levels are typically +15.7 dBm at 1.75 GHz, +16.1 dBm at 1.85 GHz, and +16.4 dBm at 1.95 GHz with two -20-dBm tones spaced 5 MHz apart. The typical output third-order output intercept-point performance levels are +34.0 dBm at 1.75 GHz, +34.3 dBm at 1.85 GHz, and +34.0 dBm at 1.95 GHz.
Both amplifiers are rated for maximum input levels to +20 dBm and offer active bias circuitry that allows supply current to be varied for gain adjustments without adversely affecting noise figure. Both are suitable for all parts of a wireless infrastructure. | <urn:uuid:c1433653-32b1-4f5a-af1e-ac44a313ea3f> | CC-MAIN-2018-05 | http://www.mwrf.com/content/lnas-lower-noise-wireless-base-stations | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-05/segments/1516084888302.37/warc/CC-MAIN-20180119224212-20180120004212-00056.warc.gz | en | 0.910417 | 1,828 | 2.53125 | 3 |
Learn to take shortcuts. This might take a little practice, but it's worth it. For instance, in puzzles that talk about butterflies, they have some pretty long and obnoxious words. These can slow you down. A lot of the time, the four or five long words in one category will each start with a different letter or syllable.
When you read a clue that says - The Lepidopterous who collects Hesperidae doesn't like chocolate - let your brain take a shortcut. If you have to read the whole thing, read it as - The Lep who collects Hesp doesn't like choc -. You can make this even shorter. The word Lepidopterous doesn't help us to solve any clues. You can skip the word, and learn to spot only the ones that really matter. So the clue becomes - Hesp...doesn't...choc.
The same thing works for phone numbers and license plates. Don't read the whole thing, only enough to identify the clue. UAJ-461 might be the only plate that starts with U. If there's more than one that begins that way, take it only as far as you need to. UAJ-461 and UHU-893 can be separated by the first 2 letters. Skip the rest, it'll only bog you down in unnecessary details.
Finally, if you find yourself getting confused, say it out loud. It solidifies the clue in your mind. I mutter to myself a lot when I'm solving, and it helps. I say things like "Hesp is chocolate" and "You-who (UHU pronounced) isn't first". These things have greatly reduced my solving time, and I make a lot less mistakes now. | <urn:uuid:e7392e93-b306-4902-ac53-c1ef08bfcff7> | CC-MAIN-2014-49 | http://www.logic-puzzles.org/forum/showpost.php?p=236&postcount=15 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-49/segments/1416400374040.48/warc/CC-MAIN-20141119123254-00215-ip-10-235-23-156.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.957085 | 356 | 2.578125 | 3 |
The attached file describes a chopper circuit that has the provision of precisely measuring power. It is based on the fact that a low resistance (~2 Ohm) heating resistor has a <1 uH inductance and therefore appears resistive at a~20 Khz switching frequency. Since the chopper is powered from a DC supply, it is straightforward to measure both voltage and current (and therefore power) to a high degree of accuracy. I have built this circuit, and it functions as designed.
It has advantages over triac or phase control circuits in that both the supply voltage and duty cycle can be precisely controlled. Power output can be controlled either by varying the duty cycle or by adjusting the power supply voltage. I have configured it to do the latter because supply voltage is more easily measured and controlled than duty cycle. As designed, the circuit generates 75% duty cycle, 21 KHz pulses at any voltage up to the limit of the supply which is 40V. | <urn:uuid:29710639-99c8-4b82-96ed-b887335acc31> | CC-MAIN-2020-34 | https://www.lenr-forum.com/forum/thread/3185-precision-chopper-circuit/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-34/segments/1596439740343.48/warc/CC-MAIN-20200814215931-20200815005931-00186.warc.gz | en | 0.962712 | 195 | 2.71875 | 3 |
Fruit bodies erect, tough, pliant, clavarioid in shape, usually branched near the top, occasionally simple, up to 8 cm tall by 3-5 mm broad, often flattened in cross section above, rounded below; the base dark brown to black, often tomentose, branch tips white from asexual spores (conidia) or concolorous with the base and minutely pimpled with perithecial pores.
Ascospores 10-14 X 4-6 µm, black, smooth, kidney shaped. Asexual spores hyaline, smooth, elliptical to elongated.
Scattered to gregarious to clustered on rotting wood.
Xylaria hypoxylon can be found year round in California on downed wood. Fruiting bodies are blackish, thin, wiry and branched with white tips. The white tips consist of masses of asexual spores (conidia). As the fruiting body matures, it thickens, becomes all black, and sexual (ascospores) are produced in embedded perithecia. The latter form tiny pores on the surface of the fruiting body. Critical study of this species is needed in California, as there may be a number of species of Xylaria masquerading under this name, or the species may be extremely variable. | <urn:uuid:59833f4c-3d6c-4e33-9c5c-99e97050fc74> | CC-MAIN-2020-16 | http://bib.ge/soko/open.php?id=1000 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-16/segments/1585371660550.75/warc/CC-MAIN-20200406200320-20200406230820-00168.warc.gz | en | 0.883997 | 274 | 3.015625 | 3 |
All key components of every living cell are made of macromolecules. The four kinds of macromolecules are lipids, carbohydrates, nucleic acids, and proteins. Most macromolecules are polymers constructed of many organic molecules called monomers.
Students start with images of living organisms, from bacteria to plants and animals. They zoom into cells and tissues to discover that they are made of different macromolecules. Students observe that these macromolecules are polymers. They zoom into polymers to find that some are made from almost identical monomers, while others, such as proteins, are made from a set of different monomers. They discover that all monomers making up biological macromolecules are composed of just a few types of chemical elements: C, H, O, N, P and S.
Students will be able to:
Identify typical molecular building blocks (monomers) that form biological macromolecules.
Determine the types of atoms that make up most biopolymers.
Reason about the uniformity on the atomic level of life's molecular building blocks
Macro to Micro Connection
Students connect living organisms to their atomic and molecular composition.
Life's Macromolecules All cells, organs and tissues of a living organism are made of atoms and molecules. A special class of very large molecules that determine the structural and functional properties of living cells are called biologically - active macromolecules. They are called "macro" for their very large size relative to other organic molecules.
Commonality in life's macromolecules The monomers that link together to form polymers are made of very few elements. Some of them, such as C, H, O, N, P and S (also called macro elements) make up biomolecules and are therefore the largest dry weight of all living organisms. Other elements are present in very small quantities, but can still play important roles (e.g. the iron in hemoglobin, which helps to carry oxygen, or the sodium and potassium ions that are responsible for nerve impulses.)
Here is one way to think of the commonalities in atomic composition: All carbohydrates such as wood or starch in every plant are made of just three chemical elements: C, H and O. All proteins of all organisms on earth are made of five chemical elements: C,H,O,N,S. All nucleic acids of all organisms on earth are made of C,H,O,N,P. Here we see a uniformity of living organisms at the most elemental level.
The uniformity continues at the level of monomers as well. In this activity students trace a number of biological structures from their appearance in our macro world to their monomers. When they compare proteins of different organisms (e.g. human hair, silk) , students discover that they are all made of a small diversity (about 20) of amino acids. They discover that there is even less diversity in carbohydrates, most of which are made from just one monomer, glucose. That is why all cellulose fibers tend close-up to look alike (whether taken from carrot or baobab tree), while proteins can be different.
A special rule: Only one family of monomers is used to make a specific class of polymers; there are no polymer chains in which amino acids and nucleotides are interlinked.
Types of Polymers Polymers can be divided into those in which the building blocks are all the same (homopolymers), and those in which there is a variety of building blocks (heteropolymers). Some biological polymers such as cellulose are made of a large number of identical connected glucose molecules, monomers, and are considered homopolymers. Nucleic acids and proteins are both heteropolymers: DNA and RNA are made of four different monomers called nucleotides, while proteins are made of 20 plus** different monomers called amino acids. In heteropolymers, the variety in charge, polarity and other properties of their monomers leads to a variety of shapes, and therefore to a variety of their possible functions in living cells.
Activity Design and Execution:
Major Science Concepts Monomer, polymer, macromolecule Assumed Previous Knowledge: Chemical elements, molecules, living cell Time: One 50-minute classes Technology Requirement: Web access Supportive Materials Macromolecule Work Page, Tree of Life Worksheet (Student) [PDF version] Advanced preparation (if any) *Have web pages available on computer.
*Print student worksheets, if they cannot fill them out on computer.
Investigative Question: What are the similarities and differences among molecular building blocks of living organisms?
1. Give the Prepost-Test.
2. Open or distribute the Monomers of Macromolecule Work Page. If your students are not used to chemical notation, you might want to review the key atomic notation, but then encourage them to treat it as a straightforward puzzle. The molecules of life belong to four chemical groups, e.g. , such as sugars, organic acids, aromatic compounds etc. Ask students to scan the picture and see if they can find any characteristics useful for such a division. (They might notice the presence of rings, the large number of oxygen atoms in sugars, the long C-H tails of lipids, the presence of several nitrogens in the nucleotides etc.)
Ask students to describe the different methods they used for dividing the biomolecules. Explain to them that they will be returning to these molecules later to identify the functional molecular groups that determine the individuality of the monomers.
If students are unfamiliar with the variety of molecular representations, you might want to review them.
3. Zoom down theTree of Life The following can be done either serially by all students, or as teams that reconvene to teach each other what they have discovered. Explain to your students that they will zoom into organs and tissues of plants and animals in order to discover life's essential building blocks. The exercise they will do includes just a few of the many possible "zooms" into the structures of living organisms.
Record the Investigative Question on the board: What can you find out about macromolecules building blocks of our organs and tissues ? How different are these building blocks from one another? Are there similarities between them?
Open and Distribute the Tree of Life Worksheet and have students begin their investigations.
Tree of Life Worksheet (Student)
4. Discussion: Work with your students to summarize that in the molecules of life a limited number of atoms (C, H, O, N, P and S) are organized into four groups of molecules (nucleotides, amino acids, sugars and fatty acids) from which key macromolecules (DNA, RNA, proteins, carbohydrates, and lipids) are built. Polymers, in turn, can make fibers or other associations that form the structural components of living cells. Ask them what makes living tissues, such as wood or skin so strong and flexible? They may discuss the structure of cellulose fibers that are major structural components of plant cells, or fibers of keratin in animal skin or hair.
Transition to next activity: How are the building blocks assembled?
Extensions and Connections
Go through zooms, determining whether a particular polymer is a heteropolymer or homopolymer. See Homopolymer/heteropolymer worksheet. Teacher version.
Develop new "zooms" from macro organisms to their atomic components.
Monomers to Polymers Index
*Photosynthesis provides plants with a broad spectrum of different sugars such as glucose or fructose. Then plants convert those sugars to amino acids or nucleotides using minerals from the soil (Nitrogen, Sulfur, Phosphate).
**There are a few additional amino acids present in some unique proteins. | <urn:uuid:e08baf3b-dcf4-4cf5-ac8a-cc725c8a86ad> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.concord.org/~btinker/molecular_workbench/unitIV_revised/act1.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710115542/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131515-00091-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.934777 | 1,617 | 4.125 | 4 |
Due to the extensive smuggling of Afghan rubies into Pakistan, many do not realize that Pakistan has its own wealth of gems that are underexploited. The ruby deposits here are primary deposits, initially discovered in the 1980s. Like the Afghanistan material, these rubies are mostly cabochan and carving grade. There is small, transparent material under a carat produced too.
Most mining occurs in the north of Pakistan, with the government leasing out land for mining to promote interest and expansion in this industry.
Sadly an earthquake in 2005 made getting to and from various mines exceedingly difficult to borderline impossible. There is still limited production, though lack of infrastructure rebuilding makes for inconsistent production. Especially when coupled with the difficult terrain, with some deposits located above 15,000 feet.
Given the political and economical upheaval that frequently plagues the country, for the near future ruby mining in the country is limited.
The biggest physical limitation of Pakistan’s mining is that the gems are collected from a primary deposit instead of a secondary deposit. The difference between these types is that primary gem deposits are embedded in the rocks they form in. Secondary gem deposits are already removed from the host rocks through weathering, and are loose.
By definition, primary deposits are much harder and costly to mine than secondary ones. The necessity of equipment to retrieve rubies forces miners to utilize older and less efficient methods such as using explosives on the bedrock. This even damages and lowers the value of the rubies upon retrieval, reducing the overall production.
The quality of the rubies could be on par with Myanmar (better known as Burma), but little investment in mining equipment and infrastructure (roads, reinforced mining shafts, employee training, etc) prevents developments on this front.
Secondary (Alluvial) Deposit
An ancient country, parts of it are administered by Pakistan to-date and will be briefly reviewed here. It is worth noting that the country is home to a variety of rich gem deposits including the fabled Kashmir sapphires (mined in the north-eastern part of the country). The term fabled is used because this deposit was worked for as little as five years in the late 1800s. Despite this brief window, the sapphires were such high quality that the industry still places a high premium on even the much lower quality “New Kashmir” sapphires. Sapphires from this source command upwards of ten times the price of comparable quality from other sources such as Madagascar purely due to the name.
While Pakistan holds a great deal of potential as a world ruby source, there is little investment between the country itself and foreign investment. The country itself has very little money to invest, and foreign investors are apprehensive about the lack of regulations regarding mining in the area, including who is supposed to be paid for mining rights. Another major issue is the Line-of-Control between India and Kashmir, which constantly sees conflict between the two countries. | <urn:uuid:03f1553e-30a6-4cf5-baad-4c6f0a7a7e6c> | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | https://thenaturalrubycompany.com/education/mining-locations-rubies/pakistan-ruby-mines/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296949025.18/warc/CC-MAIN-20230329182643-20230329212643-00293.warc.gz | en | 0.964678 | 607 | 3.171875 | 3 |
We all know that communication is the most essential part of any relationship, with anyone: spouse, parent, sibling friend, child, especially if the child is a teenager.
A teenager, as we all know, is growing into his independence, and resents any interference into his activities.
How do you cope with this situation? How do you make sure he is safe, and make sure that the channel of communication remains open between you even though you know he does not confide in you as much as he used to?
Your teenager is normal! First and foremost, remember that a teenager will confide less in a parent than he used to when he was younger: this is completely normal.
Listen to him! Next, listen to your child when he talks to you, and make sure that he is not simply talking to a newspaper or to your back.
Stay positive! Are you making positive remarks along with the negative when you talk to him, or is everything you say negative? Try not to dwell on his mistakes, faults and deficiencies, and instead, concentrate on looking at his positive factors like what a bright and cheerful child he is, and how much he is achieving.
Involvement is the key: Get more involved in his activities, and discuss things that interest him, even if they may seem boring to you. Have a conversation, instead of merely trying to make a point constantly.
Never lecture! Do not lecture when you can talk: lectures are too long and boring, and teenagers tend to tune out when they sense the beginning of one.
Understanding brings gains! Try to be a more understanding parent, whether you agree or disagree with him. A child needs a strong shoulder to cry on and it is your duty to provide one when it is needed.
Avoid power struggles, and do not say ‘NO’ automatically, without even considering why the child wants whatever he does, and even when your child says things like: “You live in another time and age, you do not understand!”
It is up to you! Make and create opportunities for communication, like when you drive him to an appointment, or when you are sitting together reading.
Above all, respect your child and his opinions, while at the same time setting limits on his behavior. Although he may appear to resent you for this, he will actually respect you for the guidelines you have given him.
Show your teenager at every opportunity that you love him and respect him for what he is, and not for what he has achieved or hopes to achieve.
Communicate with your teenager! Keep open the channels of communication with your teenager. It will be worth it eventually, and your teenager will thank you for it some day. | <urn:uuid:0d7fd24a-37f8-4102-9279-d2382afd83d4> | CC-MAIN-2017-43 | http://www.theparentszone.com/teens/how-to-communicate-with-your-teen/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-43/segments/1508187826642.70/warc/CC-MAIN-20171023202120-20171023222120-00385.warc.gz | en | 0.974079 | 556 | 2.5625 | 3 |
Submitted to: Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment
Publication Type: Peer Reviewed Journal
Publication Acceptance Date: October 1, 2010
Publication Date: December 15, 2010
Citation: Haney, R.L., Kiniry, J.R., Johnson, M. 2010. Soil microbial activity under different grass species: Underground impacts of biofuel cropping. Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment. 139(4):754-758. Interpretive Summary: This paper shows that native grasses incorporate a great deal more carbon into soil than conventional farming. The study was primarily focused on the effect of different grass species and conventional corn on soil microbes. The study found that soil microbes are much more active under native grass species than conventional farming practices. Increased soil microbial activity is a healthy sign in terms of increased soil quality. This research has broad implications on our ability to manage climate change by using native grass species when and where appropriate. In addition it provides baseline data for conversion of cropping systems to native grass biofuel production for Blackland soils in central Texas.
Technical Abstract: Microbial and plant communities interact to determine local nutrient cycling rates. As lands are converted to bioenergy crops, including corn and cellulosic grasses, focus has been on changes in soil carbon sequestration. Little attention has been paid to impacts of such land conversion on the activity of belowground communities. We hypothesized that in addition to affecting soil organic carbon (SOC), monoculture species establishments have appreciable effects on microbial community activity, as evidenced by N and C mineralization rates. We compared soil microbial response in soils under long-term corn (Zea mays L.) production to soils under ten-year old monocultures of four warm-season perennial grasses (switchgrass (Panicum virgatum L.), coastal bermudagrass [Cynodon dactylon (L) Pers.], sideoats grama [Bouteloua curtipendula (Michaux) Torrey] and buffalo grass [Bouteloua dactyloides (Nutt.) Columbus]). All assayed perennial systems had higher SOC and water extractable organic C (WEOC) than the annual corn system. However, of all the perennial grasses, switchgrass soils had the lowest SOC and WEOC values, the highest 28 day mineralization C: N ratio, and the lowest 28 day C and N mineralization rates. This study indicates that microbial communities under switchgrass stands are more active than those under sideoats grama, buffalograss, coastal bermudagrass, or corn. | <urn:uuid:e874ab50-7377-4dfb-b858-63f5b89be674> | CC-MAIN-2015-06 | http://www.ars.usda.gov/research/publications/publications.htm?seq_no_115=256361 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-06/segments/1422115900471.63/warc/CC-MAIN-20150124161140-00039-ip-10-180-212-252.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.910914 | 542 | 2.71875 | 3 |
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