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Everybody will at a certain time be curious about his of her roots and try to connect it to his or her personality, national identity and cultural background. Because what you are is a product of all that. For a lot of countries that identity is easy to see, especially when the country has a long history of existence and has developed is some isolation. That illustrates the rather unique situation of Holland. A lot of countries have seen changes of regime, foreign rulers, occupation, etc. that influenced their identity. But not many could equal Holland in that respect. About the whole of Europe gave us a “visit”! Holland used to be a total swamp in ancient history where only few people lived, especially the parts near the seaside. In the ages before written history a variety of tribes came in and moved around and mingled or moved on. After that a variety of foreign rulers came to occupy Holland: the Romans, Vikings, Spanish, French, Germans, etc. About the whole of Europe forced themselves upon us for a longer or shorter period of time or sometimes simply to stay and mingle. This turned Holland into probably the first multi-cultural unity in the world and it became the freehaven for all of Europe. In the middle ages Holland was turning even more towards the sea and became at a certain time the most powerful seafaring nation with worldwide trade and founded the first stockmarket-company in the world. Around 1700 it was by far the richest country in the whole world! And that attracted even more people to come and live in Holland where they had the freedom of religion, freedom of trade and a lot of other freedom. The real power in those days was not a strong government, but were strong companies. Holland was a trade-unity. These factors surely had a lot of influence on the Dutch: - personal freedom, clear language, being very direct and outspoken are highly valued. - the Dutch are pragmatic and businesslike. - the Dutch easily learn a foreign language and incorporate foreign words and habits. - the Dutch are not “hungry” (because of the wealth there was). Another important aspect of living in Holland is the constant struggle against water and the fact that it is one of the most crowded places on earth. If you have too much water on your ground, you cannot simple get rid of it, because your neighbour wouldn’t like that for sure. So in Holland, with whatever you do, you cannot do it alone: you must compromise and work together to solve the problem. The problem ends only where the sea begins. All our polders, canals and dikes are a the result of working together, compromises and decisions of large groups of people. That situation invested a strong feeling for democracy in the Dutch. The land in Holland is not very friendly; swampy at one place, huge moores, and barren and sandy on higher area’s. The seaside is salty. The Dutch had to work hard to get crop from it and were inventive in it. Our farmers are respected all over the world for their stubborness (not giving up) and dedication to work the land. Everywhere in the world you can find “Dutch” farmers and Dutch farming. These Dutch farmers are mostly very individual. All in all that defines to a great extend the national identity of the Dutch (if there is such a thing): individuals that love personal freedom, are direct and outspoken, pragmatic, businesslike (we invented double bookkeeping), open for other cultures, ready to compromise, inventive (creative) and stubborn (dedicated). But in the end not “hungry” enough. Of course nowadays the world has changed and surely in Holland, national identity is almost lost and in general the Dutch, like in many other countries, became more and more part of our “western civilization”. The Dutch Chi (our “Spiritus Vitalis”) suffered a lot by this late development, but if you look good, you can still find some elements in some people. Does it help our dancing? Individuality, love for freedom, dedication and creativity can be seen as assets for better dancing. Openess for other cultures can be good, but also a danger. Being businesslike, pragmatic and ready to compromise doesn’t really help. But first and foremost you must be “hungry” to come to great achievements. And real “hunger” (total dedication) is hard to find in western society. One of the great people that Holland brought forward is Benny Tolmeyer. Surely he was individual, loved freedom and was creative and dedicated (hungry). He was not businesslike, nor very pragmatic an did what he felt was good to do. He was a real Dutchman all his life. If I would have to look for an example of Dutch Chi, he certainly would qualify.
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Survey of young people and parents shows that there is more to do to make the Government’s technical education reforms a success More than half of young people (53%) and parents (56%) are unaware of the Government’s plans to introduce new robust technical qualifications, as a credible alternative to A-Levels, and don’t know what the proposed qualifications are, according to research published today. The findings reveal a significant lack of awareness about the Government’s planned reforms for post-16 education, specifically around the introduction of new technical qualifications, known as T-Levels, from as soon as 2020. Of those young people aged 11-16, who were aware of the Government’s plans for T-Levels, only 21% understood what they were. Similarly, 14% of parents with children in the same age range polled, stated they didn’t know what T-Levels were. The survey has been commissioned by CACHE, the UK’s leading sector specialist for high-quality vocational qualifications for the health, care and education sectors and carried out by research company Censuswide. With the reforms, the Government is seeking to create parity of esteem between academic and technical education and to create a technical education system that “rivals the best in the world”. However, worryingly whilst the findings show that parents do see the value of technical education, twice as many parents would advise their children to study for A-Levels (53%) rather than technical qualifications (26%). This is despite the fact that more than three quarters of parents (78%) believe that technical qualifications are “just as valuable” as A-Levels and four in five parents (82%) think that technical qualifications can “lead into good future careers”. Commenting on these findings, Julie Hyde, Director of CACHE said: “Technical education is vital to ensuring that we have the skilled workforce this country needs for the future and we therefore welcome the Government’s focus on creating a world-class system. These figures suggest that parents do already recognise the value of technical education in theory – which is extremely encouraging – but worryingly, when it comes to supporting their children to choose a post-16 route in practice, many clearly still favour the academic route, perceiving technical education as inferior. “The Government has recognised this challenge, but these survey findings really bring it home – more clearly needs to be done to actively change perceptions, if the reforms are to succeed in their aim of creating parity of esteem between academic and technical qualifications.” More than half (54%) of 11-16-year olds stated that they did not know what career path they wish to follow, yet under the Government’s reformed post-16 education system, these young people would have to decide whether to follow a technical or academic route at the end of secondary school. Noting the implications of these findings, Ms Hyde, said: “As the Government finalises the detail of the new technical qualifications and the system that will underpin them, they must ensure that young people are not limited by the choices they make at 16 in their later lives, as their interests and career goals may evolve. “The new system must give young people the flexibility to pursue a wide range of career options or progress into higher education – no matter which route they take at 16, academic or technical.” The survey also revealed a clear lack of knowledge and understanding of the existing technical education system. 68% of young people and 63% of parents with children could not name an existing technical qualification. A third of parents with children also stated that they felt that technical education was not promoted as a post-16 option at their child’s school – something which will need to be addressed, if the reforms are to succeed. Commenting on the results, David Hughes, Chief Executive of the Association of Colleges (AOC) said: “These results are not at all surprising, given that T Levels are in the very early stages of development. The survey provides evidence of the enormous challenge faced by all Governments when they introduce new qualifications. “The awareness, understanding and prestige of those qualifications does not magically appear overnight - it has to be worked on. T Levels are an ambitious attempt to change the culture and respect towards technical education; it will take a sustained, long term effort by Government, employers, schools, colleges and universities to make it a success.” Mark Dawe, Chief Executive of the Association of Employment and Learning Providers (AELP) said: “This survey appears to confirm that questions over value for money from a traditional degree with its accompanying student debt are increasingly prompting young people and parents to weigh post-16 options very carefully. “If introduced in the right way, T levels will enrich the choices available for those who may prefer a different route to a technical qualification that apprenticeships and degrees can already provide.” About CACHE: CACHE (the Council for Awards in Care, Health and Education) is the UK’s leading sector specialist in health, care and education and is now a trademark owned by national awarding organisation NCFE. CACHE has developed qualifications of excellence for over 70 years to more than 1,000 UK-based and overseas delivery partners. Over the years, CACHE has continually invested in high-quality qualifications which are written and developed by experts, and have helped millions of learners across the world raise professional standards. Its continued dedication to those who care for children, young people and adults means that its qualifications will continue to meet the needs of a modern workforce. About Survey: The survey was commissioned by CACHE and undertaken by research company Censuswide. 1000 young people aged 11 - 16 and 1000 parents with children were polled in the survey. Field work was conducted between Monday 5th February and Tuesday 6th February 2018. Results available on request.
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Americae Mappa Generalis. 1746 18.5 x 21.5 in (46.99 x 54.61 cm) A stunning 1746 Homann Heirs hand colored map of both North and South America. This is the second issue of this important map following the earlier edition by J. B. Homann. Map reflects a considerable advancement in American cartography of the time as well as a general increase in knowledge regarding America's interior from explorations and colonizations. Map immediately precedes the French and Indian War, so the French are shown to dominate North American while the Spanish are preeminent in the south. The Pacific Northwest is largely unexplored, but nonetheless, the mythical Northwest Passage is shown. As is the mythical Quivira, 'Land of Gold and Silver,' sought after by conquistador Francisco de Coronado in 1541. The beautiful decorative title cartouche in the lower left quadrant depicts two erupting volcanoes and several American Indians, one of which is seems to be holding aloft a shrunken head or similar idol. An important early map of the Americas. Johann Baptist Homann (March 20, 1664 - July 1, 1724) was the most prominent and prolific map publisher of the 18th century. Homann was born in Oberkammlach, a small town near Kammlach, Bavaria, Germany. As a young man Homann studied in a Jesuit school and nursed ambitions of becoming a Dominican priest before converting to Protestantism in 1687. Following his conversion, Homann moved to Nuremberg and found employment as a notary. Around 1693 Homan briefly relocated to Vienna, where he lived and studied printing and copper plate engraving until 1695. Afterwards he returned to Nuremberg where, in 1702, he founded the commercial publishing firm that would bear his name. In the next five years Homann produced hundreds of maps and developed a distinctive style characterized by heavy detailed engraving, elaborate allegorical cartouche work, and vivid hand color. The Homann firm, due to the lower cost of printing in Germany, was able to undercut the dominant French and Dutch publishing houses while matching the diversity and quality of their output. By 1715 Homann's rising star caught the attention of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles the VI, who appointed him Imperial Cartographer. In the same year he was also appointed a member of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Berlin. Homann's prestigious title came with a number of important advantages including access to the most up to date cartographic information as well as the "Privilege". The Privilege was a type of early copyright offered to a few individuals by the Holy Roman Emperor. Though not as sophisticated as modern copyright legislation, the Privilege did offer a kind of limited protection for several years. Most all J. B. Homann maps printed between 1715 and 1730 bear the inscription "Cum Priviligio" or some variation. Following Homann's death in 1726, the management of the firm passed to his son Johann Christoph Homann (1703 - 1730). J. C. Homann, perhaps realizing that he would not long survive his father, stipulated in his will that the company would be inherited by his two head managers, Johann Georg Ebersberger and Johann Michael Franz, and that it would publish only under the name Homann Heirs. This designation, in various forms (Homannsche Heirs, Heritiers de Homann, Lat Homannianos Herod, Homannschen Erben, etc..) appears on maps from about 1731 onwards. The firm continued to publish maps in ever diminishing quantities until the death of its last owner, Christoph Franz Fembo in 1848. Good condition. Fill repair bottom center. Phillips, Lee Philip, A List of Geographical Atlases in the Library of Congress, page 44.
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Being told by your doctor that you need to have a radiology screening done may be frightening if you are unfamiliar with what radiology is and how it works. There are many several reasons to have a radiology screening performed, whether it is for x-rays, ultrasounds, mammography, or other types of scans that can aid in your overall health. If you are confused about all that is done in a radiology department or service center, and what your trip might entail, here is everything that you need to know before visiting. What is radiology? Radiology is medical imaging that assists in diagnosing an issue or problem with a patient. During the process, the body will be scanned by a machine that creates images to help doctors understand what is going on below the surface of the skin. Why do I need radiology? A patient might need radiology for several distinct reasons. Most commonly it is to help aid in a diagnosis. It can also be used as a preventative measure or to make sure the body is functioning and working in the proper way. Certain types of scans can be used to see if the heart is behaving normally, another, like a mammogram, can be used to prevent breast cancer if done early enough in the development stages. No matter what type of scans it is, every type can help get a deeper look at the body and see how it is changing. How are these images used? The images that are taken are used by the radiologists and your primary care doctor. Both will use these scans to check on the health of a patient and to create a treatment plan if concerning items are found. Who works in radiology? Radiology departments or service centers are staffed with board-certified radiologists, experienced radiology technicians, and nurses. The professionals have gone through certifications and years of training to be able to operate radiology equipment in a safe manner. The staff has been trained on how to read images that are produced in the radiology sessions to assist the primary care physicians with a diagnosis. What does a radiologist do? A radiologist is an important part of the medical process and has a key role when it comes to formulating a diagnosis. In addition to assisting the primary care doctor with diagnosis, a radiologist will also aid the doctor in what type of treatments or imaging processes to order and might even carry out the appointments. Then they can give feedback for recommended treatments or other procedures that need to be done based on the results of the scans. Radiologists can also assist in administering therapeutic radiology that will help a patient recover and improve their life. What does radiology involve? Radiology consists of several types of scans. There is a quick list below, along with what each scan specifically looks for. X-Ray: can aid in checking the body for bone breakage and foreign objects MRI: Can get a more detailed look at the internal structures of the body and see if there are any issues. Bone Density: Like an x-ray, it is used to help define and see bone loss and erosion. Used to identify osteoporosis. Mammography: Uses small doses of radiation to help detect signs of breast cancer before it can fully develop- when it is easier to treat. CT (CAT Scan): A combination of an MRI and X-Rays, a CT scan can look at the organs, bones, soft tissues and blood vessels. They can also create three- dimensional images. Ultrasound: Creates sounds waves and does not use radiation in its imaging. Vascular Studies: Also using sounds waves, checks the circulatory system of the body to help see blood clots and other blockages. Echocardiograms: uses sound waves to see the heart and can be used to test for heart disease. There are many reasons that someone might have to get a radiology screening done, and while it might seem concerning or intimidating, the scans are safe and necessary. The primary care doctor and the radiology staff work together to further the health and lifespan of a patient. If you are still concerned or uncertain as to what radiology does, feel free to call us at Gonzaba with your questions. We are in San Antonio and have 4locations that can help with your radiology orders and any questions that you might have.
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Air humidification in wood processing environments. Wood is a natural raw material and, because of its hygroscopic properties, absorbs and emits moisture in accordance with its surroundings. When the air is too humid, it will tend to imbibe moisture, while releasing it if the relative humidity is low, which can cause deformations, tension or breakage to the material. So, the efficiency of the manufacturing process and the quality of the finished product heavily depend on constant, regulated air humidity in the working area. If wood undergoes further processing, optimum air humidity ensures the high quality of adhesions, paint and laminates applied to the material. Fluctuations and low humidity levels impacts the drying time, and, for instance, can affect the strength of adhesives, causing the loosening or detachment of bonded elements. Optimum humidification levels can also help maintaining a healthy working environment for employees processing wood. Air humidification binds the wood dust and prevents it to circulate in the ambient air, enabling occupants to work in a healthier space with lower dust pollution. To reduce the warm indoor temperatures created by wood processing, the use of adiabatic humidification systems is recommended, as the units can achieve advanced, environmentally-friendlyair cooling. Adiabatic systems help stabilise and maintain existing heat, achieving an optimum indoor climate. Here is an overview of the advantages of air humidification in wood processing environments: - Increases material and process efficiency due to fewer deformations or shrinkage - Improves product quality in terms of appearance, durability and functionality - Creates a healthy and pleasant working environment for operational employees - Reduces operating costs due to energy-efficient cooling performance
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Language is a tool for thought and communication. It is also a cultural and aesthetic means commonly shared amongst people to make better sense of the world they live in. English First Additional Language assumes that learners do not necessarily have any knowledge of English when they arrive at school. The focus in the first few years of school is on developing learners’ ability to understand and speak English. Literacy skills are then built on this oral foundation as learners’ progress through school. The reality is, however, that many learners still cannot communicate effectively in English by the time they reach Grade 12. The challenge in Grades 10-12, therefore, is to provide support for these learners, at the same time as providing a curriculum that enables learners to meet the standards required in Grade 12. These standards must be such that learners can use English at a high level of proficiency to prepare them for further or higher education, as well as the world of work.
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Fun learning ideas for 0 – 3 year olds There are lots of games and activities you can do with your child to have fun together and get them developing important skills, such as speaking and listening and developing eye-hand co-ordination. Here are some ideas. Games and activities 1. Sing together Children enjoy exploring and experimenting with language and it helps them to learn new words and their meanings and also to listen to the sounds that make those words. So sing, rhyme, shout, whisper, rap and dance to the beat! 2. Painting and drawing Give your child lots of opportunities to draw and paint. This is not only fun, but also can help to develop eye-hand coordination and control. Let them experiment with lots of different materials – paint brushes with a range of widths, pencils, crayons, chalks and finger paint. You could try playing music when they paint and draw as this can help to create a relaxing environment. 3. Hands-on games - Use modelling clay to get creative and develop fine motor skills. - Threading beads, macaroni or cotton reels on wool or string can help with eye-hand co-ordination and control. - Joining the dots and drawing paths through simple mazes are not only fun but are a great way to develop eye-hand coordination and pen control. - Enjoy jigsaws together and chat about finding the right pieces! 4. Reading books of all kinds together Have fun reading books of all kinds to your child: picture, words and pictures, pop up, information and poetry. Why not choose a eBook from our library to share on-screen together? Visit our storyteller page to watch videos of storytellers reading favourite traditional stories. 5. Talk about numbers around you It’s never too early to explore numbers with your child. Numbers are all around us, from calendars to the remote control, the telephone to car registration plates. Try pointing out numbers when you’re out and about – on front doors, signs, the front of buses and train platforms. Talking about numbers around you early and often will help your child to recognize numerals and show them that numbers are part of everyday life.
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|Town/Region||Takamanda and Mone Forest Reserves| |Categories||Forests, Mammals, Primates| |Date||14 Aug 2000| This project seeks to study the population (estimated at around 100), distribution and ecology of the gorillas of the Takamanda and Mone Forest Reserves in Cameroon, along the border of eastern Nigeria. Although these are long established reserves, commercial logging activities have placed them within the reach of many more people than previously - roads now reach within three miles of the Reserve boundary. The gorillas living in this area are thought to be a distinct species known as the Cross River Gorillas. Cameroon's national laws prohibit the hunting of gorillas but lack of enforcement and conservation education make it extremely difficult for these laws to be implemented. The work will focus in particular on the migration pattern between these areas and the adjacent Okwangwo Forest Reserve in Eastern Nigeria. The team will work with local villagers to increase awareness of conservation problems and to secure their support for future conservation efforts. The project is collaborating with an organisation undertaking research on the Nigerian side of the border, and the long term aim is to establish a cross border protected area. For further information contact:
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America’s Digital Goddess ~ November 15, 2015 ~ By Meredith Cunningham One of the greatest advances in technology is being able to harness the power of renewable resources. After all, solar panels are becoming more common, cars are going electric, and we could soon be generating all of our electricity ourselves. I’m talking about a new invention called the Free Electric hybrid bike, created by Manoj Bhargava. When this stationary bike is in action, a flywheel turns a generator, which charges a battery. One hour of riding the bike will generate enough electricity to power your house for 24 hours. Better yet, generating this type of electricity means no pollution. Now, busy and working-class people can reduce their energy bills, all while finding time to get a good workout in. Not only that, this bike can help generate power when the grid collapses, like when a major storm hits, or when there’s a blackout. But this bike goes way beyond our borders. Currently there is an estimated 3 billion people who live without electricity. This bike will in turn help those impoverished people power their homes, and have access to things like the Internet, which means they can also get an education, live healthier and have a better chance to climb out of poverty. Bhargava plans to distribute 10,000 bikes in India next year and has also pledged 90% of his earnings to charity and research. See Bhargava and the Free Electric hybrid bike in action in the video below:
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Athlete's foot, a fungal infection of the skin and sometimes nails, is often associated with feet because the feet are more often present the type of moist, confined area in which the fungus likes to breed. However, the fungus associated with this condition can spread to other parts of the body as well, including the hands. The Causes of the Condition Athlete's foot is caused by the fungus Trichophyton rubrum or other fungi of the Trichophyton family. This type of fungus breeds best in moist conditions and is contagious. If, for example, your bare skin touches a moist area that someone with the infection has touched, such as the area around a swimming pool, a public gym or even just an unwashed bath towel, the fungus can infect your own skin. The Symptoms of the Condition Skin infected by athlete's foot is dry, flaky and itchy. It's also potentially blistered. Nails infected by the condition are brittle and discolored and may have what appear to be deep scratches across the surface. When the Fungus Infects the Hands The condition typically at least starts on the feet because walking barefoot in moist, public places exposes your feet, and wearing non-breathable socks and shoes frequently gives the fungus the perfect environment in which to thrive. From there, the fungus can spread to other parts of the body. However, it is possible to have the fungus start on the skin of the hands. If your hands touch a moist, public area or a towel used by someone else with the infection, or even if your hands touch your own infected feet, you could be spreading the infection to your hands unless you thoroughly wash and dry your hands after exposure. Even so, avoiding touching infected skin and places or things that may be infected can decrease your chances of exposure.
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New Story Updates! Signup today and receive Storyberries' fresh new stories to your inbox. This is a vintage fairy tale, and may contain violence. We would encourage parents to read beforehand if your child is sensitive to such themes. Far away in the forest, where the warm sun and the fresh air made a sweet resting place, grew a pretty little fir tree. The situation was all that could be desired; and yet the tree was not happy, it wished so much to be like its tall companions, the pines and firs which grew around it. The sun shone, and the soft air fluttered its leaves, and the little peasant children passed by, prattling merrily; but the fir tree did not heed them. Sometimes the children would bring a large basket of raspberries or strawberries, wreathed on straws, and seat themselves near the fir tree, and say, “Is it not a pretty little tree?” which made it feel even more unhappy than before. And yet all this while the tree grew a notch or joint taller every year, for by the number of joints in the stem of a fir tree we can discover its age. Still, as it grew, it complained: “Oh! how I wish I were as tall as the other trees; then I would spread out my branches on every side, and my crown would overlook the wide world around. I should have the birds building their nests on my boughs, and when the wind blew, I should bow with stately dignity, like my tall companions.” So discontented was the tree, that it took no pleasure in the warm sunshine, the birds, or the rosy clouds that floated over it morning and evening. Sometimes in winter, when the snow lay white and glittering on the ground, there was a little hare that would come springing along, and jump right over the little tree’s head; then how mortified it would feel. Two winters passed; and when the third arrived, the tree had grown so tall that the hare was obliged to run round it. Yet it remained unsatisfied and would exclaim: “Oh! to grow, to grow; if I could but keep on growing tall and old! There is nothing else worth caring for in the world.” In the autumn the woodcutters came, as usual, and cut down several of the tallest trees; and the young fir, which was now grown to a good, full height, shuddered as the noble trees fell to the earth with a crash. After the branches were lopped off, the trunks looked so slender and bare that they could scarcely be recognized. Then they were placed, one upon another, upon wagons and drawn by horses out of the forest. Where could they be going? What would become of them? The young fir tree wished very much to know. So in the spring, when the swallows and the storks came, it asked: “Do you know where those trees were taken? Did you meet them?” The swallows knew nothing; but the stork, after a little reflection, nodded his head and said: “Yes, I think I do. As I flew from Egypt, I met several new ships, and they had fine masts that smelt like fir. These must have been the trees; and I assure you they were stately; they sailed right gloriously!” “Oh, how I wish I were tall enough to go on the sea,” said the fir tree. “Tell me what is this sea, and what does it look like?” “It would take too much time to explain—a great deal too much,” said the stork, flying quickly away. “Rejoice in thy youth,” said the sunbeam; “rejoice in thy fresh growth and in the young life that is in thee.” And the wind kissed the tree, and the dew watered it with tears, but the fir tree regarded them not. Christmas time drew near, and many young trees were cut down, some that were even smaller and younger than the fir tree, who enjoyed neither rest nor peace for longing to leave its forest home. These young trees, which were chosen for their beauty, kept their branches, and they, also, were laid on wagons and drawn by horses far away out of the forest. “Where are they going?” asked the fir tree. “They are not taller than I am; indeed, one is not so tall. And why do they keep all their branches? Where are they going?” “We know, we know,” sang the sparrows; “we have looked in at the windows of the houses in the town, and we know what is done with them. Oh! you cannot think what honor and glory they receive. They are dressed up in the most splendid manner. We have seen them standing in the middle of a warm room, and adorned with all sorts of beautiful things—honey cakes, gilded apples, playthings, and many hundreds of wax tapers.” “And then,” asked the fir tree, trembling in all its branches, “and then what happens?” “We did not see any more,” said the sparrows; “but this was enough for us.” “I wonder whether anything so brilliant will ever happen to me,” thought the fir tree. “It would be better even than crossing the sea. I long for it almost with pain. Oh, when will Christmas be here? I am now as tall and well grown as those which were taken away last year. O that I were now laid on the wagon, or standing in the warm room with all that brightness and splendor around me! Something better and more beautiful is to come after, or the trees would not be so decked out. Yes, what follows will be grander and more splendid. What can it be? I am weary with longing. I scarcely know what it is that I feel.” “Rejoice in our love,” said the air and the sunlight. “Enjoy thine own bright life in the fresh air.” But the tree would not rejoice, though it grew taller every day, and winter and summer its dark-green foliage might be seen in the forest, while passers-by would say, “What a beautiful tree!” A short time before the next Christmas the discontented fir tree was the first to fall. As the ax cut sharply through the stem and divided the pith, the tree fell with a groan to the earth, conscious of pain and faintness and forgetting all its dreams of happiness in sorrow at leaving its home in the forest. It knew that it should never again see its dear old companions the trees, nor the little bushes and many-colored flowers that had grown by its side; perhaps not even the birds. Nor was the journey at all pleasant. The tree first recovered itself while being unpacked in the courtyard of a house, with several other trees; and it heard a man say: “We only want one, and this is the prettiest. This is beautiful!” Then came two servants in grand livery and carried the fir tree into a large and beautiful apartment. Pictures hung on the walls, and near the tall tile stove stood great china vases with lions on the lids. There were rocking-chairs, silken sofas, and large tables covered with pictures; and there were books, and playthings that had cost a hundred times a hundred dollars—at least so said the children. Then the fir tree was placed in a large tub full of sand—but green baize hung all round it so that no one could know it was a tub—and it stood on a very handsome carpet. Oh, how the fir tree trembled! What was going to happen to him now? Some young ladies came, and the servants helped them to adorn the tree. On one branch they hung little bags cut out of colored paper, and each bag was filled with sweetmeats. From other branches hung gilded apples and walnuts, as if they had grown there; and above and all around were hundreds of red, blue, and white tapers, which were fastened upon the branches. Dolls, exactly like real men and women, were placed under the green leaves,—the tree had never seen such things before,—and at the very top was fastened a glittering star made of gold tinsel. Oh, it was very beautiful. “This evening,” they all exclaimed, “how bright it will be!” “O that the evening were come,” thought the tree, “and the tapers lighted! Then I shall know what else is going to happen. Will the trees of the forest come to see me? Will the sparrows peep in at the windows, I wonder, as they fly? Shall I grow faster here than in the forest, and shall I keep on all these ornaments during summer and winter?” But guessing was of very little use. His back ached with trying, and this pain is as bad for a slender fir tree as headache is for us. At last the tapers were lighted, and then what a glistening blaze of splendor the tree presented! It trembled so with joy in all its branches that one of the candles fell among the green leaves and burned some of them. “Help! help!” exclaimed the young ladies; but no harm was done, for they quickly extinguished the fire. After this the tree tried not to tremble at all, though the fire frightened him, he was so anxious not to hurt any of the beautiful ornaments, even while their brilliancy dazzled him. And now the folding doors were thrown open, and a troop of children rushed in as if they intended to upset the tree, and were followed more slowly by their elders. For a moment the little ones stood silent with astonishment, and then they shouted for joy till the room rang; and they danced merrily round the tree while one present after another was taken from it. “What are they doing? What will happen next?” thought the tree. At last the candles burned down to the branches and were put out. Then the children received permission to plunder the tree. Oh, how they rushed upon it! There was such a riot that the branches cracked, and had it not been fastened with the glistening star to the ceiling, it must have been thrown down. Then the children danced about with their pretty toys, and no one noticed the tree except the children’s maid, who came and peeped among the branches to see if an apple or a fig had been forgotten. “A story, a story,” cried the children, pulling a little fat man towards the tree. “Now we shall be in the green shade,” said the man as he seated himself under it, “and the tree will have the pleasure of hearing, also; but I shall only relate one story. What shall it be? Ivede-Avede or Humpty Dumpty, who fell downstairs, but soon got up again, and at last married a princess?” “Ivede-Avede,” cried some; “Humpty Dumpty,” cried others; and there was a famous uproar. But the fir tree remained quite still and thought to himself: “Shall I have anything to do with all this? Ought I to make a noise, too?” but he had already amused them as much as they wished and they paid no attention to him. Then the old man told them the story of Humpty Dumpty—how he fell downstairs, and was raised up again, and married a princess. And the children clapped their hands and cried, “Tell another, tell another,” for they wanted to hear the story of Ivede-Avede; but this time they had only “Humpty Dumpty.” After this the fir tree became quite silent and thoughtful. Never had the birds in the forest told such tales as that of Humpty Dumpty, who fell downstairs, and yet married a princess. “Ah, yes! so it happens in the world,” thought the fir tree. He believed it all, because it was related by such a pleasant man. “Ah, well!” he thought, “who knows? Perhaps I may fall down, too, and marry a princess;” and he looked forward joyfully to the next evening, expecting to be again decked out with lights and playthings, gold and fruit. “To-morrow I will not tremble,” thought he; “I will enjoy all my splendor, and I shall hear the story of Humpty Dumpty again, and perhaps of Ivede-Avede.” And the tree remained quiet and thoughtful all night. In the morning the servants and the housemaid came in. “Now,” thought the fir tree, “all my splendor is going to begin again.” But they dragged him out of the room and upstairs to the garret and threw him on the floor in a dark corner where no daylight shone, and there they left him. “What does this mean?” thought the tree. “What am I to do here? I can hear nothing in a place like this;” and he leaned against the wall and thought and thought. And he had time enough to think, for days and nights passed and no one came near him; and when at last somebody did come, it was only to push away some large boxes in a corner. So the tree was completely hidden from sight, as if it had never existed. “It is winter now,” thought the tree; “the ground is hard and covered with snow, so that people cannot plant me. I shall be sheltered here, I dare say, until spring comes. How thoughtful and kind everybody is to me! Still, I wish this place were not so dark and so dreadfully lonely, with not even a little hare to look at. How pleasant it was out in the forest while the snow lay on the ground, when the hare would run by, yes, and jump over me, too, although I did not like it then. Oh! it is terribly lonely here.” “Squeak, squeak,” said a little mouse, creeping cautiously towards the tree; then came another, and they both sniffed at the fir tree and crept in and out between the branches. “Oh, it is very cold,” said the little mouse. “If it were not we should be very comfortable here, shouldn’t we, old fir tree?” “I am not old,” said the fir tree. “There are many who are older than I am.” “Where do you come from?” asked the mice, who were full of curiosity; “and what do you know? Have you seen the most beautiful places in the world, and can you tell us all about them? And have you been in the storeroom, where cheeses lie on the shelf and hams hang from the ceiling? One can run about on tallow candles there; one can go in thin and come out fat.” “I know nothing of that,” said the fir tree, “but I know the wood, where the sun shines and the birds sing.” And then the tree told the little mice all about its youth. They had never heard such an account in their lives; and after they had listened to it attentively, they said: “What a number of things you have seen! You must have been very happy.” “Happy!” exclaimed the fir tree; and then, as he reflected on what he had been telling them, he said, “Ah, yes! after all, those were happy days.” But when he went on and related all about Christmas Eve, and how he had been dressed up with cakes and lights, the mice said, “How happy you must have been, you old fir tree.” “I am not old at all,” replied the tree; “I only came from the forest this winter. I am now checked in my growth.” “What splendid stories you can tell,” said the little mice. And the next night four other mice came with them to hear what the tree had to tell. The more he talked the more he remembered, and then he thought to himself: “Yes, those were happy days; but they may come again. Humpty Dumpty fell downstairs, and yet he married the princess. Perhaps I may marry a princess, too.” And the fir tree thought of the pretty little birch tree that grew in the forest; a real princess, a beautiful princess, she was to him. “Who is Humpty Dumpty?” asked the little mice. And then the tree related the whole story; he could remember every single word. And the little mice were so delighted with it that they were ready to jump to the top of the tree. The next night a great many more mice made their appearance, and on Sunday two rats came with them; but the rats said it was not a pretty story at all, and the little mice were very sorry, for it made them also think less of it. “Do you know only that one story?” asked the rats. “Only that one,” replied the fir tree. “I heard it on the happiest evening in my life; but I did not know I was so happy at the time.” “We think it is a very miserable story,” said the rats. “Don’t you know any story about bacon or tallow in the storeroom?” “No,” replied the tree. “Many thanks to you, then,” replied the rats, and they went their ways. The little mice also kept away after this, and the tree sighed and said: “It was very pleasant when the merry little mice sat round me and listened while I talked. Now that is all past, too. However, I shall consider myself happy when some one comes to take me out of this place.” But would this ever happen? Yes; one morning people came to clear up the garret; the boxes were packed away, and the tree was pulled out of the corner and thrown roughly on the floor; then the servants dragged it out upon the staircase, where the daylight shone. “Now life is beginning again,” said the tree, rejoicing in the sunshine and fresh air. Then it was carried downstairs and taken into the courtyard so quickly that it forgot to think of itself and could only look about, there was so much to be seen. The court was close to a garden, where everything looked blooming. Fresh and fragrant roses hung over the little palings. The linden trees were in blossom, while swallows flew here and there, crying, “Twit, twit, twit, my mate is coming”; but it was not the fir tree they meant. “Now I shall live,” cried the tree joyfully, spreading out its branches; but alas! they were all withered and yellow, and it lay in a corner among weeds and nettles. The star of gold paper still stuck in the top of the tree and glittered in the sunshine. Two of the merry children who had danced round the tree at Christmas and had been so happy were playing in the same courtyard. The youngest saw the gilded star and ran and pulled it off the tree. “Look what is sticking to the ugly old fir tree,” said the child, treading on the branches till they crackled under his boots. And the tree saw all the fresh, bright flowers in the garden and then looked at itself and wished it had remained in the dark corner of the garret. It thought of its fresh youth in the forest, of the merry Christmas evening, and of the little mice who had listened to the story of Humpty Dumpty. “Past! past!” said the poor tree. “Oh, had I but enjoyed myself while I could have done so! but now it is too late.” Then a lad came and chopped the tree into small pieces, till a large bundle lay in a heap on the ground. The pieces were placed in a fire, and they quickly blazed up brightly, while the tree sighed so deeply that each sigh was like a little pistol shot. Then the children who were at play came and seated themselves in front of the fire, and looked at it and cried, “Pop, pop.” But at each “pop,” which was a deep sigh, the tree was thinking of a summer day in the forest or of some winter night there when the stars shone brightly, and of Christmas evening, and of Humpty Dumpty,—the only story it had ever heard or knew how to relate,—till at last it was consumed. The boys still played in the garden, and the youngest wore on his breast the golden star with which the tree had been adorned during the happiest evening of its existence. Now all was past; the tree’s life was past and the story also past—for all stories must come to an end at some time or other. Short story for children by Hans Christian Andersen Vintage illustrations by Edna F. Hart Header illustration by Wavebreak Media Micro Let’s Chat About The Stories ~ Ideas for Talking With Kids 1. When the little fir tree was in the forest, he felt unhappy because he wished he was grown like the other fir trees. But can you think of some beautiful things that he would have experienced, living as a small fir tree in a forest? 2. When the little fir tree sees the larger fir trees being cut down for boat masts and Christmas trees, he also feels jealous of them for having exciting experiences. Were the experiences as exciting as he imagined when they happened to him? 3. The little fir tree spends all its time wishing to be be grown, or sad that nice times have passed. Do you think he got the best enjoyment from his life, thinking like this? Why or why not? 4. What do you like about being the age that you are now? 5. Do you ever wish that you were a baby again, or grown-up? Why or why not? New Story Updates! 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Suggestions for composing work by pupils of monetary specialties The introduction provides a declaration associated with relevant concern, describes the selection associated with the topic, substantiates its relevance and practical significance, and suggests the point and goals regarding the thesis or program work. For instance, the objective of a thesis or program work might be to look for the main means of re re solving key tasks based from the analysis regarding the state of the difficulty or process being examined, to formulate proposals that are specific. To characterize the relevance for the subject associated with the course or thesis work, it is important to investigate the information and present a critical evaluation of this theoretical ideas and statements that are scientific forth within the financial literary works, in addition to a handful of important facets of the real issue. It’s important to demonstrate the details and features of the development and development of specific processes within the conditions of market relations that require theoretical understanding. The real task, for instance, may be thedisclosure for the requisite and essence of finance, cash blood supply and credit within the conditions for the market, the kinds and ways of their state legislation. Read More
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From the very beginning, "mission", in the sense of a universal trans-cultural dissemination of faith, was an essential part of Christianity. In subsequent centuries and epochs missionary activity took on many forms, from processes of micro-communication via a capillary network that spread into nearby regions, to the professional preaching of the Gospel by trained missionaries. The modern era that we will be examining, despite encompassing a period of five hundred years (1450–1950), makes up only one fourth of the history of the Christian mission. It is characterised primarily by a transcontinental movement that, beginning in 1 But, even in the epochs that preceded it, various cultures had developed forms of intellectual and inter-cultural communication upon which the modern mission could build. The foundation and pre-requisite for the European transcontinental missionary movement in the modern era were Christianity's rootedness in Europe and the unity of the Roman Catholic Church with its centre in ., carried Christianity to the , and . Christianity had spread throughout the European overseas expansion,2 a process of globalisation which compacted space and time and was begun in the early modern period by the powers of the , and , and continued later on by other European maritime powers and by the .during a thousand year process that extended from Late Antiquity to the Late Middle Ages. With its variety of missionary methods (e.g. peaceful mission, mission by coercion and the conversion of tribes by first converting the ruler), Christianity had reached all European peoples. It extended from to and ; it stretched from in the far west to 's West Slavic and Baltic peoples. This process had brought forth European Christianity which, in turn and by stages, initiated missionary activity beyond Europe's borders. The religious missionary enterprise was generally tied to the economically driven power politics involved in Starting from the Eastern 3the Christian mission moved not only westward but also east. Thus, in addition to the missionary activity of Roman Catholic Christianity, oriental Christianity, primarily the Holy Apostolic Catholic Assyrian Church of the East – with its later centre in – developed a comparable missionary movement towards and , and along the into and . However, in contrast to the success of Christianity in the west, oriental Christianity was unable to put down extensive roots in the vast expanses of the east: probably because its capacity for inculturation was inadequate and it lacked the support of worldly rulers. This, and other reasons, led to its diminishing importance and, as a result, it has only survived fragmentarily. A new terminology was created in the early modern era that replaced the concepts of the Middle Ages and quickly became a part of the general language. Neither Late Antiquity nor the Middle Ages had had a unified concept to designate missionary activity and had used many different terms to describe it. Thus the sources speak of the "proclamation of the Gospel" (promulgatio Evangelii) or of the "propagation of faith" (propagatio fidei). But they also speak of "preaching to the peoples" (praedicatio gentium), of the concern for salvation (De procuranda salute), of the "conversion of the infidels" (conversio infidelium) and of "Gospel work" (labor evangelicus). The neologism "mission", coined in early Jesuit circles, denoted at first the personal or institutional mission of those who had been commissioned by a Church authority. From this term the plural "missions" was derived which designates the task itself, as well as the intended geographical area. Thus the concept became a terminus technicus that soon entered into official language and theological literature. Widely used also in ecumenical and historical contexts, it acquired, however, an increasingly negative connotation in the wake of de-colonisation in the middle of the 20th century.4 But the increasing general use of the concept should not obscure the confessional differences in mission theory and practice which were closely linked to the political and ecclesiastical conditions of the time. In the Age of Discovery, on the threshold to the modern era, . It took advantage of newly discovered sea routes that, circumnavigating Africa, led to Asia, or, sailing across the , led to the Americas. The missions took place within the framework of this expansion and under the patronage that had been granted to the rulers of the Iberian Peninsula by the Pope. It obliged them to install the Church in the newly discovered lands, to finance missions and to staff them with well-educated personnel. However, this task, which the Catholic monarchs of the Iberian maritime powers took a personal and serious interest in, could hardly have been carried out, had there not been well trained and highly motivated ascetic members of numerous religious orders, who had dedicated themselves to missionary work. These missionaries, at first members of exclusively male religious orders, came from the mendicant orders of the millenarian Franciscans (Ordo Fratrum Minorum) and Dominicans (Ordo Praedicatorum), but also from the Augustinians, Capuchins, Mercedarians and Carmelites. A particularly important and innovative role in the missions to Asia and the Americas was played by the recently founded (1540) Order of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits). In contrast to the Catholic missions, and despite individual exceptions, the denomination that emerged from the Reformation failed to develop large scale missionary activity in their first two hundred years of existence. This was probably due to the fact that the confessions were largely confined to non-coastal regions, and that the new confessions had disbanded the religious orders. But theological reasons may have also played a role: the so-called "Great Commission" (Matthew 28: 18–20) was regarded as to have been already carried out by the Apostles, or to be restricted to the parishes. The Protestant world mission first came into being when institutional frameworks and personal resources, similar to the ones that the Catholics had, became available. At the end of the 18th century, as the strength of the Iberian powers waned, the Catholic missions also suffered a decline. At the same time the competing Protestant maritime and colonial powers of P also came into existence, beginning with the short-lived Seminarium Indicum in (1622) that was supported by the Dutch chartered United East India Company (VOC). Revivalist movements, such as pietism or the Moravian Church, also developed an interest in missionary activity. Both religious and colonial interests were combined in an exemplary manner in the Danish and English Halle mission to with its pietist protagonist Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg (1682–1719). By the end of the 18th century missionary activity was carried out by such institutions as the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, founded in in 1701 – other ideas for missionary institutions had existed, thus Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) advocated scientific societies, and was in favour of the missionizing parish. The missionary efforts of the various confessions reached a climax in the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th, when the Protestant mission societies, which had grown numerous in the meantime, and the Catholic orders and mission societies were active primarily in Africa, Asia and . They were generally acting under the protection of a European colonial power, often England or but sometimes or ., and expanded their overseas holdings. Under these conditions The missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church went hand in hand with Ivan IV the Terrible (1530–1584) and the – to a certain level – coercive conversion of the Muslim population. During the expansion to the east in the 18th century, as Tsar Peter I (1672–1725) pursued the exploration of , and as the expedition into led to the discovery of during the reign of Tsarina Catherine II (1729–1796), missionary activity also took mainly place under the sovereignty of the state. An Alaskan mission was organized in the new territory in 1794 which also engaged in linguistic and natural science studies (meteorology). After the sale of Alaska to the United States (1867), it developed into the Orthodox Mission to . One of the most important missionaries, whose region was the , Alaska and the west coast of the United States, was Ivan Veniaminov (1797–1879) who promoted the transcription of indigenous languages and translations of the Bible and liturgy. He later became the Archbishop of Yakutsk and, as Metropolitan Innocent of Moscow (1868), founded the Orthodox Missionary Society (1870) which at the beginning of the 20th century maintained missions in Siberia, European Russia and . All in all, the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church within the Empire was confined to territories occupied by Islamic peoples (for example the Tartars and Buryats) to ( region) and to eastern Siberia, including Alaska. Beyond the Empire's borders, its missionary activity penetrated into Persia, , China, Japan and North America. With the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the subsequent suppression of the Orthodox Church, Russia's missionary activity ceased. However, as a rule, the Orthodox Churches that had been established were able to survive.'s mid-sixteenth century expansion to the south that resulted in the conquest of the Tatar Khanate at and by Epochal Contexts and Missionary Interaction In the modern era, the interaction brought about by missionary activity no longer took place in Europe, (with the exception of efforts on the part of the confessions to win converts from one another). Rather the space in which interaction took place was so enlarged that in the course of the modern era religious relationships were established and deepened in all the other inhabited parts of the world, i.e. Africa, the Americas, Asia, and modernisation and globalisation in this era that saw the change from a European Christianity (orbis christianus) to a Christianity with worldwide roots. Still, generally speaking, missions remained tied to political frameworks and economic interests, which they often had the function of legitimising.and Oceania. Taken as a whole the missionary activities of the various confessions were an independent factor in the process of Prepared by the cultural and artistic developments of the Renaissance where, based on such discoveries as the central perspective, a new artistic and philosophical legitimation was given to the freedom and dignity of the modern human being (Pico della Mirandola [1463–1494] being the perfect embodiment), missionary activity was further stimulated by the Portuguese voyages of discovery to the east and the Spanish voyages to the west. The awareness of new worlds re-awakened the interest in missionary activity, which was now also influenced by the ascetic and scientific ideas propagated by the newly developed humanism. The drive towards missionary activity also gained a new impulse from the knowledge that many people hitherto unknown to Europeans were not baptized. For, in keeping with the view of the time's Augustinianism, unless such people were rescued in the "eleventh hour"(Matthew 20: 6), they ran the risk of damnation. Never before had a religion been able to influence such a big part of humanity – so one judgement regarding the centuries of progress in the proliferation of Christianity between 1500 and 1800.5 Mission in Asia On their way east, in search of lucrative trade, the Portuguese circumnavigated Africa and in 1482 discovered theestuary. The ruler of the nearby ancient African kingdom, the Manikongo, agreed to be baptised and thereby initiated the Christianisation of his kingdom. The expansion of the Portuguese commercial empire, with its trading stations in Asia (Estado da Índia), took place under royal patronage (padroado) over the Church and its missionaries. Goa (India) and, later, Francisco Javier (Franz Xaver, 1506–1552), who began his task in 1540 and whose correspondence provides us with insights into the inter-cultural and inter-religious encounters with Indian Hinduism, the Islam of and Japanese Buddhism.6(China) developed into both political and ecclesiastical centres. From these vantage points missionary activity extended, not only to the Indian subcontinent but also to China and Japan in the Far East. The early modern mission to Asia was led by the Jesuit In Asia Christian missionaries generally encountered highly developed civilizations and religions to which the missionary projects tried to closely attach themselves. The Catholic initiatives in India, Japan and China between the 16th and 18th centuries sought therefore not merely an external accommodation to native cultures, but also entered into an inter-cultural exchange and spiritual dialogue. The main actors here were Italian missionaries such as Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606) (Japan), Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) (China), and Roberto de Nobili (1577–1656) (South India), whose vast knowledge of the humanities and the natural sciences was an integral part of the mission concept and facilitated the making of cultural ties as their interaction partners in China, where a conversion "from above" was pursued, were Confucian scholars and government officials. At times this interaction took place at the highest level, for example in the 17th century when Adam Schall von Bell (1592–1666) developed a paternal relationship to the young Ming Emperor , and Ferdinand Verbiest (1623–1688) became a good friend of the great Qing Emperor . The Church's efforts to free the mission from colonial and governmental ties and to make it once again a primarily religious undertaking, reached their culmination in the founding of the Roman Congregation De propaganda fide (1622) which began the process of decolonising and freeing the mission from Euro-centricity – a task that took centuries to accomplish. Protestant missionary activities made their appearance in Asia at the beginning of the 18th century. Their effectiveness was closely connected to the rise of the Protestant maritime powers of Holland, England and Denmark, and to such chartered companies as the English East India Company. Of decisive importance for their success were mission societies whose members pioneered such fields as linguistics and Bible translation. A large number of missionary societies emerged in the 19th century; more than fifty are on record in the anglophone area alone, among them one from the United States which began as a federation of college students, the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (1810). In the Pacific a special role was played by thewhich had been conquered for the Spanish crown in 1571 and named for the Spanish king. Missionary activity began shortly thereafter, carried out by various religious orders that stood under the King's patronage, and which took up the methods that had generally been used in the Americas. Trying to avoid previous errors, they combined the building of educational and healthcare facilities with measures to protect the people. With the exception of the Muslim areas south of the main island of , this mission brought about the almost complete Christianisation of the Philippines. The independence movement which began in the 19th century, and in which some of the native clergy took part, led on the one hand to schismatic independent churches and, on the other, to the beginnings of Protestant missionary activity. The latter was occasioned by the United States' occupation of the Philippines during the Spanish-American War (1898), a measure that the American president also justified with reference to "Christianizing" the Philippines. Conquest and Missionary Work in the Americas In the Americas missionary activity took place in the wake of European expansion during the early modern period. However, in contrast to the pattern in Asia, it occurred in the form of the conquista (conquest) of entire countries and regions, which were then integrated into the empires of the Iberian powers. Thus the joining of sword and cross, economic exploitation and religious mission, determined the nature of European discovery, conquest, occupation and seizure of the New World. Under papal influence the two rival Iberian powers had agreed in the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494)to a demarcation line, binding under international law, between their two spheres of interest. It was fixed at 46 degrees west longitude (370 leguas [= ca. 1,180 modern nautical miles] west of the ).Thus, the greater part of and came under Spanish rule, while Portugal claimed which had been discovered in 1500 by Pedro Alvares Cabral (1468–1520). Papal bulls placed the Church under the patronage of the Spanish (patronato) and the Portuguese crown (padroado). This monopoly on missionary activity created both rights and duties. Thus, the Spanish crown was responsible for building up the church organization and for missionary work in the New World, and was granted in return the right to collect church tithes to finance these tasks. The far-reaching universal patronage that the King of Spain obtained from Pope Julius II (1443–1513) through the bull Universalis ecclesiae (1508) included the right to appoint bishops (right of nomination), the right to select and commission missionary enterprises, and the right to establish dioceses. From 1524 on, the Spanish king exercised his rights and carried out his duties through a central authority that had been created by Charles V (1500–1558) in , the Council of the Indies (Real y Supremo Consejo de Indias). It was responsible, not only for the administration of justice, and for civil and financial administration, but also for the organization of the church, and therefore for missionary work, the logistics of which were organised by the Casa de Contratación in Seville. Missionary activity was one of the main instruments for integrating the Indians into a Spanish made political and social order.7 But, by virtue of its own momentum, missionary work also developed a critique of the governing powers, examples of which are found in the philosophical and theological discourse on the legitimacy of the Spanish presence in America in which such important Church protagonists as Bartolomé de Las Casas (1484–1566) and took part. Mainly, the practical bearers of the colonial mission in the Americas were the relatively independent and supra-national religious orders. In the first rank were the Franciscans, who from the time of the High Middle Ages had gathered experience in Asia and Africa. Between the 16th and the 18th century they accounted for more than half of the 15,000 missionaries sent to the colonies. The Franciscans were followed by the recently founded Jesuits and by the Dominicans. The spiritual orders established a great number of mission stations and monasteries. On the Viceroyaltyies' borders, for example in, these also functioned as frontier outposts. In colonial cities schools (colleges) educated also the native population and trained new missionaries. The missionaries thought of their activity as a conquista spiritual. Their interaction partners were the diverse peoples and ethnic groups of the indigenous population of the Americas who lived at various levels of cultural development: from the Taíno of the, who Columbus encountered, to the Tupí, Guaraní and Mapuche in South America. At the time of the European discovery of the Americas, in addition to the Indians who lived as nomadic hunter-gatherers, highly organised communities also existed, such as the two ancient American empires, the Aztecs in with their capital , and the Incas in the region of South America with their capitals of (Southern Kingdom) and (Northern Kingdom). After brief resistance both empires fell to the Spanish invaders, who were greatly aided by the technological superiority provided for them by fire arms and riding animals, writing, and the wheel – not to forget their more subtle stratagems. But it was by no means merely military confrontation that decimated the Indians, more devastating still were the epidemics caused by the natives' lack of immunity against the diseases that had been brought from Europe. In contrast to the confrontational interaction of the conquistadors and encomenderos (large land owners), the missionaries generally protected the Indians and developed peaceful means of commerce with them. Among the Europeans different views of the foreign "other" existed side by side: From an ethno-centric perspective, the indigenous peoples were inferior "barbarians"; in another view they were human beings endowed with free will. These positions were reflected in the 16th century debate on colonies between Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda (1490–1573) and Bishop Bartolomé de Las Casas8 in which the majority of the missionaries took the Indians' side and supported legislation that would place them under the protection of the crown. The missionaries who raised the charge of colonial exploitation and made constructive suggestions to end it, inspired the laws that were subsequently passed to protect the Indians (Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias). In John Eliot (1604–1690) founded Christian Indian villages, in the Quaker William Penn (1644–1718) promoted the peaceful living side by side of Europeans and Indians; successful missionary work was also done in Catholic by Andrew White (1579–1656) and in by the Baptist Roger Williams (1604–1683) who promoted religious freedom.Puritans like New Missionary Movements in the 19th and 20th Centuries For both internal and external reasons, the Christian mission experienced a decline during the Age of Enlightenment. First, political and cultural changes led to sceptical or negative attitudes towards religion, and in particular to the notion that religion should be propagated; second, the secularisation process brought about the reduction and withdrawal of human and material resources. Still, in the following century the churches experienced a marked upswing which made the 19th century the "century of the mission" (Gustav Warneck (1834–1910)) for Protestantism and Catholicism alike. The new missionary movement was expressed in the establishment of Protestant missionary societies and Catholic missionary congregations and institutes which meant that new missionary personnel and financial means became available.9 For the German speaking regions we may recall the examples of the Basel Mission, founded in 1815, the Rhenish Mission Society (1828) and the Societas Verbi Divini (1875) of the Steyler Missionaries. It is worth noting that many of the newly founded missions were started by individual initiative, often by women. Thus, for the first time, missions acquired also a female countenance, which was not the least reason why these missionaries developed a holistic understanding of their activity in which, along with preaching the word of God, education and public health played a growing role. At the same time these new developments were an international expansion of the mission, for not only did many European countries take part – in the forefront France, Italy, England, the , the German speaking countries and Scandinavia – but, with, for example, the Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America (1911), the United States also participated. These new missionary institutions were directed towards Asia, Australia and the archipelagos of Oceania,10 but, above all, towards the black continent.11 Not until the 19th century did Europeans explore Africa scientifically and economically, a process in which exploration and missionary work often went hand in hand. This can be seen in the life of the Scotsman David Livingstone (1813–1873), the first European to make an east-west crossing of Africa at the latitude of the . Of great influence on the African mission was the almost continuous political division of the continent by European colonial powers, primarily by France and England. The boundaries of partition were fixed at the Congo conference in (1884/1885). For this reason the Christian missionaries, whose confessions penetrated the continent in parallel actions (the Catholics in a concerted effort, the Protestants less co-ordinated), thought of themselves as cultural pioneers in the sense of colonial politics. Their interaction partners were the numerous people and ethnic groups of Africa, whose countless languages are divided into no less than fifteen major language groups, and whose animist tribal religions found strong competitors in Christianity and Islam – the latter also competing with each other. Following World War I the problem of mixing missionary work with colonialism faded, but it only finally disappeared in the 1950s and 1960s during decolonization.12 On the Protestant side the great missionary conference in (1910) still reflected a proud consciousness in its own strength and in the kairos of bringing the Gospel to the entire non-Christian world at a rapid pace, but the World Missions conferences after World War I gave up this Euro-centric view (1928) and the division of the world into Christian and non-Christian countries (1947). On the Catholic side the mission encyclical Maximum illud (1919) of Pope Benedict XV (1854–1922) set new accents. It condemned colonialism and nationalism and pleaded for a native clergy in order to better embed the Church in the new territories. Finally, many African novels reflect both the positive and negative aspects of the continent's Christianisation. Examples are Things Fall Apart (1959) by the Nigerian Chinua Achebe (1930–2013) and The Poor Christ of Bomba (Le pauvre Christ de Bomba, 1967) by the Cameroonian novelist Mongo Beti (Alexandre Biyidi-Awala, 1932–2001). But even if the Christian mission was tied to European colonialism and imperialism, its contribution to the well-being and development of the people should also be acknowledged; for the spread of faith was connected with the care for the whole human being. Thus, as a rule, an integral part of missionary activity included the establishment of an at least elementary system of education and public health: the creation of a "medical mission" and the example of Albert Schweitzer (1875–1965) bear witness to this aspect. With the decline of the Euro-centric view and the demand for ecclesiastical autonomy such important figures as Pope Gregory XVI (1765–1846) and the Anglican Henry Venn (1796–1873) supported the inculturation into the indigenous cultures, their artistic forms and musical traditions. All of these aspects, but also the critique and resistance of the interaction partners, contributed to decolonisation and independence, and laid the foundations for a powerful – quantitative and spiritual – development of Christianity in the countries. By the 20th century the majority of sub-Saharan Africans were members of a Christian denomination within the framework of Christian pluralism. In this regard it is important to consider the dialectic of mission and colonialism,13 for most of the leaders of African independence movements emerged from mission schools. Processes of Inter-Cultural Communication and Transfer From the immense variety of inter-cultural and inter-religious contacts with non-European cultures that took place within the framework of the Christian mission during the five hundred years of the modern era – some contacts sought intentionally, others brought about by accident – we can give only a few examples of the typical forms. A first type of enduring inter-cultural communication combined political hegemony with cultural mestizaje (ethnic mixing), and decisively shaped Hispano-America und Luso-America. Under the patronage of the Iberian kingdoms, a very active missionary work developed which was sustained by the highly motivated and well-educated members of the spiritual orders, primarily the mendicant ones. Thus, the Franciscans regarded the developing church of Mexico as a new "primordial church" (ecclesia primitiva) that would compensate for the Church's losses in Europe. Like the Dominicans they covered the ancient Aztec empire with monasteries that also acted as mission stations. Through the immense building activity of churches and monasteries the architectural and artistic forms of the European Renaissance, and later of the Baroque, were transferred to the Americas. This produced hybrid mixtures with the Indian culture and a new type of Christian art14 which can be seen clearly in the American neo-Spanish Baroque or in the indigenous decorative figures in the church of in the vicinity of (Mexico). A highlight of architectural and artistic achievement is the church San Francisco Javier in , north of , with its brilliant Churrigueresque facade and its richly decorated gold interior with high retables, sculptures and paintings. Other examples of Baroque art are found in the Andean region. Here, the entire spectrum of architectural and artistic expression is present, from murals to oil painting, from the art of the goldsmith to sculpture: good examples are found in the church of Santa Cruz de Jerusalén in Julí ( ) with its floral and figured facade ornamentation, and in the paintings of the Cuzco school of art. In a second type of inter-cultural communication one can discern the dialectic of the mission. Its positive and its negative aspects have both been recorded in word and picture by the indigenous people. In colonial Peru, at the beginning of the 17th century, the Mestizo Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala (ca. 1550–1615), who was intimately acquainted with the languages, symbols, interpretations and iconographical techniques of communication in both cultures, wrote a dual-language text (Spanish and Quechua). Its almost 1,200 pages, with more than 450 full page pen drawings, offer an illustrated hybrid history that unites Spanish and Inca perspectives. The author had so profoundly taken up the culture and religion of the Europeans that he could also criticize various aspects of colonial society and the Church from within. The comprehensive illustrated chronicle is an iconic narrative of Tahuantinsuyu, the Inca name for the "Land of the Four Quarters", and was conceived by the author as a "letter" to the Spanish King Philip III (1578–1621). As the title, The First New Chronical and Good Government (Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno),15 indicates, it was the king's responsibility to ensure the existence of "good government" according to the principles of justice as the Inca Empire understood them.16 On the one hand the illustrated chronicle describes the history of the Andean peoples and the Europeans up to the time of the conquista, but in such a manner that the Andean cosmological order and periodization are retained (Christ is born during the rule of the second Inca sinchi Roca). Only the middle of the world is altered: Where the centre was Cuzco (=omphalos), there is now the Kingdom ofaround which the new four regions of the world are arranged. On the other hand, in telling the story of the Spanish involved in colonial domination and the Church mission, it includes severe criticisms; and it also depicts the suffering of the "poor Indian". The copy of the chronicle that is preserved at integrates Peruvian and European history – political, cultural and religious – without neglecting the negative aspects. In addition to these forms of inter-cultural communication taken from the region of the ancient American empires, other forms emerged in Asia, which were no less communicative, but which were based on a more reciprocal intellectual exchange. Thus, a third type of intellectual communication can be found in Asia during the 17th and 18th centuries, primarily in the cultures of Japan, China and India. The leading idea in this type of communication is "accommodation" – the attempt to adjust oneself to the specific cultural space and the conditions of the culture one is trying to understand. The foundations for this approach go back to the resourceful Italian Alessandro Valignano who organised missions to the Far East and introduced this paradigmatic change. In view of the highly developed Japanese culture (which was already highly appreciated by Franz Xaver, one of the earliest missionaries) the change consisted in first, not demanding an adjustment to European mores and in avoiding discriminating against the "other" as "barbaric"; even if, conversely, the Japanese called the European "long noses" and "southern barbarians". Second – in recognition of the foreign culture – the new programme called for an immersion into its language and culture, ranging from the sphere of everyday life to official ceremonies. The basic principle of accommodation, presented in a frequently used manual, (Il cerimoniale per i missionari del Giappone, 1583), is concerned with such themes as language skills and education, clothing and food, politeness and etiquette, and with the adoption of the Zen Buddhist orders of rank by mission personnel. Such a process not only encouraged the reciprocal exchange of ideas and rituals, but also of techniques of printing or painting. The painters of the Kirishitan period – a time when Christianity flourished in Japan and painters were masters of both European and Japanese techniques of iconography – were able to paint "hybrid" pictures, like the portrait of Franz Xaver above. However, at the beginning of the 17th century, the period ended in the persecution and prohibition of Christianity in Japan. The change in the missionary paradigm introduced by Valignano did not remain confined to Japan. It was also applied in the great mission project to China; initially by Matteo Ricci who travelled to the Middle Kingdom with the new paradigm in hand. This era of the Christian mission in Imperial China17 was so important, that, even today, in the People's Republic, Ricci is commemorated in 's Zhalan cemetery. The reciprocal exchange came about because Ricci followed not only the practices of the leading Confucian educational elite, but as a "wise man from the West" (Xitai), also studied the Confucian classics. The prerequisite for this effort was the mastery of spoken and written Chinese, but also the friendship and intellectual exchange that the missionaries cultivated with Chinese scholars. Some of the latter, such as Xu Guangqi (1562–1633) and Li Zhizao (1569–1630), converted to Christianity and became "pillars" of cultural exchange and of the early Church in China. Ricci's missionary concept viewed the members of the Confucian educational elite as dialogue partners. He wished to convince them that Christian doctrine not only harmonised with the best Chinese traditions, but indeed fulfilled their promise. Beyond an accommodation regarding external aspects, Ricci also pursued an inter-cultural relationship that made scientific exchange and intellectual dialogue possible. The concept that was so successfully applied by the great missionaries to China in the 17th and 18th centuries (such as Ricci, Adam Schall von Bell, , Ferdinand Verbiest and others) also included a policy of adapting to Chinese culture in an approach "from above". On the part of the European scientific and political elite this meant openness to Chinese values, acceptance of ancestor worship as a civil rite, and the indirect propagation of faith through science, technology and the arts. Through his extensive correspondence with the Catholic missionaries in China, the Protestant scholar Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz promoted exchange and the transfer of knowledge and was particular interested in the "propagatio fidei per scientias".18 Within the framework of the mission in China, not only did European knowledge, technology and art reach the Middle Kingdom, but information and knowledge about China also flowed back to Europe. This took place in extensive missionary reports, in correspondence like that with Leibniz, through systematic presentations of history and culture (Nicolas Trigault [1577–1628], Martino Martini), and through such illustrated works as China monumentis, qua sacris qua profanis, nec non variis naturae & artis spectaculis, aliarumque rerum memorabilium argumentis illustrata (1667) by Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680). Of particular importance was the analysis of Chinese wisdom and culture undertaken, among others, by the Italian missionary Prospero Intorcetta (1625–1696). His book, Sinarum scientia politico-moralis, published in 1669, made the life and thought of Confucius (551–479 B.C.) accessible to the West for the first time. With the Belgian Philippe Couplet (1623–1693) he published Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, sive scientia sinensis (Paris, 1687), the first Latin translation of the classical Confucian writings which are the heart of Chinese culture. These and other publications awakened European interest in the wisdom and culture of China and laid the groundwork for modern sinology. Inter-cultural communication, and therewith missionary communication, is based on language. Therefore it requires "translations", for oral exchanges, for literal or paraphrasing interpretations of texts, but also for the different cultural forms in which practical life, ethics and art are expressed. One of the most important examples in this regard is the transfer of religious knowledge through the translation of the Bible as the basic document of Christian faith. It is one of the fundamental convictions of Christianity that the Bible can be translated into all languages, that all languages are capable of expressing the Gospel, the written form of the "good news". This conviction is expressed theologically in the events of the Pentecost and the depiction of their universal comprehensibility (cf. Acts 2:11). The very fact that the New Testament texts were not written in Aramaic, the language of Jesus, but in the lingua franca of the Eastern Mediterranean, reveals the will to translate, and demonstrates Christianity's translatability and capacity for inculturation. The "Holy Bible" was indeed written in Hebrew and Greek, but not so tied to these languages that it cannot be translated. This fact is demonstrated by the many efforts to translate it, beginning with the Latin version (Vulgata) and continuing through numerous translations in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, and in paraphrases in European and non-European vernaculars, such as Gothic, English, Slavic, Franconian, Coptic, Armenian, Persian and Arabic. For the missionary work of the modern era translations of the Bible and other Christian writings, such as catechisms, into non-European languages gained increasing importance and, since the invention of printing with moveable type, there existed an incomparably more efficient means of spreading the message. The Catholic missions of the early modern period produced complete translations of the New Testament, partial translations of the Bible for liturgical purposes, paraphrases and pictorial presentations of Biblical pericopes, as well as Gospel harmonies and the transformation of Biblical motives into literary epics. Typical of these efforts are the illustrated Chinese Gospel harmony (1635) of Giulio Aleni (1582–1649) or the Bible epic in verse written for the Indian cultural area by Thomas Stephens (1549–1619) in Marathi (ca. 1600). Whereas Bible translations in the age of confessionalization were treated by Catholics in a more restricted manner, or indeed were forbidden by the Church or the state, the Protestant Bible translations for missionary purposes reached new heights. John Eliot, an English Puritan living in , printed the New World's first complete Bible. He had written a grammar of Algonquin (Massachusetts) and, in 1663, published a translation of the entire Bible in Algonquin under the title of Mamusse wunneetu-panatamwe Up-Biblum God in (Massachusetts). In Asia, several decades later, the German missionary, Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg, who was sent by the Danish and English Halle mission to Tranquebar in southern India, produced a translation of the New Testament in Tamil (1715); at the beginning of the 19th century the English Baptist William Carey (1761–1734) who was active as a linguist, translated the Bible into a number of Indian languages, including Bengali, Sanskrit und Marathi – in 1801 a Bengali New Testament was printed at . In Africa there were early Bible translations into Coptic, Ethiopian and Nubian. But since, with a few exceptions, the African missionary activity of both confessions did not begin until the 19th century, Bible translations came late to the extraordinarily diverse linguistic landscape of the sub-Sahara. In this regard it is important to bear in mind that the pre-requisites for such a translation are a transcription and linguistic analysis of the language into which the translation is to be made, and an at least rudimentary literacy among the people for whom the translation is intended. Thus, on both the giving and receiving side, the transmission of the Biblical message involved complex processes of learning, which also became culturally and socially effective beyond the purpose of the mission itself. Due to the Christian mission's global enterprise of translation the Bible has probably become the world's most translated book.19 In 1800 there were a mere 80 Bible translations, but in the last two centuries the number rose dramatically, primarily due to the efforts of missionary and Bible societies; by 1900 the number of translations world-wide had risen to 620. To sum up, one may distinguish between two major phases of the Christian mission in the modern era. First, the global mission that began at the threshold to the modern era and extended to the Age of Enlightenment and secularization around 1800; the second phase began in the 19th century and extended into the first half of the 20th, and renewed the global mission. The first phase took place generally within the framework of European expansion and its colonial and hegemonic aspirations. It happed primarily under the patronage of the (Catholic) Iberian maritime powers and the religious orders whose humanistic education influenced (and was influenced) by it. The second phase took also place under the auspices of colonialism – now of the new (Protestant) European maritime powers – but was mainly borne by the new religious initiatives of the denominations, especially by those of the revival movements. In both phases critical voices called for the de-politicisation of the mission and for religious autonomy. And in both phases colonialism played an ambivalent role in its combination of nation-state and religion. On the one hand, it provided support for the mission of Christianisation, but on the other it was a burden that was not overcome until the second half of the 20th century during the process of decolonisation. Still, both phases were also characterized by the selfless efforts of highly motivated missionaries who sought to plant the seeds of Christianity in other cultures and who, in various ways, promoted inter-cultural exchanges, principally in the areas of linguistics and sacred art. The transition between the two phases at the end of the 18th century marked a crisis in the missionary work. This was due, not merely to the decline of the powers under whose patronage missionary activity had first taken place, but also to the process of secularization that found expression in the suppression of the Society of Jesus, the , the Principal Recess of the Imperial Deputation of Ratisbon, and in various intellectual currents. For the missionary activities of the various denominations, however, this had the salutatory effect of purifying motives. It marked the start of the last phase of missionary activity, shaped by both Europe and North America, which came to an end in the middle of the 20th century. After decolonisation Christian missionary activity took on new and varied forms, and today it goes forth from all continents.
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Salmon is the common name for fish in the order Salmoniformes. They live in the northern Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and are anadromous, which means most types of salmon are born in fresh water (rivers or streams), migrate to the sea and live much of their lives in salt water, and return to freshwater to reproduce, or "spawn". Salmon appearance varies greatly from species to species. Species like Atlantic salmon have black spots on their sides. Most of these species maintain one color when living in fresh water, then change color when they are in salt water. all Pacific salmon and up to 50% of other species die within a few weeks. The salmon that do not die can spawn two or three more times. Salmon is a popular food. Classified as an oily fish, salmon is considered to be healthy due to the fish's high protein, high omega-3 fatty acids, and high vitamin D content. Salmon is also a source of cholesterol. Farmed salmon has a high omega 3 fatty acid content comparable to wild salmon. Salmon flesh is generally orange to red, although white-fleshed wild salmon with white-black skin colour occurs. The natural colour of salmon results from carotenoid pigments, but also canthaxanthin, in the flesh. Wild salmon get these carotenoids from eating krill and other tiny shellfish. Salmon is not only tasty but has considerable health benefits; when baked, broiled, seared or grilled, salmon is among the most heart-healthy of dishes Source of Omega-3 Fatty Acids Omega 3 fatty acids are a type of essential fatty acid. The body cannot make them on its own and requires intake from food or vitamins in order to supply the nutrients. Omega 3 promotes healthy joints and skin, reduces the risk of heart disease and aids in neurological development in unborn children. Atlantic salmon has the highest concentration of omega 3 in the salmon family. According to the Worlds Healthiest Foods, omega 3 improves heart muscle function and reduces the risks of deadly heart arrhythmia. Vitamin B Rich Salmon provides a good source of some essential vitamins you need for a healthy lifestyle. They can be included vitamin B-12, B-6, B-3, B-2, niacin, thiamin and pantothenic acid. Vitamin B-12 is important for energy metabolism, supporting proper function of the nervous system and forming new cells. Vitamin D promotes healthy bones and teeth, and may help decrease your risk of developing multiple sclerosis and certain types of cancer. The protein found in salmon helps the body maintain metabolism at levels to promote Source of Minerals Most varieties of seafood are rich in minerals, particularly the trace mineral selenium, and salmon is no exception. A low intake of this mineral may contribute to reduced immune function, increased risk of developing cancer as well as increased susceptibility to viral diseases. Salmon is a source of the major minerals phosphorus and potassium. Phosphorus is needed to build and maintain strong bones. Potassium is important for regulating heartbeat and maintaining healthy blood pressure. Another mineral is selenium. Selenium may fight heart disease, cancer, mental decline that comes with age and thyroid disease.
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Confidence is an estimation of the lower boundary of the probability that the two corresponding genes are located in the same operon, n is a number of other genomes that have the same pair of genes located in the same directon (a set of consecutive genes on the same DNA strand). Clicking on n or confidence shows all homologies gene pairs in other genomes, clicking on gene locus shows information on the gene. The results are organized into tables where all the genes in one table belong to the same directon. In the example below genes 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6 belong to the same directon (a set of consecutive genes on the same DNA strand): |gene 1||gene 3||confidence=80 n=5| |gene 4||gene 5||confidence=100 n=23| |gene 4||gene 6||confidence=99 n=20| |gene 5||gene 6||confidence=99 n=21| This table indicates that genes 1 and 3 co-occur in the same directon in 5 other genomes. Althouth this gives some evidence that genes 1 and 3 may belong to the same operon, the evidence is not strong enough and confidence is only 80%. There is also a gene 2 in the same directon (it is located between 1 and 3), but it is not shown because it never occurs in the same directon with genes 1, 3, 4, 5, or 6 in genomes other than the given genome. Genes 4, 5, and 6 are often co-occur together, and, based on confidence value, they are very likely to belong to the same operon. The program only analyses co-occrence of genes that are located within the same directon and are separated by 4 or less genes. Calculation of confidence is based on rates of co-occurence of genes that belong to different operons (rate of false positives). Each pair of genes is analyzed separately.
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Price: 6000 Naira (BSC, MSC) p style=”text-align: justify;” 1.1 Background of the Study Although transportation has liberated man and makes him more mobile, his increasing reliance on vehicular movement has conferred great facilities on him and his activities. The greatest culprit of all the modes of transport is road of which traffic accident is the most disturbing repercussion of its use. Road traffic accident is therefore an issue of great international concern as it has emerged as the single greatest source of death all over the world. In the developing countries where the number of motor vehicles relating to population is generally much lower than in the developed countries, fatalities from automobile crashes are higher. It has been shown, for instance, that accidents in developing countries cost almost one percent of these countries Annual Gross National Product utilizing scarce financial resources they can ill-afford to lose . Nigeria, with a total land area of 910,771 square kilometres and human population of about 167 million, is the most populous country in Africa, and the 7th most populous nation in the world. Its large land mass and burgeoning population correlate with its high level of vehicular population estimated at over 7.6 million with a total road length of about 194,000 kilometres (comprising 34, 120 km federal, 30,500 Km, State and 129,580 km of local roads). Nigeria ranked as the country with the second largest road network in Africa in 2011. Its population density which varies in rural and urban areas (approximately 51.7% and 48.3% respectively) translates to a population- road ratio of 860 persons per square kilometres indicating intense traffic pressure on the available road network. This pressure contributes to the high road traffic accidents in the country . The Nigeria situation has reached such an alarming proportion even to the point of sheer frustration and near helplessness. Nigeria continues to feature in the bottom half of World Health Organisation country rankings of road traffic accidents. The country‟s 149th ranking in 2009 out of 178 member states indicates the hazards associated with road transportation in a country that is largely dependent on its road network for economic, social and physical activities. Indeed news of road traffic accidents in Nigeria no longer stirs any surprise. What may be shocking, however, is the magnitude of the fatality. Daily, Nigerian Newspapers carry news of road traffic accidents that are considered significant only in severity. Sometimes the papers sum up the number of lives claimed as if they were providing an expenditure account. e.g. “over 100 lives lost to fatal accidents in the Nyanya area in the last one year‟. Such news indicates that we live in accidents every day. According to Sumaila road traffic accidents have claimed more lives than deaths resulting from all communicable diseases put together including the dreaded Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome AIDS). Thus, the government and people of Nigeria are deeply concerned about the continuing high rate of road accidents and the unnecessary consequential waste of lives and properties. What is worrisome is the fact that road traffic crashes and mortality rates are still high despite various remedial measures taken in recent years to combat the problem. Transportation and property are important in physical and economic development of towns and cities all over the world. Property and land values tend to increase in areas with expanding transportation networks, and increase less rapidly in areas without such improvements. Rapid and continued rise in housing and land prices are expected in cities with transportation improvements and rapid economic and population growth . Man, nations, regions and the world would be severely limited in development without transportation, which is a key factor for physical and economic growth . Transportation systems and land use are interdependent. Indeed findings of earlier studies indicate compelling and consistent connections amongst them . According to Bailey, Mokhtarian, and Littlel , transportation route is part of distinct development pattern or road network and mostly described by regular street patterns as an indispensable factor of human existence, development and civilization. The route network coupled with increased transport investment result in changed levels of accessibility reflected through Cost Benefit Analysis, savings in travel time, and other benefits. These benefits are noticeable in increased catchment areas for services and facilities like shops, schools, offices, banks, and leisure activities. Road networks are observed in terms of its components of accessibility, connectivity, and traffic density, level of service, compactness, and density of particular roads. Level of service is a measure by which the quality of service on transportation devices or infrastructure is determined, and it is a holistic approach considering several factors regarded as measures of traffic density and congestion rather than overall speed of the journey . Access to major roads provides relative advantages consequent upon which commercial users locate to enjoy the advantages. Modern businesses, industries, trades and general activities depend on transport and transport infrastructure, with movement of goods and services from place to place becoming vital and inseparable aspects of global and urban economic survival. Developments of various transportation modes have become pivotal to physical and economic developments. Such modes include human porterage, railways, ropeways and cableways, pipelines, inland waterways, sea, air, and roads . According to Oyesiku , urbanization in Nigeria has a long history in its growth and development. Extensive development being a feature of the 19th and 20th centuries, with concentration of economic and administrative decision-making in Lagos, Ibadan, Kaduna, Jos, and Enugu, and high degree of specialization and larger population associated with greater specialization of goods and services. Wyatt states that urban areas have tendency to develop at nodal points in transport network and places with good road network will possess relative advantage over locations having poor network. Urban locations with such relative advantage are found where different transport routes converge with high degree of compactness, connectivity, density, length and accessibility exhibited within the intra- and inter- urban road networks. Ikeja is a typical example in the history of growth and development of cities in Nigeria. The city became capital of Lagos State in 1976 with improved road networks developed to cater for increase in concentration of pedestrian and vehicular movements. Similarly, commercial activities like banking, retail/wholesale businesses, and professional services congregated to take advantage of nearness to seat of governance. Concentration of activities attracted consumers and ancillary service providers. This partly caused increase in demand for commercial space and its concomitant effects on commercial property values along arterial roads in the metropolis. The present position concerning commercial properties in Ikeja is that majority are located along arterial roads that deliver much of the vehicular and pedestrian movements. There have been increases in rental values along the individual arterial roads although not at equal rates. It is against this background that this research analyzed the arterial roads, determined the levels of accessibility, connectivity, traffic density of the individual arterial roads, examined the pattern of commercial property values and the relationship between the explanatory variables of the road network in Ikeja Nigeria. 1.2 Statement of the Problem Road traffic crashes (RTC) are as old as the roads (Highways) themselves. Therefore, roads traffic crash is unarguable, a major killer of men. The magnitude and trend of the crash worldwide is heart breaking, yet unfortunately, the rising tide of the global problem has continued to outstrip effort to control it. Traffic crash presently the 11th leading cause death and it may raise to 3rd position by the year 2020. Therefore, in Nigeria one person is killed in less than two hours as at 2008, one RTC occur every 58 minutes and 54 deaths occur in every 100,000 population (Balogun, 2006:4). It is in view of this myriad carnage that the federal road safety corp. is mandated with making the highways safe for motorist and other road users, and also preventing or minimizing road traffic crash on the high ways. However, despite the logistic challenges among others road traffic accidents have kept occurring, it is in this light that the research work will examine the factors which responsible for the road traffic crashes on the highways. According to Olagunju K. in Road Sense have identified the causes of RTC as follows: 1. Human factors 2. Mechanical factors 3. Environmental factors He also state that , we can only talk of vehicular traffic when there is at least a vehicle (mechanical) to be driven , a driver( human) to drive on a track , lane , road or any space (environment) to drive on . It is when there is a deficiency or defect in the inter relationship in any of or all the three factors, that there is a crash. 1.3 Research Questions 1. To what extent the FRSC corps members discharge their duties? 2. What are the factors that hamper the command in discharging its mandate? 3. What are the strategies for controlling these factors? 1.4 Objectives of the Studies The major of the study is assessing the challenges against the FRSC corps in the enforcement of traffic regulations on highways or road transportation. The specific objectives are as follows: 1. To assess the level of efficiency by the corps in the process of enforcement of traffic rules and regulations on highways. 2. To identify the factors that halts the command from achieving its designated objective or goals. 3. To discover possible means by which the operations of the command could be enhanced. 1.5 The Significance of the Study • The importance of this work cannot be overemphasized, as it will highlight the challenges encounter by FRSC corps to the enforcement of Road Traffic Regulations on the Highway. • The research will reveal the challenges against FRSC corps which will assist decision makers to improve the condition of service, so that the corps members can be able to discharge their responsibilities efficiently. • It will also guide policy makers in designing policies that will tackle the menace of road traffic crashes and budgetary allocations to the commission for effective enforcement of road traffic regulations on the highway. • The study will also be an eye opener for other researchers and further investigation on the challenges facing the organization, conduct and comportment of enforcement of road traffic regulations on the highway. 1.6 Scope and limitation of the Study This study uses Lagos and Ibadan highway as a study area under Lagos and Ibadan unit command. This research work is being carried out within the period under review. The researcher considers only from 2011 – 2015. In the process of conducting the research, the researcher faced with the following constraints: – Time which is very limited to the researcher to conduct a successful research. – Some respondents respond to the questions of the researcher negatively as they sometimes regards their document confidential. 1.7 Definitions of Terms Challenges: The problem faced by the corps in carrying out the statutory factions. Corps: The entire working staff in whatever capacity or department excluding appointed members of the board. Enforcement: broadly refers to any system by which some members of society act in an organized manner to enforce the law by discovering, deterring, rehabilitating, or punishing people who violate the rules and norms governing that society. Traffic: the number of vehicles moving along roads, or the amount of aircraft, trains, or ships moving along a route. A highway: is any public road or other public way on land. It is used for major roads, but also includes other public roads and public tracks. Regulation: a law, rule, or other order prescribed by authority, especially to control conduct. 1.8 The organization of the Study The plan of the study contain up to five chapters. chapter one consist Background of the study which discuss some information as an introduction of the topic of the research , statement of the problems , research questions ,objectives of the study , significance of the study, scope and limitation, definition of the terms as well as organization of the study. Chapter two contains the literature review which discusses the views of some scholars about the topic of discussion, and also theoretical framework. Chapter three discuss on the historical background of FRSC as well as the structure of the corps. Chapter four deal with methodology, data presentation and analysis while the last chapter which is chapter five discusses the summary, conclusion and recommendations. 9
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Shaking up the Conventional Wisdom on Salt The notion that if you eat too much salt you will have high blood pressure has been perceived as medical gospel that most people—including this author—believed for the past three decades. But in recent years, research has emerged that challenges this once accepted truth. Headlines asking, “Is salt really bad for your blood pressure?” and declaring, “It’s time to end the war on salt,” have fostered growing suspicion among the public that the facts about salt and its effects on health might not be as clear cut as once believed. Around the world, chronically elevated blood pressure affects approximately 40 percent of the adult population. In the United States, nearly one in three adults qualifies as hypertensive, which puts individuals at greater risk for many serious health events, including heart attack, heart failure, and stroke. Considering the cost of the disease, both in terms of human suffering and the burden it places on our health care system, government agencies have made reducing the prevalence of hypertension a top priority. A public health strategy that successfully reduces hypertension rates has the potential to improve millions of lives and save millions of dollars. A misguided approach, on the other hand, would at best fail to reduce hypertension; at worst it would encourage behavioral changes that increase harm, obscure more effective means of risk reduction, and erode public trust in agencies. For these reasons, population-wide recommendations should be rare and adhere to rigorous standards. At a minimum, such recommendations should: - Be limited in scope and based on robust, high-quality evidence; - Weigh and thoroughly consider unintended consequences; and - Be more effective and less harmful than the likely alternatives. Based on a review of the scientific literature, the results of nearly four decades of government efforts focused on sodium restriction, and the existence of other—possible more effective—means of hypertension reduction as presented in this paper, the current government recommendations on sodium fail to meet this standard. Key findings of this study include the following: - Humans require a certain amount of dietary sodium in order for our bodies to regulate fluid homeostasis. Too little sodium will result in the body ceasing to function, while too much can cause strain and death. However, the scientific community has yet to agree on an optimal range of sodium intake. - At least in part, the factors that determine what amount of salt a person craves (“salt appetite”) may be determined biologically and influence a person’s eating behavior in unconscious ways, making it resistant to public policy efforts to lower sodium intake (which may prompt undesirable physiological responses and changes in behavior). - Currently, government health agencies such as the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, U.S. Department of Agriculture, and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommend adults consume less than 2,300 milligrams of sodium per day. This limit originated not from a process of scientific consultation, but from government fiat, prompted by politicians, bureaucrats, and industry. - Most human populations consume a relatively similar level of sodium that is much higher than the U.S. government recommendation, while only a handful of populations—some isolated tribal and Sub-Saharan peoples—consume less than 2,300 milligrams a day. - Americans have not significantly increased sodium intake since such investigations began in the 1950s. This is despite increases in processed food consumption, more sodium in processed food, and significant increases in both calorie consumption and average weight. - Lowering sodium can lower blood pressure for some people, but the response may only be seen at a certain extreme consumption level and is heterogeneous. When sodium is decreased, some individuals will experience decreases in blood pressure, some will experience no change, and some will see their blood pressure increase. - Scientific evidence is inconsistent regarding the health benefits of moderate sodium restriction for individuals who are not hypertensive. - People do not die as a result of high blood pressure, but rather from health effects linked to, but not necessarily caused by elevated blood pressure. As a corollary, blood pressure reduction does not always result in improved health outcomes. - Diets consisting of sodium levels lower than the recommended level are associated with negative health outcomes, though the cause of this association is unclear. - There is almost universal agreement within the scientific literature that other dietary factors, such as weight loss and increasing potassium intake, are as effective as sodium reduction in reducing blood pressure. Such alternative strategies also appear to be beneficial for a larger portion of the population, have a greater probability of adherence, and have less chance of unintended consequences. Worldwide, government attempts to lower population sodium intake below the recommended limit have failed despite four decades of effort. Considering this failure and what we currently know—and do not know—about the biological effect of sodium restriction on the population at large, government health agencies engaged in efforts to lower hypertension rates should abandon their myopic and ultimately futile war on salt. The development of high blood pressure is personal, multifactorial, not influenced by a single genetic or lifestyle factor; sodium reduction may be advisable for some, but ineffective or counterproductive for others. The most effective approach for risk reduction can only be made on an individual basis by patients and their health care providers. However, if the government is going to attempt to lower population hypertension rates, it should refocus its efforts toward helping people lose weight and increase potassium in their diet with higher consumption of fruit and vegetables. Compared with salt-centric approach, this strategy would have a firmer grounding in science, be less likely to cause unintended harm, and may even have health benefits in addition to lowering blood pressure.
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Academic Factors Impacting the Performance of School Districts that Meet Standards and School Districts that Don't Meet Standards in Texas MetadataShow full metadata Purpose: The purpose of this explanatory research is to identify the factors that distinguish a school district, which meets standards from those, which do not meet standards. This paper will focus on a brief history of educational policies that impacted academic performance in the United States and a data driven analysis emphasizing school district performance in Texas. Method: This research paper explores four hypothesis (teacher pay, male teachers, teacher experience, and pupil to teacher ratio) developed from the Texas Education Agency Texas Academic Performance Report. A total of 26 school districts were selected for the 2016- 2017 academic year that did not meet requirements and were compared to 26 school districts that met standards. The comparison school districts were selected based on similar academic criteria to the school districts that did not meet requirements. Academic performance was then evaluated at both sets of school districts using aggregated data to create the framework for the data. After, a quantitative analysis is used to determine the significance of the academic results from the school districts chosen in Texas. Findings: The research hypothesis states that school districts that do not meet standards would have lower teacher pay, male teachers, teacher experience and higher pupil to teacher ratios than schools that met requirements. Actual results, however, only supported half of the hypotheses. The research found there is a significant difference in teacher pay and teaching experience in underperforming districts and districts that meet requirements.
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Listen, hearing loss can come with old age and some prevailing health issues. It sucks, but it can’t always be avoided. However, if you’re blessed with good hearing now, you can take steps to ensure your ears work fine for many more years to come. Wear hearing protection If you can avoid loud noises, then do so. Taking a different route when you know there are going to be loud sounds from roadworks is one example, as is avoiding those bars and clubs where you can barely hear anybody when they are speaking to you. However, when you can’t avoid loud noise, wear hearing protection. Having earplugs or earmuffs with you when you’re out and about is useful, as you can put them on should you find yourself in a particularly noisy area. And wearing them when you’re engaged in a noisy activity, such as using machinery or mowing the law, is a good way to protect your hearing. Turn down the volume There’s a reason why the neighbours keep banging on the walls! It’s probably because your tv or music system is too loud. If you didn’t realise the volume was so high, you might already be suffering from one of the signs of hearing loss. However, if you have turned up the volume purposefully to immerse yourself in the song or film you are engaged with, then you are putting your hearing at risk. Do yourself, and your neighbours a favour, and turn down the volume to an acceptable level. Use a smartphone app If you’re in any way unsure when loud is too loud, use a decibel meter app to measure sound levels. The app will let you know when decibel levels are too high, and you can then take protective measures, such as using hearing protection, turning down the tv, or moving to a quieter and safer place. Don’t stick anything in your ear It sounds obvious, but how many of us still stick our fingers in our ear, or any other foreign object when trying to clean out ear wax? Even cotton swabs are unsafe, as they can cause damage to our ear canal if we push them in too deeply, and that will subsequently cause hearing loss. There are safer ways to clean your ears, such as using a damp cloth around the surface of your ear, or using an ear wax softener that is sold by your local pharmacist. You might want to see your doctor too, as they can irrigate your ears with a syringe. These are all safer methods than poking around with a finger or other object. Avoid bad habits Sticking your fingers in your ear is one bad habit you need to avoid, but there are others. Eating junk food is one, as studies have shown that a poor diet can affect your hearing. Instead, add these foods to your shopping list, as research suggests they will actually boost your ear health. And then give up smoking, if you haven’t already done so. Not only is this filthy habit bad for your lungs and heart, but studies have shown that tobacco smoke can be attributed to hearing loss. Try vaping instead! You will miss your hearing when it’s gone, so be sense-able, and do all you can to protect yourself from hearing loss today. If you like what you’ve read here, please let others know of this post, blog, and site. And thanks for reading! 🙂
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William Harrison Magill was born 1813 in Kentucky. He and his father Samuel P. Magill fought in the battle of Plum Creek on August 12, 1840. William’s younger brother, James P. Magill, later came to Texas and served in the Texas Rangers and became a state legislator. Magill signed up with a company of rangers in the summer of 1835, serving first under Robert Coleman and then under Robert McAlpine Williamson. Edward Burleson, a veteran of the War of 1812 and a colonel of militia since 1832, led the volunteers from Mina, and Magill grew to admire him greatly and responded frequently over the years when Burleson requested volunteers for militia or ranger duties. Magill’s service in the summer of 1835 saw both victory and tragedy. In June the rangers had captured a group of Caddo Indians suspected of stealing horses, and the men voted in favor of executing them on the spot, a decision that Coleman, among others, rushed to carry out. It was a divided vote, however, for Burleson and his followers had wanted to bring the Indians back to Mina for trial. Then, Coleman’s company, in which Magill served, attacked a Tawakoni village, and in fierce fighting, a handful of rangers were killed. The rest fell back to Fort Parker and awaited reinforcements arriving under Stephen Moore. In the subsequent regrouping, Magill joined a company under Robert M. Williamson that ranged during the summer as far north as present-day Dallas. When the company of rangers were returning to Mina in September 1835, several of the men chased two Indians. In the ensuring confusion, Magill accidentally shot fellow ranger Moses Smith Hornsby. The shot shattered Hornsby’s arm. Hornsby, who had already been wounded in the shoulder, refused to have his arm amputated and died several days later. The company returned to Mina, and in October, Magill served in the militia that fought and defeated Mexican troops at Mission Conception, near San Antonio. He also volunteered to follow Ben Milam into the Siege of Béxar (San Antonio). In February 1836 he joined the Mina Volunteers when the militia was called up. He was elected second sergeant, under Capt. Jesse Billinglsley. The company hurriedly assembled first at Burleson’s house and went on to Gonzales, where they joined the troops under Gen. Sam Houston and began the long march eastward. Magill fought in the battle of San Jacinto on April 21, 1836. During the Civil War, Magill performed his final military duty as a captain in the Home Guard from Burnett County in 1864. He died on December 17, 1878 and is buried in the Magill Cemetery.
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When medusae mate, the result may be polyps, when polyps replicate, the result may be medusae. The details vary between species. Some species are polyps all the time (such as Hydra, and the whole of the class Anthozoa (corals and anemones). In many cases the asexual buds formed do not separate from the parent but remain, thus forming colonies or 'stocks'. These may reach a great size, and contain a vast number of individuals. Slight differences in the method of budding produce great variations in the form of the colonies. The reef-building corals are polyp-colonies, strengthened by the formation of a firm skeleton. Jellyfish (class Medusozoa) have two distinct life history stages (body forms) during their life cycle. The first is the polyp stage. Often, this polyp is attached to the sea floor, or to another hard surface. A polyp that lives that way is called sessile. In the second stage, the tiny polyps asexually produce jellyfish, each of which is known as a medusa. Tiny jellyfish swim away from the polyp and then grow and feed in the plankton. Jellyfish reproduce both sexually and asexually.
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Directory of Diseases Premature atrial contractions (PACs), also known as atrial premature complexes (APCs) or atrial premature beats (APBs), are a common cardiac dysrhythmia characterized by premature heartbeats originating in the atria. While the sinoatrial node typically regulates the heartbeat during normal sinus rhythm, PACs occur when another region of the atria depolarizes before the sinoatrial node and thus triggers a premature heartbeat.The exact cause of PACs is unclear. While several predisposing conditions exist, PACs commonly occur in healthy young and elderly people without heart disease, and by themselves, are not considered an abnormal finding. PACs are often completely asymptomatic and may be noted only with Holter monitoring. Occasionally, they can be perceived as a skipped beat or a jolt in the chest. In most cases, no treatment other than reassurance is needed for PACs, although medications such as beta blockers can reduce the frequency of symptomatic PACs. A premature ventricular contraction (PVC), also known as a premature ventricular complex, ventricular premature contraction, complex, or complexes (VPC), ventricular premature beat (VPB), or ventricular extrasystole (VES), is a relatively common event where the heartbeat is initiated in the ventricles rather than by the sinoatrial node, the normal heartbeat initiator. Although a PVC can be a sign of decreased oxygenation to the heart muscle, often times PVCs are benign and may even be found in otherwise healthy hearts. A PVC may be perceived as a "skipped beat" or felt as palpitations in the chest. In a normal heartbeat, the ventricles contract after the atria have helped to fill them by contracting; in this way, the ventricles can pump a maximized amount of blood to both the lungs and to the rest of the body. In a PVC, the ventricles contract first before the atria have optimally filled the ventricles with blood, which means that circulation is inefficient. However, single beat PVC abnormal heart rhythms do not usually pose a danger, and can be asymptomatic in healthy individuals. Palpitations are a perceived abnormality of the heartbeat characterized by awareness of heart muscle contractions in the chest: hard beats, fast beats, irregular beats, and/or pauses. They are both a symptom reported by the patient and a medical diagnosis. Palpitations are frequently associated with anxiety, and do not necessarily indicate a structural or functional abnormality of the heart, but they can be a symptom arising from an objectively rapid or irregular heartbeat. Palpitations can be intermittent and of variable frequency and duration, or continuous. Associated symptoms include dizziness, shortness of breath, sweating, headaches, and chest pain. Pancreatitis is inflammation of the pancreas, a large organ that is behind the stomach . The pancreas secretes enzymes to break down food and metabolize sugar. The most common causes of pancreatitis are alcohol use and gallstones but other causes such as high triglycerides, certain medications, and tumors can also cause it. The inflammation within the pancreas causes the release of enzymes into the bloodstream that can help in the diagnosis of pancreatitis. Panic disorder or panic attacks are episodes of intense fear and anxiety that activate the sympathetic nervous system and produce a "flight or fight" response. Episodes can be caused by certain triggers or can occur spontaneously on their own. During a panic attack, the heart rate and respiratory rate increase and the palms become sweaty. Episodes typically last from 2 to 10 minutes, but can be as long as 1-2 hours. Up to 2% of the population have panic disorder (panic attacks), and episodes are often recurrent. Paraphimosis is a condition that only affects uncircumcised males. It develops when the foreskin can no longer be pulled forward over the tip of the penis. This causes the foreskin to become swollen and stuck, which may slow or stop the flow of blood to the tip of the penis. This is an emergency since it can lead to permanent damage to the penis. Paronychia is a skin infection that involves the tissues around the fingernail. Bacteria are the most common cause followed by fungi. This infection can result from trauma or improper nail and cuticle care. People with diabetes are at increased risk of developing paronychia. In some cases, the infection can extend and cause cellulitis (skin infection) of the entire finger. Paronychia is a skin infection that involves the tissues around the toenail. Bacteria are the most common cause, followed by fungi. This infection can result from trauma or improper nail and cuticle care. People with diabetes are at increased risk of developing paronychia. In some cases, the infection can extend and cause cellulitis (skin infection) of the entire toe. Most of the time a paronychia can be treated at an Urgent Care or a doctor's office. Severe infections, patients with paronchia and fever, and diabetics with paronychia should be seen in the Emergency Department. Parotitis is an infection or inflammation of the parotid glands. The parotid gland is a salivary gland that sits near the angle of the jaw and can commonly become blocked by a stone. Just like people can get kidney stones & gallstones, one can also get a salivary gland stone. When this occurs, one experiences pain and swelling of the gland. Parotitis is a common cause of facial pain and swelling. Symptoms will get better once the stone comes out. Drink concentrated citric juices, like lime juice, can help force the stone out. In some cases, the gland can become infected requiring treatment with antibiotics. The knee cap usually glides up and down inside a shallow groove inside the knee joint. Although the knee cap can move side to side across this groove, it does so only slightly. If it slips sideways too far, it can get knocked outside of the groove and dislocate. Once it has dislocated it may get stuck on the side of the knee. The knee usually gets stuck in a semi-bent position and it causes severe pain when moved. A physician has to carefully fully extend the knee and guide the knee cap back in it's place to reduce the dislocation. Patellar dislocations usually occur from a sudden direction change while running or from a direct force on the patella during an injury. If a patella is dislocated a person cannot walk. Occasionally the knee cap dislocates and then spontaneously it relocates itself. A patellar fracture is a break in the patella, or kneecap, the small bone that sits at the front of your knee. Because the patella acts as a shield for your knee joint, it is vulnerable to fracture if you fall directly onto your knee or hit it against the dashboard in a vehicle collision. A patellar fracture is a serious injury that can make it difficult or even impossible to straighten your knee or walk. Some simple patellar fractures can be treated by wearing a cast or splint until the bone heals. In most patellar fractures, however, the pieces of bone move out of place when the injury occurs. For these more complicated fractures, surgery is needed to restore and stabilize the kneecap and allow for the return of function. The patellar tendon attaches the bottom of the kneecap (patella) to the top of the shinbone (tibia). It is actually a ligament that connects to two different bones, the patella and the tibia. The patella is attached to the quadriceps muscles by the quadriceps tendon. Working together, the quadriceps muscles, quadriceps tendon and patellar tendon straighten the knee. This tendon can snap from a sudden forceful straightening or kicking out of the leg. It can also tear after being hit or cut. Most people feel a 'snap or a 'pop'. This type of injury requires surgery and physical therapy and must be initially evaluated in an ER.It usually requires surgery and physical therapy to regain full knee function.
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An unusual medical case gives new meaning to the phrase blood, sweat and tears. According to a case study published Monday in the Canadian Medical Association Journal, a 21-year-old Italian woman checked into a medical ward complaining of a strange—and horrifying—symptom: She had been bleeding intermittently from her face and palms for three years, seemingly without cause. She had no visible broken skin, and bleeding episodes sometimes began without warning, though they often intensified during times of stress. The woman had become socially isolated as a result of the condition. Though doctors treated her for symptoms of major depressive disorder and panic disorder, the woman’s physical exams came back normal. Still, the bleeding persisted. Eventually, her doctors reached a rare—and somewhat controversial—diagnosis: hematohidrosis, or “blood sweating.” She was treated with propranolol, a beta-blocker that’s commonly used to regulate blood pressure and heart rate, and while her bleeding didn’t stop entirely, the treatment did lead to a “marked reduction” in symptoms, according to the article. In cases of hematohidrosis, blood seeps out of unbroken skin, just as sweat normally does. It’s most common on the face, ears, nose and eyes, according to the National Institutes of Health Genetic and Rare Diseases Information Center, and it’s often associated with fear and emotional stress. Some people with the condition even cry bloody tears. Hematohidrosis is extremely rare, but it’s nothing new. The Bible mentions Jesus sweating blood, and observed cases date way back to the third century B.C., according to medical historian and hematologist Jacalyn Duffin, who wrote a commentary that accompanied the new article. Nonetheless, there’s still a lot doctors don’t know about hematohidrosis—including why it happens. There’s so much uncertainty, in fact, that some doctors don’t believe it’s a valid diagnosis. Even the article notes that “there is no single explanation of the source of bleeding,” and that the current hypothesis—that blood passes through sweat glands due to “abnormal constrictions and expansions” of nearby blood vessels—has not been definitively proven. Duffin believes that the condition is real, if misunderstood. “Ironically, for an increasingly secular world, the long-standing association of hematohidrosis with religious mystery may make its existence harder to accept,” she writes. “It seems that humans do sweat blood, albeit far less often literally than metaphorically.”
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Measuring Heating Capacity The heating capacity of a furnace is measured in thousands of BTU (British Thermal Units). Furnaces are rated by the amount of fuel energy consumed when running, called Input BTU. Different furnaces of the same Input BTU have different efficiencies, measured in percentages. For example, a furnace with an Input BTU can have an efficiency of 80%. That means the furnace will produce 80,000 BTU of heat. If that same furnace has an efficiency of 95%, the furnace will produce 95,000 BTU of heat. The actual production of heat, called the Output BTU, will be the main factor in deciding which heating unit is right for your home. There is only one correctly sized furnace for your home. If your heating unit is too big, it will turn on and off too frequently, or "short cycle", which will cause a loss of efficiency and even damage your heating unit over time. If your heating unit is too small, it will run too often and on the coldest days of the year, may not be able to adequately heat your home. Additional Sizing Methods Manual J Load Calculation This is the proper and scientific method for calculating AC size taught to HVAC technicians and recommended for use by professionals in the trade. It consists of taking information about your home’s construction materials, insulation levels, number of windows, sizes of rooms, etc, and making a calculation based on those factors to determine the appropriate heating and cooling requirements needed. Ask a Contractor Most air conditioning professionals give free in-home estimates for installing new air conditioning, during which they will recommend a unit size. While we don't encourage using contractors for quotes if you don't intend to hire them, a contractor familiar with the homes in your neighborhood will likely be able to give you an idea over the phone of what size you might need. Replacing an Existing Unit? Check the Size. If the unit you have now is the correct size for your home, replace it with the same size. How do you know what size you currently have? Look at the name plate on your furnace and locate the model number (not serial number). You are looking for 2 digits in the model number that match the numbers below to indicate Tons or BTU.Example photo Does your neighbor have the same size home as you? If he has a properly sized air conditioner, then the same size unit may also work for you. After gather your comparison information double check with our sizing estimators to be sure you are ordering the correct size unit.
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The Red Badge of Courage is an 1895 war novel by American author Stephen Crane. It is considered one of the most influential works in American literature. The novel, a depiction on the cruelty of the American Civil War, features a young recruit who overcomes initial fears to become a hero on the battlefield. The book made Crane an international success. Although he was born after the war and had not at the time experienced battle firsthand, the novel is considered an example of Realism. Ebooka przeczytasz w aplikacjach Legimi na: Liczba stron: 214 Odsłuch ebooka (TTS) dostepny w abonamencie „ebooki+audiobooki bez limitu” w aplikacjach Legimi na: The cold passed reluctantly from the earth, and the retiring fogs revealed an army stretched out on the hills, resting. As the landscape changed from brown to green, the army awakened, and began to tremble with eagerness at the noise of rumors. It cast its eyes upon the roads, which were growing from long troughs of liquid mud to proper thoroughfares. A river, amber-tinted in the shadow of its banks, purled at the army's feet; and at night, when the stream had become of a sorrowful blackness, one could see across it the red, eyelike gleam of hostile camp-fires set in the low brows of distant hills. Once a certain tall soldier developed virtues and went resolutely to wash a shirt. He came flying back from a brook waving his garment bannerlike. He was swelled with a tale he had heard from a reliable friend, who had heard it from a truthful cavalryman, who had heard it from his trustworthy brother, one of the orderlies at division headquarters. He adopted the important air of a herald in red and gold. "We're goin' t' move t'morrah—sure," he said pompously to a group in the company street. "We're goin' 'way up the river, cut across, an' come around in behint 'em." To his attentive audience he drew a loud and elaborate plan of a very brilliant campaign. When he had finished, the blue-clothed men scattered into small arguing groups between the rows of squat brown huts. A negro teamster who had been dancing upon a cracker box with the hilarious encouragement of twoscore soldiers was deserted. He sat mournfully down. Smoke drifted lazily from a multitude of quaint chimneys. "It's a lie! that's all it is—a thunderin' lie!" said another private loudly. His smooth face was flushed, and his hands were thrust sulkily into his trousers' pockets. He took the matter as an affront to him. "I don't believe the derned old army's ever going to move. We're set. I've got ready to move eight times in the last two weeks, and we ain't moved yet." The tall soldier felt called upon to defend the truth of a rumor he himself had introduced. He and the loud one came near to fighting over it. A corporal began to swear before the assemblage. He had just put a costly board floor in his house, he said. During the early spring he had refrained from adding extensively to the comfort of his environment because he had felt that the army might start on the march at any moment. Of late, however, he had been impressed that they were in a sort of eternal camp. Many of the men engaged in a spirited debate. One outlined in a peculiarly lucid manner all the plans of the commanding general. He was opposed by men who advocated that there were other plans of campaign. They clamored at each other, numbers making futile bids for the popular attention. Meanwhile, the soldier who had fetched the rumor bustled about with much importance. He was continually assailed by questions. "What's up, Jim?" "Th' army's goin' t' move." "Ah, what yeh talkin' about? How yeh know it is?" "Well, yeh kin b'lieve me er not, jest as yeh like. I don't care a hang." There was much food for thought in the manner in which he replied. He came near to convincing them by disdaining to produce proofs. They grew excited over it. There was a youthful private who listened with eager ears to the words of the tall soldier and to the varied comments of his comrades. After receiving a fill of discussions concerning marches and attacks, he went to his hut and crawled through an intricate hole that served it as a door. He wished to be alone with some new thoughts that had lately come to him. He lay down on a wide bank that stretched across the end of the room. In the other end, cracker boxes were made to serve as furniture. They were grouped about the fireplace. A picture from an illustrated weekly was upon the log walls, and three rifles were paralleled on pegs. Equipments hunt on handy projections, and some tin dishes lay upon a small pile of firewood. A folded tent was serving as a roof. The sunlight, without, beating upon it, made it glow a light yellow shade. A small window shot an oblique square of whiter light upon the cluttered floor. The smoke from the fire at times neglected the clay chimney and wreathed into the room, and this flimsy chimney of clay and sticks made endless threats to set ablaze the whole establishment. The youth was in a little trance of astonishment. So they were at last going to fight. On the morrow, perhaps, there would be a battle, and he would be in it. For a time he was obliged to labor to make himself believe. He could not accept with assurance an omen that he was about to mingle in one of those great affairs of the earth. He had, of course, dreamed of battles all his life—of vague and bloody conflicts that had thrilled him with their sweep and fire. In visions he had seen himself in many struggles. He had imagined peoples secure in the shadow of his eagle-eyed prowess. But awake he had regarded battles as crimson blotches on the pages of the past. He had put them as things of the bygone with his thought-images of heavy crowns and high castles. There was a portion of the world's history which he had regarded as the time of wars, but it, he thought, had been long gone over the horizon and had disappeared forever. From his home his youthful eyes had looked upon the war in his own country with distrust. It must be some sort of a play affair. He had long despaired of witnessing a Greeklike struggle. Such would be no more, he had said. Men were better, or more timid. Secular and religious education had effaced the throat-grappling instinct, or else firm finance held in check the passions. He had burned several times to enlist. Tales of great movements shook the land. They might not be distinctly Homeric, but there seemed to be much glory in them. He had read of marches, sieges, conflicts, and he had longed to see it all. His busy mind had drawn for him large pictures extravagant in color, lurid with breathless deeds. But his mother had discouraged him. She had affected to look with some contempt upon the quality of his war ardor and patriotism. She could calmly seat herself and with no apparent difficulty give him many hundreds of reasons why he was of vastly more importance on the farm than on the field of battle. She had had certain ways of expression that told him that her statements on the subject came from a deep conviction. Moreover, on her side, was his belief that her ethical motive in the argument was impregnable. At last, however, he had made firm rebellion against this yellow light thrown upon the color of his ambitions. The newspapers, the gossip of the village, his own picturings had aroused him to an uncheckable degree. They were in truth fighting finely down there. Almost every day the newspapers printed accounts of a decisive victory. One night, as he lay in bed, the winds had carried to him the clangoring of the church bell as some enthusiast jerked the rope frantically to tell the twisted news of a great battle. This voice of the people rejoicing in the night had made him shiver in a prolonged ecstasy of excitement. Later, he had gone down to his mother's room and had spoken thus: "Ma, I'm going to enlist." "Henry, don't you be a fool," his mother had replied. She had then covered her face with the quilt. There was an end to the matter for that night. Nevertheless, the next morning he had gone to a town that was near his mother's farm and had enlisted in a company that was forming there. When he had returned home his mother was milking the brindle cow. Four others stood waiting. "Ma, I've enlisted," he had said to her diffidently. There was a short silence. "The Lord's will be done, Henry," she had finally replied, and had then continued to milk the brindle cow. When he had stood in the doorway with his soldier's clothes on his back, and with the light of excitement and expectancy in his eyes almost defeating the glow of regret for the home bonds, he had seen two tears leaving their trails on his mother's scarred cheeks. Still, she had disappointed him by saying nothing whatever about returning with his shield or on it. He had privately primed himself for a beautiful scene. He had prepared certain sentences which he thought could be used with touching effect. But her words destroyed his plans. She had doggedly peeled potatoes and addressed him as follows: "You watch out, Henry, an' take good care of yerself in this here fighting business—you watch out, an' take good care of yerself. Don't go a-thinkin' you can lick the hull rebel army at the start, because yeh can't. Yer jest one little feller amongst a hull lot of others, and yeh've got to keep quiet an' do what they tell yeh. I know how you are, Henry. "I've knet yeh eight pair of socks, Henry, and I've put in all yer best shirts, because I want my boy to be jest as warm and comf'able as anybody in the army. Whenever they get holes in 'em, I want yeh to send 'em right-away back to me, so's I kin dern 'em. "An' allus be careful an' choose yer comp'ny. There's lots of bad men in the army, Henry. The army makes 'em wild, and they like nothing better than the job of leading off a young feller like you, as ain't never been away from home much and has allus had a mother, an' a-learning 'em to drink and swear. Keep clear of them folks, Henry. I don't want yeh to ever do anything, Henry, that yeh would be 'shamed to let me know about. Jest think as if I was a-watchin' yeh. If yeh keep that in yer mind allus, I guess yeh'll come out about right. "Yeh must allus remember yer father, too, child, an' remember he never drunk a drop of licker in his life, and seldom swore a cross oath. "I don't know what else to tell yeh, Henry, excepting that yeh must never do no shirking, child, on my account. If so be a time comes when yeh have to be kilt or do a mean thing, why, Henry, don't think of anything 'cept what's right, because there's many a woman has to bear up 'ginst sech things these times, and the Lord 'll take keer of us all. "Don't forgit about the socks and the shirts, child; and I've put a cup of blackberry jam with yer bundle, because I know yeh like it above all things. Good-by, Henry. Watch out, and be a good boy." He had, of course, been impatient under the ordeal of this speech. It had not been quite what he expected, and he had borne it with an air of irritation. He departed feeling vague relief. Still, when he had looked back from the gate, he had seen his mother kneeling among the potato parings. Her brown face, upraised, was stained with tears, and her spare form was quivering. He bowed his head and went on, feeling suddenly ashamed of his purposes. From his home he had gone to the seminary to bid adieu to many schoolmates. They had thronged about him with wonder and admiration. He had felt the gulf now between them and had swelled with calm pride. He and some of his fellows who had donned blue were quite overwhelmed with privileges for all of one afternoon, and it had been a very delicious thing. They had strutted. A certain light-haired girl had made vivacious fun at his martial spirit, but there was another and darker girl whom he had gazed at steadfastly, and he thought she grew demure and sad at sight of his blue and brass. As he had walked down the path between the rows of oaks, he had turned his head and detected her at a window watching his departure. As he perceived her, she had immediately begun to stare up through the high tree branches at the sky. He had seen a good deal of flurry and haste in her movement as she changed her attitude. He often thought of it. On the way to Washington his spirit had soared. The regiment was fed and caressed at station after station until the youth had believed that he must be a hero. There was a lavish expenditure of bread and cold meats, coffee, and pickles and cheese. As he basked in the smiles of the girls and was patted and complimented by the old men, he had felt growing within him the strength to do mighty deeds of arms. After complicated journeyings with many pauses, there had come months of monotonous life in a camp. He had had the belief that real war was a series of death struggles with small time in between for sleep and meals; but since his regiment had come to the field the army had done little but sit still and try to keep warm. He was brought then gradually back to his old ideas. Greeklike struggles would be no more. Men were better, or more timid. Secular and religious education had effaced the throat-grappling instinct, or else firm finance held in check the passions. He had grown to regard himself merely as a part of a vast blue demonstration. His province was to look out, as far as he could, for his personal comfort. For recreation he could twiddle his thumbs and speculate on the thoughts which must agitate the minds of the generals. Also, he was drilled and drilled and reviewed, and drilled and drilled and reviewed. The only foes he had seen were some pickets along the river bank. They were a sun-tanned, philosophical lot, who sometimes shot reflectively at the blue pickets. When reproached for this afterward, they usually expressed sorrow, and swore by their gods that the guns had exploded without their permission. The youth, on guard duty one night, conversed across the stream with one of them. He was a slightly ragged man, who spat skillfully between his shoes and possessed a great fund of bland and infantile assurance. The youth liked him personally. "Yank," the other had informed him, "yer a right dum good feller." This sentiment, floating to him upon the still air, had made him temporarily regret war. Various veterans had told him tales. Some talked of gray, bewhiskered hordes who were advancing with relentless curses and chewing tobacco with unspeakable valor; tremendous bodies of fierce soldiery who were sweeping along like the Huns. Others spoke of tattered and eternally hungry men who fired despondent powders. "They'll charge through hell's fire an' brimstone t' git a holt on a haversack, an' sech stomachs ain't a-lastin' long," he was told. From the stories, the youth imagined the red, live bones sticking out through slits in the faded uniforms. Still, he could not put a whole faith in veterans' tales, for recruits were their prey. They talked much of smoke, fire, and blood, but he could not tell how much might be lies. They persistently yelled "Fresh fish!" at him, and were in no wise to be trusted. However, he perceived now that it did not greatly matter what kind of soldiers he was going to fight, so long as they fought, which fact no one disputed. There was a more serious problem. He lay in his bunk pondering upon it. He tried to mathematically prove to himself that he would not run from a battle. Previously he had never felt obliged to wrestle too seriously with this question. In his life he had taken certain things for granted, never challenging his belief in ultimate success, and bothering little about means and roads. But here he was confronted with a thing of moment. It had suddenly appeared to him that perhaps in a battle he might run. He was forced to admit that as far as war was concerned he knew nothing of himself. A sufficient time before he would have allowed the problem to kick its heels at the outer portals of his mind, but now he felt compelled to give serious attention to it. A little panic-fear grew in his mind. As his imagination went forward to a fight, he saw hideous possibilities. He contemplated the lurking menaces of the future, and failed in an effort to see himself standing stoutly in the midst of them. He recalled his visions of broken-bladed glory, but in the shadow of the impending tumult he suspected them to be impossible pictures. He sprang from the bunk and began to pace nervously to and fro. "Good Lord, what's th' matter with me?" he said aloud. He felt that in this crisis his laws of life were useless. Whatever he had learned of himself was here of no avail. He was an unknown quantity. He saw that he would again be obliged to experiment as he had in early youth. He must accumulate information of himself, and meanwhile he resolved to remain close upon his guard lest those qualities of which he knew nothing should everlastingly disgrace him. "Good Lord!" he repeated in dismay. After a time the tall soldier slid dexterously through the hole. The loud private followed. They were wrangling. "That's all right," said the tall soldier as he entered. He waved his hand expressively. "You can believe me or not, jest as you like. All you got to do is to sit down and wait as quiet as you can. Then pretty soon you'll find out I was right." His comrade grunted stubbornly. For a moment he seemed to be searching for a formidable reply. Finally he said: "Well, you don't know everything in the world, do you?" "Didn't say I knew everything in the world," retorted the other sharply. He began to stow various articles snugly into his knapsack. The youth, pausing in his nervous walk, looked down at the busy figure. "Going to be a battle, sure, is there, Jim?" he asked. "Of course there is," replied the tall soldier. "Of course there is. You jest wait 'til to-morrow, and you'll see one of the biggest battles ever was. You jest wait." "Thunder!" said the youth. "Oh, you'll see fighting this time, my boy, what'll be regular out-and-out fighting," added the tall soldier, with the air of a man who is about to exhibit a battle for the benefit of his friends. "Huh!" said the loud one from a corner. "Well," remarked the youth, "like as not this story'll turn out jest like them others did." "Not much it won't," replied the tall soldier, exasperated. "Not much it won't. Didn't the cavalry all start this morning?" He glared about him. No one denied his statement. "The cavalry started this morning," he continued. "They say there ain't hardly any cavalry left in camp. They're going to Richmond, or some place, while we fight all the Johnnies. It's some dodge like that. The regiment's got orders, too. A feller what seen 'em go to headquarters told me a little while ago. And they're raising blazes all over camp—anybody can see that." "Shucks!" said the loud one. The youth remained silent for a time. At last he spoke to the tall soldier. "Jim!" "How do you think the reg'ment 'll do?" "Oh, they'll fight all right, I guess, after they once get into it," said the other with cold judgment. He made a fine use of the third person. "There's been heaps of fun poked at 'em because they're new, of course, and all that; but they'll fight all right, I guess." "Think any of the boys 'll run?" persisted the youth. "Oh, there may be a few of 'em run, but there's them kind in every regiment, 'specially when they first goes under fire," said the other in a tolerant way. "Of course it might happen that the hull kit-and-boodle might start and run, if some big fighting came first-off, and then again they might stay and fight like fun. But you can't bet on nothing. Of course they ain't never been under fire yet, and it ain't likely they'll lick the hull rebel army all-to-oncet the first time; but I think they'll fight better than some, if worse than others. That's the way I figger. They call the reg'ment 'Fresh fish' and everything; but the boys come of good stock, and most of 'em 'll fight like sin after they oncet git shootin'," he added, with a mighty emphasis on the last four words. "Oh, you think you know—" began the loud soldier with scorn. The other turned savagely upon him. They had a rapid altercation, in which they fastened upon each other various strange epithets. The youth at last interrupted them. "Did you ever think you might run yourself, Jim?" he asked. On concluding the sentence he laughed as if he had meant to aim a joke. The loud soldier also giggled. The tall private waved his hand. "Well," said he profoundly, "I've thought it might get too hot for Jim Conklin in some of them scrimmages, and if a whole lot of boys started and run, why, I s'pose I'd start and run. And if I once started to run, I'd run like the devil, and no mistake. But if everybody was a-standing and a-fighting, why, I'd stand and fight. Be jiminey, I would. I'll bet on it." "Huh!" said the loud one. The youth of this tale felt gratitude for these words of his comrade. He had feared that all of the untried men possessed a great and correct confidence. He now was in a measure reassured. The next morning the youth discovered that his tall comrade had been the fast-flying messenger of a mistake. There was much scoffing at the latter by those who had yesterday been firm adherents of his views, and there was even a little sneering by men who had never believed the rumor. The tall one fought with a man from Chatfield Corners and beat him severely. The youth felt, however, that his problem was in no wise lifted from him. There was, on the contrary, an irritating prolongation. The tale had created in him a great concern for himself. Now, with the newborn question in his mind, he was compelled to sink back into his old place as part of a blue demonstration. For days he made ceaseless calculations, but they were all wondrously unsatisfactory. He found that he could establish nothing. He finally concluded that the only way to prove himself was to go into the blaze, and then figuratively to watch his legs to discover their merits and faults. He reluctantly admitted that he could not sit still and with a mental slate and pencil derive an answer. To gain it, he must have blaze, blood, and danger, even as a chemist requires this, that, and the other. So he fretted for an opportunity. Meanwhile he continually tried to measure himself by his comrades. The tall soldier, for one, gave him some assurance. This man's serene unconcern dealt him a measure of confidence, for he had known him since childhood, and from his intimate knowledge he did not see how he could be capable of anything that was beyond him, the youth. Still, he thought that his comrade might be mistaken about himself. Or, on the other hand, he might be a man heretofore doomed to peace and obscurity, but, in reality, made to shine in war. The youth would have liked to have discovered another who suspected himself. A sympathetic comparison of mental notes would have been a joy to him. He occasionally tried to fathom a comrade with seductive sentences. He looked about to find men in the proper mood. All attempts failed to bring forth any statement which looked in any way like a confession to those doubts which he privately acknowledged in himself. He was afraid to make an open declaration of his concern, because he dreaded to place some unscrupulous confidant upon the high plane of the unconfessed from which elevation he could be derided. In regard to his companions his mind wavered between two opinions, according to his mood. Sometimes he inclined to believing them all heroes. In fact, he usually admitted in secret the superior development of the higher qualities in others. He could conceive of men going very insignificantly about the world bearing a load of courage unseen, and although he had known many of his comrades through boyhood, he began to fear that his judgment of them had been blind. Then, in other moments, he flouted these theories, and assured himself that his fellows were all privately wondering and quaking. His emotions made him feel strange in the presence of men who talked excitedly of a prospective battle as of a drama they were about to witness, with nothing but eagerness and curiosity apparent in their faces. It was often that he suspected them to be liars. He did not pass such thoughts without severe condemnation of himself. He dinned reproaches at times. He was convicted by himself of many shameful crimes against the gods of traditions. In his great anxiety his heart was continually clamoring at what he considered the intolerable slowness of the generals. They seemed content to perch tranquilly on the river bank, and leave him bowed down by the weight of a great problem. He wanted it settled forthwith. He could not long bear such a load, he said. Sometimes his anger at the commanders reached an acute stage, and he grumbled about the camp like a veteran. One morning, however, he found himself in the ranks of his prepared regiment. The men were whispering speculations and recounting the old rumors. In the gloom before the break of the day their uniforms glowed a deep purple hue. From across the river the red eyes were still peering. In the eastern sky there was a yellow patch like a rug laid for the feet of the coming sun; and against it, black and patternlike, loomed the gigantic figure of the colonel on a gigantic horse. From off in the darkness came the trampling of feet. The youth could occasionally see dark shadows that moved like monsters. The regiment stood at rest for what seemed a long time. The youth grew impatient. It was unendurable the way these affairs were managed. He wondered how long they were to be kept waiting. Tysiące ebooków i audiobooków Ich liczba ciągle rośnie, a Ty masz gwarancję niezmiennej ceny. Napisali o nas: Nowy sposób na e-księgarnię Czytelnicy nie wierzą Legimi idzie na całość Projekt Legimi wielkim wydarzeniem Spotify for ebooks
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Lesson 1- An Overview of Writing Knowing how to write well is one of the most important skills you can have, whether you're writing e-mails and letters at work or essays and research papers in school. In our first lesson, we'll explore the key differences between speaking and writing plus a few techniques for continually improving your writing throughout your life. But there's more! You'll also understand the whole process of writing, starting with the prewriting stage and going all the way through the editing stage. You'll see that you truly can master writing in English, and I'll show you how! Lesson 2- The Creative Process Do you ever struggle with not knowing what to write about? Many of us do. In today's lesson, you'll learn two effective methods for generating all the ideas you need: brainstorming and clustering. Then, once you have your ideas, you need to organize them. You'll do this in the outlining stage. An outline is like a detailed map of where you want to take readers in your writing. When your outline is finished, you're ready to begin writing. So, we'll also examine two crucial elements of any written piece: the topic sentence and paragraphs. Lesson 3- Effective Essays In this lesson, you'll learn all about how to write effective essays. Why should you learn about this particular form of writing? The essay form will hone your writing and thinking skills, helping you develop and connect your ideas in a clear, logical, focused way. You can certainly apply these skills in any setting! A vital component of all essays is the thesis statement, so we'll spend a lot of time exploring this. When you finish with this lesson, you'll be able to write strong thesis statements that will set a sure course for your essays. Lesson 4- Three Types of Essays Now it's time to try out what you've learned so far about essays! In this lesson, you'll learn about three different essay types: descriptive, narrative, and explanatory. Each type has its own distinct purpose. Descriptive essays have vivid details that help your readers get involved in what you're writing. Narrative essays tell stories, starting at the beginning and moving logically to the end. Explanatory essays allow you to explain something you know about to your readers. I've provided lots of examples to show you how to write each kind of essay. You'll have fun with these! Lesson 5- Compare and Contrast Essays You'll be able to apply the essay styles you learned about in the previous lesson to many other kinds of essays, including the one you'll learn about today: the compare and contrast essay. These essays let you examine, describe, and explain the similarities and differences between at least two topics. Additionally, you'll get acquainted with the importance of transitions and see what they can do for your writing. Rest assured—I'll provide you with lots of examples to walk you through how to write these very interesting pieces. Lesson 6- Cause and Effect Essays Have you ever struggled to explain to your child what the effects of a certain course of action would be? Or have you ever tried to explain to your boss how one thing caused something else to happen? You may not have realized it, but you were engaging in the logical thinking required to understand cause and effect relationships. In today's lesson, you'll sharpen your logical skills by learning how to write cause and effect essays. Sometimes you'll analyze how one cause produced several different effects. At other times, you'll analyze how one effect had several causes. Once again, I'll provide you with sample essays that will point the way in your own writing. Lesson 7- Argumentation Essays Do you feel confident in presenting or defending your opinions? In this lesson, you'll acquire one of the most important skills in writing: how to argue your point of view convincingly. You'll learn how to develop a sound thesis, organize your supporting evidence, and explain your argument fairly and persuasively. Most important, you'll learn how to think critically, as well as recognize and avoid fallacies. This will be a most interesting lesson, and as always, I'll provide you with many examples to guide you along your way. Lesson 8- Correcting Your Wording In the past seven lessons, you've explored the prewriting, outlining, writing, and revising stages of the overall writing process. In the balance of this course, you'll strengthen your grammar skills so that you can perform the final stage—editing—with a keen eye and a sure hand. In this lesson, you'll study the art of wording. You'll learn how to rephrase wordy, redundant, pretentious, and vague language. You'll also understand what homophones and homonyms are and safely discern the right word to use. Finally, you'll learn to guard against slang and clichés so you can communicate well in any setting. Most of all, you'll see how fun and useful grammar can really be! Lesson 9- Take Care With Verbs Native English speakers and writers often struggle with verbs, so this tricky area will be something ESL learners will want to be extra careful about. Verbs can be the most powerful words in your sentences, but if you don't use them correctly, they become powerfully confusing. Today, we'll examine verb tenses and inflections, subject-verb agreement issues, and active vs. passive voice. When you finish this lesson, you'll use verbs with confidence! Lesson 10- Other Parts of Speech Having spent the entire previous lesson looking at verbs, you now need to learn about the other parts of speech. So we'll review important features of nouns and pronouns, adjectives and adverbs, prepositions, and conjunctions. Next we'll look at the three types of clauses: noun, adjective, and adverb clauses. Finally, you'll gain another important technique for trimming wordiness: reducing clauses to simple phrases. Lesson 11- Common Writing Problems The English language, though certainly not the most difficult, can present native and non-native speakers alike with challenging problems. In this lesson, you'll see how to avoid some common problems with subjects and objects so that your writing will always be clear. Next, you'll laugh as you learn about mistaken and dangling modifiers. These misplaced and unclear words and phrases often create as much unintentional humor as they do confusion! Finally, you'll discover how to tell possessives and contractions apart. This is sure to be an entertaining, as well as informative, lesson! Lesson 12- Punctuation and Wrap-Up In our last lesson together, we'll focus on punctuation, paying special attention to the helpful but often misused comma. In addition, you'll learn how to skillfully use semicolons, colons, and dashes, along with the concluding punctuation marks. Next, you'll see how you can apply what you've learned about academic writing to your workplace. Finally, we'll wrap everything up with a review of the key points of the course. You should be very proud of all that you've learned!
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As soon as the microneedles are pressed into the skin, they would dissolve into your bodily fluids. No sharp ends would remain. Just 650 microns long, the 100 needles that make up this new vaccine-delivery patch system could fundamentally change how vaccines are administered. The vaccine can be easily administered by untrained professionals (like you!) and eliminates the need for oh-so-painful hypodermic needle jab. "In this study, we have shown that a dissolving microneedle patch can vaccinate against influenza at least as well, and probably better than, a traditional hypodermic needle," Mark Prausnitz of Georgia Tech School of Chemical and Biomolecular Engineering said in a statement. Not only does this form of vaccine delivery appear to be less painful and easier to administer, it appears to boost protection. Clinical trials will have to be done before these vaccines make it into the marketplace. So far, the improved immunity to influenza has only been observed in mouse models. Originally, three groups of mice were examined. However, only two of those groups received vaccinations. One group got the vaccine through microneedle applied to their skin, while the other group got vaccinated the regular way through hypodermic needles. A month later, the researchers infected all groups with the influenza virus. Not surprisingly, the control group died, while the two groups that were vaccinated survived. Then, after a couple of months, the researchers exposed the mice to another flu virus. The group that received the vaccination through the microneedles showed more impressive protection against the virus. Microneedles could could eliminate the practice of reusing needles, which leads to the spread of diseases such as HIV. The cost of the vaccination methods are comparable. From a practical standpoint, the microneedle delivery system is more stable. The new microneedle vaccine is made of dry formulation, making it easier to store and transport. "We envision people getting the patch in the mail or at a pharmacy and then self administering it at home," Georgia Tech's Sean Sullivan said in a statement. "Because the microneedles on the patch dissolve away into the skin, there would be no dangerous sharp needles left over." In the event of a pandemic, people could administer the vaccine by themselves. Credit: Jeong-Woo Lee Related on SmartPlanet: This post was originally published on Smartplanet.com
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Political scientists who study international relations often seek to discern patterns of state behavior from history and to formulate theories or typologies to explain that behavior. Such an approach can contribute to our understanding of why states behave as they do, but human action never wholly conforms to neat formulas. The Second World War actually began on 7 July 1937 at the Marco Polo Bridge southwest of Beijing, when Imperial Japanese troops clashed with Nationalist Chinese forces. Japan had annexed Manchuria in 1931, but Chinese forces did not fight back then; instead, China’s leaders appealed in vain to the League of Nations. Six years later, after another Japanese-manufactured “incident”, China would fight back. They say that armchair generals discuss tactics but real generals discuss logistics. So here’s something different. Dawn of Victory is an account of World War I focused entirely on logistics. Jim Maultsaid enlisted at the outbreak of the war in 1914 and was immediately sent to the front where he was badly wounded on the first day of the Somme offensive. He survived, but was permanently disabled. Rather than being demobilized, he was packed off to officer candidate school and then sent back to France as a Lieutenant in charge of one platoon of the 96,000 Chinese labourers recruited to help with the war effort. His were from Shandong. Dawn of Victory is the story of the platoon’s day-to-day struggle to keep the frontline troops supplied with food, ammunition and fuel. The prolific British historian Niall Ferguson contends that the Second World War began in July 1937, when, after an “incident” at the Marco Polo Bridge on the outskirts of Beijing, Japan sent five divisions to Northern and coastal China. By the end of the year, more than 800,000 Japanese troops occupied 150,000 square miles of Chinese territory, and the Chinese capital of Nanking had been literally raped and pillaged by Japanese forces.
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Double-sided solar cells can boost energy yields by 50 percent An Israeli company called BSolar has developed cost-effective double-sided solar cells. These could boost energy yields by up to 50 percent if installed on vertical panels. The dual-sided “bifacial” cells achieve the energy boost by making use of reflective light as well as direct sunlight. The company has taken silicon wavers and engineered them so that they can capture light on both sides. The rear side of the cells are covered in boron instead of the usual aluminium, which has traditionally been used to minimise the loss of electrons during the energy production process. The problem with aluminium is that it can stress or break the fragile silicon wafers. Boron reduces this breakage, improves efficiency of the cells and allows them to be manufactured at a competitive cost. Why choose ECO Solutions? - environmentally friendly and affordable - easy to maintain - ecological and efficient - saving you money on your electricity and water bills
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One of favorite things to do in my classroom with my kids is data tracking. I know how nerdy that sounds, but I truly believe that connecting students with their own learning data is a game changer for investing students in your classroom vision and goals. Putting accountability on the students, instead of them thinking school is just something they “get” helps keeps students focused, as well as helps them feel successful. I wanted to share how I facilitate data tracking in my 8th grade language arts classroom because I feel like the majority of examples found on Pinterest and elsewhere are for elementary classrooms. Figuring out how to “do data”, has been a learning process for me. I’ve always kept up with learning data for students myself, but it took me a while to figure out a system that worked for me, was manageable with 120 students, and was also meaningful for kids that they could also participate in. 1. Classroom Data Wall I searched and searched Pinterest for middle school data wall examples that I thought would be useful, interactive, and meaningful enough to take up precious wall space for and I found this example on Pinterest for inspiration. I adapted that to become what is pictured below. I use post-it page markers (purple/blue=1st period, yellow=2nd period, Pink=3rd period, Orange=4th period) that the kids or I place in the correct box to show where they are (1=novice, 2=apprentice, 3=proficient, 4=distinguished) at any given time for each standard (bottom grid) and for their SRI scores (top grid).. This is great to visually show students where everyone is, as well as to help them set goals. 2. Posting Standards Posters I post the Reading: Informational and Reading: Literature standards on different colored paper because again, I want students to really understand the skills they are being asked to master. I want my classroom to be able to move beyond the “I got 8 out of 10 so I’m proficient” talk. This is definitely a huge work in progress, but having the standards posted, visible, and where students can access them has been a HUGE help! 3. Student Tracking Books I’m working on a tracking book for middle/high school students that can be adapted for different subjects–I will share as soon as it is finished!Again, I really like data tracking with my students. I think it is important for them to buy into their progress, and really understand why they are doing what they are doing in class each day. I’m always checking blogs and Pinterest posts to see how others are tracking data to see if this process can be refined or if there is something that could work better, so of course, I’d love to hear from you in the comments section! How do you track data in your classroom? Any new ideas to share? Let me hear them!
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Episode 28 – October 1, 2010 - 12-year-old published writer, poet, literacy advocate, teacher, speaker and activist. - Has shared knowledge of education in conferences, classrooms and other public events. - Travels advocating for literacy, integration of technology in education, welfare of children, and girl’s rights. - Goals of encouraging public education reform for prevention of social and economic inequality in addition to providing technology and internet access to undeveloped countries. Watch and Learn – Charlie Brown Homework Approaches - Uses famous cartoon characters to show different approaches children have to homework - Demonstrates the different skills used in finishing assignments - Shows the different types of learners and how they approach the same goal. E-Freebies – 5 Safety Sites for Students - Stop Bullying Now! - The Carnegie Cyber Academy - Welcome to the Web - Safety Web Article – Special Needs Programs in Hawaii - Program to offer Special Ed classes to students who cannot attend traditional schools - Goals to strengthen and improve student interest and parent participation and commitment - Virtual and on-site programs will be offered to low income neighborhoods on nights and weekends, as well as in person. So, What Do You Know?
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Terraced housing or row housing refers to individual dwellings connected on two sides via a shared or party wall. End-of-terrace houses and semi-detached houses will be connected on one side only. Terraced housing provides higher density residential development suitable for urban locations or areas where there is good access to local facilities and public transport. Semi-detached housing provides medium density development suitable in both urban and suburban locations. This section covers the important elements that need to be considered when designing the terraced house and includes advice on: - the form and appearance of the house, including design of the houses' principal elements; - internal space dimensions and layout as well as private outdoor spaces; - building performance including heating, cooling and ventilation; and,
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Windbreaks are planned and managed as part of a crop and/or livestock operation to enhance production, protect livestock, and control soil erosion. Field windbreaks protect a variety of wind-sensitive row, cereal, vegetable, orchard and vine crops, control wind erosion, and increase bee pollination and pesticide effectiveness. Livestock windbreaks help reduce animal stress and mortality, reduce feed consumption, and help reduce visual impacts and odors. Living snowfences keep roads clean of drifting snow and increase driving safety. They can also spread snow evenly across a field, increasing spring soil moisture.
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Bark Beetle-caused Mortality in a Drought-affected Ponderosa Pine Landscape in Arizona, USA Forest Ecology and Management Extensive ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa Dougl. ex Laws.) mortality associated with a widespread severe drought and increased bark beetle (Coleoptera: Curculionidae, Scolytinae) populations occurred in Arizona from 2001 to 2004. A complex of Ips beetles including: the Arizona fivespined ips, Ips lecontei Swaine, the pine engraver beetle, Ips pini(Say), Ips calligraphus (Germar), Ips latidens (LeConte), Ips knausi Swaine and Ips integer(Eichhoff) were the primary bark beetle species associated with ponderosa pine mortality. In this study we examine stand conditions and physiographic factors associated with bark beetle-caused tree mortality in ponderosa pine forests across five National Forests in Arizona. A total of 633 fixed-radius plots were established across five National Forests in Arizona: Apache-Sitgreaves, Coconino, Kaibab, Prescott, and Tonto. Prior to the bark beetle outbreak, plots with mortality had higher tree and stocking compared with plots without pine mortality. Logistic regression modeling found that probability of ponderosa pine mortality caused by bark beetles was positively correlated with tree density and inversely related with elevation and tree diameter. Given the large geographical extent of this study resulting logistic models to estimate the likelihood of bark beetle attack should have wide applicability across similar ponderosa pine forests across the Southwest. This is particularly true of a model driven by tree density and elevation constructed by combining all forests. Tree mortality resulted in significant reductions in basal area, tree density, stand density index, and mean tree diameter for ponderosa pine and for all species combined in these forests. Most of the observed pine mortality was in the 10–35 cm diameter class, which comprise much of the increase in tree density over the past century as a result of fire suppression and grazing practices. Ecological implications of tree mortality are discussed. Negrón, J.F., J.D. McMillin, J.A. Anhold, and D. Coulson. 2009. Bark beetle-caused mortality in a drought-affected ponderosa pine landscape in Arizona, USA. For. Ecol. Manag. 257:1353–1362
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This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these template messages)(Learn how and when to remove this template message) |Directed by||Kaneto Shindo| |Produced by||Toshio Konya| |Screenplay by||Kaneto Shindo| |Music by||Hikaru Hayashi| |Edited by||Toshio Enoki| Onibaba (鬼婆, lit. Demon Hag) is a 1964 Japanese historical drama horror film written and directed by Kaneto Shindo. The film is set during a civil war in the fourteenth century. Nobuko Otowa and Jitsuko Yoshimura play two women who kill soldiers to steal their possessions, and Kei Satō plays the man who ultimately comes between them. The film is set somewhere in Japan, in the mid-fourteenth century during a period of civil war. Two wounded soldiers flee from pursuers on horseback in an enormous field of thick reeds which are taller than a man. Suddenly the soldiers are killed with spears by unseen assailants. Two women appear, take the soldiers' armour and weapons, and drop the bodies in a deep hole. The women return to a small hut and rest, exhausted from the activity. The next day they take the armor and weapons to a merchant named Ushi (Taiji Tonoyama) and trade them for food. The merchant tells them news of the war, which is driving people across the country to desperation. As they leave, Ushi makes a sexual proposition to the older woman, who rebuffs him. A neighbor named Hachi (Kei Satō), who has been at war, returns. The older woman (Nobuko Otowa) asks Hachi about her son, Kishi, who was forced to be a soldier along with Hachi. Kishi is the husband of the younger woman (Jitsuko Yoshimura). Hachi tells about his experience in two fights, where general Takauji Ashikaga attacked his division. He says that he and Kishi deserted. Later, Kishi was killed when they were caught stealing food from farmers, while Hachi barely escaped. The older woman warns the younger woman to stay away from Hachi, whom she blames for her son's death. One beautiful day, the younger woman is at the lake when Hachi approaches her, offering fish. He shows interest in her sexually and makes advances before the older woman interrupts. They then see two samurai chasing one another and fighting on horseback. The samurai jump in the lake and keep fighting, swimming closer to the three as they go. As one samurai approaches, asking for help, Hachi stabs him to death with his spear. He then orders the women to get the other man, whom they drown in the lake. The two women take their armour as before and Hachi sells it to Ushi, giving them their first substantial meal in a long time. Despite being warned to stay away from Hachi, the young woman is seduced by him and sneaks out of her hut every night to have sex. The older woman learns of the relationship and is both angry and jealous. She tries to seduce Hachi herself, but is coldly rebuffed. She then pleads with him to not take the young woman away, since she cannot kill without her help. One night, while Hachi and the young woman are together, a lost samurai wearing a demon (Hannya) mask (Jūkichi Uno) forces the older woman to guide him out of the swamp. He claims to wear the mask to protect his face, the most handsome in the land, from harm. She tricks him into plunging to his death in the pit where the women dispose of their victims. She climbs down and steals the samurai's possessions and, with great difficulty, his mask. Under the mask he is horribly disfigured, which the older woman notes with spite. As she leaves, the older woman then gets an idea to keep her daughter-in-law away from Hachi. At night, as the young woman goes to see Hachi, the older woman blocks her path, wearing the samurai's robes and mask, frightening the woman into running home. During the day, the older woman further convinces the younger woman that the "demon" was real, as punishment for her affair with Hachi. The younger woman avoids Hachi during the day, but continues to try and see him at night. During a storm, the older woman again terrifies the younger woman with the mask, but Hachi, tired of being ignored, finds the younger woman and has sex with her in the grass as the devastated old woman watches from afar. Hachi returns to his hut, where he discovers another deserter stealing his food; the deserter abruptly grabs his spear and stabs Hachi, killing him. The older woman discovers that, after getting wet in the rain, the mask is impossible to remove. She reveals her scheme to the young woman and pleads for her to help take off the mask. The young woman agrees to remove the mask after the older woman promises not to interfere with her relationship with Hachi. After failing to pull it off, the young woman breaks off the mask with a hammer. Under the mask, the older woman's face is covered with sores, as the samurai's had been. The young woman thinks the older woman has turned into a demon, and flees; the older woman runs after her, crying out that she is a human being, not a demon. The young woman leaps over the pit, and as the older woman leaps after her the film ends. Most of the cast consisted of members of Shindo's regular group of performers, Nobuko Otowa, Kei Satō, Taiji Tonoyama, and Jūkichi Uno. This was Jitsuko Yoshimura's only appearance in a Shindo film. The two women do not have names even in the script, but are merely described as "middle-aged woman" and "young woman". - Nobuko Otowa as Older Woman - Jitsuko Yoshimura as Younger Woman - Kei Satō as Hachi - Taiji Tonoyama as Ushi - Jūkichi Uno as The Masked Warrior This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (November 2018) The story takes place shortly after the Battle of Minatogawa which began a period of over 50 years of civil war, the Nanboku-chō period (1336 to 1392). Hachi tells of an attack from general Takauji Ashikaga, who came to power in the 1330s. The story of Onibaba was inspired by the Shin Buddhist parable of yome-odoshi-no men (嫁おどしの面) (bride-scaring mask) or niku-zuki-no-men (肉付きの面) (mask with flesh attached), in which a mother used a mask to scare her daughter from going to the temple. She was punished by the mask sticking to her face, and when she begged to be allowed to remove it, she was able to take it off, but it took the flesh of her face with it. Kaneto Shindo wanted to film Onibaba in a field of susuki grass. He sent out assistant directors to find suitable locations. Once a location was found near a river bank at Inba-Numa in Chiba, they put up prefabricated buildings to live in. Filming started on 30 June 1964 and continued for three months. They had a rule that if somebody left they would not get any pay, to keep the crew motivated to continue. Shindo included dramatized scenes of the dissatisfaction on the set as part of the 2000 film By Player. Kaneto Shindo said that the effects of the mask on those who wear it are symbolic of the disfigurement of the victims of the Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the film reflecting the traumatic effect of this visitation on post-war Japanese society. The film contains some sequences filmed in slow motion. The scenes of the older woman descending in to the hole had to be shot using an artificial "hole" built above ground with scaffolding, since holes dug in the ground at the location site would immediately fill with water. This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (August 2015) Onibaba was released in Japan on November 21, 1964 where it was distributed by Toho. The film was released in the United States by Toho International with English subtitles on February 4, 1965. An English-dubbed version was produced by Toho, but any actual release of it is undetermined. On the films initial theatrical release in the United Kingdom, the film was first rejected by the BBFC on its first submission, and then released in a heavily edited form after its second submission." From contemporary reviews, the Monthly Film Bulletin" noted that "Shindo obviously likes to milk his situations for all they are worth-and then some." noting that "Onibaba has the same striking surface as [Ningen and The Naked Island]." and that the film "has the same tendency to fall apart if examined too closely". The review praised Kuroda's "fine photography" but noted that nothing else "in the film quite matches this opening among the reeds, or its aftermath in the ruthless stripping of the victims and disposal of their corpses, except perhaps the encounter between the old woman and the General." "Wear." of Variety described as "sexiest pic to be unveiled in New York so far" noting that Nobuko Otowa is superb as the older woman while Jitsuko Yoshimura contribs an excellent characterization as the daughter-in-law" The review declared it "sometimes high adventure and exciting, at other times dull in its so-called symbolism. Too often, this turns out to be a potpourri of ravenous eating and blatant sex." A. H. Weiler of the New York Times described the film's raw qualities as "neither new nor especially inventive to achieve his stark, occasionally shocking effects. Although his artistic integrity remains untarnished, his driven rustic principals are exotic, sometimes grotesque figures out of medieval Japan, to whom a Westerner finds it hard to relate." The review noted that Shindo's "symbolism, which undoubtedly is more of a treat to the Oriental than the Occidental eye and ear, may be oblique, but his approach to amour is direct... the tale is abetted by Hiyomi Kuroda's cloudy, low-key photography and Hikaru Kuroda's properly weird background musical score. But despite Mr. Shindo's obvious striving for elemental, timeless drama, it is simply sex that is the most impressive of the hungers depicted here." Peter Bradshaw in The Guardian says "Onibaba is a chilling movie, a waking nightmare shot in icy monochrome, and filmed in a colossal and eerily beautiful wilderness". Jonathan Rosenbaum of The Chicago Reader described it as "creepy, interesting, and visually striking". Many critics have been divided on the genre of the film. While Onibaba is regarded a "period drama" by David Robinson, or "stage drama" by Japanese film scholar Keiko I. McDonald, Phil Hardy included it in his genre compendium as a horror film, and Chuck Stephens describes it as an erotic-horror classic. Writing for Sight & Sound, Michael Brooke noted that "Onibaba's lasting greatness and undimmed potency lie in the fact that it works both as an unnervingly blunt horror film (and how!) and as a far more nuanced but nonetheless universal social critique that can easily be applied to an parallel situation" Keiko I. McDonald stated that the film contained elements of the Noh theatre. She notes that the han'nya mask "is used to demonize the sinful emotions of jealousy and its associative emotions" in Noh plays, and that the differing camera angles at which the mask is filmed in Onibaba are similar to the way in which a Noh performer uses the angle of the mask to indicate emotions. Other reviewers also speculate about Noh influences on the film. - Galbraith IV 2008, p. 214. - Galbraith IV 2008, p. 215. - Shindo 1993, p. 242 - Bradshaw, Peter (15 October 2010). "Sex, death and long grass in Kaneto Shindo's Onibaba". The Guardian. Retrieved 25 February 2012. - Shindo, Kaneto (Director) (2008-05-15). Onibaba, DVD Extra: Interview with the director (DVD). Criterion Collection. - Shindo, Kaneto (2008). Ikite iru kagiri Watashi no Rirekisho [While I live: my resume] (in Japanese). Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha. ISBN 978-4-532-16661-8. - Shindo 1993, pp. 149–187 - Kuroda, Kiyomi (Cinematography) (2008-05-15). Onibaba, DVD Extra: Making of feature (DVD). Criterion Collection. - McDonald 2006, p. 113: a sudden slowing in the shot - Film 4. "Onibaba (1964) - Film Review from Film4". Film 4. Retrieved 3 September 2012. - "The Criterion Collection: Onibaba by Kaneto Shindo". - Brooke, Michael (April 2013). "Onibaba". Sight & Sound. Vol. 23 no. 4. British Film Institute. p. 115. - "Onibaba (1965)". Rotten Tomatoes. Fandango Media. Retrieved January 11, 2019. - Milne, T.M. (1966). "Onibaba (The Hole), Japan, 1964". Monthly Film Bulletin. Vol. 33 no. 384. British Film Institute. pp. 180–181. - Variety's Film Reviews 1964-1967. 11. R. R. Bowker. 1983. There are no page numbers in this book. This entry is found under the header "February 10, 1965". ISBN 0-8352-2790-1. - Weiler, A.H. (February 10, 1965). "The Hole (1964) Onibaba at Toho". New York Times. Retrieved 3 September 2012. - Rosenbaum, Jonathan. "Onibaba". Chicago Reader. Retrieved 8 September 2012. - Robinson, David (1975). World cinema: a short history. Methuen Young Books. p. 340. ISBN 978-0416183306. - McDonald 2006, p. 109: Onibaba strikes us as kind of stage drama taking its cues from folklore - Hardy, Phil (1996). The Aurum Film Encyclopedia: Horror. Aurum Press. p. 165. - Stephens, Chuck (March 15, 2004). "Black Sun Rising". Criterion Collection. Retrieved 8 September 2012. - McDonald 2006, p. 116 - Lowenstein, Adam (2005). Shocking Representation: Historical Trauma, National Cinema, and the Modern Horror Film. Columbia University Press. p. 101.: "Shindo's use of the hannya mask and reliance on heavy drumming punctuated by human cries for Onibaba's score […] are direct quotations of Noh style." - Cuntz, Vera. "SheDevils - Kaneto Shindôs Onibaba & Kuroneko" (in German). Ikonen magazin. Retrieved 9 September 2012.: "Die Filme [Onibaba and Kuroneku] folgen in ihrer Schauspielkunst, Erzählstruktur und Inhalt den klassischen japanischen Nô-Stücken." ("These Films [Onibaba and Kuroneku] follow classic Japanese Noh Plays in the ways of acting, narrative structure and content.") - Galbraith IV, Stuart (2008). The Toho Studios Story: A History and Complete Filmography. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 1461673747. - Shindo, Kaneto (8 November 1993). Shindō Kaneto no sokuseki: sei to sei. 3. Iwanami Shoten. ISBN 4-00-003763-3. - McDonald, Keiko (2006). Reading a Japanese film: Cinema in context. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0824829933. - Thompson, Nathaniel (2006). DVD Delirium: The International Guide to Weird and Wonderful Films on DVD; Volume 3. Godalming, England: FAB Press. pp. 407–408. ISBN 1-903254-40-X.
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In addition to having regular makerspace sessions every Tuesday and Thursday in the spring, students also have the opportunity to work on an individual project to showcase at our annual maker fest. To participate, students fill out a Google form sharing their possible project topics and whether they will complete the project at home or in our makerspace during school hours. They also have the option of working alone or having a UGA mentor to help them. I collaborate with Gretchen Thomas at UGA College of Education. I love seeing the relationships that my students develop with the UGA students, and they thrive knowing that they have a mentor to visit with and work with while they make their creations. In the spring, she divides part of her UGA students to support our Tuesday/Thursday makerspace sessions while the other part supports students working on individual projects. My maker students don’t always meet with the same UGA student, but they have someone every Tuesday/Thursday who can support their work. When students begin preparing for Maker Fest, we meet with them individually to see what type of project they are thinking about. This year, I offered several categories for them to think about: - makey makey - littlebits invention - duct tape creation - 3d design - Scratch program - finger knitting - strawbees structure - stop motion video - magic tricks - puppet/puppet show - magic tricks - something else! (This category meant students might explore our many craft books for ideas on projects to create) Once students decided, we gathered the materials they needed and stored each project on the shelves in our makerspace storage room. This part is hard to manage and it feels a bit chaotic until we have the materials that each student needs. Each Tuesday/Thursday they come for a 30-minute work session, gather their materials from the shelves, and work with me or a UGA student. Some students complete their projects at home. During the actual Barrow Maker Fest, we created a schedule so that every student who made something had two 30-minute windows to showcase their work. There was also a schedule for classes to sign up and come to view the projects. The entire UGA class came as well so that they could view the final projects as well as help students at tables. In the end, 26 students showcased creations on a variety of topics which included: - a cardboard Earth robot - mason jar lights - a robotic arm - a cardboard pirate game with secret codes and a spyglass - a Python computer program similar to Google Translate which translated English to Pig Latin - a shadow puppet theater - a Littlebits throwing arm and car - Lego scenes and building station - 3D slinkies, Rubik’s cube, and Minecraft swords made with 3D pens - 3D action figure designed in Tinkercad - a cardboard robot suit - a cardboard tower - a car made from a mail tube - a stackable jewelry holder - magic tricks - Merge cubes They were so excited to share their work, have an authentic audience to entertain and ask questions, and see that their work inspired other makers. Several students who came said they wanted to make something next year. You can see many of these projects along with projects from other K-12 schools in the Clarke County School District at our CCSD Maker Fest. It will be Saturday April 14 2-4PM at Clarke Central High School. It is free and open to the public. We hope to see you there.
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Too many children in the United States have to endure abuse -- even one child suffering is one too many. Sadly, the occurrence of abuse is much higher than that -- alarmingly so. In the United States, it's estimated that abuse and neglect affect more than 900,000 children each year [source: Saisan]. You might automatically think of the visible bruising and scars that accompany physical abuse, but just as many children are scarred internally from verbal abuse or neglect. One of the best things you can do for an abused child is to report the abuse. Never assume that it's a one-time occurrence. If you believe you've witnessed or know of child abuse, contact law enforcement as soon as possible. While it's tricky to distinguish abuse, it's better to be safe than sorry. While detecting and reporting child abuse is vital, it is also just as important to assist with post-abuse trauma. There are thousands of organizations, local and national, that serve to protect abused children. One popular organization is Childhelp, an organization that works to promote child advocacy, abuse prevention and treatment, as well as community outreach [source: Childhelp]. Childhelp focuses on creating child abuse awareness in schools, including ways of recognizing and preventing abuse. The organization advocates talking with your own children about abuse and teaching them how to recognize it and its signs and symptoms. Discussion and awareness are important parts in the process of minimizing child abuse -- doing these simple things could even save a child's life. There are so many ways to help children - and, sadly, there is never a shortage of children to help. For more information on how you can help, check out the links below. Related HowStuffWorks Articles - Arc, The. "About Us." (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.thearc.org/NetCommunity/Page.aspx?pid=1386 - Albertson, Brittany. Personal Interview. 4/25/09. - Childhelp. 2009. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.childhelp.org - Disabled Children's Relief Fund. (Accessed 5/15/09) http://www.dcrf.com/ordereze/default.aspx - Divorce Info. "Getting Your Children through Divorce." 2009. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.divorceinfo.com/children.htm - Divorce Recovery. 2009. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.divorcerecovery.net/whoarewe.asp - Early Support Programme. "Caring for Someone." 4/20/09. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/CaringForSomeone/CaringForADisabledChild.htm - Feed My Starving Children. 2009. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.fmsc.org/Page.aspx?pid=361 - Feed the Children. 2009. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.feedthechildren.org/site/PageServer?pagename=org_us_programs - Hillard, Catherine. "Helping Disabled Children Learn an Instrument." Essortment. 2002. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.essortment.com/family/helpingdisabled_slyd.htm - Leon, Kim. "Helping Children Adjust to Divorce." University of Missouri. 11/1/05. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://extension.missouri.edu/publications/DisplayPub.aspx?P=GH6611 - Nation Master. "Divorce rate (most recent) by country." (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.nationmaster.com/graph/peo_div_rat-people-divorce-rate - Saisan, Joanna. "Child Abuse and Neglect." HelpGuide.org. 10/1/08. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.helpguide.org/mental/child_abuse_physical_emotional_sexual_neglect.htm - Teh, Vedis. "Why Online Tutoring is a Better Option For Your Children." Ezine. 4/4/09. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://ezinearticles.com/?Why-Online-Tutoring-is-a-Better-Option-For-Your-Children&id=2182001 - Trahan, Marcia. "How to Begin Tutoring Children." Associated Content. 2/19/07. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/147429/how_to_begin_tutoring_children.htm - Tutor/Mentor Connection. "Understanding tutor/mentor as family." 4/18/09. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://tutormentor.blogspot.com/ - Volunteer Match. "Volunteer for Our Children." 2009. (Accessed 4/20/09) http://www.child.net/volunteer.htm
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Kyphoplasty is a minimally invasive procedure performed to treat vertebral compression fractures (VCF). These fractures, which can be painful and limit spine mobility, are commonly caused by osteoporosis, spinal tumors, and traumatic injury. Traditional treatments of bed rest, pain medication, and braces are slow to relieve the pain. In patients who have continued severe pain despite non-operative measures, or in those with a fracture that is collapsing despite brace usage, Kyphoplasty may be an option. Small incisions are made in the back and tiny balloons are then introduced into the fractured bone under Xray guidance. As the balloons are inflated, the fracture is reduced to a degree. “Bone cement” is then injected into the void. By injecting bone cement into the fractured bone and restoring the vertebra height, this procedure offers patients opportunity for a faster recovery and reduces the risk of future fractures in the treated bone. There is also greater stability created and hence a smaller possibility for the fracture to collapse.
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Forest, Iowa, mammals, non-invasive trapping, prairie, remote-cameras, scent stations Two common noninvasive (i.e., no stress to the animal) methods used to survey mammals include track stations (i.e., track captures of mammals) and remote camera-traps (i.e., photo-captures of mammals). Our objectives were to compare capture effectiveness of both track stations and remote cameras in both forested and prairie habitats. This project was conducted on 4 study sires (2 forested sires and 2 prairie sites) located in Fayette County, Iowa. Each study site had 6 trapping stations 2:: 100 m apart. We monitored traps for a total of 216 trap nights and we recorded a total of 368 captures composed of 19 different mammal species. We found that in forest habitat remote camera-traps captured significantly more mammals compared to track stations (n = 53) (P<0.01; df = 1) while in prairie habitat we found no significant difference in the number of mammals captured between trap sires (P=0.27; df = 1). We recommend the use of digital remote cameras with no glow infrared technology in combination with the monitoring of mammal tracks to maximize mammal capture effectiveness. Journal of the Iowa Academy of Science © Copyright 2011 by the Iowa Academy of Science, Inc. McKinney, Marc N. and Haines, Aaron M. "Mammal Capture Success of Scent Stations and Remote Cameras in Prairie and Forest Habitat," Journal of the Iowa Academy of Science: JIAS, 117(1-4), 4-8. Available at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/jias/vol117/iss1/4
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We often hear about the “opioid crisis” and its devastating effects — more than 90 Americans die every day from an opioid overdose and about 2 million suffer from substance use disorders involving prescription opioids. But, argued panelists at a Stanford Medicine X session on the topic yesterday, the issues are often oversimplified in public discussion and by the media, which stigmatizes opioid users and contributes to misconceptions. The afternoon panel — which Larry Chu, MD, moderator and executive director of Medicine X, deliberately called “Opioids in America” instead of “The Opioid Crisis” — offered a broad range of perspectives from patients and physicians. Among the misconceptions discussed by the panel: - Only drug addicts use opioids: Joe Riffe, an ePatient and paramedic, explained, “If you use opioids, you’re seen as weak or a drug addict or a drug seeker. I’ll never take an opioid on duty, but I’m forced to use them because I’m in too much pain from my amputation. And it’s really looked down upon, especially in the medical community.” - People choose to be opioid addicts: Ashley Elliott, a recovering addict, artist and psychology major, noted, “People that are addicted to opioids don’t want to be. And if you’re a recovering addict, finding a doctor who is willing to treat you as a human as opposed to an addict is difficult.” Thomas Kline, MD, PhD, a patient and geriatric medicine specialist in Raleigh, North Carolina, agreed: “People with opioid addictions have been lepers for years and now another 9 million people have become lepers because they take pain medicine.” - Opioids are readily available: “Opioids are not being thrown at patients like candy, as it’s sometimes portrayed in the media,” said Heather Aspell, a patient, artist, attorney and disability advocate. “We actually have to go through so many hoops to get our medication. Beyond simply getting the prescription from a doctor, it can be challenging to even find the medication. I get refused by pharmacies regularly.” - Doctors are adequately treating pain: Anesthesiologist and pain medicine specialist Frank Lee, MD, told the audience, “Data shows that we’re doing a terrible job for a lot of populations, including cancer patients, surgery patients and chronic pain patients. Now is the time to re-evaluate the paradigm. We don’t need more guidelines. We need to work together, providers and patients, to re-exam this pain-treatment paradigm.” - We handle prescription opioids like other countries: “I think the biggest misconception is that the United States is normal in how it handles prescription opioids,” said Stanford addiction expert Keith Humphreys, PhD. He later added, “The United States’ opioid use dwarfs any other nation by a very large factor. So we over prescribe. And at the same time, there are people who absolutely need these medications and don’t get them. So we also under prescribe. As my friend Sean Mackey, MD, PhD, says, we shouldn’t be pro-opioid or negative-opioid; we should be pro-patient.” After the panel discussion, Medicine X executive board member Nick Dawson moderated a town hall — pushing the panel and audience to think boldly about potential solutions. Among attendees’ suggestions was to change how prescriptions are written by going beyond a numeric pain scale to identify the goal for the pain medication, being more specific about what is being treated on the script and creating a certification process for patients with chronic pain that is recognized by pharmacists. Near the end of the session, Bruce Greenstein, the United States Department of Health and Human Services’ chief technology officer, announced an opioid challenge summit and code-a-thon taking place in Washington, D.C. this December. And Chu closed things out with a hopeful note: “I started out this conference asking us to think outside the box about these tough topics, and I think we made a start on that today. … We’re reducing the stigma about opioids by talking about it and we’re raising awareness. Let’s keep talking.” This is a reposting of my Scope blog story, courtesy of Stanford School of Medicine.
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Three: A Local Habitation and a Name In the book of Genesis, chapter thirty-two, the patriarch Jacob returns to the land of his birth afraid to meet his older brother Esau, from whom he had usurped both his birthright and his father’s blessing. Twenty years before, Esau had sworn to kill him. Now Jacob seeks to appease his powerful brother by sending ahead of himself all his goods in waves and waves as gifts for Esau. (Look how rich he has become! And look how generous!) Over the deep gorge of the Jabbok, Jacob sends all his cattle, all his serving people—even his wives and his children. And now it is night. And now the man named Jacob, the “Trickster,” the “Usurper,” is alone. No, not altogether alone. “And a man wrestled with him until the breaking of the day.” A man: much more than a man. That wrestling match must have been titanic, because the patriarchs of Genesis were considered to have been both mighty and massive. (For didn’t Jacob use a stone as his pillow once? And wasn’t that stone still there for people to see—a monument immovable?) “Let me go,” that figure says, “for the day is breaking.” Such seeming fear of the daylight makes Jacob think he’s wrestling a night spirit—some sort of divinity, one powerful enough to have put Jacob’s hip out of joint. Therefore, at one point Jacob makes a most telling request: “Tell me, I pray, your name.” Why the name, particularly? Well, in those day it was believed that numinous beings surrounded human beings invisibly, with extraordinary powers to determine their lives, but from whom the humans could not by their own strength free themselves. (This is not unlike all the forces that children believe to exist in their worlds, the Sendakian “Wild Things” over which, when yet unstoried, the children have no power, but which affect them personally and specifically.) Now, if one of these spirit beings became visible, became tangible in the visible sphere of life, where humans themselves lived; and if the human who encountered it could learn its name, then (1) that human learned also the spirit’s nature and its intent; and (2) that human could, by uttering the name, summon it, obligate it, command it. In fact, Jacob is wrong. This is no mere spirit of the night. This is the Lord God (with remarkable love paying attention to a single human), who does not permit his mystery or his freedom to be touched. Therefore Jacob’s opponent deflects his request with a rhetorical question: “Why is it that you ask my name?” and refuses to give the name till much, much later. But I tell that story here for the value of Jacob’s presumption: even as he might have reversed his relationship with a spiritual (bodiless, powerful, amorphous) being by learning its name and thereby taking command, so children can (truly!) reverse their relationships with the powers which they believe to surround them by learning the names of these powers; by learning the name of the experience of one’s encounter with these powers. And stories are such names! The stories whole, I mean. And not the mute words printed upon a page, but the experience of the child who enters the tale and lives it: this is, altogether, in all its parts, the name. Oh, and there’s one other element I want to take from Jacob’s tale. God (for God it is that wrestles him), also asks Jacob for his name, and Jacob complies: “My name is Jacob, the Trickster, the Usurper.” Then God the Creator, God the Wrestler, changes Jacob’s name, thereby giving Jacob a whole new identity—and making the man also intensely aware of his identity: “Your name shall no more be called Jacob, but Israel, for you have striven with God and with men, and have prevailed.” Israel: a pun, one who strives “with” God—both against God, and beside God, on his side. My point is this: that the child who engages as fully and as personally with a story as Jacob here engages with the deity at the edge of the Jabbok (both wrestling and answering questions, talking, dialoguing) may, like Jacob, discover a piece of her own identity, and call her own self by name. To identify well with a major character in a story is to identify oneself. Having established the paradigm of story as a name and a naming, let me offer a more particular explanation of how it works for the child. I’ll develop this paradigm by further reference to the book of Genesis and the Hebrew notions of language implied in the creation narratives of chapters one, two and three. “In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth” . . . by speaking them. God spoke heaven and earth into being. Recognize an element simplicity in this Hebraic record of creation: the divine utterance (“Let there be light”) did not command, as if the light itself were a separate entity capable of obedience; nor did the divine word design light or else manufacture it (in which case God’s word and the light would be separate things, one the subject, the other its object). No: the word was the light! They were one and the same thing, “Light” and the light. So if, for example, a child were asked what the act of creating must have looked like, she might picture the holy mouth of God opening wide, then issuing forth a beam of universal light exactly as a song might go forth from the mouth of God into all the universe. But the language of stark creation was only on of the languages which the Creator used. There are two kinds of divine talk remembered in Genesis, for what God had made, he also named. Light and its temporal period he called “day.” Its dimming and the period of its absence he called “night.” The firmament he called “heaven,” the dry land “earth,” the gathered waters “seas,” and so forth. Now, it is of crucial importance to understand that this naming did more than associate a particular sound with a particular thing (though modern societies use names as pointers merely, signs not much different from highway signs; Chicago, 120 miles. The highway sign isn’t actually Chicago, of course: it says, “Chicago is that-a-way.”) God’s naming did more than produce the “word” by which speakers could refer to the object represented by that name. For the Hebrews, language was always an action. To speak was to accomplish. And to name a thing was actually to affect the thing named: it finished its creation, as it were, in three distinct ways. - The thing which is, but isn’t named, cannot be known. If you can’t talk about it, neither can you think about it or consider it or mediate upon it—nor, in consequence, can you know it at all! For the Hebrews, language is the stuff of knowing. Only when the created thing takes its place in language does it fully enter the realm of human awareness. To name a thing, therefore, is to clothe it in visibility. To name a thing is to make it knowable, to grant its place in the human conception of the world. It seems suddenly to appear, that which had in fact existed before its appearing. (But this concept is not restricted to the Hebrews. Most primitive cultures took time and tremendous pains to discover the true name of a child in order to present that child truly to the world—and to itself! 2. That which is granted a name is thereby joined to the whole “grammar” of existence. As words are joined to words in the structure of a sentence, so any single thing named stands in a living and relational union—stands in a sweet kinship—with every other named thing in the universe. And as one word may enjoy an infinite variety of grammatical relationships, sentence to sentence, speech to speech; as the changings of relationship indicate the healthy flow of its life, so the thing named (or the person named) may enjoy the development of countless relationships to the grand creation of God. 3. And, finally, the name of a thing also contains the purpose and the value of that thing. It offers continually a why, a reason for this thing’s participation in the fullness of creation. (Recall Jacob’s new name, “Israel,” and its effect on the man himself, changing his character, announcing his new purpose as a “Striver with God.” “Israel” next became the name of a nation, God’s chosen, holy nation: “A kingdom of priests to me,” says the naming God in Exodus 19:6.) If the second effect of naming was to place it into the space of the world, this third effect places it into the time of the world, making it active, defining characteristic goals to be accomplished in the future. The named things is an esteemed thing, for that it serves the whole. And when God had created everything; and when the Lord God had assessed all things as “Good, very good”; and when humankind, in the image of the Creator, had been set as steward in the midst of all good things, then God granted unto us . . .not the first and primal tongue, to create out of nothing, but rather the second significant tongue: to name! And in naming to accomplish all three of the above effects upon the things and the people named. So Adam was invited to name the animals, bringing them fully into his own knowing, establishing relationships with them and for them, discovering and applying purpose to them: that is to say, domesticating them. But the highest thing the human could ever name was . . .another human. And so Adam and Eve did in the naming come to “know” each other, weave complex relationships with each other, affirm purpose and worth one upon the other: Then the man said, “This at last is bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh; She shall be call ishshah [woman] because she was taken out of ish. [man] The Hebrew words ishshah and ish make the same sort of pun that the English words woman and man do: one word acts as a root for the other, longer word; while the shorter word needs the longer one for fulfillment. Man and Wo-Man need each other, both the names—the bare words—and the objects named. Now, then, the application of my paradigm: It is precisely this sort of naming that the story is and accomplishes for the feelings of children. The whole story—its full experience from “Once upon a time” to “happily ever after”—becomes the name of some previously nameless and shapeless trouble truly encountered in children’s lives, a scary thought or mood discovered even within themselves, the fear suffered at natural transitions such as leaving home or going to school or finding a new baby in their houses or fearing abandonment by their parents. . . . The story helps children know what otherwise would lurk in the unknowable regions of their dark souls, or of the dark world. (This is what the “robber” story accomplished for me, giving my personal encounters with evil in the abstract a local habitation and a name.) The story establishes effective, useful, healthy relationships with things now given shape. (Remember the rules young Wally understood to exist between himself and the robber—as well as the important relationships he, as the eldest, experienced with his family.) Now, therefore, what should we not tell stories about? What should we, therefore, not name for the sake of the children? Should we skip departures temporal? Departures mortal? Should Maurice Sendak not have given a name and a shape to the Wild Things of the child’s perfervid imagination? And if he had not, what would that child have missed? Should “Branta and the Golden Stone” completely compromise this business of evil actions in beloved people (her father’s selfish misuse of the Golden Stone)? Should Branta ignore the dyings that make us sad—and also, then, the sacrifice of love that makes us glad and good again? The stories that contain badness are not bad stories. Rather, they are among some of the best. Because the storyteller who loves the children and gives the whole of his or her self to them by means of the tale—inviting at the same time the whole of the children’s selves—is of all people the best able to confront true and truly terrible things with the children. The storyteller takes their hands and companions them into the future framed within the story, into the future awaiting them outside the story. The storyteller who can name otherwise amorphous fears, does at the same time name the children! Knows them. Helps them to know their selves. Gives them place in the whole wide world. Persuades them of their value and purpose and strength and goodness and glory. Each may be, you see, a little Israel, if only the name has once become their experience. So I wrote “Branta and the Golden Stone” with the hope of causing in children a love for Branta herself, by which love to identify with her—to dwell within her. Branta should carrry both bad and good into the children’s experience; should name bad as bad, and good as good, and every child as loving of many things and filled with remarkable powers. Branta knows loneliness in the extreme. So do children. She has been dying, and she has encountered the consequences of sin and greed and pride. A hard life? Yes, but no harder than the nightmares and the apprehensions of little children. And also as hard as life shall surely be for them. But this is fantasy. This is the way children already think. And children distinguish between the experience of “playing at” something and the experience that forces itself upon them. They have control over fantasy! They can enter it just as far as they are prepared to experience it, and no farther. It is only as “real” as their hearts want to engage reality; otherwise, it’s only a story. And the crossing of these boundaries is made possible and powerful when a loving, trusted adult journeys with them, arms around them, telling the tale or else reading the tale together.
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“The Allies: Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin, and the Unlikely Alliance That Won World War II” Author: Winston Groom Publisher: National Geographic Price: $30.00 (Hardcover) “The Allies” is Winston Groom’s twentieth book, his twelfth book of nonfiction. Not surprisingly, he has become a smooth storyteller, usually writing about America’s wars—Civil, 1812, or the Western Front in WWI, reading and synthesizing huge quantities of material and presenting it in narrative form for the common reader. In recent years, focusing mainly on WWII, Groom has published “The Generals,” “The Admirals” and “The Aviators.” Now we have “The Allies,” the story of the relationship among the three rather different men who directed that enormous, global war effort. First, as one might expect, Groom delivers concise, brisk, biographical sketches of the three individuals, raised in three widely separate and culturally varied places. Roosevelt, an American patrician, was descended from the earliest Dutch settlers of the Hudson Valley, and his cousin Theodore had been president of the United States. The family was rich, he was handsome and charming. Roosevelt graduated from Groton Academy and Harvard. Except for the attack of polio at 39 in 1921 which left his legs paralyzed, Roosevelt’s was a charmed life. Stalin, on the other hand, was born in the Caucasus into a world of poverty and violence. His father was a drunken cobbler who beat him. His mother was an unfaithful wife who, surprisingly, got young Josif enrolled in a Russian Orthodox Seminary at the age of 14, where he received a decent education but became a priest, so to speak, of the Communist movement, not of Russian orthodoxy. Stalin is largely a self-invented man. Born in 1878, he changed his name from Josif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili to Stalin, “man of steel,” and then rewrote his own biography, disavowed his mother and some of his own children and killed off a great many of the people who had known him, so less is known about Stalin than any other major world figure. Exiled to Siberia several times, he escaped and rose in the Party to a position of absolute power, murdering millions of his countrymen along the way. Stalin’s cruelty is world famous but still takes your breath away. Before the war he had liquidated 500 generals he thought might be competitors. (This did not help the war effort.) Generals who lost battles were shot. The families of Soviet soldiers captured by the Germans were sent to labor camps in the Gulag. After the war he shot or imprisoned Soviet soldiers liberated from German POW camps. In the drive to turn all farms into collective farms, Stalin met resistance from the kulak class, those small farmers who had risen enough above serfdom to have “more than one cow, a field of goats or a hired hand.” Stalin had as many as 7 million kulaks liquidated between 1929 and 1932 and starved perhaps another 10 million peasants to death to bring them into line. Churchill, a descendant of the Duke of Marlborough, was born at Blenheim Palace, outside Oxford. He was sent to Sandhurst, the British West Point, and would be a highly decorated army officer in India and South Africa. His parents were wealthy and such busy socialites they paid young Winston no attention at all, leaving it all to the nanny. One senses that Groom feels bad for Churchill, who adored his parents but was sent away at the age of seven and then ignored. He wrote especially to his mother begging for a visit: “Please do come. I have been disappointed so many times.” But she rarely did. Churchill’s career certainly had its ups and downs. Blamed for the failure at Gallipoli, Churchill lost public office and went to the front in WWI. Having brought Great Britain through the Second World War successfully, he was voted out of office again in 1945. Often in financial trouble from lavish living on a small army salary, Churchill discovered he could write, made a fortune with his books, and won the Nobel Prize for literature. Also, Groom tells us “He stayed married and faithful to the same woman for fifty-seven years.” Groom summarizes nicely the war years, the campaigns in Europe, North Africa and the Pacific, and the coordination of the three leaders, but there is a built-in problem. Churchill and Roosevelt came to know and respect one another fairly well, Churchill having met with FDR repeatedly to urge America to support, then to join, the war effort, after which the two communicated constantly by letter and phone. Nobody knew Stalin, and the three met in person only twice, in Tehran and in Yalta, to `strategize over the war, and then to plan the post-war peace. Basically, Churchill loathed and distrusted Stalin. Roosevelt was only slightly less negative. Churchill felt early and strongly that international communism was the next big threat against western democracy. Perhaps Roosevelt was a little naïve about Stalin’s intentions to seize countries such as Poland, Hungary and others, but given the enormous sacrifices the Russians had made in defeating the Nazis and the present Soviet military power, short of switching to a war against the Soviets, there was little the West could do about it. “More than 26 million Soviet citizens,” Groom reminds the reader, “had been killed during the war, but 8 million were civilians, most of those murdered by the Germans out of sheer meanness.” It would take the death of Stalin and 50 years of Soviet occupation to bring Eastern Europe to its present state of freedom. Don Noble is host of the Alabama Public Television literary interview show “Bookmark with Don Noble.” His most recent book is Belles’ Letters 2, a collection of short fiction by Alabama women.
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The Tailed Jay, Graphium agamemnon The Tailed Jay butterfly is jet black and covered in bright lime green spots and stripes. The wing underside is light brown streaked with pink and covered with lighter green spots. Males and females look similar. The Tailed Jay is found in the rainforests of south and southeastern Asia and Australia. Their colours help camouflage them with the surrounding foliage while flying through the shaded understory. Adults prefer nectar from verbena (Lantana spp.). Young caterpillars are dark brown with a humped thorax. The rear segments bear a large, white spot resembling a saddle. Some segments have soft, grey spines. Older larvae are plump and bright green with soft black spines. The caterpillar has a hidden pair of soft, yellow horns behind its head. When disturbed, these horns are pushed out and a foul-smelling liquid is sprayed from them. Caterpillars feed on a wide variety of plants from the Custard Apple (Annonaceae) and Magnolia (Magnoliaceae) families. Caterpillars pupate in light green chrysalides hung from the undersides of leaves.
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York geology is all about poor soils and a very old landscape. Australia was geologically active when it still belonged to the supercontinent Gondwana. But since it separated from Gondwanaland started drifting northwards, it became a very inactive continent when it comes to geology. Far away from the continental plate margins, it hasn't had any active volcanoes or massive earthquakes for quite a while - since the building of the Great Dividing Range mountain range that follows the whole east coast of Australia, and is the only mountainous part of Australia - the rest of the continent is pretty flat land. The reason for this flatness is its geological it has given erosion a lot of time to flatten all the ancient mountain ranges, and no new ones have been built. This is also why you find so many amazing, old rock formations in Australia - they have all been by long-time erosion, and no geological processes have been there to hasn't got any really famous rock formations (Mount Mulligan is one of the most impressive), but some interesting geological features that you will come across are boulders, white sand dunes, coloured sands, limestone caves, and the world's largest bauxite three distinctive geological regions on Cape York peninsula are the Great Dividing Range; on the eastern coast, and Gulf Basin on the western coast. Great Dividing Range is Australia's youngest and highest mountain range, and as such it is not high at all by world's standards. It runs all the way from Victoria in the south to the tip of Cape York. You will notice it mostly in the south-eastern parts of the Great Dividing Range runs roughly along the eastern coast and central east, it is interrupted by Laura Basin - a lowland area around Princess Charlotte Bay. You will notice it in the area around Musgrave, towards and in Lakefield Plains - Carpentaria Basin third major geological region on the Cape is the Gulf Basin. It covers almost the whole western half of the peninsula - from the northernmost tip past Weipa, Pormpuraaw and Kowanyama, and down south to Karumba and Normanton in the Gulf York is well known for its soils that are poor in nutrients - the main reason why large scale development of the peninsula has been impossible - thanks heaven! Much of its soils are beautifully red - and those are the poorest soils. Black soils are generally more fertile. Dunes and Coloured Sands the south-eastern parts of the peninsula, north of Cooktown, around Cape Flattery and Hopevale, are some extensive sand dunes. Those got here when Australia went through a period of ice ages, and the water levels around it were lower than today. Although historically famous for its gold rushes, there is no gold mining in Cape York today, and neither do we have any opal. But in the of the peninsula, particularly around Weipa, are world's largest bauxite deposits, and there is some extensive bauxite mining. are also some interesting granite boulders in Cape York. Black south of Cooktown, and the headland of Cape Melville north-east of Lakefield National Park, consist of heaps of black granite boulders. Granite is not a black rock - the colour comes from an algae. are also some massive limestone bluffs just south of the peninsula around Chillagoe. Those are the remnants of the Great Barrier Reef about 500 million years ago when the area was the bottom of an inland sea. Limestone is a rock that dissolves quite easily - that's how limestone caves are formed, and are a good example. is the world's number one bauxite mining country. York has some of the richest deposits Weipa would probably not exist without bauxite mining, at least it would not be the place it is. Some new mines have been proposed, the only bad thing is it threatens the habitat of some species such as palm cockatoo. Bauxite Mining in Australia is the world's bauxite producer with five mines, six alumina refineries, six primary smelters, and 16 mills. There are three mines in Western Australia - Boddington, Huntly and Willowdale (there are also in the Kimberley which are so far not mined). But the highest grade are mined at Gove in Northern Territory (UPDATE closed as of January 2014), and Weipa Most Australian deposits are high silica, which makes refining more costly, but the that they are shallow and therefore quite easy to mine. All are hosted by aluminium laterites, where the main ore bearing mineral is gibbsite. Bauxite Mining in Weipa deposits were first reported as early as in the 1700s, but geologist Harry Evans discovered in 1955 that they were worth mining. about 2500 square kilometres there is about 1.2 billion tonnes of ore. The ore mineral occurs in peaklike (pisolitic) form, and consists of 55% of 14% of boehmite. mining began, and the production multiplied from 453,365 tonnes in 1964 to 16.3 million (dry product) The Weipa mine is owned by Rio Tinto Alcan. It consists of a few open where front end loaders extract the ore and load it onto huge trailers which haul the ore to a dump station. At the dump station the ore is loaded onto conveyors and trains, which take it to a plant at Lorim Point. At the plant, the ore is screened before being loaded that take it to Gladstone on central Queensland coast, where aluminium is extracted from the ore, and some of it exported After the mining is done the area is revegetated. does destroy the habitat endemic Cape York species, such as palm The post-mining revegetation sounds good but it does not replace the old growth forests with hollow trees that are necessary for our most iconic bird, found nowhere else in Australia. this 50 pages guide totally for FREE. contains information that helps you getting started with planning of your trip. You get to make early-stages desicions such as when to go, how long time you should take, how to get there and get to stay (general info), what will it cost.. and a short insight to what is there to see and do in Cape York. This complete 300 pages travel guide is all you need before and during your trip. Besides the background chapters on the peninsula's history and wildlife; and the comprehensive detail about all the places (down to prices, opening hours and full contact detail), it has invaluable information on at least 10 four wheel drive tracks, at least 30 guaranteed FREE camping spots on the Cape (and at least 150 on your way to the Cape), at least 40 best swimming holes, all mapped; as well as practical things - from fuel, roads, wireless internet and mobile phone reception, how to deal with the national parks booking rules; and Aboriginal land entrance and camping permits and alcohol restrictions - to vehicle preparation and accessories and necessary recovery gear by my partner Mark who is the recovery guy on northern Cape York and the Old Not to mention locals' tips on how to spot that croc and palm cockatoo ;-) you liked the books or this website, let others know about it! Link to it from your website, your blog, your forum post... Share it on Facebook, Tweet Every link helps other travellers! Thank you for doing the right thing and letting others know :-) This site uses British English, which is the English we use in best efforts have been made to ensure that all the information on this website is correct, this site is not to be blamed should there be a Since Winter - Spring 2018 this site has been getting upgraded, and the domain name was changed from the original www.cape-york-australia.com to the new www.capeyorkaustralia.com While this is happening, you will find some things under construction, and some photos blurrier than normal, as their new dimensions affect their quality (until they get changed). They need changing one by one - with hundreds of pages it will take some time before the whole site looks good again, but I am gradually working on it as quick as I can.
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“Do not wait for leaders; do it alone, person to person.” — Mother Teresa (born this date in 1910, died 1997) Today is Tuesday, August 26, the 238th day of 2014. There are 127 days left in the year. Today's Highlights in History: On August 26, 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson was nominated for a term of office in his own right at the Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City, New Jersey. The Kinks’ single “You Really Got Me” was released in the United States by Reprise Records, three weeks after its British release. On this date: In 1789, France's National Assembly adopted its Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. In 1883, the island volcano Krakatoa began cataclysmic eruptions, leading to a massive explosion the following day. In 1920, the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, guaranteeing American women's right to vote, was certified in effect by Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby. In 1939, the first televised major league baseball games were shown on experimental station W2XBS: a double-header between the Cincinnati Reds and the Brooklyn Dodgers at Ebbets Field. (The Reds won the first game, 5-2, the Dodgers the second, 6-1.) In 1944, French Gen. Charles de Gaulle braved the threat of German snipers as he led a victory march in Paris, which had just been liberated by the Allies from Nazi occupation. In 1958, Alaskans went to the polls to overwhelmingly vote in favor of statehood. In 1968, the Democratic National Convention opened in Chicago. In 1972, the summer Olympics games opened in Munich, West Germany. In 1974, Charles Lindbergh — the first man to fly solo, non-stop across the Atlantic — died at his home in Hawaii at age 72. In 1978, Cardinal Albino Luciani (al-BEE’-noh loo-CHYAH’-nee) of Venice was elected pope following the death of Paul VI. The new pontiff took the name Pope John Paul I. (However, he died just over a month later.) In 1986, in the so-called “preppie murder case,” 18-year-old Jennifer Levin was found strangled in New York's Central Park; Robert Chambers later pleaded guilty to manslaughter and served 15 years in prison. In 1996, Democrats opened their 42nd national convention in Chicago. Ten years ago: The nation's supply of vaccine for the impending flu season took a big hit when Chiron Corp. announced it had found tainted doses in its factory, and would hold up shipment of about 50 million shots. At the Athens Olympics, the U.S. women's soccer team won the gold medal by beating Brazil, 2-1, in overtime; Shawn Crawford led a U.S. sweep of the 200 meters. Pop singer Laura Branigan died in East Quogue, New York, at age 47. Five years ago: Authorities in California solved the 18-year-old disappearance of Jaycee Lee Dugard after she appeared at a parole office with her children and the Antioch couple accused of kidnapping her when she was 11. A giant wildfire erupted north of Los Angeles; the blaze went on to destroy more than five dozen homes, kill two firefighters and force thousands of people from their homes. Death claimed crime story author Dominick Dunne, 83, in New York City; Ellie Greenwich, 68, who'd co-written songs like “Chapel of Love,” ‘'Be My Baby“ and ”Leader of the Pack," in New York City; Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, one of Iraq's most influential politicians, at a Tehran hospital. One year ago: President Barack Obama bestowed the Medal of Honor on Army Staff Sgt. Ty Carter, who'd risked his life to save an injured soldier, resupply ammunition to his comrades and render first aid during intense fighting in a remote mountain outpost in Afghanistan. Today's Birthdays: Former Washington Post Executive Editor Benjamin C. Bradlee is 93. Actress Francine York is 78. Former Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge is 69. Rhythm-and-blues singer Valerie Simpson is 68. Pop singer Bob Cowsill is 65. Broadcast journalist Bill Whitaker is 63. Actor Brett Cullen is 58. NBA coach Stan Van Gundy is 55. Jazz musician Branford Marsalis is 54. Country musician Jimmy Olander (Diamond Rio) is 53. Actor Chris Burke is 49. Actress-singer Shirley Manson (Garbage) is 48. Rock musician Dan Vickrey (Counting Crowes) is 48. TV writer-actress Riley Weston is 48. Rock musician Adrian Young (No Doubt) is 45. Actress Melissa McCarthy is 44. Latin pop singer Thalia is 43. Rock singer-musician Tyler Connolly (Theory of a Deadman) is 39. Actor Mike Colter is 38. Actor Macaulay Culkin is 34. Actor Chris Pine is 34. Country singer Brian Kelley (Florida Georgia Line) is 29. Rhythm-and-blues singer Cassie Ventura is 28. Actor Dylan O'Brien (TV: “Teen Wolf”) is 23. Actress Keke Palmer is 21. Thought for Today: “Do not wait for leaders; do it alone, person to person.” — Mother Teresa (born this date in 1910, died 1997).
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By: Bryn Ramjoué, Red Butte Garden Director of Communications For centuries greenery such as evergreen trees and plants have brightened homes during dark winter months as a symbol of hope and renewal. History and lore describe the use of conifers as decoration beginning in Germany during the middle ages, with wider use since the Victorian Era. A group of mostly evergreen, cone-bearing trees and shrubs, there are 588 species of conifers, with interesting shapes, colors, heights, and textures that produce unique needle or scale-like leaves. A few interesting notes about conifers: Conifers include the Pine family with at least 240 species from 11 genera including Spruce, Fir, Pine, Cedar, and Larch. Pines have leaves that are in round and occur in bundles of one-to-five needles. Spruce and Fir needles are not bundled, but single and each needle has hard, flat, or squared edges rather than rounded spike-like needles. Spruce cones hang from the branch downward. Young Fir cones sit on the branch and point upward. Although most conifers are evergreen, Larches shed their leaves annually. The Siberian Larch is the most numerous and widest spread of all trees. Bristlecone Pine is one of the oldest trees in the world, aging thousands of years. Other types of conifers include the Cypress family with 141 species like the Giant Sequoia, the largest trees, the Coastal Redwood, known as the tallest tress, and the Juniper, of which Utah is home to the world’s oldest Rocky Mountain Juniper. This family of conifers have flat, scaly sprays rather than needle-like leaves. The Podocarp family has 156 species dominating the southern hemisphere with tropical varieties. Other taxa include Araucaria, Umbrella Pine, and Yew. As you can see, conifers are as interesting as they are varied. The best-selling conifers as indoor winter décor are: Scotch Pine, Douglas Fir, Fraser Fir, Balsam Fir, and White Pine. Where can you see a wide variety of conifer trees? At Red Butte Garden, Utah’s botanical garden and arboretum, located in the foothills near the University of Utah. Recognized by the American Conifer Society as a reference garden, Red Butte Garden has an extensive conifer collection highlighting six families, 22 genera, and accessions representing 230 different taxa. Winter is a great season to see these magnificent trees. Atlas Cedar and Juniper Deer Topiary Notable conifers in the Garden are: the deer topiary at the entry to the Children’s Garden shaped from a Juniper, mature Bristlecone Pines line the path west of the Children’s Garden, a Larch demonstrating fall shedding and a Japanese Red Pine with two-toned needles can be found in the Rose Garden. Japanese Red Pine (foreground) and Larch (orange colored foliage in background) trees For more information about the Red Butte Conifer Collection, CLICK HERE
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Looking Into Sleeping Patterns Sleeping patterns vary for every person depending on ones schedule and daily routines. Some are usually morning persons that are why they can be very active in the morning and they can best work through early jobs. In contrast, some people are very active in the evening and best work their abilities during the night. It actually depends on how you go through your day. Despite the fact that there may be a lot of different sleeping patterns, the ways to be able to sleep better all remain the same. These are simple things you have to consider to be able to be satisfied with your sleep. From avoiding excessive activities during the night to drinking tea or milk before sleeping, these ways to help you sleep better can be applicable to almost anyone who is having difficulty in achieving a good sleep. Sleeping patterns, if not defined by the person, are affected by the activities through the day. You should be able to maintain a regular sleeping pattern so that you can get your body used to it. It would be very difficult to have irregular sleeping patterns because it is the same as having the tiring feeling you get from a strenuous activity. Irregular sleeping patterns do not give you a satisfactory sleep. They would even cause problems to your body. You might experience headaches and dizziness because irregular sleep would often leave your body not having its well deserved adequate rest. These are just some of the reasons why you should maintain a proper sleeping pattern that you will always adhere to. You should also be able to maintain a desirable length of sleep usually about eight hours a day. This time will ensure that your body has somehow recharged itself from the all of the activities you did for the day. This will then make your body more ready to perform tasks that the next day requires you to do. Insomnia: Waking Up All Night One of the greatest problems when it comes to sleeping problems that must be quickly addressed is insomnia. Insomnia is the inability to sleep during the night which can be attributed to many different factors like stress, pre-occupation, tension and among others. This is usually experienced by adults who have much of the stress that can be encountered in their daily activities. This can cause adverse effects to the body that is why this must be avoided and a consistent sleeping pattern that is good for the body must be maintained. The Need for Maintaining a Good Sleeping Pattern It must be remembered that the body has a natural sleeping pattern relating to its circadian rhythm. It must be realized that any deviation from this can be stressful for the body. The natural sleeping pattern must always be maintained because this contributes to the achievement of homeostasis of the body. Sleeping patterns must be taken into consideration when it comes to achieving a healthy lifestyle because it primarily deals with the time you allow your body to rest. If it will always be not enough and it will not be consistent, your body will find it very difficult to adjust.
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Patient Advisory - Dengue Dengue Fever cases presenting to ADK are on the rise over the past few weeks. While majority of theses cases are mild, we have recently had a few cases of severe Dengue Hemorrhagic Fever and Dengue Shock Syndrome. Dengue cases increase during this time of the year and we expect case number to increase this year as well. Prevention of Dengue is possible through control of mosquito population and preventing mosquito bite. Every household must contribute to elimination of mosquito breeding sites. During this period (Dengue Peak-season), in particular, if any person has fever for more than 2-3 days, medical attention must be sought. Early identification of severe forms of Dengue Fever is vital for effective treatment and positive treatment outcome. Use of fever reducing medications other than Paracetamol (various brands of which exist) could be potentially harmful as they increase the likelihood of complications such as bleeding and liver failure. Staying well hydrated using various types of electrolyte rich fluids (ORS, plain coconut water, juices) is important in managing Dengue during period of fever. Use of Dark colored fluids (chocolate drinks, red-colored juices) can cause confusion by altering color of vomitus. Detection of blood in vomitus is an important sign that signifies severe disease. If patient becomes more weak, has abdominal pain, starts having severe vomiting, bleeding from any site (nose, mouth, into the urine, into the stools or into the skin as bruises or bleeding spots) and has cold, sweaty hands & feet especially as the fever is going down, then urgent medical attention is necessary. These are warning signs of a possible severe Dengue infection. Timely intervention in severe Dengue infection is important to prevent/reverse shock and prevent damage to vital internal organs. Once damage to vital organs occur, treatment becomes difficult and the chances of recovery rapidly decline. One cannot over emphasize the role of mosquito control in prevention of Dengue Infection. Everyone must play their part in preventing this potentially deadly disease.
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Danish residents traipsing through the country’s abundant nature are now required to report if they spot invasive creepy insects like the citrus long-horned beetle or melon thrip, or plant maladies like potato wart. The requirement for Danes to report harmful plants and animals on the EU’s quarantine list to environmental watchdog NaturErhvervsstyrelsen took effect on January 1. “People in Denmark are often out in nature,” Kristine Riskær from NaturErhvervsstyrelsen told DR Nyheder. “They can really be a big help.” Keep your eyes on the flies Riskær said that ignoring invasive and dangerous species could have serious consequences. “You could compare it with mad cow disease or swine fever,” she said. “If the citrus long-horned beetle were allowed to establish itself, it could damage timber exports, because the beetle destroys trees from the inside out. A small storm could bring down many trees.” Riskær said she realised that many harmful organisms on the EU’s list of 250 serious pests were hard to recognise, but she was “still happy to have more eyes and ears” out there. A list of harmful animals and plants can be found at naturerhverv.dk.
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Dental care is often overlooked, with most people avoiding dentists and dental hygiene. To maintain proper dental care, it is important to visit your dentist every six months, to ensure that your mouth is healthy and clean. However, most individuals tend to avoid dental care and dental hygiene – which can lead to disastrous consequences. Putting off dentist appointments can lead to serious health issues in the future, which can result in expensive, painful procedures. Though people may have irrational fears about the dentist, it is important to find a dentist that you are comfortable with, so that you can keep your mouth clean in the future. Having a tooth ache is common, yet is often ignored. A tooth ache is often an indication that you must visit the dentist. Though the tooth ache might be mild, it can be indicative of deeper, more serious concerns, making it mandatory to seek dental consultation. Another common sign is gum inflammation, or gingival inflammation. This is a common condition, when the gums become red and swollen. This can be dangerous, because gum inflammation can lead to an infection, like gingivitis – if left untreated, it can lead to tooth loss, and chronic teeth problems. Tooth sensitivity is also another serious issue, which can make your teeth extremely sensitive to hot, cold, or sour objects. If you have something cold, like ice cream, it can hurt your teeth, making it painful to be able to enjoy food. If your teeth are sensitive, it is important to go to the dentist and diagnose the problem quickly. Tooth sensitivity is indicative of tooth decay, and must be treated as soon as possible to be able to maintain oral health. If you tend to have a dry mouth, it is a symptom of multiple conditions. However, there is no explanation for suddenly having a dry mouth. Having a dry mouth can lead to tooth decay and other oral disorders, making it important for you to visit your dentist if this condition continues to persist. Oral ulcers are another common condition, and often don’t require medical treatment. However, if your canker sore, does not heal, then it is important to visit a dentist as soon as possible to seek appropriate dental attention. If left untreated, the oral ulcer can worsen, and can even lead to oral cancer. Finally, one sign of tooth decay is having a headache. Headaches and oral care are closely related. Having frequent headaches can be a sign of you grinding your teeth, which is a cause for concern. Grinding your teeth can cause additional damage as well, and can weaken the teeth, making your teeth easier to contaminate. Library District Dental is a dental clinic that has been serving the Greater Toronto Area community for over 12 years. With a full team of experienced dentists and nurses, you can be sure that you will be provided with professional care and guidance, to ensure that your mouth and gums are as clean and healthy as possible.
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HTML5 Drawing APIs An interesting area of the HTML5 spec is the new drawing APIs. Canvas, SVG, and WebGL provide bitmapped, vector, and three-dimensional drawing capabilities, respectively. The canvas element started its life as an Apple extension to Webkit, the layout engine powering Safari and Chrome, to display Dashboard gadgets and additions to the Safari browser. It was later adopted by Opera, Firefox, and related browsers, eventually becoming a component of the HTML5 specification. The beta release of Internet Explorer 9 (IE9) has brought native support to all major browsers, although support in IE9 is not as complete as the aforementioned browsers. SVG (Scalable Vector Graphics) is a mature W3C specification for drawing static or animated graphics. The ability to inline SVG without the use of an object or embed tag was added in HTML5. Vector graphics use groupings of mathematics formulas to draw primitives such as arcs, lines, paths, and rectangles to create graphics that contain the same quality when rendered at any scale. This is a marked benefit over images whose discernible quality degrades when they are displayed at a scale larger than that for which they were designed.
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Why Psychiatric Comfort Room Design? A psychiatric comfort room design is one of the main focuses in many psychiatric units throughout North America studies have shown that sensory room or comfort rooms as we like to call them are used to lower the number of seclusion’s and restraints in hospital environments. Many psychiatric units are looking at creating safe and secure environments such as these rooms. Why is psychiatric comfort room design so important? Psychiatric comfort room design as an alternative to the conventional time-out areas, these rooms are designed with comfortable furnishings, calming colors, ambient lighting, soft music and other sensory equipment. These go to help minimize incidents from unsettled individuals when they are in a state of stress and need to be calmed. It has been proven that comfort rooms are a success in reducing the restraint and seclusion incidents and at the same time reducing patients stress levels. The comfort room has also been used in a recent report in reducing client-to-staff incidents when either or both parties got injured during an incident. Location as part of the psychiatric comfort room design. When an existing hospital wants to create a sensory room or comfort room it is often located in an area that has previously been used either as an unoccupied room or for seclusion. It is essential that the comfort room is in an area of the hospital and that is easily accessible for any patients or staff were utilizing it. Usually the room is found very close to the nurses’ station, to ensure that the clients are supervised at all times. However many new facilities are being built is specifically designed with comfort rooms, here both patients and staff offer their input and planning the rooms and what they need in them. This ensures that the comfort room meets the needs of both clients and staff, if it is been found that any facilitate that does not include client and staff input regularly go unused. Another option to consider how to supervise the comfort room when it is being utilized them by clients, if any specialist equipment is in the room supervision is required when anyone is in there. However many psychiatric facilities use flat screen TVs as part of the sensory experience but unfortunately these need protecting them with non-loop TV housings. These comfort room TV housings are designed specifically to protect the TV from damage but most importantly to protect the clients from self-harm as well as harming others. There have been recent incidents when clients have damaged TVs and used the broken glass as a weapon, but these TV enclosures prevent this type of incident. A well designed comfort room will be used by clients and staff to calm and reassure clients that they are safe and being cared for. We have to protect the vulnerable in our care and psychiatric comfort room design is one way to achieve this.
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- October 14, 2015 Melodeon, c. 1860-1890, Xavier Spang, Rosewood and Cast Iron. Gift of Mrs. Gordon West, 1959.09.01 The melodeon is an American invention from the first half of the 19th century. Although melodeons were very popular before and during the Civil War era, they are seldom seen today. Housed in a piano-like case, a melodeon is a small reed organ with a five or six octave keyboard. Back in its heyday, Americans preferred the melodeon over the piano for its durability, lower price, and the advantage of seldom needing maintenance and tuning. Two men in Buffalo, New York – Jeremiah Carhart and Elias Parkman Needham – invented the melodeon. They had sought to improve the previous-existing pump organ and created an instrument that, instead of using pressure bellows like the European harmonium, used suction bellows. In the mid-19th century, it was common for well-to-do families to have a melodeon, often situated in the parlor, and to use it for entertaining guests and family members. During the Cochrans’ residence, the Neill-Cochran House was often filled with music. The Cochran family had a Victrola, and a piano is visible in the back parlor of the 1914 photographs from Bessie Cochran’s wedding. The Neill-Cochran House Museum melodeon was made by Xavier Spang, a mid-19th century organ and melodeon maker from Syracuse, New York. Spang advertisements first appear in 1860 and disappear after 1890, leading us to believe that he went out of business shortly before the turn of the century. Images copyright Neill-Cochran House Museum, 2015. All rights reserved.
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They say that to do injustice is, by nature, good; to suffer injustice, evil; but that the evil is greater than the good. And so when men have both done and suffered injustice and have had experience of both, not being able to avoid the one and obtain the other, they think that they had better agree among themselves to have neither; hence there arise laws and mutual covenants; and that which is ordained by law is termed by them lawful and just. This they affirm to be the origin and nature of justice;--it is a mean or compromise, between the best of all, which is to do injustice and not be punished, and the worst of all, which is to suffer injustice without the power of retaliation; and justice, being at a middle point between the two, is tolerated not as a good, but as the lesser evil, and honoured by reason of the inability of men to do injustice. For no man who is worthy to be called a man would ever submit to such an agreement if he were able to resist; he would be mad if he did. Such is the received account, Socrates, of the nature and origin of justice. Now that those who practise justice do so involuntarily and because they have not the power to be unjust will best appear if we imagine something of this kind: having given both to the just and the unjust power to do what they will, let us watch and see whither desire will lead them; then we shall discover in the very act the just and unjust man to be proceeding along the same road, following their interest, which all natures deem to be their good, and are only diverted into the path of justice by the force of law. The liberty which we are supposing may be most completely given to them in the form of such a power as is said to have been possessed by Gyges the ancestor of Croesus the Lydian. According to the tradition, Gyges was a shepherd in the service of the king of Lydia; there was a great storm, and an earthquake made an opening in the earth at the place where he was feeding his flock. Amazed at the sight, he descended into the opening, where, among other marvels, he beheld a hollow brazen horse, having doors, at which he stooping and looking in saw a dead body of stature, as appeared to him, more than human, and having nothing on but a gold ring; this he took from the finger of the dead and reascended. Now the shepherds met together, according to custom, that they might send their monthly report about the flocks to the king; into their assembly he came having the ring on his finger, and as he was sitting among them he chanced to turn the collet of the ring inside his hand, when instantly he became invisible to the rest of the company and they began to speak of him as if he were no longer present. He was astonished at this, and again touching the ring he turned the collet outwards and reappeared; he made several trials of the ring, and always with the same result-when he turned the collet inwards he became invisible, when outwards he reappeared. Whereupon he contrived to be chosen one of the messengers who were sent to the court; where as soon as he arrived he seduced the queen, and with her help conspired against the king and slew him, and took the kingdom. Suppose now that there were two such magic rings, and the just put on one of them and the unjust the other;,no man can be imagined to be of such an iron nature that he would stand fast in justice. No man would keep his hands off what was not his own when he could safely take what he liked out of the market, or go into houses and lie with any one at his pleasure, or kill or release from prison whom he would, and in all respects be like a God among men. Then the actions of the just would be as the actions of the unjust; they would both come at last to the same point. And this we may truly affirm to be a great proof that a man is just, not willingly or because he thinks that justice is any good to him individually, but of necessity, for wherever any one thinks that he can safely be unjust, there he is unjust. For all men believe in their hearts that injustice is far more profitable to the individual than justice, and he who argues as I have been supposing, will say that they are right. If you could imagine any one obtaining this power of becoming invisible, and never doing any wrong or touching what was another's, he would be thought by the lookers-on to be a most wretched idiot, although they would praise him to one another's faces, and keep up appearances with one another from a fear that they too might suffer injustice. Enough of this. Now, if we are to form a real judgment of the life of the just and unjust, we must isolate them; there is no other way; and how is the isolation to be effected? I answer: Let the unjust man be entirely unjust, and the just man entirely just; nothing is to be taken away from either of them, and both are to be perfectly furnished for the work of their respective lives. First, let the unjust be like other distinguished masters of craft; like the skilful pilot or physician, who knows intuitively his own powers and keeps within their limits, and who, if he fails at any point, is able to recover himself. So let the unjust make his unjust attempts in the right way, and lie hidden if he means to be great in his injustice (he who is found out is nobody): for the highest reach of injustice is: to be deemed just when you are not. Therefore I say that in the perfectly unjust man we must assume the most perfect injustice; there is to be no deduction, but we must allow him, while doing the most unjust acts, to have acquired the greatest reputation for justice. If he have taken a false step he must be able to recover himself; he must be one who can speak with effect, if any of his deeds come to light, and who can force his way where force is required his courage and strength, and command of money and friends. And at his side let us place the just man in his nobleness and simplicity, wishing, as Aeschylus says, to be and not to seem good. There must be no seeming, for if he seem to be just he will be honoured and rewarded, and then we shall not know whether he is just for the sake of justice or for the sake of honours and rewards; therefore, let him be clothed in justice only, and have no other covering; and he must be imagined in a state of life the opposite of the former. Let him be the best of men, and let him be thought the worst; then he will have been put to the proof; and we shall see whether he will be affected by the fear of infamy and its consequences. And let him continue thus to the hour of death; being just and seeming to be unjust. When both have reached the uttermost extreme, the one of justice and the other of injustice, let judgment be given which of them is the happier of the two. Next: SOCRATES - GLAUCON
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Civil War Law and Legal Definition Civil war refers to a large-scale armed conflict within a country. It is usually fought for control of all or part of the state, for a greater share of political or economic power, or for the right to secede. A civil war may be brought to change government policies. Requirements of a civil war include; a. the party in revolt must be in possession of a part of the national territory; b. the insurgents civil authority must exercise de facto authority over the population within the determinate portion of the national territory; c. the insurgents must have some amount of recognition as a belligerent; and d. the legal Government is obliged to have recourse to the regular military forces against insurgents organized as military.
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Lughnasadh: Harvest Time Begins The ancient Celtic calendar has four festival days: Imbolc, Beltane, Lughnasadh, and Samhain. Lughnasadh falls on August 1 and marks the transition from Summer to Autumn as well as the beginning of harvest season. Concidentally, “Lughnasadh” is the modern Irish word for the month of August. The ancient Celts marked the seasons with four festivals. Imbolc (February 1) was the first day of spring, a time of rebirth after the long winter. Beltane (May 1) was the first day of summer and a time of planting and fertility. Lughnasadh (August 1) began the harvest and transition from summer to autumn, and Samhain (October 31) was the beginning of the darkest half of the year and the time when the spirits could most easily cross the “veil” between the physical and spiritual realms. Each festival was marked by unique celebrations, usually involving dancing and feasting, as well as offerings to appease the gods and goddesses. The Origins of Lughnasadh Lughnasadh was begun by the Irish god Lugh, who has been variously described as the sun god, the storm god, or the sky god. He began the festival as a feast and funeral games to honor his mother Tailtiu, an earth goddess who died from exhaustion clearing Ireland for agriculture. Lugh was a member of the Tuatha De Danann, or “tribe of the gods”, the main deities of pre-Christian Ireland. Historically, Lughnasadh was widely celebrated in Ireland, Scotland, and the Isle of Man on August 1, which falls approximately halfway between the summer solstice and the autumn equinox. Over time, the celebrations shifted to the Sunday nearest to August 1. Customs and Celebrations Traditional Lughnasadh celebrations involved athletic contests, feasting, trading and matchmaking. In terms of matchmaking, this was a time when trial marriages would take place, with the couple pledged to each other for a year and one day. At the end of this period, the marriage could become permanent or be ended without adverse consequences. The festival also had religious aspects to it. Celebrants visited holy wells, climbed sacred mountains and conducted ceremonies offering the first of the corn. Feasting on the newly harvested food, particularly bilberries, was common. Because of this, Lughnasadh is sometimes referred to as “Bilberry Sunday”. Lughnasadh customs continued until the 20th century. The custom of climbing hills and mountains, however, has become more of a Christian pilgrimage. On “Reek Sunday”, the last Sunday in July, pilgrims climb to the top of Croagh Patrick in County Mayo.
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Ethics and climate has explained in numerous articles on this site why climate change policy raises civilization challenging ethical issues which have practical significance for policy-making. This article identifies five common arguments that are very frequently made in opposition to proposed climate change laws and policies that cannot be adequately responded to without full recognition of serious ethical problems with these arguments. Yet the national debate on climate change and its press coverage in the United States and many other countries continue to ignore serious ethical problems with arguments made against climate change policies. The failure to identify the ethical problems with these arguments greatly weakens potential responses to these arguments. These arguments include: 1. A nation should not adopt climate change policies because these policies will harm the national economy. This argument is obviously ethically problematic because it fails to consider that high emitting governments and entities have clear ethical obligations to not harm others. Economic arguments in opposition to climate change policies are almost always arguments about self-interest that ignore strong global obligations. Climate change is a problem that is being caused mostly by high emitting nations and people that are harming and putting at risk poor people and the ecological systems on which they depend around the world. It is clearly ethically unacceptable for those causing the harms to others to only consider the costs to them of reducing the damages they are causing while ignoring their responsibilities to not harm others. It is not only high emitting nations and corporations that are ignoring the ethical problems with cost-based arguments against climate change policies. Some environmental NGOs usually fail to spot the ethical problems with arguments made against climate change policies based upon the cost or reducing ghg emissions to the emitters. Again and again proponents of action on climate change have responded to economic arguments against taking action to reduce the threat of climate change by making counter economic arguments such as climate change policies will produce new jobs or reduce adverse economic impacts that will follow from the failure to reduce the threat of climate change. In responding this way, proponents of climate change policy action are implicitly confirming the ethically dubious notion that public policy must be based upon economic self-interest rather than responsibilities to those who will be most harmed by inaction. There is, of course, nothing wrong with claims that some climate change policies will produce jobs, but such assertions should also say that emissions should be reduced because high-emitters of ghgs have duties and obligations to do so. 2. Nations need not reduce their ghg emissions until other high emitting nations also act to reduce their emissions because this will put the nation that reduces its emissions in a disadvantageous economic position. Over and over again opponents of climate change policies at the national level have argued that high emitting nations should not act to reduce their ghg emissions until other high emitting nations also act accordingly. In the United States, for instance, it is frequently said that the United States should not reduce its ghg emissions until China does so. Implicit in this argument is the notion that governments should only adopt policies which are in their economic interest to do so. Yet as a matter of ethics, as we have seen, all nations have a strong ethical duty to reduce their emissions to their fair share of safe global emissions and national economic self-interest is not an acceptable justification for failing to reduce national ghg emissions. Nations are required as a matter of ethics to reduce their ghg emissions to their fair share of safe global emissions; they are not required to reduce other nations’ share of safe global emissions. And so, nations have an ethical duty to reduce their ghg emissions to their fair share of safe global emissions without regard to what other nations do. 3. Nations need not reduce their ghg emissions as long as other nations are emitting high levels of ghg because it will do no good for one nation to act if other nations do not act. A common claim similar to argument 2 is the assertion nations need not reduce their ghg emissions until others do so because it will do no good for one nation to reduce its emissions while high-emitting nations continue to emit without reductions. It is not factually true that a nation that is emitting ghgs at levels above its fair share of safe global emissions is not harming others because they are continuing to cause elevated atmospheric concentrations of ghg which will cause some harm to some places and people than would not be experienced if the nation was emitting ghg at lower levels. And so, since all nations have an ethical duty to reduce their ghg emissions to their fair share of safe global emissions, nations have a duty to reduce the harm that they are causing to others even if there is no adequate global response to climate change. 4. No nation need act to reduce the threat of climate change until all scientific uncertainties about climate change impacts are resolved. Over and over again opponents of climate change policies have argued that nations need not act to reduce the threat of climate change because there are scientific uncertainties about the magnitude and timing of human-induced climate change impacts. There are a host of ethical problems with these arguments. First, as we have explained in detail on this website under the category of disinformation campaign in the index, some arguments that claim that that there is significant scientific uncertainty about human impacts on climate have been based upon lies or reckless disregard for the truth about mainstream climate change science. Second, other scientific uncertainty arguments are premised on cherry picking climate change science, that is focusing on what is unknown about climate change while ignoring numerous conclusions of the scientific community that are not in serious dispute. Third. other claims that there is scientific uncertainty about human induced climate change have not been subjected to peer-review. Fourth some arguments against climate change policies on the basis of scientific uncertainty often rest on the ethically dubious notion that nothing should be done to reduce a threat that some are imposing on others until all uncertainties are resolved. They make this argument despite the fact that if high emitters of ghg wait until all uncertainties are resolved before reducing their ghg emissions: - It will likely be too late to prevent serious harm if the mainstream scientific view of climate change is later vindicated; - It will be much more difficult to prevent catastrophic harm if nations wait, and - The argument to wait ignores the fact that those who will be harmed the most have not consented to be put at greater risk by waiting. For all of these reasons, arguments against taking action to reduce the threat of climate change based upon scientific uncertainty fail to pass minimum ethical scrutiny. 5. Nations need only set ghg emissions reduction targets to levels consistent with their national interest. Nations continue to set ghg emissions reductions targets at levels based upon their self-interest despite the fact that any national target must be understood to be implicitly a position on two issues that cannot be thought about clearly without considering ethical obligations. That is, every national ghg emissions reduction target is implicitly a position on : (a) a safe ghg atmospheric stabilization target; and (b) the nation’s fair share of total global ghg emissions that will achieve safe ghg atmospheric concentrations. A position on a global ghg atmospheric stabilization target is essentially an ethical question because a global ghg atmospheric concentration goal will determine to what extent the most vulnerable people and the ecological systems on which they depend will be put at risk. And so a position that a nation takes on atmospheric ghg atmospheric targets is necessarily an ethical issue because nations and people have an ethical duty to not harm others and the numerical ghg atmospheric goal will determine how much harm polluting nations will impose on the most vulnerable. Once a global ghg atmospheric goal is determined, a nation’s ghg emissions reduction target is also necessarily implicitly a position on the nation’s fair share of safe global ghg emissions, an issue of distributive justice and ethics at its core. And so any national ghg emissions target is inherently a position on important ethical and justice issues and thus setting a national emissions reduction target based upon national interest alone fails to pass minimum ethical scrutiny. Donald A. Brown Scholar in Residence and Professor Sustainability Ethics and Law Widener University School of Law
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In today’s day and age, fraudsters’ methods have become sophisticated. They are able to influence other individuals into supporting, executing or ignoring these dubious activities or transactions. There have been cases where fraudsters deposit a large amount of funds into different accounts in the names of their relatives, friends, employees, etc. This money is then invested into new business and real estate in the names of the same or different relatives and friends. Seasoned fraudsters or their accomplices always have “safe” options to conceal the proceeds of fraud and acquisitions made with that amount. Another window for such frauds is in cases of misappropriation of funds invested by financial institutions or private equity firms into certain businesses. Here, investors could be led to believe that the funds have been drained through a series of bad debts or business losses. The reality is that they have probably been siphoned off with little or no trail. Naturally, these types of operations would be conducted in secrecy. The question now is, can these funds be presumed gone? Maybe, but can they be traced? Probably yes. Previously, such situations were ignored or there were no means to pursue such cases. However, now, there are a number of cases that are being investigated, and action is undertaken to recover these “lost” assets. Asset tracing has emerged as a key technique that can help organizations and investors find and recover stolen assets. The Government intends to come down heavily on individuals engaging in such unethical practices. To this effect, it has various regulations in the pipeline. These include new bills, as well as amendments in existing laws in an attempt to curb black money, tax evasion, track siphoned funds and enable greater transparency. Some of these regulations include: - Undisclosed Foreign Income and Assets (Imposition of New Tax) Bill, 2015 - Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Bill, 1988 - Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), 2002 - Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA), 1999 What constitutes Asset tracing? Asset tracing is a technique used to identify and locate assets held by fraudsters or their third-party accomplices to recover defrauded funds. Investigating and recovering assets is a complex and onerous task, as fraudsters use different means to hide and invest funds obtained by dishonest means. The figure below depicts the path followed by a fraudster to conceal and invest funds in a clandestine manner. This could pose a host of challenges such as uncertainty around costs, diversion of funds and purchase of assets in the names of relatives or friends. To mitigate such risks, companies should take precautionary steps such as monitoring expenses, analyses of ongoing operations and third-party relationships, and conducting regular training sessions. These measures will prove essential for enhancing companies’ compliance quotient. (Devendra Pardeshi, Director, Fraud Investigation & Dispute Services contributed to the above post)
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Concept Questions Exam 3 Terms in this set (17) viruses are alive Viruses can be cultured using the same methods as bacteria and fungi. virus can be seen with a light microscope. true but just a few Viral capsids are constructed from ________ subunits. virus families in end virus genera end in What is the difference between DNA virus replication and RNA virus replication? DNA - nucleus RNA - cytoplasm The influenza virus vaccine has traditionally been cultured in? prions are composed of There are hundreds of species of bacteria living on the skin most are harmless About 4% of the population carry ---- on their skin. You can "catch" shingles from someone currently experiencing a shingles out break. most warts disappear on their own after 2-3 years. the --- can regenerate quickly if superficially damaged The reduced immunity if the eye to protect vision is know as? Conjuctivitis caused by bacteria has a ---- exudate and viral conjunctivitis has a --- exudate Which of the following eye diseases does not lead to blindness OTHER SETS BY THIS CREATOR FS test 1 MICRO FINAL LAB
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If the architect is overly focused on how the school looks, then they may sacrifice ease of use and practicality. Then have a final paragraph for your conclusion. An anecdote can also end your essay in a useful way. This is about using appropriate language, using collocations and the number of errors made. The test writers deliberately place uncommon words in the passage to test Basic ielts example candidates can figure them out using contextual clues. So, in your planning stage you should have a roadmap for the introduction, each paragraph and the conclusion. There are, of course, two points Basic ielts example view: An IELTS center in Baguio emphasizes the importance of being able to convey messages clearly to reap an acceptable band score in the exam. In conclusion, how a building works is equally as important as how that same building looks. There are alternative punishments. Coherence and Cohesion These two are interrelated which is why they are done together. However, in my opinion, while I believe that such sites are mainly beneficial to the individual, I agree that they have had a damaging effect on local communities. It is usually a noun or a pronoun. Family is the subject, is going is the verb and vacation is the noun. Consequently, the people within local communities are no longer forming close or supportive relationships. To get a good mark here, the word choice should not only be accurate but wide ranging, natural and sophisticated. The fifth sentence gives more examples of what an architect must consider inside the school. You should answer the questions as you listen, because you will NOT hear the recording a second time. If it is not clear what word you have written, your answer will be marked incorrect. So, preparation is very essential to ensure that you get the required score on the first attempt. On the other hand, the effect that Facebook and other social networking sites have had on societies and local communities can only be seen as negative. So the tip is to be careful when you think you hear the answer — it might be a distractor, so keep listening to the end of that idea. Watch out for paraphrases! Your answer should persuade, be consistent and develop logically towards a conclusion, which answers all Basic ielts example of the question. There are speed-reading techniques that can help with this: We is the subject, while brought is the verb in past tense. For Task 2, have a paragraph break after your introduction, and then for every differing section of your separate ideas with the supporting evidence. Sample Answer Analysis When it comes to building design, architects often have to make compromises between form and function. This tip is mainly just to jog your memory if you hear the keywords mentioned. The hotel itself where you stay has great facilities. Coherence is how you are making yourself understood and whether the reader of your writing understands what you are saying. For me, the best writings are those where there are paragraphs separated by an empty line and also indented. Viktor is the subject, loves is the verb and chocolates is the object. And what about the other things? Lexical Resource This area looks at the your choice of words. They contain several editions so you should try to have at least one of the editions and read it through. Listening Section - This section contains 4 sections with a total of 40 questions. An example of bad coherence and cohesion would be as follows:Sometimes, IELTS classes -- being crammed into numbered Saturdays or weekdays, here in the Philippines, I say -- jump into teh exams' help and tips and some useful intro about IELTS examination though they tend to lack teh comprehensiveness on the very BASICs of IELTS offered by this book. For example, the British term for “truck” (American) is “lorry.” In addition, an IELTS training center in Baguio emphasizes the importance of constructing sentences in conveying messages or responses. 1 Links from: IELTS Listening. basic information and tips about the IELTS listening. The International English Language Testing System, or IELTS™ / ˈ aɪ. ɛ l t s /, is an international standardized test of English language proficiency for non-native English language speakers. It is jointly managed by the British Council, IDP: IELTS Australia and Cambridge Assessment English, and was established in IELTS is one of the. IELTS Academic Writing Task 2 is the second of two writing tasks on the IELTS. Even though Task 1 is by no means easy, most students find IELTS Writing Task 2 more challenging. The purpose of this guide is to help you master the IELTS Writing Task 2 skills you need in order to do well on this. IELTS Test Knowledge - Basic Info IELTS stands for International English Language Testing System. It is an English language proficiency exam which measures the ability of test-takers to communicate in the four basic language skills: listening, reading, writing, and speaking. There are 6 basic IELTS listening tips that you’ll learn in every overpriced course around the world. You can save some money by reading this post – I’ll tell you what they are right now!Download
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Directions: This will be a minimum four page essay in which you will answer all the questions listed below. Longer essays will generally earn you a higher grade. Please use Times-New Roman Font, size 12, double space, and send your paper to my email address in a WORD document. I strictly enforce MC’s policy on plagiarism ( I noticed many of you plagiarized on the check-in assignment, so be very careful). If ‘Turn it In’ finds three or more sentences as directly copied from any source your paper will automatically be flagged and you will receive an F. (Refer back to the syllabus if needed). You are to use only your two books for resources! : – Goldfield, David, et al, The American Journey, 7th Edition or newer, or the Midland College Custom Edition (chapters 1-16). – Yazawa, Melwin (ed.) Documents for America’s History. Vol. 1, 7th Edition. June 15 Exam I: Goldfield textbook, Chapters 1-4; Yazawa book, pp. 1-99 ( I have PDF versions of chapters you will need)if you will have any problems reading it, I can provide you with my chegg account) Question are : 1. Discuss the establishment of French, Dutch, and English colonies in North America between the years 1600-1763. 2. How did this end Spain’s monopoly of settlement in North America? 3. In addition, briefly discuss and define the French and Indian War, as well as the Treaty of Paris.
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Most children have healthy eyes, but there are still plenty of conditions that can threaten good vision. Almost 25% of school-aged children have vision problems. Of children ages 3 to 5, 1 out of every 20 has a problem that could result in permanent vision loss if left untreated. Parents should be aware of signs that may indicate their child has vision problems, including: - Wandering or crossed eyes - A family history of childhood vision problems - Disinterest in reading or viewing distant objects - Squinting or turning the head in an unusual manner while watching television Since you can’t always tell just by looking at your child’s eyes if they have eye problems, August is the perfect time to bring them in for a routine exam right before the new school year begins. Roland Park Vision offers comprehensive eye exams to help diagnose eye problems such as macular degeneration and cataracts. Our doctors and staff have helped restore and preserve thousands of patients’ vision. We are very passionate about educating patients and their families regarding prevention and treatment, to ensure that everyone has the best options and know-how when it comes to eye care. Click here to make an appointment!
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Events scale. The magnitude of our impact and the impact of our decisions can vary wildly, depending on the stakes. You can decide which chocolate bar to buy or you can decide whether or not to take a job. Our fear, though, can't scale. It doesn't work that way. The screaming fear in your stomach before you give a speech to 12 kids in the fifth grade is precisely the same fear a presidential candidate feels before the final debate. The fight-or-flight reflex that speeds up your heart when you're about to get a speeding ticket you don't deserve isn't very different than the chemical reaction in the brain of an accused (but innocent) murder suspect when the jury walks in. Bigger stakes can't lead to more fear. And, in an interesting glitch, more fear often tricks us into thinking we're dealing with bigger stakes. Not only that, but we have trouble overlapping our fearful moments. If that sales call is right down the street, you will probably put more anxiousness into the preparation for the meeting than if it's two plane rides and ferry away, because you'll be reserving some of your available agita for the transport. Fear has very few gradations and it has a ceiling. We evolved to have an alert system that kept us alive, but while it's powerful, it's crude. This is why we're able to teach ourselves to confidently give a speech to 10,000 or make life or death decisions in the battlefield. Fear is fear, and once we learn to work with it, we can scale the stakes. All of which is a way to remind yourself that emotions kick in and then we start telling ourselves a story about how important/make-or-break/high stakes this next event is. Fear floods our brain with chemicals, we go on high alert and then rationalize that fear by describing just how vital this thing we're anxious about is. No need to fool yourself. We all have a limited fear vocabulary, and it tends to yell.
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originates in Africa and Europe - one of 29 non-native species of this genus in the US, having been introduced here late in the 18th century. Plants occur in a broad band from Oregon, southeastwards to Texas. Stems and leaves have a covering of greyish hairs. Leaves are speckled with tiny resin glands, and they grow mostly around the base, where they are partly divided into irregular, rounded lobes. Stem leaves are much smaller, and not lobed. Flowerheads form singly or in small clusters; they have a relatively small involucre, less than half an inch in length, ringed by broad green phyllaries from which project narrow, pointed appendages, light brown to purple in color. Small spines radiate from the base of each appendage, and the surface of the involucre is partly obscured by woolly hairs, though these tend to fall away during blooming. Flowerheads consist of several dozen narrow yellow disc florets, similar in height to the involucre.
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Plitvice Lakes are the oldest, the largest and the most visited national park of the Republic of Croatia. This area has always attracted nature lovers with its exceptional beauty and was proclaimed as the first national park in Croatia back in 1949. Plitvice Lakes also received an international acknowledgment in 1979 by inscribing to the UNESCO World Heritage List. The phenomenon of these lakes is in the process of ' calcification' that forms the famous sedge barriers or, in the simplest terms, creates the karstic parts of the lake through which water falls then creating an indescribable picture of this natural phenomenon. In 1997, the Park area expanded and spreads over the area somewhat less than 300 km2. Most of the Park is covered with forest vegetation, a smaller part with lawns, and the most interesting and attractive part of the Park - Lakes, occupy only slightly less than 1% of the surface. The lake system consists of 16 named and several smaller, cascade-sized lakes. It is divided into 'Gornja' or 'Upper' and 'Donja' or 'Lower' lakes, Prošćansko, Ciginovac, Okrug, Batinovac, Big lake, Small lake, Vir, Galovac, Milino Lake, Gradinsko lake, Burgeti and Kozjak make the twelve lakes that are a part of the Upper lakes. The Upper lakes are more spacious and indented than the Lower lakes. The Lower lakes are the lakes Milanovac, Gavanovac, Kaluđerovac and Novaković Brod. The lakes end with imposing waterfalls called Sastavci, at the base of which begins the flow of the Korana River. Water availability has a major impact on the biodiversity of this area. The National Park is located in Plitvice Plateau, surrounded by three mountains, and the shrubbery mountains play the role of the water reservoirs and are also a shelter for many animal species. The great difference in altitude in the narrow space between the mountains in the south and the Korana River in the north is also a significant reason for the biodiversity of this area. Most of the natural phenomena occur under the ground, where there is plenty of water, and also developed systems of subterranean river basins that pop water out when it reaches the permeable rocks. The park is also rich in caves, and for visitors, the caves that are open are the caves of Golubnjača and Šupljara above the lake Kaluđerovac. Other caves are: The Dark cave, the cave Vila Jezerkinje and the Golubnjača. The remains of the Cave Bear were found in Rodić's cave on Sertić Field and in the Dark Cave on the Lower Lakes. The phenomenon of Plitvice lakes is the result of centuries-old processes and limestone deposition, which is abundantly present in the waters of this karst area. The special feature of Plitvice Lakes is in the fact that the lakes are connected, and the water power constantly changes the shape of the lake and the landscape. The spacious forest complexes, an exceptional natural beauty of the lakes and waterfalls, the richness of the flora and fauna, the fresh mountain air, the contrasts of autumn colors, forest paths and wooden bridges are the beauty of this indispensable whole that attracts millions of people every year and leaves them breathless. We invite you to explore this treasure of Croatia's nature, of course, with Booker T & T. Warmth of your greeting at the end of our journey, drives us in the direction to provide you the best service in all our gatherings. Help us to be better, write your comments, compliments or with which parts you were not satisfied. On our travels, we like to make friends.
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INFOGRAPHIC: Iron Ore—The strength behind the world’s leading industries From energy and construction to transportation and equipment manufacturing, iron ore is critical to nearly every industry. Beyond its applications, iron ore production is an economic stimulant critical to US growth. Because of the its immense supply of iron ore, America ranks among the top 10 producers of the metal, according to data from the National Mining Association. In fact, in 2013, the value of iron ore produced in the US. amounted to $5 billion. And production of the metal, says the NMA, supported more than 20,000 direct, indirect and induced jobs in 2012. Here they explain it all:
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You can focus on the military issues, commanders, political leaders (including their wartime powers), diplomatic issues, or the lives of ordinary soldiers. At the same time, topics dealing with the homefront (role of women, wartime dissent, legal aspects of the particular war or more specific things like food shortages such as in the South during the Civil War)This paper requires that you consult at least four primary sources. These can be four seperate documents out of the Voices of Freedom book, four newspaper articles or some combination of the varius examples I mentioned in the previous paragraph. Some possibilities are provided here. IN ADDITION, you need to include at least two secondary sources that are peer reviewed pieces (articles, books, etc.) written by historians (or someone else functioning as one). You must include sources other than your textbook (or any other textbook). The discussions prior to the documents in the Voices of Freedom reader do not count as well. Since online encyclopedias like Wikipedia can be edited by anyone, they are not valid secondary sources. Are you looking for a similar paper or any other quality academic essay? Then look no further. Our research paper writing service is what you require. Our team of experienced writers is on standby to deliver to you an original paper as per your specified instructions with zero plagiarism guaranteed. This is the perfect way you can prepare your own unique academic paper and score the grades you deserve. Use the order calculator below and get started! Contact our live support team for any assistance or inquiry.
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Fecal Microbiota Transplant (FMT) is a treatment which is being studied for treating recurrent urinary tract infections, obesity, and other gastrointestinal conditions. FMT is a procedure in which stool is transferred from a healthy donor into the patient’s intestine. This medical procedure is also known as a stool transplant. FMT is done to treat Clostridium difficile infection(CDI). CDI is a gut infection which occurs due to the spore-forming bacteria. CDI causes fever, stomach pain, and diarrhea. People suffering from CDI is often treated with antibiotics such as fidaxomicin or oral vancomycin. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), infection usually returns in 20% of patients. FMT helps restore healthy bacterias back into the intestine which is otherwise decreased due to use of antibiotics. FMT helps clear the infection. This procedure includes a colonoscopy. During colonoscopy small amounts of filtered and liquefied stool is put into the colon. Other procedure may also include capsules or enema. Stool is obtained from a healthy family member or from stool banks. Stool banks ensure the donor is free of illness. There are also certain side effects of this procedure. The effects are mild like diarrhea, constipation, nausea, or cramps. The idea for studying FMT in obese patients is to understand the impacts of gut bacteria on body weight. The study includes the transfer of intestinal bacteria from a healthy, fit person to a person suffering from obesity. During this study, the patients will intake FMT capsules from healthy donors to study the effects of insulin sensitivity and body weight. US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is studying the treatment and official approval is not yet received. FDA specifies that the doctor should have proper consent from the patient before performing this treatment. The consent should include a section specifying FMT treatment to be an “investigational drug” for treating Clostridium difficile infection. A full acceptance of this treatment is yet awaited globally. Ongoing trials will help provide a better insight into the further treatment of FMT. The use of FMT treatment is not adviced to be done at home. This procedure should only be performed by a doctor or physician.
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There is such a thing as the passing down of collective trauma in community consciousness. For the Jewish people, it is the Holocaust; for Asian Australians, it is the White Australia Policy. The two, of course, are not comparable in terms of brutality and death tolls. However, both belong to the realm of trauma even if their respective historicity is not the same. There is no such thing as innocent laughter in Australia: being is mediated by history. I write this as an Australian; I am no recent immigrant. The shadow of the memory of trauma always stays in the background of Asian Australian consciousness. As Heidegger exhorts, being is historical; and so is understanding. This is hermeneutics – as resistance against the racism of forgetting. With this philosophical preamble, how do we read the history of the quarantine stations in Australia, where racial segregation and discrimination were for the most of their operational years de rigeur? Indeed segregation and discrimination are staple items on the menu of racism served in the experience of being in quarantine – it applied even to whites in terms of their class status. But Asians and other non-Europeans were abject objects that could not even be included within the class system of Europeans. Australia’s explicitly anti-Asian sentiments and Weltanschauung were formalised in the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, nine years before a similarly explicit legislation was introduced in Canada (Ongley & Pearson, 1995, pp. 770-771). By 1902, anti-Asianism in Australia also became architecturally and spatially manifest in the permanent form of the Quarters for Asiatics at the North Head Quarantine Station – a well-defined area of racial segregation that included dormitories with bunk beds, a shed for cooking, a larger shed for eating and an outhouse latrine (despite flush toilets already becoming common since the 1850s). As a group these buildings once represented the most uncomfortable experience of accommodation possible while in quarantine, signifying the low regard that white Australians in public health administration had for Asians. Racism is of a qualitative specificity (Postone, in Lye, 2005, p. 58), targeting a specifically socially manufactured racial form (Lye, 2005, p. 60) such as the slant-eyed Chinaman of inferior physique. On the level of transnational circulation of people and goods, Asian crews transiting in and out of Australia via its national quarantine system also embodied the lowest transactional value in human labour – the image of the Asiatic coolie who threatened the jobs of civilised, culturally and physically superior Europeans through his “subhuman” capability for silence and endurance in plain bad working and living conditions. Used mainly to quarantine Chinese and Japanese crews, the Quarters for Asiatics functioned like a holding pen for inscrutable aliens who posed an ever present danger to the hard-won wages and rights of white unionism. In his instructions for national quarantine administration, Chief Quarantine Officer Elkington specifically mentions the importance of always counting the numbers of Chinese crew and passengers right before they are admitted to quarantine stations: to prevent the absconding of the “inferior” “Asiatics” and hence their infiltration into the “superior” life conditions of white Australians. I begin this post not with a desire for pathos as an Asian Australian thinker, but as a response to a question once posed to me by an elderly Chinese Australian physician in Brookvale, not very far from North Head, when I saw him for a minor illness this year: “Why on earth do you spend so much time at the Quarantine Station? The Chinese suffered a lot there.” Lye, Colleen. America’s Asia: Racial Form and American Literature, 1893-1945. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005. Ongley, Patrick and David Pearson. “Post-1945 International Migration: New Zealand, Australia and Canada Compared”, in The International Migration Review, Vol. 29, No. 3 (1995), pp. 765-793.
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Writing can be difficult at times. Depending on what you’re writing, you can hit a wall, or the ever-so-dreaded “Writer’s Block.” I always see these posts and read the so-called “rules of writing.” There are some rules like the proper use of grammar, nouns and so on. But, stylistically, it’s important to be yourself. Here are my 13 rules of Writing: 1. Just Write Simple, right? Sometimes it isn’t but you have just have to push through. As a writer, it’s better to have a page full of absolute crap than a blank page. You can always edit. A blank page is useless. So – no matter what, just keep on writing! (This is the most important rule). The more you write – the better your writing will be. So, JUST WRITE. 2. Find Your Routine There’s no “One Size Fits All” when it comes to creating a writing routine. There are the early risers who feel the most creative first thing in the morning. There are the night walkers who are more inspired in the late hours. And, of course, there are those in the “In Between.” Find a routine that works for you, personally and stick to it. Consistency is key. 3. READ Obsessively All writer’s have at least 1 thing in common: they read A LOT. Read as much as you can. Absorb the written word like it’s water and you’re dehydrated. READ – READ – And then, READ SOME MORE. 4. Keep a Pen & Notebook Handy Act like a pen and notebook are a part of your physical body. You never know when an brilliant idea will pop into your mind. If all else fails – type it on your phone. Always have a means to write down ideas at your fingertips! 5. Avoid Common Cliches We’re all guilty of using the far-too-used cliches. I’m talking about things like: “Hard as a rock”, “Soft as silk”, “Cold as ice”, “Blind as a bat.” They’ve all been done. Don’t use the cliches that have been beat to death in writing. Instead, make your own. Writing exercise: Write down as many cliches as you can think of in one column on a piece of paper. In the other column, rewrite those cliches using your own words. 🙂 6. Finish what you Start I can’t tell you how many stories I’ve stopped mid-plot because another idea popped into my overactive brain. This is not a good practice. Whatever you start – finish it! Even if it’s crap, you can edit it later. Don’t end up with a file cabinet full of unfinished stories/pieces of writing. If another idea comes to you mid-project: write it down and continue with what you’re working on! 7. Get Feedback This can be scary for a lot of people. No matter what anyone says, we all fear rejection and failure but it’s important to get feedback. Ask friends, family or a significant other to read your work. Ask for their feedback. Listen, but don’t take it too hard. They might be full of sh*t. 😉 8. Keep an “Idea Box” Okay, so my “Idea Box” isn’t a box at all. It’s a giant binder jam-packed with ideas, first sentences, inspiring images and quotes and a whole lot of writing prompts I’ve collected over the years. Use whatever works for you but keep a selection of all your ideas, inspirations and all-things-writing kept in one place so you can refer to it when the block hits. 9. There, Their & They’re 10. Poetry doesn’t have to Rhyme This is such a common misconception about poetry. IT DOESN’T HAVE TO RHYME. Have some thoughts – write them down – they don’t have to rhyme. It’s still poetry! 11. Expect Rejections As a writer, you’re going to have to accept that fact that your writing will likely get rejected – A LOT. This is the case with almost everyone. Just accept it and use it as fuel to keep going. 12. Always Back-Up I’ve lost a few gems because I didn’t back up my work. There is nothing more frustrating than losing a piece of your own writing. Use Dropbox, the cloud, a drive – whatever. Just back up your writing – ALWAYS. 13. Break the Rules (Except for the part about backing up your work & writing everyday). You’ll see TONS of lists telling you how to write. F*ck most of those rules. Rules are meant to be broken, especially the super-conventional ones. Use your own voice. Write how you want. Make your own style. The only rules that truly matter when it comes to writing are: - Write Everyday - Read Obessesively - BACK UP YOUR WORK Just write! You can always edit later. Write. Write. Write. Good luck writing, fellow scribes. It can be a tricky lifestyle, but if you’re truly committed, and love it – it’s SO worth it. Much Love <3
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Economic anthropology is the product of a juxtaposition of two academic disciplines in the twentieth century. It would be wrong to speak of the relationship between economics and anthropology as a dialogue. From the beginning, economists in the ‘neo-classical’ tradition have rarely expressed any interest in anthropology and none at all during the last half-century, when their discipline has become the dominant ideological and practical arm of global capitalism. Anthropologists, on the other hand, when they have been concerned with ‘the economy’, have usually felt obliged to address the perspective of mainstream economists, sometimes applying their ideas and methods to exotic societies, more often being critical of the discipline’s claim to be universally valid. Since anthropologists in this period based their intellectual authority on the fieldwork method, discourse in economic anthropology has generally been preoccupied with the interpretation of economic ideas in the light of ethnographic findings. But civilization is often thought of as an economy these days; and some anthropologists, drawing on a variety of theories and methods, have offered alternative visions of the economy’s past, present and future. After briefly considering the idea of economy in anthropological perspective, we divide our account into three historical periods. The first covers from the 1870s to the 1940s, when economics and anthropology emerged as modern academic disciplines. A bureaucratic revolution concentrated power in strong states and corporate monopolies, yet economics reinvented itself as the study of individual decision-making in competitive markets. Later, when a rapidly urbanizing world was consumed by economic disaster and war, anthropologists published ethnographies of remote peoples conceived of as being outside modern history. Neither branch of study had much of a public role. The period since the Second World War saw a massive expansion of the universities and the rise of economics to the public prominence it enjoys today. An academic publishing boom allowed anthropologists to address mainly just themselves and their students. Economic anthropology sustained a lively debate from the 1950s to the 1970s, when the welfare state consensus was at its peak and European empires were dismantled. The sub-discipline has been less visible since the 1980s, the era of ‘neo-liberalism’ and ‘globalization’ in world economy. A lot is still produced on exchange, money, consumption and privatization, but, as with much else in contemporary anthropology, the results are fragmented. Despite our focus on historical change, there are some abiding questions at the intersection of economics and anthropology. Is the economists’ aspiration to place human affairs on a rational footing an agenda worthy of anthropologists’ participation or just a bad dream? Since economics is a product of western civilization – and of the English-speaking peoples in particular – is any claim to universality bound to be ethnocentric? If capitalism is an economic configuration of recent origin, could markets and money be said to be human universals? Can markets be made more effectively democratic, with the unequal voting power of big money somehow neutralized? Can private and public interests be reconciled in economic organization or will the individualism of homo economicus inevitably prevail? Should the economy be isolated as an object of study or is it better to stress how economic relations are embedded in society and culture in general? In The Great Transformation (1944), Polanyi brought a radical critique of modern capitalism to bear on his moment in history. We too must start from the world we live in, if we are to apply the vast, but inchoate intellectual resources of anthropology to a subject that is of vital concern to everyone. Ours is a very different world from when Polanyi so confidently predicted the demise of the market model of economy. Yet the revival of market capitalism and dismantling of state provision since the 1980s furnishes plentiful material for Polanyi’s thesis that the neglect of social interests must eventually generate a political backlash and a retreat from market fundamentalism. In our Introduction, we suggested that the world may now be emerging from the period of neo-liberal hegemony, with obvious potential consequences for the project known as ‘economic anthropology’. The ongoing globalization of capital – its spread to Japan, China, India, Brazil, Russia and elsewhere after centuries of western monopoly – is also bound to affect our understanding of economy. The absolute dominance of market logic, at least in the form devised by neo-liberal economists, may be coming to an end. Then, not only will Polanyi’s ideas receive more favourable attention, as they already have in some quarters, but the urgent need to review the institutional basis of economy may stimulate anthropologists to renewed efforts. In this volume, we identify a possible convergence between economic anthropology, economic sociology and institutional economics, yielding an alternative version of economic knowledge to challenge orthodoxy. Agreeing on a common label for this enterprise matters less than identifying clear questions for collaborative inquiry. This short history of economic anthropology is offered as a contribution to that end. Anthropology and ‘the economy’ It is a good thing that civilization is conceived of largely as an economy these days, since most people care a lot about their economic circumstances. The days are long gone when politicians could concern themselves with affairs of state and profess ignorance of the livelihoods of the masses. Hence Bill Clinton’s famous memo to himself, ‘It’s the economy, stupid!’ For millennia, economy was conceived of in domestic terms, as household management. Then, when money, machines and markets began their modern rise to social dominance, a new discipline of political economy was born, concerned with the public consequences of economic actions. For over a century now, this discipline has called itself economics and its subject matter has been the economic decisions made by individuals, not primarily in their domestic capacity, but as participants in markets of many kinds. People as such play almost no part in the calculations of economists and find no particular reflection of themselves in the quantities published by the media. The founders of neo-classical economics, such as Marshall (1890), started out with the same broad style of questioning as their classical predecessors, with speculations on human nature and society, that subsequently dropped out of the modern discipline, leaving it to anthropologists to pick up on these questions. Anthropologists aim to produce an understanding of the economy that has people in it, in two senses. First, we are concerned with what people do and think, both as workers or consumers in economies dominated by large-scale organizations and when left relatively free to be self-organized as farmers, traders, managers of households or givers of gifts. Second, our interest is in the universal history of humanity, in its past, present and future; and our examples are drawn from all over the world. Somehow we have to find meaningful ways of bridging the gap between the two. There are of course many economies at every level from the domestic to the global and they are not the same, but the prevailing approach to economic life is itself universal in pretension and so we too, in giving priority to people’s lives and purposes, aspire to a degree of intellectual unity. At the very least, an anthropological critique will show, as it always has, that claims for the inevitability of currently dominant economic institutions are false. The twentieth century saw a universal experiment in impersonal society. Humanity was everywhere organized by remote abstractions – states, capitalist markets, science. For most people it was impossible to make a meaningful connection with these anonymous institutions and this was reflected in intellectual disciplines whose structures of thought had no room for human beings in them. Whereas once anthropologists studied stateless peoples for lessons about how to construct better forms of society, scientific ethnography no longer sought to change a world where ordinary citizens felt for the most part disempowered. Of course, people everywhere sought self-expression where they could – in domestic life and informal economic practices. The three most important components of modern economic life – people, machines and money – are not properly addressed by the academic discipline devoted to its study. In Capital, Marx (1867) expressed humanity’s estrangement from the modern economy by making abstract value (money) the principle organizing production, with the industrial revolution (machines) as its instrument and people reduced to the passive anonymity of their labour power. Marx’s intellectual effort was aimed at reversing this order and that remains our priority today. What might be meant by the term ‘economy’? English dictionaries reveal that the word and its derivatives have a number of separate, but overlapping referents: 2. Efficient conservation of resources 3. Practical affairs 4. Money, wealth 5. The circulation of goods and services 6. Involving a wide range of social units The word comes from ancient Greek, oikonomia. It literally meant ‘household management’, the imposition of order on the practical affairs of a house, usually a large manor house in the countryside with its slaves, animals, fields and orchards. Economic theory then aimed at self-sufficiency through careful budgeting and the avoidance of trade, where possible. The market, with its rootless individuals specialized in money-making, was the very antithesis of an economy that aimed to conserve both society and nature. So in origin ‘economy’ emphasized the first three above while focusing on the house as its location. For Aristotle and thinkers like him, it had nothing to do with markets or money or with wider notions of society. This ideal persisted in rural Europe up to the dawn of the modern age. Indeed countries like Russia and France were still significantly peasant societies well into the 20th century, as the agrarian economist, A.V. Chayanov (1925) insisted. Even so, the economy has moved on in the last 2,500 years and especially in the last two centuries. In particular, a revolution in ideas led by Adam Smith (1776) switched attention from domestic order to ‘political economy’ and especially to the functioning of markets using money. Instead of celebrating the wisdom of a few patriarchs, Smith found economic rationality in the myriad selfish acts of individuals buying and selling commodities, the famous ‘invisible hand’ of the market. Two things happened next. First, the market was soon dominated by large firms commanding more resources than most, a system of making money with money eventually named as ‘capitalism’ (Sombart 1902). One of capitalism’s chief features is a focus on growth. States claimed the right to manage money, markets and accumulation in the national interest; and this is why today ‘the economy’ primarily refers to the country we live in. The question of world economy has encroached on public consciousness of late; and almost any aggregate from associations of states like the European Union to localities, firms and households may be said to have an ‘economy’. In the process, ‘economy’ has come to refer primarily to the money nexus of market exchange, even though we retain the old meaning of efficient conservation of resources. So part of the confusion with the word ‘economy’ lies in the historical shift from the self-sufficiency of rural households to complex dependence on urban, national and world markets. But that isn’t all. It is by no means clear whether the word is primarily subjective or objective. Does it refer to an attitude of mind or to something out there? Is it ideal or material? Does it refer to individuals or to collectivities? Perhaps to all of these — in which case, we should focus on the links between them. Economists may argue that economy is principally a way of reasoning (Schumpeter 1954), but we can hardly say that all those people who talk of economies as social objects are wrong. Moreover, if the factory revolution shifted the weight of economy from agriculture to industry, mainstream economic life now takes the form of electronic digits whizzing around cyberspace at the speed of light. The idea of economy as provision of material necessities is still an urgent priority for the world’s poor; but for a growing section of humanity it no longer makes sense to focus on economic survival. The confusion at the heart of ‘economy’ reflects not only an unfinished history, but wide inequalities in contemporary economic experience. The term ‘economy’ is as specific to the English language as solidarité is to the French. If the various meanings of the word are obscure in English, their translation into most other languages is even more problematic. In German, for example, Wirtschaftswissenschaft, Nationalökonomie and Sozialpolitik have all occupied the space filled by the English word, ‘economics’ at various times and normal usage is still evolving. Britain and America have dominated global capitalism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries respectively and so, gradually, the peoples of the world have come to absorb something of their economic terminology as common usage. All of these issues and more have to be addressed if ‘the economy’ is not to be trapped in ethnocentric abstraction. The rise of modern economics and anthropology (1870s to 1940s) Mill and Marx are widely recognized as the last of the classical political economists. While Marxism has since gone its own way, the liberal utilitarianism of Mill (1846) was refashioned from the 1870s onwards as the ‘neo-classical’ paradigm, which still defines economics today. The core of this paradigm, the notion of diminishing marginal utility, was independently pioneered by William Jevons in Manchester, Carl Menger in Vienna and Léon Walras in Lausanne during 1871-1874. They each located economic value in individuals conceived of as maximizing their utility, thus making a revolutionary break with the macro-sociological concerns of the classical economists (Hutchinson 1978). The new school achieved a synthesis in Alfred Marshall’s Principles of Economics (1890), a name that rhymes with mathematics and physics (Mirowski 1989). Following Edgworth’s example in Mathematical Psychics (1881), economists began to rely more on numerate methods, but to nothing like the same degree as today. Marshall’s neo-classical economics was challenged by an Austrian version and, during the Great Depression, by the even more contrary paradigm of his student, J. M. Keynes. In the United States the institutional economists, led by Veblen (1904) and Commons (1934), promoted a more explicitly political version of economic science. They were more than a match for the neo-classical economists there in the interwar period (Yonay 1998). The modern notion of ‘the economy’, along with Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, was a product of this era of general crisis (Mitchell 1998). In the late nineteenth century, numerous scholars began to examine the relevance of new ethnographic data for theories of human evolution (Tylor 1871, Morgan 1877, Bücher 1893). Material based on fieldwork spawned increasingly systematic inquiries, with Germans in the forefront (Heath Pearson 2000). Leading economists were indifferent to their findings, the major exception being Marx, who in his last years took careful notes from works by Morgan, Lubbock and others (Krader 1974). The result was Engels’ The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884) which drew heavily on Lewis Henry Morgan’s Ancient Society (1877). Morgan paid much attention to property, but did not engage concretely with systems of production and exchange. Like other leading contemporaries, he was trained in law, not economics. Edward Tylor, in Primitive Culture (1871), gave only superficial descriptions of the major modes of subsistence and stages of technical progress; the last generation of Victorian ‘armchair anthropologists’ did no better. Since anthropologists did not have a clear concept of the economy, they were in no position to contribute new theoretical ideas on the subject. In Germany, scholars of diverse disciplinary backgrounds, not content with vague descriptions of material culture, addressed theoretical questions of economic origins and technological determinism with considerable rigour. Gerd Spittler (this volume, forthcoming) approaches these early contributions through a focus on work: was work central to man’s self-realization or did humanity have a natural aversion to toil? The German forerunners of economic anthropology were almost all anti-socialist, but they were nonetheless influenced by Marx. This strong interest may be attributed in part to the dominance of historicist approaches in Germany. Max Weber’s first appointment was in Nationalökonomie, an economic discipline that rejected the universalism of the British political economists. A dispute arose in the 1890s between Karl Bücher and Eduard Meyer over the oikos thesis of Rodbertus published thirty years earlier (Harry Pearson 1957). Bücher supported Rodbertus’s idea that ancient Greek economy was organized on fundamentally different principles from those of contemporary German capitalism. These principles were based, following Xenophon and Aristotle, on household management. Meyer pointed to the existence of thoroughly modern capitalist firms in Athens and elsewhere producing for the international market. Max Weber (1922) put the lid on this argument by suggesting that we wouldn’t be interested in ancient Greece unless it was different and we could not understand it unless our knowledge was capable of embracing the Greeks as in some sense the same as us. This was the dialectical premise of Hegel and, before him, Kant – sameness in difference, not same versus different. Weber made much of Kant’s dualistic conception of the human faculties, the division between form arising from the operations of the mind itself and substance or perception of the material world through the senses. In his magisterial Economy and Society (1922), he argued that not only were the formal and substantive rationalities of capitalism different, but they were at odds. The ‘bottom line’ of accountancy for profit could, and often did, lead to economic failure (unemployment and the like) at the cost of disruption to people’s livelihood. This was an attempt to resolve ‘the Battle over Methods’ (Methodenstreit) then being waged between Schmoller’s historical economists in Berlin and the followers of Menger’s marginalism in Vienna. Here, as in the debate over economic primitivism (Harry Pearson 1957, Heath Pearson 2000), what was at stake was the pretension of the new economics to offer a universal foundation for the pursuit of human welfare. Weber, as a liberal, was sympathetic to the subjective individualism of the new economics, but, as a sociologist, he could hardly discount the human disasters wreaked in its name. The vehemence of these German debates owed something to rivalry between the German and Austro-Hungarian empires for leadership of the German-speaking world. To some extent they were just academic turf wars. Schmoller managed to get Viennese economists excluded from German universities for a time. The Methodenstreit resurfaced in American economic anthropology after the Second World War as ‘the formalist-substantivist debate’ which peaked in the 1960s (Leclair and Schneider 1968). The concept of homo economicus provides the main focus of Heath Pearson’s overview of ‘primitive economics’ (2000). To early travelers the natives seemed to contradict European criteria for rationality, through their ‘childlike’ inconsistency in exchange, destruction of valuable property or painstaking efforts for no tangible benefit. Alongside this category of homo erroneous, Pearson identifies homo gustibus, a human subject who is endowed with a different psychological make-up, making his rationality appear quite different from the hedonism of the individual agent of neo-classical theory. Eventually, both of these stereotypes gave way to homo paleoeconomicus: the economic behaviour of ‘primitives’, allowing for differences in environment and technology, was similar to that of modern Western individuals. Superficially contradictory patterns of economic action could be seen as being consistent with the premises of homo economicus. One just had to abandon notions of time-discounting where there were few storage facilities and recognize the constraints of custom in societies lacking developed markets and money. Anthropologists were often no more consistent than the natives: Raymond Firth held all of these positions at different times (1929, 1939, 1967). Malinowski’s standing as a founder of economic anthropology rests partly on his introduction of intensive fieldwork as a method. He obtained his doctorate at Cracow with a dissertation, ‘On the economy of thought’, about Ernst Mach; and Mach’s epistemological individualism provided the theoretical foundation of Malinowski’s functionalist approach (Stocking 1995: 245). His major contributions to economic anthropology are the first and last of the Trobriand monographs, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), which is devoted to exchange, and Coral Gardens and Their Magic (1935), on work, technology and property arrangements. He insisted early on (1921) that the Trobrianders’ propensity to transfer goods as gifts showed that ‘tribal economics’ refuted any claim that the idea of ‘economic man’ is a human universal. The attention the Trobrianders gave to their gardens’ appearance contradicted the supposition that savages restricted their efforts to the minimum necessary for their survival. Argonauts was intended as a demonstration that a complex system of inter-island trade could be organized without benefit of markets, money or states and on the basis of generosity rather than greed. Yet his data — whether the transfer of kula valuables, the barter exchange known as gimwali or yams paid as urigubu tribute to matrilineal relatives – are entirely consistent with the notion of individuals maximizing utility (Parry 1986). Malinowski did much to support the rise of ‘applied’ anthropology in the colonies and this prepared the ground for later generations of anthropologists to become involved in ‘development’. Much of this work took place in Africa and Audrey Richards (1939) supplied the outstanding early monograph. We now recognize Marcel Mauss’s Essai sur le don (1924) as the main source of opposition to Malinowski’s fusion of individualist traditions from Britain and Central Europe. Mauss was greatly enthused by Malinowski’s confirmation that the potlatch of America’s Northwest Coast flourished in Melanesia, but he insisted that money and markets were human universals: only the impersonal variant found in capitalist societies was distinctive. Following Durkheim’s lead in The Division of Labour in Society (1893), Mauss’s attack on economic individualism emphasized the personal, social and spiritual dimensions of exchange in all societies, including ours. His anthropology was wedded to a quite explicit socialist programme; but the essay has given rise to quite divergent interpretations since (Hart 2007). Only much later was The Gift widely acknowledged as Mauss’s chef d’oeuvre; it took two translations and a secondary literature, inspired above all by Lévi-Strauss (1950) and Sahlins (1972), for its radical message to be absorbed into Anglophone economic anthropology (Sigaud 2002). David Graeber’s long chapter on Mauss in Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value (2001) is the most complete treatment in English. Mauss’s example never launched a school of economic anthropology as such in France. Richard Thurnwald’s impressive contributions to economic anthropology have been eclipsed by the marginalization of German scholarship after 1945. There are grounds for claiming that he discovered the concept of ‘embeddedness’ long before Polanyi. Raymond Firth’s monumental study of the economic life of the Polynesian island of Tikopia (1939) made less use of German sources than his earlier Maori study (1929). At much the same time, Melville Herskovits published The Economic Life of Primitive Peoples (1940), a compilation of published sources aimed at drawing the attention of economists to the cumulative achievements of scientific ethnography. These systematic exercises in juxtaposing economic ideas and the results of ethnography launched economic anthropology in its modern form. Thurnwald, Firth and Herskovits all emphasized that primitive economics was a ‘social affair’ (Thurnwald 1932: xi) and were careful to stress the differences between economies lacking money and machines and those dominated by markets. Lionel Robbins’ (1932) definition of economics as the study of choices made under conditions of scarcity summed up the dominant paradigm at the London School of Economics, even though he had Hayek’s radical Austrian views to contend with there and those of Keynes in the broader arena. Firth was more impressed by this economic orthodoxy than were Herskovits and Thurnwald. Indeed he was concerned to show that the concepts and tools of modern economics had general validity. Firth thought he had solved the ‘pseudo-problem’ raised by Malinowski by insisting that ‘complex social obligations’ do not detract from the basic explanatory power of ‘rational economic choice’ (1965: 331). To this extent he deserves to be seen as the first ‘formalist’. He used the basic categories of economics to organize his chapters; but, in order to understand the rationale for any given pattern of behaviour, he had to describe the context in some detail. The result is a rich ethnographic description of economic institutions, lightly informed by a rhetoric of rational choice. The field of economics that Herskovits (1940) wished to confront with findings on economic life around the world was much more contested in America, where neo-classical economics faced a serious challenge from institutional economists (Yonal 1998). The Great Depression had destroyed the credibility of laissez faire: finding ways of regenerating public trust in the banking system had a higher priority than refining a micro-economic theory that was only normative at best. American anthropologists were accordingly less deferential to liberal economics. Herskovits too organized his material under headings that would be familiar to economists, even arguing that ‘…since land, labor and capital are ever-present forces in non-industrialized economies, it is apparent that they must yield some returns’ (1952:303). But he also felt free to criticize economic orthodoxy, drawing on the likes of Keynes, Veblen and even Marx, as well as ethnographic evidence culled from ‘non-literate peoples’. If Herskovits was hoping for a dialogue between anthropologists and economists, Frank Knight, author of a pioneering book on the economics of risk (1923), quickly disabused him. Knight was sure that outsiders did not understand the principles of economics – or at least his branch of it. He began by attacking Ralph Linton’s puff for the book: [When] Professor Linton says: “…the economic problems of ‘primitive’ man are essentially the same as our own and many of them can be studied even better in ‘primitive’ societies, because they manifest themselves in simpler form”…he simply doesn’t know what he is talking about. (Knight 1999 :108) Herskovits did in fact contrast ‘machine and non-machine societies’, but he also tried to show that the classical categories of economics should be extended to the latter and he criticized economists for failing to recognize their own cultural limitations. Knight claimed that ‘buying and selling at a profit’ was not the central feature of American ‘business enterprise’, as Herskovits seemed to think, but rather ‘the impersonal attitude (which excludes bargaining!) and a labour market are really distinctive.’ (Ibid.:109) His main criticism, however, concerned epistemology. The other social sciences, including institutional economics, were empirical and neo-classical economics alone …effectively uses inference from clear and abstract principles, and especially intuitive knowledge, as a method….[T]he conceptual ideal of economic behaviour is assumed to be, at least within limits, also a normative ideal, that men in general…wish to make their activities and organization more “efficient” and less wasteful…[T]he anthropologist, sociologist, or historian seeking to discover or validate economic laws by inductive investigation has embarked on a “wild goose chase”. Economic principles cannot be even approximately verified – as those of mathematics can be, by counting and measuring. (Ibid:111-113, our italics) The principles of economics are the same wherever they are applied, but economists should beware of professing to be anthropologists and the latter had better learn what economists know before they tick them off for cultural ignorance. Herskovits included Knight’s review along with his own rejoinder in the second edition of his book (1952). He still argued that ‘comparative economics’ was a project to which the two disciplines should each contribute. He rejected the notion that any science could rely exclusively on deduction and intuition or could be indifferent to facts; and clearly did not feel that he had lost the argument. Nor did anthropologists stop indulging in the practices that Knight complained of. But in the meantime, economics was rapidly remaking itself as a positive science. The organizational demands of the war led to a mathematical revolution in the discipline in the 1940s, led by two Dutchmen, Jan Tinbergen and Tjalling Koopmans (Warsh 2006). The post-war rise of economists to a position of unprecedented intellectual hegemony was fuelled by these econometric methods and by information-processors of increasing sophistication. Knight’s intuitive and normative approach to economic reasoning came to look rather quaint. It was displaced by an aspiration to model the real world; and economists asserted their new mastery of the public sphere with a dazzling repertoire of theorems, charts and numbers. Both economics and anthropology had experienced major changes since the 1870s. Professionalization, in the form of mathematical skills or learning vernacular languages, increasingly separated scholarly communities that had never been particularly close. Malinowski’s challenge to the economists was easily ignored by them, just as the Freudians were able to dismiss his assault on the Oedipus complex (1926). Mauss’s armchair speculations were hardly noticed outside his own country. Firth and Herskovits claimed that the burgeoning literature on primitive economics was ripe to launch a comparative analysis broadly using the categories of neo-classical economics, but this never came about. Instead, after the Second World War, in Heath Pearson’s words, ‘economics and anthropology went through an ugly, drawn-out divorce’ (2000: 982). It is not evident that they were married in the first place. The ‘golden age’ of economic anthropology (1950s to 1970s) In retrospect, the period from the 1950s to the 1970s has a unity that was not obvious at the time. The world’s leading industrial powers, led by a United States committed to public spending and international co-operation, together engineered the longest economic boom in world history. Writing of ‘the short twentieth century’, Eric Hobsbawm (1996) described the period 1948-1973 as a ‘golden age’, marked by the close integration of nation-states and industrial capitalism on both sides of the Cold War. Certainly it was the heyday of the universities and of the social sciences in particular. So perhaps it is not surprising that economic anthropology seems to have flourished at this time. As we noted in our Introduction, Karl Polanyi’s direct impact on the field of economic anthropology came, not from his historical critique of capitalism, The Great Transformation (1944), but from a contribution to Trade and Market in the Early Empires (1957), ‘The economy as instituted process’. He argued here that two meanings of the word ‘economic’ have been conflated: the substantive and the formal. The first refers to the provisioning of material wants, whereas the second is a means-end relationship, the mental process of economizing. Most pre-industrial societies are ruled by institutions that guarantee collective survival; but industrial societies have a delocalized (‘disembedded’) economy, ‘the market’, in which individual decision-making rules. Anthropologists and historians can study the first on concrete empirical grounds, while the abstract methods of economists are suited to the latter. In other words, economists can retain their commanding intellectual position in modern society, as long as the rest of us concentrate on studying exotic or dead societies. This left economic anthropology to be fought over by Polanyi’s followers (‘substantivists’) and those who insisted that an abstract individualism of universal pretension had a place in the subject (‘formalists’). The 1968 volume edited by Edward Leclair and Harold Schneider, Economic Anthropology, is a representative collection of both sides’ positions. It was of course the Methodenstreit again, with one side claiming that economy is everywhere the same and the other that it is different, while each produced accounts of sameness-in-difference to varying degrees. Polanyi’s main venture into anthropologists’ territory was the historical study, Dahomey and the Slave Trade (1966), and Africa was a principal location for the work of his followers. Their leader was Paul Bohannan, a student of Herskovits who produced the most notable substantivist ethnography, concerning the Tiv of Nigeria (1968, with Laura Bohannan) and several articles which have shaped the anthropology of exchange, markets and money ever since. In his monograph, Bohannan insisted on the importance of indigenous cultural categories for an understanding of Tiv economy, while introducing as a means of cross-cultural comparison Polanyi’s three-fold typology of exchange. Polanyi in his Dahomey study had insisted on the difference between ‘general-purpose money’ (our own) and ‘special-purpose monies’ which he claimed enjoyed wide circulation in the non-industrial world. Bohannan (1955, 1959) developed this idea to argue for the existence of separate ‘spheres of exchange’ among the Tiv. Subsistence items, luxuries and goods expressing the highest social values circulated in separate compartments, since they were incommensurate. The introduction of western money with colonialism was a cultural disaster since it broke down barriers to exchange between the spheres. This story has passed into anthropological folklore as a staple of what every student learns, even though it has been attacked as factually wrong by historians (Dorward), and found theoretically naïve (Dupre and Rey 1973) and misleading by a wide variety of anthropologists (Parry and Bloch 1989, Guyer 2004, Hart 2005). Bohannan’s main partner in taking up the cudgels for the substantivist cause was an economist, George Dalton. They produced a number of collections together, notably Markets in Africa (1963), where the focus of economic activity in non-industrial societies on market-places rather than ‘the market’ is explored through an impressive range of case studies. Dalton pushed the logic of Polanyi’s original suggestion (1957) to the formal extreme of proposing that anthropologists’ efforts be limited to non-capitalist economies. He was a keen polemicist (1969, 1971) who did more than anyone to keep the flames of academic debate burning. The formalists did not lack their own polemicists, the most memorable example being Scott Cook’s (1968) parody of Polanyi’s followers as victims of an ‘obsolete anti-market mentality’. Harold Schneider produced his own synthesis of the formalist position in Economic Man (1974). His economic analysis rested ultimately on a generalized utilitarianism which at times descended to the level of examples about calculating whether to accept a kiss. A new strand of ‘transactionalist’ anthropology, drawing its inspiration from Fredrik Barth (1963), flourished at this time, demonstrating (as Firth had long before) that a utilitarian framework could be a means of describing a complex institutional context. Formalist anthropologists, whose knowledge of the history of economics does not appear to have been strong, sacrificed the sensitivity to institutional context shown by leading economists such as Marshall in order to promote a universalizing rhetoric of ‘maximizing individuals’. Eventually some of them found that a serious exposure to economics lent weight to their efforts; and formalism broke up into a number of specialist approaches drawing on information theory, game theory, cost-benefit analysis, rational choice, agricultural development and a host of other spin-offs from mainstream economics. By the 1980s many US universities were insisting that economic anthropologists should have a higher degree in economics rather than maintain the foolishness of the recent past. Meanwhile, the anti-colonial revolution gathered pace, launching the project of collaboration between rich and poor countries known as ‘development’. This was an explicit revival of Victorian evolutionism, administered now by America in the context of the collapse of European empire, and as such its premises did not sit easily with fieldwork-based ethnography. As long as the post-war economic boom lasted, there was some point in anthropologists signing up for a constructive programme of ‘modernization’; but before long, more critical perspectives (‘underdevelopment’, ‘dependency theory’, ‘world systems’) took on greater salience. It was not until the 1980s that anthropologists found regular employment in development bureaucracy (Hart 2002). Richard Salisbury’s From Stone to Steel (1962), an account of economic transformation in Melanesia, showed how a formalist premise could produce a rich and nuanced ethnographic argument. Another outstanding study was Polly Hill’s (1963) The Migrant Cocoa Farmers of Southern Ghana. Ghana was the world’s leading cocoa producer, but its farmers were assumed to be African ‘peasants’ adding cocoa production to their subsistence farms. Hill traced the industry to its origins in the late nineteenth century and showed that the cocoa farmers were pioneers, opening up virgin forest, often in companies capable of hiring Swiss construction firms to develop the infrastructure that they needed. They invented new share-cropping institutions as a means of recruiting labour. Hill (1970) was sure that Ghana’s cocoa industry was capitalist from the beginning; but this capitalist class did not capture the state and her message so disturbed prevailing assumptions of western superiority (often held by anthropologists, despite themselves) that it has still not been fully absorbed. Clifford Geertz was closely associated with the ‘development’ paradigm while laying the groundwork for the ‘cultural turn’ in economic anthropology two decades later. He published two exemplary monographs in our field at the same time. Agricultural Involution (1963a) is framed as a conventional study of the causes of Java’s underdevelopment until the analysis takes off using a concept borrowed from art history. In Peddlers and Princes (1963b), Geertz addressed the contrasting faces of Indonesian entrepreneurship, identifying two economic ideal-types in a Javanese town. The majority were occupied in a street economy that he labeled ‘bazaar-type’. Opposed to this was the ‘firm-type’ economy consisting largely of western corporations who benefited from the protection of state law. These had form in Weber’s (1981) sense of ‘rational enterprise’ based on calculation and the avoidance of risk. National bureaucracy lent these firms a measure of protection from competition, thereby allowing the systematic accumulation of capital. The ‘bazaar’ on the other hand was individualistic and competitive, so that accumulation was well-nigh impossible. Here and in his work on the Moroccan suq (Geertz, Geertz and Rosen 1979), Geertz pointed out the irony of an economics that takes the bazaar as its model for studying the decisions of individuals in competitive markets, while treating as anomalous the monopolies preferred by capitalist firms and state bureaucracy. Even more curious, the modern discipline made this switch to methodological individualism just when a bureaucratic revolution was transforming mass production and consumption along corporate lines. This was when the more powerful states awarded new privileges to capitalist corporations and society took its centralized form as national bureaucracy (Hart 2005). The economists did not adopt Geertz’s conceptual vocabulary. A decade later, however, Hart (1973), drawing on the same Weberian idea of rationalization, was able to sell them the concept of an ‘informal economy’ in Third World cities. The world turned for the worse in the 1970s and the other side in the Cold War gained a lot of intellectual credibility as a result. French structuralist Marxism and underdevelopment theories coming out of Latin America and the Middle East achieved widespread circulation among Anglophone economic anthropologists at this time. To some extent the gap left by the end of the formalist-substantivist debate was filled by Marshall Sahlins’s Stone-Age Economics (1972). This was an eclectic melange of formalism (Chayanov’s marginalism), substantivism (Polanyi meets Hobbes) and ‘the domestic mode of production’ (a Marxist-sounding variant of Bücher and the oikos theory). By the end of that decade, Stephen Gudeman signed off on post-war optimism with The Demise of a Rural Economy (1978) a study of commoditization in a Panamanian village that made sophisticated use of classical political economy to address basic questions of value. French Marxist anthropology enjoyed cult status during the 1970s. Louis Althusser and Etienne Balibar (1970) produced a reading of Capital that divested it of any residual elements of Hegelian philosophy and brought it into line with both structuralist methodology and the most modern ‘scientific’ approaches emanating from America, notably systems theory. The phenomenology of the human subject, the dialectic and indeed history itself were in effect dropped from their scheme. In their place a deep structure of the ideal mode of production was outlined, having three elements – producers, non-producers and means of production – whose variable combination was realized as concrete modes of production (Balibar 1970). Much attention was paid to the relationship between economic, political and ideological levels of the mode of production and to the question of which was dominant and/or determinant in any given case. Althusser abandoned the ideological notion of ‘society’ in favour of ‘social formations’ in which, it was recognized, more than one mode of production were normally combined. The key figure in bridging Lévi-Straussian structuralism and Marxism, France and the Anglophone world was Maurice Godelier, whose Rationalité et irrationalité en économie (1966) was translated into English in 1972 with a new Introduction. In this work Godelier borrowed explicitly from the structural-functionalism of Parsons (1937) and Radcliffe-Brown (1952). A long review of the formalist-substantivist debate led him also to endorse Polanyi’s ideas, while the whole book attempted to redeem a universal concept of rationality from its abuse in the hands of liberal economists and their sympathizers. Godelier applied this notion of rationality not only to persons but also to systems, thereby setting up a contradiction between structure and agency that he was unable to resolve. This scheme has never been successfully applied to a moving, historical society; but it paved the way to a greater openness to Marxism in the 1970s. Claude Meillassoux, Emmanuel Terray and Pierre-Philippe Rey all acknowledged their debt to Althusser, but they sustained a lively debate among themselves over their common ethnographic area, West and Central Africa. All three wrote major field monographs, but Meillassoux’s L’anthropologie économique des Gouro de Côte d’Ivoire (1964) became the locus classicus for discussion. His later synthesis, Femmes, greniers et capitaux (1981), was a more ambitious attempt to compare the means of accumulation in tribal, peasant and capitalist societies. Terray’s (1972) reanalysis of the Gouro ethnography set out a method for classifying the material base of a society in great detail, so that its modes of production may be inferred empirically and concrete particulars incorporated into a materialist analysis. Pierre-Philippe Rey’s monograph on a matrilineal tribe of the French Congo, Colonialisme, néo-colonialisme et transition au capitalisme (1971), was seminal. First, it marked an original contribution to the literature on matriliny, slavery and European penetration of the Congo, whereas many Marxists merely restated what was already known in a new jargon. Second, Rey outlined here his famous idea of a ‘lineage mode of production’ (Rey 1975). Third, he spelled out the issue of ‘articulation of modes of production in a structure of dominance’, showing concretely how colonial capitalism restructured the lineage and petty commodity modes of production for its own ends. Why should this small band of men have had such a disproportionate effect on English-speaking anthropologists? Their success may be attributed in part to the synthetic position French structuralism occupied between German philosophy, including Marxism, and Anglo-Saxon scientific empiricism. The modernization of Marx, by incorporating systems theory and dumping the dialectic, produced a version of structural-functionalism sufficiently different to persuade readers that they were learning something new and similar enough to allow them to retain their customary way of thinking, temporarily discredited by the end of empire. The most prominent enthusiasts in the English-speaking world were Joel Kahn and Jonathan Friedman, the former more influenced by the Althusserians, the latter by Godelier; both contributed to a volume of British Marxist anthropology edited by Maurice Bloch (1975). Kahn’s Indonesian ethnography (1975, 1980) is the more explicitly economic of the two, but Friedman’s (1975) reconstruction of the Edmund Leach’s celebrated Highland Burma ethnography can also readily be assimilated into a holistic version of economic anthropology and is the most interesting application of Godelier’s approach. Friedman later became a convert to the ‘world systems’ approach of Immanuel Wallerstein (1974). French Marxism disappeared as suddenly as it had burst on the Anglophone scene. It did not survive the great watershed of post-war history, when social democracy gave way to rule by neo-liberal conservatives (later abbreviated to ‘neo-liberalism’). With it went the last vestige of a central focus to debates within economic anthropology. Anthropologists’ encounters with neo-liberal capitalism (1980s to 2000s) It was clear even at the time that the 1980s were a watershed. This was the decade of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, and of the first systematic applications of the neo-liberal ideology that had been threatening Keynesian hegemony for some time already (not least inside economics itself, where Milton Friedman was the chief apostle of ‘monetarism’ and ‘free’ markets). And then the annus mirabilis of 1989 brought, if not the ‘end of history’ (Fukuyama 1992), at any rate that of the ‘second world’. Three trends underwrite the claim that the world economy became more integrated than ever before in the last quarter century. First, the collapse of the Soviet bloc left the world market undivided for the first time; second, the economic resurgence of China, India and the rest of Asia, has brought half of humanity into the global circuit of capital at a new level; and third, a revolution in transport and communications has created a single interactive network for which there is no precedent. The work of economic anthropologists has been rather fragmented of late; but they have generated a critical commentary on capitalist civilization at a time when the market economy became truly global. There has been greater theoretical self-awareness, even a degree of openness to the history of economic and political ideas (e.g. Dumont 1977); but anthropologists have so far avoided making a direct challenge to the economists on their home territory of national and global economic analysis. At the same time, although most anthropologists still rely on fieldwork as their distinctive method, the ethnographic model of research has come under considerable pressure as a result of theoretical developments sometimes labelled ‘post-modernism’. This has led to new approaches to the economy using experimental methods; but these efforts have generally stopped short of offering an anthropological perspective on our moment in world history. This is a pity, since the end of the Cold War, the birth of the internet and the globalization of money markets cry out for comprehensive historical treatment. The result, however, is that economic anthropologists now study the innermost workings of capitalism at its core and in its global spread; the privatization of what were recently communist economies (‘post-socialist transition’); and the plight of poor people in non-western countries, as defined by international bureaucracy (‘development’). When anthropologists turn to studying world capitalism in the longue durée, the example of a few pioneers will weigh heavily. Sidney Mintz, long an ethnographer of Caribbean economy, has been particularly innovative in his methods. His biography of a Puerto Rican plantation worker (1960) serves as one model for research and writing and his history of sugar production, trade and consumption in England, the cradle of modern capitalism, another; but he has rarely been emulated. Eric Wolf’s synthesis, Europe and the People without History (1982), offers a comparative framework for the incorporation of the twentieth century’s ethnographic legacy into Marxist economic history. Their contemporary, Marshall Sahlins, launched a structuralist critique of the western culture of consumption in La pensée bourgeoise (1976) and has since examined the cosmological roots of western economic ideas (1996). He has become a trenchant opponent of anthropologists’ new preoccupation with western capitalism, believing that it substitutes for developing a theory of culture through study of non-western alternatives (2000). Finally Jack Goody, having taken on the Western parochialism of Marx, Weber and the founding fathers of social theory in The East in the West (1996), has engaged with the history of modern capitalism itself in Capitalism and Modernity: the great debate (2004). Following Boas’s example in making culture plural, anthropologists have been quick to identify a variety of capitalisms (Blim 2000), and not only of the national sort. Daniel Miller’s study of Trinidad, Capitalism: an ethnographic approach (1997) is a defiant assertion of the validity of traditional methods under contemporary conditions. Others have examined the dominant forms of corporate capitalism in a more experimental frame of mind (Marcus 1998, Hart 2005). Consistent with this new focus, there has been a veritable deluge of anthropological work on money, including a recent spate of studies of financial institutions (Maurer 2005, 2006). This work aims to humanize the anonymous institutions that govern our lives; and some of it does begin to bridge the gap between readers’ everyday experience and the global economy, showing, for example, how digitization is altering the conditions of speculation and trade for workers in the finance industry (Zaloom 2006). Thomas Crump (1981) was the pioneer in the anthropology of money. Parry and Bloch’s Money and the Morality of Exchange (1989) then brought together a number of ethnographers to explore how non-westerners make money serve their own social purposes; (the sociologist Vivienne Zelizer (1994) does something similar for western societies). Hart (1986, 2000), drawing on an initial contrast between states and markets as ‘two sides of the coin’, analyzed the consequences of the information revolution for money seen in world historical perspective. Lately he has analyzed the persuasive power of money through a comparison with other universals, such as language, time and number (Hart 2007; cf. Crump 1978). Gregory (1997) explicitly places his Indian ethnography within the turbulence of global money markets in recent decades; while Weatherford (1997) provides a wonderfully diverse history of money. Money is often considered to be a bad thing, especially by people who have little of it; Parker Shipton’s East African monograph, Bitter Money (1989), evokes Taussig’s famous The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America (1980). Recently, Heonik Kwon (2007) has shown how the process of dollarization in Vietnam is projected into the sphere of popular religion through payments of ghost money to the dead. The collection, Money and Modernity: state and local currencies in Melanesia (Akin and Robbins 1999), contains important essays by Foster (1999) and Guyer (1999), among others. Jane Guyer’s extensive research in this area – the collections Money Matters (1994), Credit, Currencies and Culture (2000, with Stiansen) and Money Struggles and City Life (2002) – has culminated in a synthesis (2004) in which she makes the case for the emergence of a distinctive commercial culture in Atlantic Africa that has been largely missed by ethnocentric economic historians and myopic ethnographers alike. Bill Maurer’s Mutual Life, Limited: Islamic banking, alternative currencies, lateral reason (2005) is another highly original contribution to this topic. Ruben Oliven (1998) offers a Brazilian anthropologist’s take on the American way of money, thereby opening up the endless possibilities for cross-cultural research in this field today. The process of getting people to spend money – marketing, the art or science of selling – is also a rapidly expanding field. Marianne Lien’s Marketing and Modernity (1997) is based on research in a Norwegian food company. She argues that corporate marketing is an expert system of shared, specialized knowledge; and describes marketing as a “disembedding mechanism” that operates on a global level. Kalman Applbaum, in The Marketing Era (2003), is in substantial agreement. He shows how modern marketing, from its origins in 18th century England to its culmination in 20th century America, has absorbed moral criticism into its own quasi-religious system. Whereas an earlier generation of ethnographers (Taussig 1980, Ong 1987) highlighted the devastating consequences of capitalist development for local cultures, Applbaum shifts the culture contact model to one more suited to the globalizing present. He emphasizes the emergence of mutual or shared meanings and goals in economic actions (why articulation often appears to be consensual) rather than explicit power dynamics. William Mazzarella (2003), following the lead of Brian Moeran in Japan (1996), shows how advertising, one branch of marketing, takes on local dynamics in Bombay. ‘Everyone knows’ that the chief site of capitalist economy has shifted from work to consumption (Miller 1996); and economic anthropology has been no exception. In The World of Goods (1979), Mary Douglas and Byron Isherwood argued that, if economists were serious about consumer choice being the engine of modern economy, they should turn to anthropologists for guidance on its cultural logic. But of course the marketing professionals had already made a science of that. Pierre Bourdieu’s Distinction (1984) influentially examined how social class is revealed in everyday consumption practices. But Arjun Appadurai, with ‘Commodities and the politics of value’, his introduction to The Social Life of Things (1986), inspired a generation of ethnographers to explore subject-object relations in what had previously been taken to be the anonymous sphere of capitalist commerce. Since then, Daniel Miller has published a series of books taking the theory of consumption into shopping, the internet and mobile phones. His Dialectics of Shopping (1999) is a Hegelian approach to the subject; and in Virtualism (Carrier and Miller 1998), anthropologists unusually address the consequences of the digital revolution for the economy. James Carrier has been a pioneer of the new anthropology of Western capitalism with books such as Meanings of the Market (1997), while Miller (1998) has developed ‘material culture’ as the umbrella term for his associates’ focus on the importance of things (e.g. Chevalier 2002). This heady mix of money, marketing and consumption has marginalized the study of production, which was never a central focus of economic anthropology (Spittler 2007). Even so there have been some intriguing studies of post-industrial production, such as Birgit Müller’s of collective enterprises in West Berlin (1991) and later in East Germany (2007). Mollona (2005) brings a perspective from structuralist Marxism to his ethnography of neo-liberal deindustrialization in an English steel town, but he also draws on the idea of an ‘informal economy’ (Hart 1973, 2006) and on Parry’s investigations of work and labour relations in an Indian steel plant, the Nehruvian antithesis of the informal sector (Parry et al 1999). Distribution, the question of property in particular, has attracted a lot of attention in recent years (Hunt and Gilman 1998, Hann 1998). This is a contested field in which there is disagreement over basic concepts: while legal anthropologists have recently elaborated a sophisticated analytical model for the cross-cultural analysis of property, setting economic aspects alongside many other social functions (F. and K. von Benda-Beckmann and Wiber 2006), others maintain that the very notion of property is Eurocentric and therefore inappropriate in studying regions such as Melanesia (Strathern 1999; Strathern and Hirsch 2004). Despite such concerns, land tenure has remained a major focus of empirical research efforts worldwide; the contributions of Elinor Ostrom and her associates (e.g. 2002) to debates over common property have attracted much attention outside anthropology. More recently, issues of intellectual property (Verdery and Humphrey 2004, Hart 2005) and ‘cultural property’ (Kasten 2004, Kaneff 2004, Brown 2003) have been gaining ground. In an overview of this new literature Hann (2007) applies the perspective of Polanyi to the application of property rights to such new ‘fictitious commodities’; rather than exaggerate contemporary ‘propertization’ trends, he draws attention to a new form of ‘double movement’: the scope of property is continuously modified, both from above through the regulations of states and other authorities, and from below through the actions of citizens and consumers. The vast region formerly known as ‘the second world’ has become not only a laboratory for neo-liberal experimentation at every level of society, but also one for competing styles of investigation in anthropology, including economic anthropology. Some have remained faithful to ‘community study’ approaches as they document the often painful processes of rural decollectivisation (Abrahams 1996, Verdery 2004, Hann et al 2003, Hann 2006). Werner has pursued the classical theme of reciprocal exchanges in showing how rural people cope with dislocation in Kazakhstan (1999). Others have been more adventurous, e.g. Lemon’s (1998) analysis of cultural understandings of money in Moscow and Humphrey on the housing preferences of new Russian elites (2002). Humphrey’s work on barter (together with that of other Russian specialists) generated a rare empirical collaboration with economists (Seabright 2000). The contrast between her recent work (2002) and her earlier classic account of a Soviet collective farm (1983) shows how this anthropologist has kept abreast of changing styles in the discipline. In Doctrines of Development (1996), Cowen and Shenton suggest that, since the time of the industrial revolution, the word ‘development’ has had two principal meanings when applied to the economy: the sources of capitalist growth and ameliorating the destructive consequences of that growth. Anthropologists have been drawn to the ‘development’ industry in increasing numbers, but this has generally been as purveyors of sticking plaster, not as part of a serious investigation into the roots of economic growth and decline (Hart 2002). There have been overviews of regional development drawing on anthropological studies (Hart 1982, Cook 2004). The literature on ‘informal economy’ has burgeoned since its inception in the early 1970s (Hart 2006). Janet Mcgaffey’s The Real Economy of Zaire (1991), the second volume of an outstanding trilogy, has extended this tradition of ethnographic realism; while Janet Roitman’s Fiscal Disobedience (2004) looks at the question through attempts at economic regulation in Africa. Parry’s long-term study of a steel plant and its surrounding area and the collection he co-edited, Worlds of Indian industrial labour (1999), have generated findings of great comparative significance. If anthropologists have developed critical perspectives on capitalism at the core, the dominant trend in studies of ‘development’, reflecting the sad history of poor countries, has been overwhelmingly negative. It could be said that the commitment of rich countries to ‘development’ of the periphery has been more rhetorical than real; and this is reflected in a post-structuralist discourse that is mainly talk about talk (Escobar 1995). James Ferguson’s The Anti-Politics Machine (1994) is a brilliant exposé of development projects in Lesotho, where he shows that economic initiatives are disembedded from any local meaning and end up promoting metropolitan rather than indigenous interests. His Expectations of Modernity (1999), a re-examination of life in the Zambian Copperbelt, featuring the work of Gluckman and the Manchester School, is an exemplary application of historical methods to anthropological questions. His colleague, Akhil Gupta (1998), has performed a similar critical service in relation to agricultural development in India. Here are the first stirrings of an anthropological engagement with global structures of inequality. * * * * * * If economic anthropology has changed its object in the last few decades, what has happened to its theories and methods? Has the formalist-substantivist debate, with Marxism as its negation, survived globalization after the Cold War? Formalism in economic anthropology now represents itself most conspicuously as a (neo-) institutionalist approach (Ensminger 1996, 1998, 2002; Acheson 1994). This ‘institutionalism’ consists mainly in extending market models and rational choice approaches into new areas, while relying heavily on the concept of ‘transaction costs’ borrowed from Douglass North and others (Acheson 2002). It is far removed from the institutional economics of Veblen, Commons and Polanyi and is perhaps best seen as a modern variant of the rationalist paradigm whose standard-bearer in the 20th century has been mainstream neo-classical economics (Hann 2003, Gudeman 2005b, this volume). Ensminger (1998) presents the school as battling heroically to keep the ship of science on course against a raging tide of post-modernism. In reality, such work is best seen as an extension of the line from Raymond Firth, via Schneider’s formalism and Barthian transactionalism, that has allowed ethnographers to engage with the institutional complexity of concrete situations employing a rhetoric of rational choice. A related approach has been the cross-cultural application of game theory. Tests in Western societies have suggested that considerations of fairness, for example, can lead individual agents to deviate from the model of homo economicus. Some have come to similar conclusions on the basis of ‘experiments’ with games in different parts of the world (Henrich et al 2004). The objective of this research is not just to demonstrate that ‘culture’ determines economic behaviour, but to establish systematic links between cultural and biological evolution. Few contemporary anthropologists have been impressed by the results, but this attempt to get back to a 19th century agenda does build bridges to economists and biological anthropologists. Perhaps for the first time since Malinowski, papers by anthropologists have appeared in leading economics journals (Henrich ) (the reverse has not yet occurred). Although the Karl Polanyi Centre for Political Economy continues to flourish as a beacon of trans-disciplinary scholarship that goes against the neo-liberal grain (e.g. McRobbie and Levitt 2000), it is hard to identify a successor to the Polanyi school in economic anthropology. Polanyi’s mantle has passed to historians (Thompson 1991), sociologists (Beckert this volume) and political economists of neo-Keynesian and other persuasions (e.g. Stiglitz 2002; Servet 1999 and this volume) who draw on his work to theorize and critique the ‘Washington consensus’ and globalization in general. The revue du MAUSS school in France (Mouvement Anti-Utilitariste en Sciences Sociales; see Godbout and Caillé 2000) consistently produces excellent critical work in the spirit of the great man himself. Economists such as Bruno Théret (1992, 2007) and Serge Latouche (2004, 2005) enter territory that the English-speaking world tends to reserve to anthropologists and freely draw on their work. The recent publication of a Dictionnaire de l’autre économie (Laville and Cattani 2006) – sixty entries each concerned with an aspect of alternative economics (économie solidaire, micro-credit, social capital, third sector etc) and written by scholars of several disciplines – reveals how widespread Polanyi’s influence is today among those who reject mainstream economic doctrines and policies. In some Anglophone economic anthropology, Dalton’s opposition between capitalist and non-capitalist economies lives on, if not as an injunction for anthropologists to study one type rather than the other. This antinomy now takes the form of a contrast, allegedly inspired by Mauss (1925), between ‘commodities’ and ‘gifts’, conceived of as representing exchange in the capitalist West and the rest of the world, respectively – or as Marilyn Strathern (1988) puts it, ‘Euroamerica’ and ‘Melanesia’. Chris Gregory’s Gifts and Commodities (1982) helped to crystallize this opposition, even though he never intended the logical contrast to stand for ethnographic separation of whole societies and emphasized their practical combination in Papua New Guinea (Gregory 1997: ). There can be little doubt that Mauss wrote his original essay against the bourgeois tendency to oppose individual commercial self-interest to the altruism of the gift; and this is how he is still understood in France (Hart 2007). Jonathan Parry (1986) made the point that, for Mauss, the archaic gift was a hybrid of the two extremes; somehow, a market ideology that represents Christmas presents as pure gifts was then projected onto Mauss’s text as a basis for contrasting whole economies, ‘ours’ and ‘theirs’. The difference from the substantivist anthropology of the 1960s is that proponents of the gift/commodity antinomy feel able to write about both types of economy, while keeping the same moral distance from ‘capitalism’. As we noted above, the neo-Marxist wave had already run out of steam long before the fall of the Berlin Wall. ‘Political economy’ is sometimes a codeword for Marxism and it often underpins work in the fields of development, international migration etc. Don Donham (1990) keeps up the Marxist tradition, but this collection of essays on Ethiopia is largely based on earlier work. Scott Cook, who made his name as a ‘formalist’ critic, has recently published an interesting historical review of economic anthropology (2004), written from a Marxist perspective and based solely on Mexican examples. One Marxist anthropologist for whom perestroika was liberating is Don Robotham (this volume). His Culture, Society and Economy: bringing production back in (2005) offers an iconoclastic exposé of the limits of classical liberalism in the face of world production today. Robotham argues that a preoccupation with cultural studies and postmodern social theory has buried the economy from view and, when it is taken into account, the sphere of circulation is given precedence over production. He draws on a delightful metaphor of Marx to contrast ‘the noisy sphere’ (the market) with ‘the hidden abode’ (production). Maurice Godelier, too, has proved that there is life after Marxism by continuing to produce significant work, notably The Enigma of the Gift (1999) and a review of economic anthropology (2000). Since the end of the Cold War, there has been some convergence between the followers of Marx and Polanyi. The convergence between the followers of Marx and Polanyi that he pioneered in the 1960s has gained momentum since the end of the Cold War, particularly in France, where the lines between anthropology and the other social sciences were never drawn firmly, since the time of Durkheim and Mauss (Steiner 2005). Jonathan Friedman has continued to mine world systems theory with fruitful effect (Friedman 1994, Friedman and Chase-Dunn 2005), without locating his work within the trajectory of economic anthropology as such. The same can be said of the Comaroffs’ collection, Millennial Capitalism (Comaroff and Comaroff 2001). Economic anthropology has been much influenced by the recent focus on culture. Here, the work of Stephen Gudeman stands out for the intellectual rigour of his cultural approach to the economy. In Economics as Culture: models and metaphors of livelihood (1986), he applied his ‘local models’ perspective to the discipline of economics itself as well as to peasant economies in Latin America, Africa and the Pacific. In Conversations in Colombia (Gudeman and Rivera 1990), a sophisticated argument is made for treating contemporary societies made accessible through ethnographic fieldwork as live instances of the historical forces the classical economists grappled with in what became their dead texts. Certainly Gudeman has challenged anthropologists to combine serious exposure to the history of economic ideas with the standard tools of our trade. His recent synthesis, Anthropology of the Economy (2001), opposes the concepts of ‘community’ and ‘market’ (see also this volume), grounding the former in what he calls ‘the base’, in developing a framework that can in principle be applied to the human economy anywhere. In Peopled Economies (2005), a Scandinavian tribute to Gudeman’s leadership in this field, one critic (Hornborg 2005) argues that this takes him away from privileging local actors’ conceptions towards a universalism that owes more to economics than anthropology; while for another he is a slippery post-modernist, lacking a ‘realist’ epistemology (Palsson Syll 2005: 109). Gudeman’s spirited response (2005a) to these critics recalls the polemics of the 1960s: now as then the protagonists seem to be talking past each other. The field has not lacked works of synthesis in recent decades. John Clammer (1978) had already announced The New Economic Anthropology; Sutti Ortiz’s (1983) collection inaugurated the Society for Economic Anthropology; Stuart Plattner’s (1983) review reflected an American anthropology still strongly linked to the formalist tradition; Rhoda Halperin (1988) considered both formalist and institutionalist approaches in aiming for ‘a comparative science of the economy’; Richard Wilk (1996) is also sympathetic to the cultural turn; while Susana Narotsky (1997) draws on a wider exposure to both Marxist and South American literature. Friedland and Robertson’s Beyond the Marketplace: rethinking economy and society (1990) is an important antecedent for the present volume. Several of the most dynamic currents in contemporary anthropology – such as feminism (Moore 1988) and indigenous knowledge systems (Richards 1985) – have evident implications for the way we think about economy. Finally, James Carrier has recently edited an admirably comprehensive Handbook of Economic Anthropology (2005), the premise of which would be familiar to Firth and Herskovits: anthropologists are still trying to reach economists with their findings. Who knows if any are listening out there? Conclusions: the next stage Anthropologists aim to discover the principles animating economic organization at every level from the most particular to the universal. The purpose of economic anthropology, when still known as ‘the economics of primitive man’, was to test the claim that a world economic order must be founded on capitalist principles. The search was on for alternatives that might support a more just economy, whether liberal, socialist, anarchist or communist. Hence the interest in origins and evolution, since society was understood to be in movement and had not yet reached its final form. Anthropology was the most inclusive way of thinking about economic formation; only secondarily was it a critique of capitalist inequality. The First World War marked a new stage in the convergence between capitalism and highly centralized state bureaucracies. The universities expanded and knowledge was compartmentalized as so many impersonal disciplines modelled on the natural sciences. Anthropology found itself pigeon-holed as the study of those parts of humanity that the others could not reach. The concentration of social power in immense anonymous institutions discouraged people from trying to make a better world by themselves. So, from being at one time a constructive economic enterprise of universal intent, anthropology came to be driven by the passive aim to accumulate an objectified data bank on ‘other cultures’, largely for internal consumption. The profession became fixed in a cultural relativist paradigm, by definition opposed to the universalism of economics. Anthropologists based their intellectual authority on extended sojourns in remote areas and their ability to address the world’s economic trajectory was much impaired as a result. We have identified here three stages in the development of economic anthropology. In the first, up to and including the Second World War, ethnographers sought to engage the more general propositions of neo-classical economics with their particular findings about “primitive societies”. They failed, mainly because they misunderstood the economists’ epistemological premises. In the second stage, coinciding roughly with the West’s experiment in social democracy at the height of the Cold War, anthropologists argued among themselves about whether or not special theories and methods were needed to study their preserve, tribal and peasant economies, thereby opening the way for Marxists to exercise a temporary dominance, but again mainly referring to the traditional objects of ethnography. The third stage of neo-liberal globalization, which may or may not be concluding in our day, has seen anthropologists open themselves up to the full range of human economic organization, studied from a variety of perspectives. So far, they have only rarely addressed world economy as such, preferring in the main to stick with the tradition of ethnographic observation (Gregory and Altman 1989). The time is ripe for anthropologists to take the extra step of addressing the world economy as a whole as well as its parts; and engaging with the historical sweep of Polanyi’s great war-time oeuvre might be one means to that end. The issue remains whether or not capitalist economy rests on human principles of universal validity. This argument about sameness and difference plagued post-war economic anthropology, much as it plagued nationalist discourse in 19th century Germany. Anthropologists can be proud of our discipline’s commitment to joining the people where they live in order to find out what they think and do. But fieldwork-based ethnography needs to be integrated once more with the perspective on world history that it overthrew. Abrahams, R. (ed.) 1996. After Socialism: land reform and social change in Eastern Europe. Providence: Berghahn Books. Acheson, J. (ed.) 1994. Anthropology and Institutional Economics. Lanham: University Press of America. Aglietta, M. and A. Orléan (eds) 1998. La monnaie souveraine. Paris: Odile Jacob. Akin, D. and J. Robbins 1999. Money and Modernity: state and local currencies in Melanesia. Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press. Alexander, C. 2002. Personal States: making connections between people and bureaucracy in Turkey. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Althusser, L and E. Balibar 1970. Reading Capital. London: New Left Books. anthropological approach. Cambridge: Cambridge U.P. Appadurai, A. (ed.) 1986. 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London: Curzon Press. Wilk, R. 1996. Economies and Cultures: foundations of economic anthropology. Boulder: Westview. Yonay, Y. 1998. The Struggle over the Soul of Economics: institutionalist and neoclassical economists in America between the wars. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Young, M. 2004. Malinowski: odyssey of an anthropologist, 1984 – 1920. New Haven: Zaloom, C. 2006. Out of the Pits: traders and technology from Chicago to London. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press. Zelizer, V. 1994. The Social Meaning of Money. New York: Basic Books. Paper written with Chris Hann, originally for a workshop on Polanyi, the neo-liberal crisis and anthropology, held at Halle, Germany in June 2006. Later expanded into a co-authored text book, Economic Anthropology: history, ethnography, critique, Polity Press (2011).
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Science of Sound Day! Year 4 had a fabulous day learning all about how sound works. 4HA had their workshop on Tuesday and 4HE had their's on Wednesday. Both classes loved getting involved with experiments and answering lots of questions. They learnt all about how sound travels, amplifiers, vibrations, echoes, pitch and volume among other things. At the end of the day they were able to make their own instruments out of all sorts of different materials using drills and hammers!
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It is important to be as relaxed a possible, in our mind, body and hands, to play musically. Hesitations, jumpy playing and irregular dynamics creep in if we are tense when we play. This video examines what we can do to reduce tension, particularly in our hands. This simple technique will very quickly improve finger accuracy and ease of playing. There are certain situations where we tend to tense up, a demanding performance for example, and hopefully, if we have practiced the piece without tension in our hands, this will be half way to playing without stress. The music is an excerpt from 'Crossover Preludes' by Bertrand Groeger.
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Everyday Activities Associated with More Gray Matter in Brains of Older Adults Study measured amount of lifestyle physical activity such as house work, dog walking and gardening Higher levels of lifestyle physical activity – such as house cleaning, walking a dog and gardening, as well as exercise – are associated with more gray matter in the brains of older adults, according to a study by researchers at Rush University Medical Center. The gray matter in the brain includes regions responsible for controlling muscle movement, experiencing the senses, thinking and feeling, memory and speech and more. The volume of gray matter is a measure of brain health, but the amount of gray matter in the brain often begins to decrease in late adulthood, even before symptoms of cognitive dysfunction appear. “More gray matter is associated with better cognitive function, while decreases in gray matter are associated with Alzheimer’s disease and other related dementias,” said Shannon Halloway, PhD, the lead author of the Journal of Gerontology paper and the Kellogg/Golden Lamp Society Postdoctoral Fellow in the Rush University College of Nursing. “A healthy lifestyle, such as participating in lifestyle physical activity, is beneficial for brain health, and may help lessen gray matter atrophy (decreases).” Click here to read more. 14th International Conference on Neurology, Neuroscience and Neuromuscular Disorders June 17-18, 2019; Tokyo CARS 2019 Computer Assisted Radiology and Surgery June 18-21, 2019; Rennes, France 18th Meeting of WSSFN June 24-27, 2019; New York International Summer School Transnasal Endoscopic Surgery: From Sinuses to Skull Base June 24-28, 2019; Brescia, Italy The Society of University Neurosurgeons Annual Meeting June 26-30, 2019; Dubrovnik, Croatia
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Though fasting till puberty is not obligatory in Islam, many children wish to fast during Ramadan. If you are planning to make your children fast for the first time this Ramadan, you need to follow few tips to make it easy and enjoyable for them. Preparing for Ramadan is the most important part of your child’s first fasting. Understanding the basics of fasting according to the Islamic Shari’ah, knowing why fasting is observed and the reward for it. It is only when your children have a clear understanding of fasting, that he/she will be inspired to fast. Full knowledge should be shared about the etiquettes of fasting like observing good behavior, helping the needy, avoiding excess talking or use of abusive language, offering prayers on time besides others. A clear understanding should be given on the importance of Suhur and Iftar as well. How to work through Ramadan As the month of fasting starts, your children will go through changes in the eating and sleep pattern. To ease it for your kids, we bring you tips from Pediatrician Dr Kalpana Sengupta and Physician Specialist Dr Javaid Shah in Dubai. 1: Put your children to bed early to ensure they wake up on time at Suhur. It will also prevent them from being sleep deprived. Proper sleep will help them to stay attentive in classes. 2: Suhur must include healthy high energy diet besides milk and egg. Make fresh juices and other healthy drinks for children to help them stay hydrated all day. Consumption of fruits and vegetable is very important. 3: Let your children eat Suhur at ease without rushing. Make it enjoyable for them by sharing some stories of your first time fasting. 4: Let your children sleep a little late after Suhur. Eight hours of sleep and a day nap can help them through the day. 5: Make the day enjoyable for them by involving them in different acts of worship like charity, feeding poor children and praying with family. 6: Restrict your kids from high intensity exercises which may make them weak and thirty. 7: Involve your kids in preparing Iftar. Make their favorite deserts and dishes. 8: It is most advisable to break the fast with dates and water. Fried foods should be avoided as much as junk food. Intake of sugar rich foods and refined flour should be avoided. Homemade soups form a healthy meal which provides necessary minerals and salts. 9: Kids must avoid fasting without Suhur as it can make them weak. At the same time, they must avoid over eating. 10: You can offer your children gifts for completing the fast to help them stay motivated.
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June 17, 2019 by Steve Pipho Roundup: ‘Gaming Disorder,’ Obesity Rates and Keystone Virus ‘Gaming Disorder’ Proposed as New Disease by World Health Organization (WHO) Whether it’s Fortnite, Candy Crush, Grand Theft Auto or one of the thousands of games available, the increasing number of both adults and children experiencing addiction-like symptoms from too much video gaming has prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to add ‘gaming disorder” to its International Classification of Diseases (ICD). The addition is one of several updates that will be presented at the World Health Assembly in May 2019 for adoption, and then go into effect Jan. 1, 2022. “This release is an advance preview that will allow countries to plan how to use the new version, prepare translations and train health professionals all over the country,” the WHO said in a statement. Created in 1948, the ICD’s 50,000-plus codes are used in more than 100 countries around the world to classify diseases, injuries and causes of death. While scientific bodies of evidence about the negative health consequences of too much video gaming are starting to emerge, the number of people becoming “addicted” is increasing, psychology experts say. The trend especially threatens mental health in children since neurotransmitter pathways in a still developing brain can be affected by the way video gaming spurs the production of dopamine, the brain chemical linked to addiction. Boys’ brains are more susceptible to these changes, scientists say. Other research shows a person’s anxiety level is connected to how their brain developed as a child. Not all health experts agree with classifying video gaming as a disorder. The American Academy of Psychiatrists and Society for Media Psychology and Technology, a division of the American Psychological Association (APA) say there is not yet enough scientific evidence to support diagnosing people with ‘gaming disorder.’ - Depression in Adolescents, Teens Rising Dramatically - New Screen Time Guidelines for Children (Infographic) Higher Rates of Obesity in U.S. Rural Counties, Says CDC Adults and children who live in rural communities are more likely to be obese than those who live in metro areas, according to new U.S. government studies. Nearly 40 percent of rural-residing men and almost half of women in these communities are now statistically obese, says the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in its report released this week. Overall, rural men, women and children are more likely to be severely obese than their urban counterparts, the Here are the CDC’s key findings: - Obesity prevalence was significantly higher among adults living in rural counties (34.2 percent) than among those living in metropolitan counties (28.7 percent). - The greatest differences in prevalence were in the South and Northeast regions. - The findings held true for adults in most socio-demographic categories, including age, sex, and household income. Researchers looked at data on height and weight collected from 2001 to 2016 for adults 20 and older, and for young people ages 2 to 19. The CDC suggest several obesity-prevention strategies for residents in rural areas. These include: - Increasing the availability of healthy food by working with schools and work sites; - Opening public buildings (such as school facilities) after hours for physical activity purposes; - Including bicycle paths, paved sidewalks, and outdoor public recreation facilities in community planning. The CDC used 2010 U.S. Census data to develop an “Urban-Rural Classification Scheme for Counties” for the study, dividing population groups into metropolitan counties (urban) and nonmetropolitan counties (rural) based on size of population and other factors. “Strategies to increase physical activity in rural areas should take into consideration geographic dispersion, transportation challenges, and limitations on community resources that might not be present in urban areas,” the CDC states. Mosquito-Borne Virus Called Keystone Diagnosed in Human for First Time, UF Researchers Say With summer comes the need for Florida residents and visitors to protect themselves as much as possible from mosquitoes. Over the past few years, Florida has faced some outbreaks of concern, such as cases of the Zika virus. Now, University of Florida (UF) researchers have found a new mosquito-borne virus, and it’s called Keystone. The first human case of a mosquito-borne virus discovered in the Tampa Bay area has been diagnosed in a teenage Florida boy, according to UF researchers. The virus is believed to be widespread throughout the southeast. The Keystone virus is named after the location in Hillsborough County where it was discovered. It was first documented more than 50 years ago in animals along the Gulf and East coasts, from Texas to Chesapeake Bay, says Dr. Glenn Morris, director of UF’s Emerging Pathogens Institute. Morris says a 16-year-old boy came into an urgent care clinic with a rash and fever symptoms in August 2016. The boy was diagnosed with Keystone virus after doctors initially tested him for Zika virus. Morris says the boy was taking part in a camp program when he was bitten by mosquitoes. The boy full recovered, but researchers are trying to determine why he was the only one infected at camp. Many mosquito-borne viruses present similar symptoms, such as a rash and fever. Anyone who experiences such symptoms should see a doctor or seek emergency help if the symptoms are severe, experts say.
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Grey whale discovered in Boundary Bay adds to rising death toll Published Wednesday, June 5, 2019 1:19PM PDT Last Updated Wednesday, June 5, 2019 6:38PM PDT Marine mammal specialists with Fisheries and Oceans Canada discovered a dead grey whale as they were patrolling an area with many reported sightings of the massive creatures. Paul Cottrell, assistant marine mammals co-ordinator for DFO Pacific, says they found it in Boundary Bay Tuesday afternoon and immediately questioned whether it was the larger of two grey whales that’d been stranded in the area for hours there several weeks ago. “The animal is flipped upside down so its ventral side is showing, but we’ll definitely looking at the markings on its side to see if it matches up,” he said, estimating it had been dead in the water for five days or less. The veteran marine mammal rescuer and assessor spent hours with the carcass and says at first blush, there’s no obvious cause of death from what he could see. “There were crab floats associated with the animal near the tail section, but we’re not sure if that was picked up after the animal died, so we’ll be looking at that and scars and a full necropsy tomorrow morning,“ he explained. The Canadian Coast Guard hovercraft towed the animal toward its Sea Island base at just five knots per hour, taking several hours to make it there, only to arrive at low tide and discover the 14-metre mammal was too big to haul ashore till the water rose once again. A mother and calf had been stranded by low tide in Boundary Bay May 10, struggling and then lying motionless for hours until the water levels rose enough for them to swim away. DFO experts had been monitoring the pair since, and had expected to spot them in Boundary Bay during Tuesday’s monitoring. This whale is now added to the growing tally of dead grey whales along North America’s west coast that have experts concerned. Cottrell says more than 160 of the enormous mammals have been found dead in Canadian, American and Mexican waters. “Every eight or 10 years we get a year like this where this is a high mortality among grey whales,” said Dr. Lance Barrett-Lennard, Director of the Marine Mammal Research Program at OceanWise. “The ultimate cause of most of those mortalities is the whales simply didn’t get enough food last summer.” The bottom-feeding mammals experience the longest migration of any mammal, foraging for food in arctic waters all the way down to the Mexican coast. If they can’t get enough food on the way, particularly on the northern end in the food-rich Arctic, they may have enough blubber to make it back. Barrett-Lennard says it’s possible that after decades of population growth and recovery, the whales may have reached the natural number sustainable by an ocean already under-producing small creatures the whales depend on due to warmer temperatures.. “It really worries us because those creatures are at the top and indicators of the health of the whole eco-system,” he said. As they await the results of the necropsy that’ll determine the cause of this whale’s death, Cottrell hopes the public will keep an eye out for dead whales or those in distress and call their responders at 1-800-465-4336 if they see anything. “The public is the eyes and the ears for the DFO marine mammal response network, we count on them to be able to help whales that are entangled and the faster we get to the dead ones, the better the chances we can determine why they died.”
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Borderline Personality Disorder (BPD) is a clinical diagnosis that is often misunderstood. The experience associated with BPD involves intense emotional and behavioural challenges for both the individual and their relationships with the people around them. This workshop’s purpose is to increase the understanding of BPD from the perspective of all those impacted, including caregivers, family members, and those diagnosed. Participants will be given an opportunity to explore and better understand their own response as helpers when supporting individuals diagnosed with, or exhibiting behaviours associated with BPD. With this increased understanding and new strategies for offering support, participants will be better equipped in their role of supporting meaningful and manageable change in the lives of those impacted by BPD. Please note: This workshop is not providing training for clinical therapy – the aim of the training is to provide understanding and practical strategies for a wide range of helpers who support individuals with BPD. About This Workshop Some of the Topics Reviewed - History of BPD and Current DSM Diagnosis - Common Challenges Associated with BPD - BPD Traits, Characteristics, and Symptomology - Causes of BPD - The Link Between Trauma and BPD - Traits versus Diagnosis - The Experience of Living with BPD - The Impact of BPD on Family, Friends, Caregivers - Empathy and Boundary Considerations - Considerations Around Self-Injury and Suicide - Strategies and Keys to Supporting This is an introductory-intermediate level workshop intended for social service and health care professionals, counsellors, social workers, family members, and anyone seeking a better understanding of borderline personality disorder. Method of Delivery Presentation, video, case study exercises, personal reflection, and small group discussions. At the end of this workshop, participants will be able to: - Identify signs and symptoms indicative of Borderline Personality Disorder (BPD) - List and apply skills for supporting people living with BPD - Differentiate between helpful and enabling behaviours when supporting or living with BPD - Define and practice boundary setting when in a supporting role
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This is a double-sided pamphlet you can download and print, that explains the importance of vegetation along stream banks, describes how to restore vegetation, and lists good plants for the job. This informative, step-by-step workbook helps you examine your daily activities through thoughtful questions, and suggests ways you can reduce your impact on the creek. Let us know if you score 150 or higher and we will send you a personal stewardship certificate and a small laminated “Home of a Clean Creek Steward” sign to post in your yard for others to see! The goal of the Clean Creek Stewardship program is to increase the participation of watershed residents in activities that will keep the waters of the creek clean and able to support recreation and good habitat. The small individual actions of residents throughout the watershed add up to big benefits that we can all enjoy. Information on non-point source pollution and links to other water issues on the website of the Federal Environmental Protection Agency. CWP is a clearinghouse for information and seminars on best practices in stormwater and watershed management. From the website of the Colonial Albany Social History Project, this page chronicles the early white settlement of the Kayaderosseras area. This site presents photos, publications, and a wealth of information on the Saratoga Lake watershed, which is largely made up of the Kayaderosseras watershed.
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An Archaeological-Site, More than 2400 Years of History Under the nave of Notre-Dame-de-Bon-Secours Chapel and accessible by the crypt, an exceptional archaeological site awaits visitors. An outstanding archaeological site Beneath the floor of the chapel and accessible to visitors through the Crypt lies a truly remarkable archaeological site. During the 1996-1997 dig, archaeologists made one fascinating discovery after another. To their great astonishment, the painstaking work of their trowels uncovered the foundations of Marguerite Bourgeoys’ little chapel, foundations that had quietly awaited discovery for 325 years. The team’s emotion knew no bounds as, bit by bit, one of the oldest religious sites in North America gave up its secrets. A campsite for Native People Constructed in 1675, Notre-Dame-de-Bon-Secours Chapel was situated on a promontory beside the mighty Saint Lawrence River which, in its time, has seen groups come and go. The first to leave traces of their presence on the site were the Native Peoples. The archaeological site has revealed signs of encampments and artifacts dating back more than 2400 years, among the most ancient in Old Montreal. Enter the history of Montreal's beginnings by visiting this unique archaeological sanctuary. A devastating fire Visitors will find evidence of the fire that destroyed Notre-Dame-de-Bon-Secours, Montreal’s first stone chapel, and vestiges of the wooden palisade that made up the fortifications of the town in 1709. Artifacts that trace the history of the site are on display in the Crypt. Visit an archaeological treasure Head straight back to the first days of Montreal by visiting this archaeological preserve, unique of its kind. In the company of a guide, enter an impressive archaeological preserve where more than 2400 years of history will unfold beneath yours eyes. A member of Réseau Archéo-Québec, the Marguerite Bourgeoys Museum makes every effort to highlight the extent of its archaeological heritage, especially through the activities it organizes for Archaeology Month (Le Mois de l’archéologie) every August. The site is a place for continuing archaeological research as the August 2005 dig aptly shows. With more than half the site still intact, who knows what further discoveries and treasures await the archaeologists’ tools?
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The Dionysia are the festival in honor of the god Dionysus in Greek antiquity. Dionysus is the god of wine, joy, fertility, grapes, ecstasy and madness. Initially, this involved ceremonies of solemn, cultic ceremonies that were religiously shaped, and the urban Dionysia developed in Athens. From then on, these were committed annually between March and April and lasted for eight days. Cultic rituals (dance, sacrifice, singing) were practiced, which in the end were regarded as predecessors of Greek comedy and tragedy. Very characteristic of this are the so-called dithyrambs, that is, hymn-like choral songs, which were performed in honor of the god Dionysus. The urban Dionysia was characterized by a strong influence on the worship of Athena and Dionysus. The city was dominated by Peisistratos (around 600 BC – 528/527 BC), a statesman and tyrant. Dionysia is also the main contest of the comedies and tragedy poets (Agon) who showed their works during the festival. The term Dionysia derives from the Greek noun Dionysia, which in turn derives from the name of the winery itself. Consequently, the main focus was on honoring the winery, although the festival was also celebrated in the course of time for the self-representation of the city of Athens. Within the framework of the Dionysia, the dithyrams were brought forward, the main purpose of which was to celebrate the god with ecstasy and ecstasy, as well as to pay homage to him. It is probable that Greek tragedy and comedy evolved from the sacred songs and the dancing and sacrificial rites, which were organized in honor of the god. Especially the dithyrambus can be regarded as the forerunner of the Greek tragedy – since other epic substances were used in addition to the prices of the winery. The contest of the dithyrams was an essential highlight of the ceremony, especially at the beginning of the festivities. Nevertheless, the comedies of the comedic poets, and above all the tragedy poets, formed the climax of the cult festival. Those who have been victorious in these competitions are still known to us today, such as Euripides, Aristophanes, and Plato. However, many works that are handed down from that time can not be assigned to a clear author (see Adespota). Procedure and Organization of Dionysia The term usually means the eight-day festival celebrated in Athens, between March and April. However, the term designates several festivals, which were arranged in different months in honor of the winery. One differentiates here the small or rural Dionysien in December and January, the Lenae in January and February, the Anthesterien in February and March as well as the Städtischen or also Great Dionysien in the March and April. Thus, in honor of Dionysus, a total of four feasts were celebrated in antiquity, two of which were called Dionysia (small / rural, large / urban). The rural Dionysia and the Anthesteries were not necessarily linked to the performances of dramas, but were generally regarded as ceremonies to praise the vineyard. The Lenae, on the other hand, tended to have a local character and were mainly known for the performance of comedies. This was also due to the fact that the subject of comedy was mostly directed at regional characteristics or the politics of the day. The Great or even Municipal Dionysia are the most important feast in the previous list. Since the orientation coincided with the annual resumption of shipping in the spring, they were open to every human being. They were aligned in Athens by the Archon Eponymos. Archon Eponymos was an office in ancient Athens, which assumed the functions of governance and the role of supreme judge. He also directed the highest church festivals, and ordered the choirs and choir leaders. In the process, some 150 choral leaders were ordered, who were to present their dithyrambs as part of the festival, with around 1,000 people also belonging to the choirs. The organization of these festivities lasted for months and finally ended in a gigantic festival, which lasted for eight days, with the individual works which were announced at the poetical contests two days before the actual feast. This announcement is known as Proagon. At the Proagon, the poets, choristers, singers of the choir and the actors presented themselves to the audience. A day later, on the day before the actual feast, a cultic image of the winery was fetched from the temple, which was consecrated to it, and carried to the city. This process should ensure the presence of God. The cult image was then carried back into the temple. On the following day the actual festivals began. The first half of the festivities was dominated by parades, sacrifications and choral songs, the last days of Dionysia being centered around the poetical contest of the tragedy poets, and later the comedic poets.Winner of the competition There is no comprehensive list available, showing a summary of the victorious poets of each Agone. However, there are occasional references to which poets were victorious in the Tragodienagon or in the agon of the comedies. In some cases, there is also a note of the works that brought the victory. Below is an incomplete overview of the winners.Short overview: The most important part of the term at a glance As Dionysia, also Dionysia, the ceremonies in the antique in honor of the winery Dionysos are designated. There are four festivals around this god: the Small / Rural Dionysia in December and January, the Lenae in January and February and the Anthesteries in February and March, and the Great Dionysia in March and April. What is meant by the concept of the Municipal Dionysia, which was committed in Athens, and which had been preceded, above all, by the statesman Peisistratos. Peisistratos was regarded as a worshiper of Dionysus and Athene. They lasted for a total of eight days. This festival was accompanied by numerous rites and parades. The most important part of the festivities, however, were the various competitions held under the poets and choral conductors, the so-called Agone. Dithyrambenchöre, comedies and tragedy poets competed against each other.Sieger of the competition There is no comprehensive list available, showing a summary of the victorious poets of each Agone. However, there are occasional references to which poets were victorious in the Tragodienagon or in the agon of the comedies. In some cases, there is also a note of the works that brought the victory. Below is an incomplete overview of the winners.
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Karl Popper fled the Nazis in his native Austria and found safety in New Zealand during the war. In 1945 he found a new home in the United Kingdom, where he became a reader at the London School of Economics and in 1949, professor of logic and scientific method at the University of London. While in New Zealand, Popper wrote The Open Society and its Enemies — a book we stand in need of now more than at any time since its publication. In The Open Society, Popper predicted the death of both Nazism and Communism on the theory that closed societies, those who adhere to One Established Way of Thinking, will sooner or later die of rigidity. Unable to adapt or innovate, they will sooner or later be unable to cope, and will crumble into the ash heap of history. In 1973 Jacob Bronowski presented a BBC program called The Ascent of Man, a “science version” of Kenneth Clark’s wonderful Civilization series. Bronowski traces the development of science and technology, and program 11 of the series ends in the stark and brutal reality of Auschwitz, where Dr. Bronowski stands by a pond where, he narrates, ashes from the crematoria were dumped. He reaches down into the water, and brings up a handful of mud “[This] was not done by gas. It was done by arrogance and dogma It was done by ignorance. When people believe that they have absolute knowledge, with no test in reality, this is how they behave… In the end the words were said by Oliver Cromwell: ‘I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken.'” A number of years ago — rather more than I care to remember — my friend Robert Gage said that while it took us hundreds of years to understand the power of the printing press, we have only begun to scratch the surface of what the internet is and can do. One of the things it can do is allow us to live in our own bubble, in the echo chamber of People Like Me. We are thus able, if that is our leaning, to be even more isolated and intolerant that at any time in history, picking and choosing our “truth” and dismissing all else as “fake news” or “virtue signaling” -– all at the same time that the internet and widespread prosperity are also making us more diverse than at any time in history. Diversity can do two things: It can enrich us, as Popper saw. Or it can frighten us, as Bronowski perceived. Knowledge can only be exchanged within a context of toleration, and respect of diversity — especially as we already live in a diverse society — is a path to increased knowledge, sometimes a difficult thing to take on board. When I was growing up in Edmonds, I lived in fear. I knew I was gay from a very early age, though when I grew up the word — and the social construct — were still in the future. I remember siting on my bed looking at a pistol, thinking I would never be happy, always be alone, never by accepted. That is the dark side of the isolation that comes with a rejection of difference. I am wryly grateful to have grown up gay, because it has taught me what rejection of difference looks like from the receiving end. I regret that I have few friends of different races. I do have friends of different religions and nationalities. I attend Seder meals most years, and in the context of the sort of discussion that the Haggadah always sparks, conversation ranges wide indeed. Last year we opened by stating our preferred pronouns. I find some of the discussion uncomfortable and challenging, as well as feeling awkward about some pronouns. But stretching is as good for the mind as it is for the mussels. I have friends in many countries and can speak, haltingly, some of their languages. Anyone who is at all fluent in another language will tell you that we humans, even when we may look alike, yet differ in subtle ways that the working of language and idiom make clear. I have had to learn to accept different cultural assumptions and customs because these are my friends, and they are as “right” as I am. This has made it very hard to justify judgments about other people’s ways of life, and it has made my life easier and richer because I no longer care if you have a different accent, or celebrate different holidays. In fact, I believe I am stronger because of knowing your different ways. I only wish I knew them better! A recent letter to this paper decried the Edmonds Diversity Commission. I want to reject that letter by saying that not only does the examination of diversity make us stronger and perhaps a bit wiser, it also opens doors to the alienated and isolated among us, be they LGBT, of a different race, or of a different religion. Embracing diversity can also be liberating to those who live in fear of difference. To say that we do not need to gain by experiencing diversity is to say that no one has anything to teach us. As Popper pointed out, that is the road to fossilization and collapse; and as Brownowski showed, ignorance and isolation produce the sort of “certainty” that leads to horrors. We cannot afford to isolate ourselves. That is to live in fear and fester in resentment. The choice is ours to make. The practice of seeking out diverse views, and the strength it takes to take difference on board, can be hard and sometimes very uncomfortable work. Dr. Brownowski: “All knowledge, all information between human beings can only be exchanged within a play of tolerance. It is a major tragedy of my lifetime and yours that… all around [us] tolerance [is] crashing to the ground beyond repair.… the Principle of Uncertainty or, in my phrase, the Principle of Tolerance fixed once for all the realization that all knowledge is limited. It is an irony of history that as this was being worked out that there should rise… a counter conception, a principle of monstrous certainty.” All praise to the Diversity Commission! — By Nathaniel Brown
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In 2015, there were 4,050 large trucks involved in fatal vehicle accidents. This marked an increase of 8% from 2014. Another 87,000 large trucks contributed to injurious crashes in 2015. The frightening number of accidents involving trucks raises the question of what causes these crashes and what people can do to prevent them. Large trucks can cause accidents in many ways, from driver error to poor vehicle maintenance. One such cause is improper cargo loading. What Are the Rules for Cargo on Trucks? The Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration (FMCSA) enacts and enforces laws for the country’s trucking industry. The FMCSA has rules regarding trucking hours of service, vehicle measurements, and load requirements. The most recent cargo securement rules from the FMCSA stem from years of research to evaluate and optimize cargo regulations in the U.S. The FMCSA based the rules on the North American Cargo Securement Standard Model Regulations, industry best practices, and recommendations from meetings among industry experts. The goal of the cargo rules is to prevent items from shifting on the truck or falling from vehicles. Here is an overview of the basic cargo securement laws as of today: - Cargo securement systems must withstand certain deceleration and acceleration movements in forward, rearward, and lateral directions. - All systems used to secure cargo must have no weakened or damaged parts that could affect their performance. There are manufacturing standards tie-downs must meet, including working load limit values. - Cargo loaders must attach and secure each tie-down in a way that prevents it from opening, releasing, or loosening during transport. Anytime a sharp edge might cut the tie-downs, loaders must use edge protection. These rules apply to all commercial motor vehicles that carry cargo and operate in interstate commerce. There are many other cargo and load rules, including commodity-specific requirements for certain types of materials. Failure to obey these rules and/or load a truck with proper care, resulting in an accident, is negligence. Improper Loading and Truck Accidents Improper loading is detrimental to the safety of the truck driver and all other drivers on the roadway. In an open bed, improper loading could lead to tie-downs coming loose and material falling off the truck and onto the roadway. This can easily cause a major accident, vehicle pileup, and fatalities. If the items are combustible, such as gas or propane tanks, improper loading could cause dangerous fires and explosions if the items fall off the bed and into the road. In a closed truck bed, improper weight distribution and rolling loads could cause the truck to roll over during sharp turns. There is no end to the ways improper loading can cause a truck accident. After a truck accident occurs, the police will investigate the cause of the crash. If police find that improper cargo loading contributed to or caused the crash, the victim(s) of the accident may have grounds for a personal injury lawsuit. Defendants could include the trucking company for failing to train its cargo loaders, the loaders for negligently securing the cargo, the manufacturers of the tie-downs for dangerous defects, and other parties. An attorney can help accident victims determine the defendant(s) and file a claim with the civil courts. Improper loading is a common form of negligence involved in truck accidents. Because of their excessive size and weight, these vehicles pose major threats to passenger cars. Negligent cargo loading can be devastating, causing other vehicles to swerve or strike items falling into the road. Loads that are too heavy or secured in ways that are not acceptable under FMCSA rules constitute negligence. Find out who may be liable for your cargo-related truck accident. Speak to an attorney at the Law Offices of Randolph Rice today. (410) 694-7291
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According to NOAA: The Honshu tsunami was generated by a Mw 8.9 earthquake (38.322*N, 142.369*E ), at 05:46 UTC, 130 km (80 miles) E of Sendai, Honshu, Japan (according to the USGS). In approximately 25 minutes, the tsunami was first recorded at DART(R) buoy 21418. Forecast results shown below were created with the NOAA forecast method using MOST model with the tsunami source inferred from DART(R) data. A whirlpool caused by currents from a tsunami near the port of Oarai after Japan was struck by a strong earthquake off its north-eastern coast today. The disaster comes two days after online warnings that the movement of the moon will trigger tidal waves, volcanic eruptions and earthquakes. the Telegraph
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The Difference Between Hallucinations and Delusions - Hallucinations are defined as false perceptions. They are very real to the person experiencing them. One example is seeing bugs crawling on the floor, though they are not there. Nothing you say to the person having that experience will convince him/her otherwise. - Delusions, per the National Institute of Health, are strongly held fixed beliefs or opinions not based on evidence. These false beliefs and opinions can be about people or things. They can also be about the person with dementia. Some common types of delusions include stealing, believing there is an intruder, and infidelity. Paranoia is a form of delusion. When This Happens, What Do We Do? If you are a caregiver and your loved one is seeing bugs that you do not see, or accusing you of stealing something, it is human nature to respond with “What bugs?” or “I didn’t steal anything.” Remember though, that your loved one’s behaviors are likely coming from changes in the brain related to the Alzheimer’s or dementia. Becoming dismissive, defensive or arguing your point will not be effective. Top 5 Tips for Managing Hallucinations and Delusions The following five tips are more effective ways to manage a person with Alzheimer’s or other forms of dementia when they are experiencing hallucinations and delusions: - Remain calm and resist any urge to argue. - Provide reassurance, understanding, and concern. Underlying your loved one’s reactions are feelings of fear. Look beyond their words for the emotion, and provide validation by acknowledging their fear. An example of a validating statement might be, “That must be scary to think someone is in the house with you.” With this response, you acknowledge your loved one’s fear. - Investigate the immediate environment. Sometimes the cause is in the immediate environment. Having acknowledged their fear with your reassurance, determine the cause. Are they seeing something that you just do not see? Find out where and what it is. Are they seeing it at a certain time of day? Perhaps the lighting through the window at a certain time of day creates a shadow, which can be eliminated by closing the drapes at that time of day, or spending that time in a different room. - Use distraction. Are the people on a favorite TV show now in their bedroom? Have there been violent or upsetting shows on TV when your loved one is in the room? Keep the TV off, and plan another activity for that time of day. What other activities do they like? Some common distractions include taking a walk, doing puzzles, playing cards, and looking at photos. - Evaluate for other medical causes. Consult with your loved one’s physician, as there could be other medical reasons. While your response to the immediate hallucination or delusion would remain the same, follow up with your loved one’s physician to rule out any underlying medical issues. Some other medical causes that can cause hallucinations or delusions include dehydration, urinary tract infections, kidney or bladder infections, or pain. If your loved one recently started a new medication, report any changes in their behavior to the doctor. No Matter Who We Are, We Just Want to Feel Understood Whether the cause of the hallucination or delusion is related to one’s Alzheimer’s or dementia, or to another medical issue, the way to respond remains the same—respond to the feeling, and acknowledge what they are experiencing. It is always true that we just want to feel understood. - Alzheimer’s Disease Toolkit (Helpful Information to Understand and Manage Alzheimer's Disease) - Expert Information on Alzheimer's Disease (Articles) - The Challenging Behaviors of Alzheimer's Disease (Articles) This content was last updated on: January 3, 2017 The information provided here is a public service of the BrightFocus Foundation and should not in any way substitute for personalized advice of a qualified healthcare professional; it is not intended to constitute medical advice. Please consult your physician for personalized medical advice. BrightFocus Foundation does not endorse any medical product, therapy, or resources mentioned or listed in this article. All medications and supplements should only be taken under medical supervision. Also, although we make every effort to keep the medical information on our website updated, we cannot guarantee that the posted information reflects the most up-to-date research. These articles do not imply an endorsement of BrightFocus by the author or their institution, nor do they imply an endorsement of the institution or author by BrightFocus. Some of the content may be adapted from other sources, which will be clearly identified within the article.
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It is now a common sight to see Nigerians carry bottled water everywhere they go these days. In fact, it has become the second most popular drink (behind soft drinks). And for those who are still not sure of why they should drink more water. Here are some reasons why. Nutrient to the body. In fact, drinking water (either plain or in the form of other fluids or foods) is essential to your health. Think of water as a nutrient your body needs that is present in liquids, plain water, and foods. All of these are essential daily to replace the large amounts of water lost each day. Water Can Help Control Calories. For years, dieters have been drinking lots of water as a weight loss strategy. While water doesn't have any magical effect on weight loss, substituting it for higher calorie beverages can certainly help. Also, food with high water content tends to look larger, its higher volume requires more chewing, and it is absorbed more slowly by the body, which helps you feel full. Water-rich foods include fruits, vegetables, broth-based soups, oatmeal, and beans. Water Helps Energize Muscles. When muscle cells don't have adequate fluids, they don't work as well and performance can suffer. So Drinking enough fluids is important when exercising, fluid intake is also important before and during any physical activity. It is recommended that people drink about 17 ounces of fluid about two hours before exercise. During exercise, they recommend that people start drinking fluids early, and drink them at regular intervals to replace fluids lost by sweating Water Helps Keep Skin Looking Good. Your skin contains plenty of water, and functions as a protective barrier to prevent excess fluid loss. However, dehydration makes your skin look more dry and wrinkled, which can be improved with proper hydration Water Helps Your Kidneys. Your kidneys do an amazing job of cleansing and ridding your body of toxins as long as your intake of fluids is adequate. When you're getting enough fluids, urine flows freely, is light in color and free of odor. When your body is not getting enough fluids, urine concentration, color, and odor increases because the kidneys trap extra fluid for bodily functions. If you chronically drink too little, you may be at higher risk for kidney stones, especially in warm climates like Nigeria. If you think you need to be drinking more, here are some tips to increase your fluid intake and reap the benefits of water: Have a beverage with every snack and meal. Choose beverages you enjoy; you're likely to drink more liquids if you like the way they taste. Eat more fruits and vegetables. Their high water content will add to your hydration. About 20% of our fluid intake comes from foods. Keep a bottle of water with you in your car, at your desk, or in your bag. Choose beverages that meet your individual needs. If you're watching calories, go for non-caloric beverages or water.
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A NEW school means new friends, new teachers and new class rules. Then there is the new building, the new games and, of course, the bullies. Starting a new school can be very daunting, particularly if you are not going to be taught in your mother tongue. Getting off to a good start is vital and can have a crucial effect on your youngsters’ confidence, attitude and performance (both socially and academically). Rather than spending the next few weeks worrying about it, use the time wisely to help them prepare. By planning ahead and maintaining a positive attitude, parents can make a huge difference. Having moved around the world with three young children, I know these tips are worth addressing. 1) Familiarity: In the battle against new-school angst, the first weapon in your arsenal is taking away the fear of the unknown.Primary schools start on September 10, with secondary schools a week after, but staff will be on site the week before. If possible, take your kids on a tour the week before school starts. Most directors will encourage this and it will give you and your child a chance to ask questions. Make sure your child knows where things are including bathrooms, play areas, dining areas and the main office. If you can, meet your child’s new teacher – especially important for younger children. You can express any special concerns you have and ask about the possibility of the teacher assigning a ‘buddy/minder’ to help your child for the first week. Nearly all classes here have a delegado, a student elected to represent the class and take care of newbies. Mention your child’s interests, so the teacher will have a better idea of who to assign as a buddy. Remember to ask what materials will be needed – it’s bad enough to be the only new kid in the class, but the new kid who didn’t know he needed a semi-circle ruler? Well, that is unforgivable! Be sure to ask about school uniforms or restrictions on clothes. Many schools, for example, don’t allow flip flops. If you can’t visit the school, hit the net. Most Spanish schools have a website where you can do a virtual tour. Go to the Junta’s site http://tinyurl.com/dyhbofo and find your school’s website. Check out extra-curricular activities and find something your child might be interested in. Above all, focus on all the good things about the new adventure ahead. 2) One friendly face: Make Herculean efforts to help your children meet another child in their year before the first day – just one other child in the class will make a huge difference. This is all well and good, but how? It’s not so easy if you have just moved to a new town (the main reason for kids entering new schools). Start close to home, by having a slow drive around the neighbourhood – look for kids of the same age then chat to the parents to see which school they go to. Now is not the time for being shy – you’re doing this for your child. If it helps, remind yourself most Spanish families don’t move and will be sympathetic towards anyone going through what they see as the unthinkable! Invite them and their child over for a play date or ask where local children spend their time in the summer holiday. If your child is into football, head to the campo de futbol, check out the schedule, meet the trainer, ask if they know other kids who would be on the same team. You might also join the parents’ association (AMPA), which will probably meet before school starts. Ask how parents can get involved – they are usually desperate for help – and quiz them on who has children in your child’s year. 3) Debunk the fear: Make sure the fear doesn’t get out of control. Part of this means ensuring our own fears are not transmitted to our children. Remember all those times you pretended to like spiders in the hope your little ones wouldn’t be afraid of them? It’s time to put on a happy face again. Your child still takes their cues from you. When you speak about the new school it should be presented as something exciting and positive – so focusing on ‘all those new friends’ rather than ‘what a big change’. Having said that, it is normal for a child to feel anxious so instead of ignoring it, offer alternative ways of looking at the situation. Let your child know that you understand it is difficult, and take time to listen. Remind your child of other ‘firsts’ that they have experienced – the first day at their last school, or a swimming class – to help build confidence and remind them that risks can pay off. If they have previously had a bad experience, stress that this presents a new opportunity. - Speed cameras fitted at Costa del Sol blackspot - 4 Jul, 2013 @ 16:58 - Restaurant review: Iglu - 4 Jul, 2013 @ 16:51 - Barcenas appeals jail sentence and denies ‘flight risk’ claim - 3 Jul, 2013 @ 16:09 - Socialist minister embroiled in Andalucia unemployment scandal - 2 Jul, 2013 @ 18:04 - Former PP treasurer is jailed in Madrid - 1 Jul, 2013 @ 12:43 - Mass grave excavated in Ronda - 28 Jun, 2013 @ 17:56 - Outrage after top bullfighter posts pit-bull attack on Facebook - 28 Jun, 2013 @ 17:46 - Health cuts could cost lives warn Spanish doctors - 28 Jun, 2013 @ 17:06 - UK government to strip expats of Winter Fuel Allowance - 28 Jun, 2013 @ 12:46 - Picardo calls on Cameron over Gibraltar jet ski shooting - 27 Jun, 2013 @ 16:36
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1. The action of using your teeth to break food up in your mouth, so that it become easier to swallow. English = chewing. 2. The action of crushing something between two hard surfaces or in a machine until it breaks into lots or small pieces or a fine powder. English = grinding. 3. A machine or device which crushes something into small pieces. English = grinder.
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SUBWAY CALORIE CALCULATOR - RUNNING AND WEIGHT LOSS PROGRAM - HOW MANY CALORIES DO YOU BURN WHILE SLEEPING. Subway Calorie Calculator - an expert at calculation (or at operating calculating machines) - a small machine that is used for mathematical calculations - Something used for making mathematical calculations, in particular a small electronic device with a keyboard and a visual display - A calculator is a small (often pocket-sized), usually inexpensive electronic device used to perform the basic operations of arithmetic. Modern calculators are more portable than most computers, though most PDAs are comparable in size to handheld calculators. - The energy needed to raise the temperature of 1 gram of water through 1 °C (now usually defined as 4.1868 joules) - Either of two units of heat energy - The energy needed to raise the temperature of 1 kilogram of water through 1 °C, equal to one thousand small calories and often used to measure the energy value of foods - a unit of heat equal to the amount of heat required to raise the temperature of one kilogram of water by one degree at one atmosphere pressure; used by nutritionists to characterize the energy-producing potential in food - (caloric) of or relating to calories in food; "comparison of foods on a caloric basis"; "the caloric content of foods" - (caloric) thermal: relating to or associated with heat; "thermal movements of molecules"; "thermal capacity"; "thermic energy"; "the caloric effect of sunlight" - metro: an electric railway operating below the surface of the ground (usually in a city); "in Paris the subway system is called the `metro' and in London it is called the `tube' or the `underground'" - underpass: an underground tunnel or passage enabling pedestrians to cross a road or railway - The Subway is a colloquial name for a uniquely-shaped slot canyon in Zion National Park. It is located between two peaks called the North and South Guardian Angels, deep within the Left Fork of North Creek. - An underground electric railroad - A tunnel under a road for use by pedestrians First off the reason these people have no eyes mouths or faces is because when your on the subway , you are basically a no name, no face person which no one looks into the eyes,Anyone Who has ever been on a Subway knows there is nothing worse in the world, so the only thing for a artist to do is make a sketch of whats going on, You have to be care ful because if you sketch the wrong person,your going to find yourself tied to the tracks ,With a subway car headed your way.and trust me that is one sketch you dont want to make,This is one of the things I learned when I used to do alot of graffiti and had to ride the subway all the time,dont get me wrong the subway can be a beauitful experience, but the way things are now a days there are mostly freaks and crooks lurking about ,looking to get over on someone even if that means stealing a simple pen.every thing on the subway happens so fast , like a high speed camera,you get up from your seat and its wow where did my wallet go? you looked up just in time to see some punk carrying a skate board exiting the car with headphones on that you can hear twenty feet away ,sounds like he is listening to some high speed death metal band out of Norway,dont even try to catch him because there is no way you can catch a crack head,owell I could go on and on about the subway but its not going to mean anything till you go down into the depts of hell yourself,also before you go down those stairs take a long hard good look at the sun, it may be your last time to ever see the sun ,Ahhh (HOW I LOVE THE SUBWAY) !!! what's in your bag? For the 'What's In Your Bag?' group I am surprised to see that the junk I carry around seems to be colour-themed. That was in no way intentional. Guess I'm just attracted to red and pale blue... n in the photo: coupons, feminine hygene products and used tissues. Related topics: rice krispy treats calories weight loss diet for diabetes how many calories ina banana healthy eating for pregnant woman low fat low sodium recipes low carb thickener subway subs calories calories in specific foods how many calories are in a vodka tonic low fat honey mustard dressing - (月) 03:46:52| - Category: None
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WHAT IS ORGANIC FARMING ? ORGANIC FARMING promotes the sustainable health and productivity of the ecosystem – soil, plants, animals and people. Organic foods are farmed in an environmentally sustainable and socially responsible way, focusing on soil regeneration, water conservation and animal welfare. What it’s not… Most people think of organic farming in terms of what is NOT allowed: But the fact is, simply removing agri-chemicals is not enough to turn a conventional farm into an organic farm. Organic farming is an active, labour-intensive process. ORGANIC FARMERS are also careful about how they store and compost animal wastes, in order to safeguard air and water systems. They tailor their crops according to climate and soil, to optimise the natural growth cycle. Organic farmers also promote biodiversity, by growing a variety of crops, rather than one single crop. Through all of these methods, organic farmers prevent soil erosion, conserve energy, and help protect local wildlife, stream banks and watersheds. They help protect the global environment, as well: organic farming can greatly reduce the amount of greenhouse gases, such as carbon dioxide, that contribute to global warming. Click here to read a global report on The Role of Organic Agriculture in Mitigating Climate Change. Organic farming helps prevent topsoil erosion, improves soil fertility, protects groundwater and conserves energy. The History of Organic Farming But as industrial-scaled, chemically-dependent farming grew, so did its critics. In fact, as early as 1920, critics of large-scale industrial farming emerged in England, and later in the US and Japan. The term “organic” began to be used more widely in the US in the 1950s by the founder of Rodale Press, J.I. Rodale. In Canada, the Canadian Organic Soil Association (later re-named the Land Fellowship) was formed in 1953, by filmmaker and popular educator Christopher Chapman. He produced two influential Canadian documentaries, Understanding the Living Soil and A Sense of Humus. The popularity of organic farming principles surged in the late 1960s and 1970s, particularly with the 1962 release of scientist Rachel Carson’s ground-breaking book, Silent Spring, in the US. Soon afterward, the US government banned the use of DDT. Organic principles gained renewed focus within the alternative lifestyles movement, as people sought to reconnect with the land, and promote a more harmonious relationship to nature. Several more organic organizations formed around the world, including in several regions of Canada. By 1972, the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM), was established. The late 1970s and 80s saw the formalization of relationships among organics farmers in countries such as England, France and the US. By the 1990s strong consumer demand for organic produce created the necessary impetus to establish standards for certifying organic foods. WHAT DOES "ORGANIC" WHAT DOES "ORGANIC" MEAN ? Growing food isn't easy. Farmers have to solve some big problems to make sure their plants can grow and thrive. They have to make sure the soil has enough nutrients to "feed" little plants so they will grow to be big, healthy, and good to eat. They have to control bugs and other pests that can attack and eat the plants. And they have to control weeds that can "choke" young plants by taking the space, sunlight, and nutrients they need to grow. Most farmers in the United States are what we call "conventional farmers." They rely on synthetic (man-made) chemicals and fertilizers to grow their crops. These farming chemicals and fertilizers are not found in nature, and they often build up in the environment, polluting our water and soil. Most of these chemicals remain active for a very long time — long after their job is done. Although these chemicals can solve many farming problems, some of them are not healthy for the environment or for people! Sometimes we do use some insecticides (insect killers) or fungicides (fungus killers), but only specific ones that are approved for organic farming. And we use them less often than conventional farmers use chemicals on their crops. Substances approved for organic farming are made from naturally-occurring ingredients and are less harmful to people, animals, and the environment. It takes a little more effort to grow food organically, but it's a good way to grow healthy, strong plants. To enrich the soil, organic farmers plant cover crops, such as bell beans and hairy vetch, that make the soil richer as they grow and when they are tilled under. We also use compost, a natural form of fertilizer that comes from different materials that have rotted away and broken down. We keep pests and diseases away by rotating our crops, which means switching the location of plants each season. We also use natural insect repellents, and we bring in good bugs ("beneficials") that like to eat bad bugs ("pests"). We do most of our weeding with tractors, and also by hand with tools like hoes. WHY ORGANIC ? out how delicious organics can be! Conventional farmers use millions of pounds of pesticides each year, much of which ends up in our drinking water and oceans. Pesticides and chemicals kill off living things - bugs and animals that may eat the food as well as parasites and microorganisms. Pesticides deplete the soil so more chemicals are needed to fertilize and so the cycle continues. Pesticides are poisons. Most have the potential of causing cancer and are endocrine disrupters that mimic or interfere with our hormones. Pesticides cannot always be washed off the food, even with soap, as they are "ingested" in the plant through the roots and are actually in the body of the food. In short, pesticides cause disease and death. That's their goal, to kill off the bugs and pests. But they are having serious impacts on the lives of humans and especially children. This is particularly important in the amounts and combinations of these pesticides that the children are eating since they are such picky eaters. The long-term effect of these pesticides, herbicides, fungicides and chemicals and the effect of the 'cocktail' of pesticide combinations effect fertility, development, health, and longevity. Chemicals and pesticides kill off microorganisms and pests; this is causing new super resistant bugs and strains of insects and pests to be created; these super pests will need even more powerful chemical pesticides. The cycle is clear and the future is dim. In addition, many of these microorganisms are helpful and are actually healthful. Discoveries of helpful bacteria that turn into cures for disease are found in dirt regularly around the world. We used to play in the dirt, dirt that was free of harmful chemicals and loaded with helpful microorganisms. As children this set up our immune systems to be strong. Children were healthier then. Healthy plants are also more disease resistant, are more drought resistant, create a better supply of food, create more nutritious food, and grow strong without chemical assistance. It all works together. Organic farming protects our water supply, our wild life, our families, and our future. Choosing organic foods is like voting to go back to a more natural and safer way of breathing, eating, and living. Conventional farming overseas destroys rainforest. Forests are plowed to make way for planting, soil is eroded, chemicals and poisons enter our water systems. This affects habitats and wildlife. The impact is immense. Conventional farming uses more fossil fuels and impacts global warming in many ways. Fossil fuels are used to create pesticides and chemicals. They are used to transport them to the farm. Micro-organisms that would otherwise hold carbon are killed releasing carbons into the atmosphere. Once the soil is depleted of micro-organisms, the soil must be enriched with chemical fertilizers which again take fossil fuels in creation and transportation. Conventional farms are more automated and use more fossil fuels generally. They have an over-abundance of manure since they are not using that so that is another issue which must be removed with fossil fuels. Organic farming uses up to 60% less fossil fuel per unit of food. Chemicals are abundant and dangerous. The environmental impact is great and they remain in the environment for decades after use. When we look and see that organic foods are sometimes more than conventional foods, we need to remember the toll conventional foods are having on our world and our future. Organic foods are actually less costly when we look at the money it takes to fix the problems created by conventional farming. And yes, EVERY choice, EVERY person, EVERY item counts as a vote in the right direction. Biodynamic Demeter supervised farming meets all organic standards and takes them even further. This system was created in ancient times to create healthful soil to withstand the test of time. Biodynamic farming takes even more time and money and therefore things cost more, but what it gives us is a true harmony with our land. It works with the plants, animals, and the environment to promote healthy soil and healthy plants. certification confirms a set of standards: organic dairy pasteurization must meet hygienic standards. dairy cows may not be sold for slaughter as beef. beef is processed in a certified plant where organic cows are separated from conventional ones and the entire processing line must be cleaned to organic specifications for the organic ones no more than 5% of the ingredients (excluding water and salt) are conventional; or at least 95% of the product is organic as per the standards of certification organic products cannot use some organic and some conventional of the same ingredient. How to tell if it's organic in the store? Organic tags (PLU code sticker) on fruits and vegetables start with a 9 and have 5 numbers for organic fruits and vegetables while conventional ones have 4 numbers. GMO crops also have 5 numbers but start with the number 8 so be particularly cautious of those fruits and vegetables. However, the term "organic" also makes us feel warm and fuzzy with images of happy cows in grazing fields cared for by people who love the land and are paid a fair wage. Now that the big companies see that their bottom line can be affected by organics, short cuts are being taken that technically meet the organic standard but do not comply with our understanding of organic. Our next question is of local versus organic. Sometimes local is better, however, remember that fossil fuels are also used in pesticides, herbicides, and the trucks needed to work a conventional farm, so local is not always a safer choice for our environment when organic is an option. Local from a farmer you know that isn't certified organic but practices organic standards of course is a better option than organic certified coming in from outside your area, but when you don't know the farmer or the standards, organic, even with transportation, can actually be a healthier option for ourselves and our environment. We live in a highly mobile world. We can have asparagus in the winter. That can be fun, but it can also be distressing. While the United States produces many raw materials, these are almost always shipped off to China to create product, and then that product is shipped back here to be sold. Sadly, we are no longer self-sufficient. Many communities where we've chosen to live cannot feed us locally nor provide for our needs locally. Happily, we do have options. Choose products that are best for health and environment. Read labels and choose U.S. made products first, this includes food and nonfood items. That will lessen carbon emissions and conforms to our feeling on the definition of organic. Choose locally made first and then as close to home as possible. Choose natural nonfood products over plastic and man-made materials since fossil fuels are needed to create plastics. Choose organic cotton over nonorganic since that crop uses huge amounts of pesticides. Choose products with less packaging for the same reason, this includes food packaging as well as packaging for toys and other nonfood items. When it comes to food, know who runs the farm, whether a small caring company or a large corporate office. The organic standard is a good guide, but it's not enough. Organic standards in some countries, China, for example, are suspected of erratic regulating. Big companies will do their best to cut corners to improve their bottom line. We must, as consumers, let them hear us with our dollars. Research big companies, their ethics and business, support stores and companies that are in line with your values as a consumer, for the earth and for your personal health. Choose farmers you know that meet standards you support over the organic label. Choose grassfed beef over grain fed organic beef. Choose less processed foods over packaged and highly processed foods since those are better for our health and those use less fuels in creation and transportation. Local conventional farms cause havoc on our environment and stress on the animals. Many times, organic is the best option over local nonorganic food. Understand what you eat. [Articles & Resources : http://www.deliciousorganics.com] WHY DO YOU GO ORGANIC ? WHY DO YOU GO ORGANIC ? Quality - quality of food, quality of life, quality of our future and our children's future. Organic is just the right thing to do and the right choice to make. Better for our health, tastes better, better for farmers (supports eco-farming), better for our water supply, better for our children, our children's health, and their future. The more I learn, the more I'm sure that organic is the only choice. Choosing organic safeguards our own health and enhances the ecology of the land. By purchasing organically grown foods, we support more than a line of safer food products. We also work to create a just and sustainable food system for ourselves and for future generations. [Articles & Resources : http://www.deliciousorganics.com] WHEN YOU BUY ORGANIC, YOU : 1. Protect your family’s & Resources :http://www.checnet.org] ORGANIC QUICK FACTS CHILDREN MORE VULNERABLE TO PESTICIDES ? HOW DOES ORGANIC FARMING SAVE MONEY AND THE ENVIRONMENT ? WHAT ARE THE LINKS BETWEEN PESTICIDES AND DIETARY FATS ? ARE KIDS EXPOSED TO PESTICIDES ? The study found that metabolite concentrations indicating organophosphorus (OP) pesticide exposure were approximately six times higher for children with conventional diets than for children with organic diets. Diet, not environmental exposure, appears to have been the primary pathway for OP pesticide exposure for the children in this study. Results suggest that consumption of organic fruits, vegetables, and juices can reduce children's exposure levels from above to below the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's current guidelines, thereby shifting exposures from a range of uncertain risk to a range of negligible risk. Source: "Organophosphorus pesticide exposure of urban and suburban pre-school children with organic and conventional diets" Cynthia L. Curl, Richard A. Fenske, and Kai Elgethun, Department of Environmental Health, School of Public Health and Community Medicine, University of Washington, Seattle, WA CAN PESTICIDE EXPOSURE OCCUR BEFORE BIRTH ? Sources: Nuriminen, T., "Maternal Pesticide Exposure and Pregnancy Outcome," J Occup Environ Med 37:8, 935-940 (1995). Jensen, A.A. "Transfer of Chemical Contaminants in Human Milk." In: Jensen, A.A. and Slorach SA (eds). Chemical Contaminants in Human Milk. Boca Raton: CRC Press, pp: 9-19 (1991). Office of Technology Assessment, (OTA) of the US Congress, Neurotoxicity: Identifying and Controlling Poisons of the Nervous System (1990). DO PESTICIDES DAMAGE THE OZONE LAYER ? "Stratospheric Ozone Depletion," United Nations Environment Program Report (1991). ARE SOME OF THE TRUE COSTS OF CONVENTIONAL AGRICULTURE ? These are what economists call "externalities"—the costs of an activity that are borne by others. The bad thing about externalities is that they lead to market outcomes that are costly to society, even though the products themselves are privately profitable. Cornell University professor David Pimental has estimated that the externalities of conventionally grown food cost more than $10 billion a year. This includes: Source: "The Ecology of Pizza (or Why Organic Food is a Bargain)," prepared for the Organic Trade Association by ecologist Sandra Steingraber, September 2003. ENVIRONMENTAL BENEFITS OF ORGANIC AGRICULTURE Organic agriculture dramatically reduces external inputs by refraining from the use of synthetic fertilizers and pesticides, genetically modified organisms and pharmaceuticals. Pests and diseases are controlled with naturally occurring means and substances according to both traditional as well as modern scientific knowledge, increasing both agricultural yields and disease resistance. Organic agriculture adheres to globally accepted principles, which are implemented within local socio-economic, climatic and cultural settings. As a logical consequence, IFOAM stresses and supports the development of self-supporting systems on local and regional levels. Agricultural contaminants such as inorganic fertilizers, herbicides and insecticides from conventional agriculture are a major concern all over the world. Eutrophication, the suffocation of aquatic plants and animals due to rapid growth of algae, referred to as "algae blooms", are literally killing lakes, rivers and other bodies of water. Persistent herbicides and insecticides can extend beyond target weeds and insects when introduced into aquatic environments. These chemicals have accumulated up the food chain whereby top predators often consume toxic dosages. Organic agriculture restores the environmental balance and has none of these or other such deleterious effects on the environment. information on the environmental benefits of organic agriculture, follow the links on this page. JAYALAKSANA ORGANIC RICE ! TO MALAYSIA [PORT KLANG] - USD $ 3.10/KG OUR HEALTHY WHITE ORGANIC RICE WITH 5 KG OF BAG SIZE FOR ABOUT USD $ 8.00 IS ORIGINATED AND LOCATED FROM WEST JAVA PROVINCE SPECIALLY COMING FROM SUKABUMI, BANDUNG, TASIKMALAYA, CIANJUR AND BOGOR AREA WITH TOTAL 150 HA COLLECTIVELY AND CAN PRODUCE ALMOST 500 TONNAGE OF RICE. AT THE MOMENT, WE ARE DEFINITELY LOOKING FOR BUYER, AGENT AND DISTRIBUTOR AROUND THE WORLD OR DOMESTIC WITHIN INDONESIA WHO WANT TO DISTRIBUTE OR BUY OUR HEALTHY WHITE ORGANIC RICE. OUR PRODUCTS HAD ALWAYS BEEN SUPERVISED AND UDERCONTROLLED BY ALIKSA ORGANIC SRI CONSULTANT [AOSC], ONE OF THE INDONESIAN NGO COMPANY WHO CONCERNED ON SRI METHOD ON DEVELOPMENT OF ORGANIC PADDY AND RICE AND HAD BEEN TRAINED AND EDUCATED FARMERS IN 16 PROVINCE WITHIN INDONESIA SINCE 2000. ANY RESPONSES FOR ORDER ARE OBVIOUSLY MORE THAN WELCOME AND MAKE CONTACT US FREELY WITH ; Contact Details :- SRI ORGANIC RICE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF SRI SELF – SUFFICIENCY IN FOOD Arifin Panigoro, Chairman of Medco Foundation, is looking forward to get government endorsement in order to enlarge the current civil society partnership model for SRI organic rice development throughout the country. The existing partnership model could improve farmer welfare and save the environment as consequences of SRI implementation. in nation-wide scale, the partnership could become a feasible solution for current rice production deficit that estimated at 2 million tones per year. Such optimistic view derived from current SRI high productivity yields that record 10 – 12 tones per hectare. Given the latest calculation, Indonesia ‘only’ requires 400,000 hectares of SRI paddy fields to become a self-sufficiency country in rice production. WHY WE MUST USE AN ORGANIC THE REASON WHY WE MUST USE AN ORGANIC FERTILIZER TO OUR ORGANIC FARMING ? THE BENEFITS USING ORGANIC FERTILIZER TO OUR ORGANIC FARMING MAKES STRONG ENDORSEMENT PRESIDENT OF INDONESIA MAKES STRONG ENDORSEMENT OF SRI at an 'SRI Harvest Festival' in Cianjur district, West Java, on July 30, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono made a strong statement of support for the spread of SRI within Indonesia and even the world, citing concerns about environmental quality and climate change as well as meeting the food requirements of a still-growing population. (See translations of Excerpts from the Organic SRI Harvest presided over by the Indonesian President and a Bahasa Indonesia report of the event on the president's website). The President was accompanied by the Minister of Agriculture and the Minister of Irrigation, whose respective ministries are now cooperating to extend knowledge of SRI to Indonesian farmers. The Ministry of Agriculture is funding farmer training in 39 districts in 14 provinces on organic SRI methods, both for the higher price that this rice can obtain in the market and for the more benign impact on soil and water resources. An interview with Shuichi Sato, team leader for the Japanese technical assistance team supporting SRI extension in Eastern Indonesia, appeared just before the event in the Jakarta Post. NIPPON KOEI CONSULTANTS is SRI ? SRI is an innovative paddy cultivation method capable of attaining High paddy yields with lower resource utilization of such inputs as water, fertilizer and soils. SRI methods alter how farmers manage their plants, soil, water and nutrients in order to promote root growth and increase the abundance and diversity of soil organisms that enhance plant productivity. This reduces water use and production costs. SRI is a methodology for increasing the productivity of irrigated rice by altering conventional methods and techniques for managing plants, soil, water and nutrients. SRI practices contribute to both healthier soil by nurturing soil microbial abundance and diversity, and plants that are supported by greater root growth. SRI does not require the purchase of new seeds or the use of new high-yielding varieties. Increased weeding is required, because paddy fields are not kept continuously flooded. But farmers report that with SRI methods, their rice plants are better able to resist damage from pests and diseases, reducing the need for agrochemicals if not making them unnecessary. Compost gives even better results than does fertilizer with SRI methods. With SRI there can be water savings of around 30-50%. SRI does require skillful management of the factors of production and, at least initially, additional labor input between 25% and 50%, particularly for careful transplanting and for weeding. Since yield increases average 50-100%, and may reach three times of present levels, returns to labor are very high since purchased inputs are not needed and the profitability of rice production is increased substantially. As farmers gain skills and confidence in SRI methods, labor inputs decrease to levels similar to its not lower than conventional rice-growing CONCEPTS OF SRI by Sukamandi Rice Center Java by SRI Experts Indonesia by DISIMP Lessons Learned on SRI in DISIMP Penghasilan Lebih Baik Bagi Petani" Panen bersama itu juga dihadiri Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Menteri Sosial Bachtiar Chamsyah, Menteri Riset dan Teknologi Kusmayanto Kadiman, Menteri Pekerjaan Umum Joko Kirmanto, Menteri Usaha Kecil Menengah Suryadharma Ali, dan Direktur Utama Perum Bulog Mustafa Abubakar. Anton mengharapkan, harga premium yang bisa diberikan untuk beras organik dipatok pada Rp 10.000,00/kilogram atau jauh lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan harga kualitas medium yang mencapai Rp 4.600,00 - 5.000,00 per kg. " Swalayan sudah banyak yang menawarkan menjual beras organik," katanya. Menurut Anton, dengan harga beras organik yang lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan beras anorganik diharapkan mampu memberikan tingkat penghasilan yang lebih baik bagi para petani. Sehingga, minat petani dalam mengembangkan jenis tanaman padi itu dapat lebih tinggi. Apalagi, selama ini telah beredar anggapan yang menyatakan bahwa masyarakat akan memperoleh beras yang lebih sehat jika mengonsumsi beras organik. Bahkan, Mentan mengimbau produksi beras organik yang salah satunya dihasilkan menggunakan metode SRI dapat diupayakan untuk tujuan ekspor. Untuk itu, Departemen Pertanian (Deptan) saat ini terus berusaha mencari sejumlah eksportir yang mau memberikan harga beras organik lebih tinggi. "Kalau itu bisa dilakukan, beras organik ini bisa berkembang," katanya. Untuk mendukung peningkatan harga beras premium, Anton mengungkapkan Deptan akan menyusun sebuah standar sertifikasi untuk produk-produk pertanian dari bahan-bahan organik dan anorganik. "Sertifikat sebenarnya sudah dimulai dan bukan hanya terbatas pada organik dan anorganik. Namun terus terang, semua itu belum bisa secara luas diberikan karena jumlah petani di Indonesia sangat besar," kata Anton. Ia menambahkan, Deptan juga akan memberikan fasilitas kepada perusahaan atau lembaga-lembaga yang akan meminta sertifikat dari produk beras yang diklaim berasal dari padi organik. Dari sisi ketersediaan air, misalnya, Presiden menjelaskan padi SRI organik terbukti hemat air. "Metode ini telah menjadi solusi dari bercocok tanam yang hemat air dengan produktivitas tetap berlimpah," sambung Presiden. Lebih dari itu padi SRI organik tidak memerlukan pupuk nonorganik sehingga dapat membantu ikhtiar kita untuk menghemat gas yang selama ini diperlukan untuk pembuatan pupuk. Juga penting untuk dicatat bahwa metode penanaman SRI ini dapat membuka solusi untuk mengatasi problem sampah di kota karena bahan organik dari sampah dapat digunakan sebagai kompos yang bermanfaat untuk budi daya padi SRI organik. "Mari kita kembangkan padi SRI organik seluas-luasnya," kata Presiden. Pendiri Medco Foundation, Arifin Panigoro, dalam kesempatan yang sama mengutarakan rencananya untuk mengembangkan 10.000 ha lahan padi SRI organik di Indonesia. "Kegiatan ini merupakan komitmen kami terhadap pengembangan alternatif solusi swasembada pangan sekaligus meningkatkan kesejahteraan petani," kata Arifin. Optimisme Arifin antara lain berangkat dari tingkat produktivitas padi SRI organik yang mencapai kisaran 10 - 12 ton per hektare. Berangkat dari kalkulasi itu, Arifin memperkirakan dibutuhkan hingga 400 ribu hektare lahan padi SRI organik untuk menutupi defisit produksi beras nasional yang mencapai 2 juta ton per tahunnya. "Perlu kerja keras dan kerja sama antarmasyarakat madani (civil society) dengan dukungan pemerintah agar cita-cita membangun 400 ribu hektare lahan padi SRI organik tersebut dapat terwujud," kata Arifin. Sebagai tindak lanjut, Arifin menggandeng BRI, Bank Agro, dan Bank Saudara untuk terlibat dalam tahap pertama berupa projek pengembangan 10.000 ha lahan padi SRI organik. Besaran dana yang diperlukan mencapai Rp 100 miliar. "Di antaranya untuk melatih para petani agar paham bercocok tanam metode SRI organik hingga akses ke pasar," sambungnya. Panen di Desa Bobojong merupakan tahap awal dari lahan percontohan penanaman padi ramah lingkungan oleh Medco Foundation. Untuk melaksanakan kegiatan ini Medco Foundation bekerja sama dengan Dewan Pemerhati Kehutanan dan Lingkungan Tatar Sunda (DPKLTS) pimpinan sesepuh Jawa Barat, Solihin G.P., dan Yayasan Aliksa Organik SRI. (A-80)*** BACK TO NATURE SAVE THE FUTURE !
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Werewolf Body Part Regeneration A werewolf cannot regenerate body parts – in other words if a werewolf loses a body part it does not grow back. Some have hypothesized that it might be possible through a p-shift, however while the mind is an incredibly strong thing, it is not strong enough to recreate an entire limb. A missing body part – either in werewolf or human form remains just that – missing. Werewolves are so close to humans that many of their same characteristics carry over to them in werewolf form…therefore when a p-shift occurs, the missing body part will remain missing. One of the only things that will continue to grow back – for werewolves and humans – no matter how often it’s cut off are nails and hair. Science has shown however that humans do have the latent ability for limb regeneration in their genes – it’s just not something that is active or possible at this point, but scientists are studying it with hopes for the future. Possible in the future? There are though some animals that can currently regrow body parts, including the salamander. Everyone’s probably familiar with the fact that the salamander can regrow it’s tail if it’s cut off. But did you also know that it can regrow parts of its legs, jaw and even parts of its heart? Human scientists are studying the salamander to determine how it regenerates body parts to see if at some point in time the genes can be activated in humans as well. If this ever becomes possible, then werewolves would also have that ability since werewolves carry human genes as well. At this point however scientists have not made any major strides in the study, therefore a missing limb is a missing limb, in any form.
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Having diabetes does not have to stop people from eating the foods they enjoy. However, it does mean that they should eat smaller portions, less often. The Institute of Medicine recommend that carbohydrate intake for most people should be between 45-65 percent of total calories. This higher carbohydrate intake is consistent with plant-based diets, which have shown benefit for diabetes management in well-designed, long-term studies. However, some research has shown that people can improve their blood sugar levels when their carbohydrate intake is between 5-35 percent of calories. Much of the research comes from short-term studies for higher-fat diets, such as the ketogenic diet and Mediterranean diets. Experts are just beginning to understand the influence that the gut bacteria have on health. What is known is that high-fiber carbohydrates feed gut bacteria while a high-fat, low-carb diet often results in gut bacteria death. This is far from ideal as people with diabetes already have lower levels of gut bacteria. Populations around the world that live the longest, known as Blue Zones, all eat a plant-based diet, rich in whole foods and carbohydrates. The key to eating well with diabetes is to eat a variety of healthful foods from each of the food groups. Foods to avoid within the major food groups and suggested replacements are listed below. All grains are starches. Avoiding refined grains is a smart choice for people with diabetes, regardless of chosen diet, as they affect blood glucose more quickly than whole grains. People with diabetes should look at the ingredients list on foods and avoid anything made from white flour, or enriched flour. Grains and products made from refined flours to avoid or limit: - white rice, pasta, and flour - white bread, bagels, white-flour tortillas - cereals not made from whole grains - crackers and pretzels Two extra servings a day of whole grains may reduce the chances of developing prediabetes and has been shown to decrease the risk of developing type 2 diabetes by 21 percent. Grains to eat: - brown and wild rice - high-fiber cereals (at least 5 grams (g) of fiber per serving) - whole-grain sprouted bread (at least 3 g fiber per serving) Protein helps the body build, maintain, and replace the body’s tissue. The body’s organs, muscles, and immune system are made up of protein. Protein can also be broken down into sugar, although less efficiently than carbohydrates. Eating red meat, such as beef, pork, and lamb, has been shown to increase the risk of diabetes, even when consumed in small amounts. One 3-ounce serving of unprocessed red meat, such as beef, per day was found by one review to increase the risk of developing type 2 diabetes by 20 percent. A smaller serving of processed red meat, such as bacon, increased the risk of diabetes by 51 percent. Swapping red meat or processed red meat for other protein sources that are more healthful, such as poultry, fish, low-fat dairy, whole grains or nuts, may cut the risk of diabetes by up to 35 percent. Eating fish or soy-based products, such as tofu, can lower the risk of diabetes significantly. Protein to avoid or limit: - red meat (beef, pork, lamb) - breaded, fried, high-sodium meats - processed meats (bacon, hot dogs, deli meats) - ribs and other fatty cuts of meat - poultry with skin - deep-fried fish Protein to eat: - poultry without skin Dairy proteins are a major source of calcium and contain proteins and vitamins, and people with diabetes can still consume products, such as milk, yogurt, and cheese, every day. People with diabetes are more likely to develop cardiovascular disease than other people. So, they should exchange foods that increase the levels of cholesterol in the blood and lead to a greater risk of heart disease for lower-fat options. Dairy to avoid or limit: - whole milk - full-fat yogurt - full-fat cottage cheese - full-fat cheeses - full-fat sour cream - full-fat ice cream Dairy to eat: - reduced-fat or fat-free dairy products - 1 percent or skim milk - low-fat plain yogurt - low-fat cottage cheese - low-fat sour cream Fruits and vegetables Fruits and vegetables not only add nutrients to the diet, but they also help manage body weightand reduce the risk of stroke, heart disease, some cancers, and other chronic diseases. While some fruits may cause blood sugar levels to rise, they do not cause such sharp increases as some carbohydrates, such as bread, do. Whole fruits are considered to be high-quality carbohydrates and contain fiber that may help slow down the absorption of glucose. Dried fruit contains concentrated natural sugars, which may spike blood glucose levels. People with high blood pressure should also be wary of sodium levels in canned and pickled vegetables.
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Passwords are important if you want to keep your information safe. Here are some simple ways to secure your accounts through better password practices: - Create a strong password: Make passwords long and strong, with a mix of uppercase and lowercase letters, numbers and symbols. Change them routinely and keep them private. - Passphrases: Make your password a sentence: A strong password is a sentence that is at least 12 characters long. Focus on positive sentences or phrases that you like to think about and are easy to remember. For examples on how to create this – view the videos below. - Unique account, unique password: Have a separate password for every account. Re-using passwords is risky. If someone figures out your password for one account, that person could potentially gain access to all of them. Spear phishing is a specialized email attack against a specific target or small group of targets to collect information or gain access to systems. Cyber criminals have become quite savvy and often direct users to visit a website where they are asked to provide their account information, passwords, credit card information or other forms of personally identifiable information. The emails they send can look just like it comes from a University staff member, or any other service or business. It often urges you to act quickly, because your account has been compromised. Recent phishing emails have included subject lines such as Email Maintenance Today and Unsubscribe opt-in leads. How can I identify phishing emails? - Read all communications carefully and look for: - Unofficial or odd “From” address - Urgent action required - Links to a fake or odd website - Misspellings or incorrect grammar What should I do if I receive these? - Do not click on any links contained in them. - Do not open the email attachment. - Please forward the phishing attempt to our IT Security office at firstname.lastname@example.org.
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http://bullfroginsurance.com/bonding/ is a guarantee of adherence to a certain law, obligation or court order. Each bond comes with its own unique circumstances, requiring its participants to protect each other from financial harm. The participants of commercial surety bonds include; - Principal– Is the person who purchases the bond as an assurance of future work performance. - Surety– This is the person financially guaranteeing the principal to act in accordance with the terms spelt out in the bond. - Obligee– A person who requires the bond and is entitled to minimize the likelihood of a financial loss. It is a requirement by the law that the obligee recovers loses made by the principal, he or she fails to fulfill or act in accordance with the terms of the contract. However, in the recovery process, the obligee is only required to recover an amount not exceeding the cost of the bond. There are certain professional bodies that require their members to be competent enough in order to gain public confidence. This requires them to obtain practices in order to transact any business on behalf of the body. When a firm is bonded, it means that some of its money is controlled by the state and clients can be indemnified in case they make claims against the business. Types of Commercial Surety Bonds - License and Permits– This is a requirement by the federal or county state as a prerequisite in order to operate a certain business. It shows a commitment by the obligee that the business will comply or act within the underlying statutes of the federal or county laws and regulations. Examples of bonds under this include customs bonds, environmental protection bonds among many others. - Court Bonds– These are bonds that are prescribed by the courts of law. They can be either judicial or fiduciary bonds. Judiciary bonds are as a result of a court litigation as remedy for any legal action that could have been taken by the court. Judicial bonds include injunction and appeal bonds. Fiduciary bonds bind someone’s property under the care of another individual who assures the court of performing specified tasks in relation to the property, faithfully. Examples include trustee and administrator bonds. - Public Official Bonds– These are bonds seeking to guarantee the confidence of elected persons to public offices that they will faithfully execute their duties as required. They include notaries public bonds, credit union volunteers bonds, judges and magistrates bonds among others. - Miscellaneous Bonds– These are bonds that support private or unique business relationships between different individuals. They include lost securities bonds, self-insured guaranty bonds and union bonds.
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In 2014 America’s biggest tech companies began releasing their diversity numbers. Despite the fiercely competitive nature and distinctive offerings of Google, Yahoo, Facebook and Twitter, the percentages of their workforces made up of African Americans and Latinos was eerily similar. Only 2% of almost every company’s workforce was African American, and about 3-4% was Hispanic or Latino. Three years later, the numbers aren’t much better. Now the Government Accountability Office (GAO) has issued a report broadening the research beyond individual companies and looking at the sector at large from 2005 to 2015. Here’s what GAO found: The estimated percentage of minority technology workers increased from 2005 to 2015, but GAO found that no growth occurred for female and Black workers, whereas Asian and Hispanic workers made statistically significant increases. Further, female, Black and Hispanic workers remain a smaller proportion of technology employees in mathematics, computing and engineering occupations than their representation in the general workforce. The low numbers of women and people of color are not just present in the workforce and leadership ranks of these companies. The trend continues when looking at entrepreneurs. CB Insights studied diversity in startup teams receiving venture capital investment and found that teams of all white founders received 87% of the investment dollars. African American teams only got one percent of investments, and investments with Latino teams were so negligible they didn’t even make the graph. Revealing the plight of Black women makes the problem most starkly clear. Although Black and Latina women are the fastest growing group of entrepreneurs in the country with 1.5 million businesses that rake in $44 billion in revenue, they can’t crack the code in tech investment. While the typical startup founded mostly by white males raises an average of $1.3 million in funding, black women raise only $36,000. Closing the tech employment gap will help. According to an Economic Policy Institute analysis, women make about 81 cents on the dollar versus men, African American women make 65 cents and Latinas just 59 cents. However, in tech jobs the pay gap closes. The Department of Commerce reports that women in STEM jobs make 33% more than their non-tech counterparts. The GAO report found that the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Department of Labor’s Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP) can help by focusing on federal tech contractors. The reports offer six recommendations including developing better tracking of hiring and requiring more specific goals for companies to hire women and people of color. Federal contractors hiring and promoting more women and people of color could be a game changer. The big private players recruit at a small number of schools. To meet higher numbers, they will need to broaden and diversify the schools where they recruit. These new hires should also be able to found companies of their own one day and make a stronger case to funders. However, the funding mechanisms deserve a closer look too. Founders need greater access to funds that directly target investments with diverse entrepreneurs. Even if these startups don’t work out, team members will be more able to move laterally in the industry once they have proven themselves. America has a lot of work to do to fix our tech diversity problem. If we don’t get more serious and add more rigor, stagnation will be the result. In a workforce becoming more diverse, addressing the lack of diversity in the booming tech sector will increase incomes for a wider range of workers, build wealth for struggling families and close gaps in disparities across the board. Jamal Simmons is a seasoned political analyst, co-chairman of the DC-based Internet Innovation Alliance (IIA), and co-founder of CRVIII Inc. Originally published at Huffington Post
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Inviting a Plague In response to the demand repeatedly made both by Israel and the USA for the Palestinian Authority to forcefully dismantle the Palestinian terrorist organizations, the Arafat puppets serving as prime ministers have declared that they will not initiate a civil war with their Arab brothers. The need for such a civil war to eliminate the danger which Arab terrorism poses not only to Israel but to the Palestinians themselves has a historical source in the Torah portion we will be reading this Shabbat. The ten plagues inflicted by Heaven on the Egyptians to coerce them into freeing their Hebrew slaves were climaxed by the plague which claimed the lives of all the Egyptian firstborn. When King David (Tehillim 135:10) calls upon us to give thanks to G-d "Who smote Egypt with their firstborn" the simple meaning is this tenth plague itself. The Midrash, however, interprets it as a reference to what preceded the plague. When the firstborn learned that Moshe had warned Pharaoh that further procrastination in obeying the divine command "to let My people go" would result in the death of all of them, they demanded of their leaders that they free the Hebrews. When their demand was rejected a bloody civil war ensued with "Egyptians being smitten by their firstborn". That abortive revolt failed to save the lives of the firstborn who all perished on the eve of our liberation. It should serve, however, as a lesson to the Palestinians that unless they are courageous enough to fight against their own people such as the Hamas and Jihad terrorists they are inviting a plague upon themselves. Only a genuine initiative on the part of the Palestinian leadership will bring prosperity to their people and will solve the problem of security for Israel forever.
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A manager for a small investment organization has been making use of index funds for restricted marketing time. Expansion has encouraged her to now transit into picking stocks. She is contemplating two small but very different listed stocks, but is worried about the risk that will be inherent via these investments in her portfolio. Provides an introduction to CAPM.Stidents will have an insight into total risk, non-diversifiable or portfolio risk, and (CAPM) beta, and compute the differences present in the stocks individually, and portfolio variance with and without stocks, to assess how a very risky (but low-beta) equity option infact lowers the risk, and compute stock-betas. Investment Return Data Month Vanguard 500 Index California REIT Brown Group Portfolio A* Portfolio B* Mean, Standard Deviation Applying CAPM, Riskfree Rate, Market Risk Premium, Monthly Expected Return What is Wolfe’s current investment strategy? What kind of adjustment is she considering? Calculate the variability (standard deviation) of the stock returns of California REIT (CREIT) and Brown Group (BG) during the past two years. How variable are they compared with Vanguard Index 500 Trust? Which stock appears to be riskiest? Suppose Beta’s position had been 99% of equity funds invested in the index fund, and 1% in the individual stock. Calculate the variability of this portfolio using each stock. How does each stock affect the variability of the equity investment, and which stock is riskiest? Explain how this makes sense in view of your answer to Question 2 above. Perform a regression of each stock’s monthly returns on the Index returns to compute the “beta” for each stock. This regression is called the Market Model in the literature. How does this relate to the situation described in Question 3 above? How might the expected return for each stock relate to its riskiness? What do you think about the move to a more active stock-picking strategy? Try to derive the Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM) equation for the two stocks. Try to work out this question by assuming that Beta’s position had been 99% of equity funds invested in the index fund, and 1% in a riskless money market account. Imagine that you can switch from the money market account to CREIT, BG, or the index fund. Think about the condition for Sarah to be indifferent between switching to CREIT (or BG) and switching to the index.
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Unique Issues in Physical Development Although the major physical development milestones of adolescence happen to everyone, the timing of these milestones varies a lot, both between and within the sexes. Some adolescents exhibit physical signs of maturity sooner than their peers, and others exhibit them later. For example, the visible physical changes in males often begin a couple of years after they begin in females. The timing of a female’s first period also varies: girls can start their period as early as eight and as late as 16. These differences can be hard for adolescents: they may feel self-conscious, or worry that they don’t fit in if they don’t look like others their age. These variations also can lead to other people treating adolescents in a way that does not match their cognitive or emotional development. For instance, females who develop visible curves or males whose voices change during middle school may be treated more like older teenagers by both their peers and adults, even if they do not have the cognitive or emotional maturity of older teenagers. In contrast, adolescents who exhibit physical changes later than their peers may be treated like younger children, even though they are more mature cognitively and emotionally. Some research suggests that youth who experience faster physical development are more likely to engage in risk-taking behavior than their peers and that teens who develop more slowly than their peers may be more likely to face bullying. Many factors can be responsible for differences in the timing and results of adolescents’ physical changes, such as: - Genes. A person’s genetic makeup can affect the timing of puberty and what the changes look like. - Diet/nutrition and exercise before and during adolescence. Overweight females, for example, are more likely to have their first period and experience breast development at younger ages than their peers. - Chronic illnesses. Conditions such as cystic fibrosis, asthma, diabetes, or bowel problems also can contribute to delays in growth and puberty because of nutrient deficiencies, toxin excess, and/or medication side effects. - Substance use. Smoking or using other drugs can harm adolescents’ growth and development. Smoking can stunt lung growth and make it harder to grow strong bones.1 - Development in other areas. Variations in cognitive, emotional, social, and/or moral development also can influence and be influenced by physical changes in adolescence. For instance, those who look different than their peers (e.g., being overweight or underweight) are at a higher risk of being bullied by peers. Additional information on adolescent physical development can be found in The Teen Years Explained: A Guide to Healthy Adolescent Development, produced by the Center for Adolescent Health at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Content last reviewed on February 6, 2019
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Asmble is a compiler that compiles WebAssembly code to JVM bytecode. It also contains an interpreter and utilities for working with WASM code from the command line and from JVM languages. - WASM to JVM bytecode compiler (no runtime required) - WASM interpreter (instruction-at-a-time steppable) - Conversion utilities between WASM binary, WASM text, and WASM AST - Programmatic JVM library for all of the above (written in Kotlin) - Examples showing how to use other languages on the JVM via WASM (e.g. Rust) WebAssembly by itself does not have routines for printing to stdout or any external platform features. For this example we’ll use the test harness used by the spec. Java 8 must be installed. Download the latest TAR/ZIP from the releases area and extract it to WebAssembly code is either in a binary file (i.e. .wasm files) or a text file (i.e. .wast files). The following code imports the (module (import "spectest" "print" (func $print (param i32))) (func $print70 (call $print (i32.const 70))) (start $print70) ) Save this as print-70.wast. Now to run this, execute: ./asmble/bin/asmble run -testharness print-70.wast The result will be: 70 : i32 Which is how the test harness prints an integer. See the examples directory for more examples. Assuming Java 8 is installed, download the latest release and extract it. asmble command is present in the asmble/bin folder. There are multiple commands in Asmble that can be seen by asmble with no commands: Usage: COMMAND options... Commands: compile - Compile WebAssembly to class file help - Show command help invoke - Invoke WebAssembly function run - Run WebAssembly script commands translate - Translate WebAssembly from one form to another For detailed command info, use: help COMMAND Some of the commands are detailed below. asmble help compile: Command: compile Description: Compile WebAssembly to class file Usage: compile <inFile> [-format <inFormat>] <outClass> [-out <outFile>] Args: <inFile> - The wast or wasm WebAssembly file name. Can be '--' to read from stdin. Required. -format <inFormat> - Either 'wast' or 'wasm' to describe format. Optional, default: <use file extension> -log <logLevel> - One of: trace, debug, info, warn, error, off. Optional, default: warn <outClass> - The fully qualified class name. Required. -out <outFile> - The file name to output to. Can be '--' to write to stdout. Optional, default: <outClass.class> This is used to compile WebAssembly to a class file. See the compilation details for details about how WebAssembly translates to JVM bytecode. The result will be a .class file containing JVM bytecode. NOTE: There is no runtime required with the class files. They are self-contained. asmble help invoke: Command: invoke Description: Invoke WebAssembly function Usage: invoke [-in <inFile>]... [-reg <registration>]... [-mod <module>] [<export>] [<arg>]... Args: <arg> - Parameter for the export if export is present. Multiple allowed. Optional, default: <empty> -defmaxmempages <defaultMaxMemPages> - The maximum number of memory pages when a module doesn't say. Optional, default: 5 <export> - The specific export function to invoke. Optional, default: <start-func> -in <inFile> - Files to add to classpath. Can be wasm, wast, or class file. Named wasm/wast modules here are automatically registered unless -noreg is set. Multiple allowed. Optional, default: <empty> -log <logLevel> - One of: trace, debug, info, warn, error, off. Optional, default: warn -mod <module> - The module name to run. If it's a JVM class, it must have a no-arg constructor. Optional, default: <last-in-entry> -noreg - If set, this will not auto-register modules with names. Optional. -reg <registration> - Register class name to a module name. Format: modulename=classname. Multiple allowed. Optional, default: <empty> -res - If there is a result, print it. Optional. -testharness - If set, registers the spec test harness as 'spectest'. Optional. This can run WebAssembly code including compiled .class files. For example, put the following WebAssembly at (module (func (export "doAdd") (param $i i32) (result i32) (i32.add (get_local 0) (i32.const 20)) ) ) This can be invoked via the following with the result shown: asmble invoke -res -in add-20.wast doAdd 100 That will print 120. However, it can be compiled first like so: asmble compile add-20.wast MyClass Now there is a file called MyClass.class. Since it has a no-arg constructor because it doesn’t import anything (see compilation details below), it can be invoked as well: asmble invoke -res -in MyClass.class -reg myMod=MyClass -mod myMod doAdd 100 Note, that any Java class can be registered for the most part. It just needs to have a no-arg consstructor and any referenced functions need to be public, non-static, and with return/param types of only int, long, float, or double. asmble help translate: Command: translate Description: Translate WebAssembly from one form to another Usage: translate <inFile> [-in <inFormat>] [<outFile>] [-out <outFormat>] Args: -compact - If set for wast out format, will be compacted. Optional. <inFile> - The wast or wasm WebAssembly file name. Can be '--' to read from stdin. Required. -in <inFormat> - Either 'wast' or 'wasm' to describe format. Optional, default: <use file extension> -log <logLevel> - One of: trace, debug, info, warn, error, off. Optional, default: warn <outFile> - The wast or wasm WebAssembly file name. Can be '--' to write to stdout. Optional, default: -- -out <outFormat> - Either 'wast' or 'wasm' to describe format. Optional, default: <use file extension or wast for stdout> Asmble can translate .wasm files to .wast or vice versa. It can also translate .wast which has value because it resolves all names and creates a more raw yet deterministic and sometimes more readable it can translate .wasm but there is no real benefit. All Asmble is doing internally here is converting to a common AST regardless of input then writing it out in the desired output. Asmble is written in Kotlin but since Kotlin is a thin layer over traditional Java, it can be used quite easily in all JVM languages. The compiler and annotations are deployed to Maven Central. The compiler is written in Kotlin and can be added as a Gradle dependency with: This is only needed to compile of course, the compiled code has no runtime requirement. The compiled code does include some annotations (but in Java its ok to have annotations that are not found). If you do want to reflect the annotations, the annotation library can be added as a Gradle dependency with: Building and Testing To manually build, clone the repository: git clone --recursive https://github.com/cretz/asmble The reason we use recursive is to clone the spec submodule we have embedded at src/test/resources/spec. Unlike many Gradle projects, this project chooses not to embed the Gradle runtime library in the repository. To assemble the entire project with Gradle installed and on the PATH (tested with 4.6), run: The API documentation is not yet available at this early stage. But as an overview, here are some useful classes and packages: asmble.ast.Node- All WebAssembly AST nodes as static inner classes. asmble.cli- All code for the CLI. asmble.compile.jvm.AstToAsm- Entry point to go from AST module to ASM ClassNode. asmble.compile.jvm.Mem- Interface that can be implemented to change how memory is handled. Right now ByteBufferMemin the same package is the only implementation and it emits FuncBuilder- Where the bulk of the WASM-instruction-to-JVM-instruction translation happens. asmble.io- Classes for translating to/from ast nodes, bytes (i.e. wasm), sexprs (i.e. wast), and strings. asmble.run.jvm- Tools for running WASM code on the JVM. Specifically ScriptContextwhich helps with linking. asmble.run.jvm.interpret- The interpreter that can run WASM all at once or allow it to be stepped one instruction at a time. Note, some code is not complete yet (e.g. a linker and javax.script support) but beginnings of the code still appear in the repository. And for those reading code, here are some interesting algorithms: asmble.compile.jvm.RuntimeHelpers#bootstrapIndirect(in Java, not Kotlin) - Manipulating arguments to essentially chain MethodHandlecalls for an invokedynamicbootstrap. This is actually taken from the compiled Java class and injected as a synthetic method of the module class if needed. asmble.compile.jvm.msplit(in Java, not Kotlin) - A rudimentary JVM method bytecode splitter for when method sizes exceed the limit allowed by the JVM (embedded from another project). asmble.compile.jvm.InsnReworker#addEagerLocalInitializers- Backwards navigation up the instruction list to make sure that a local is set before it is get. asmble.compile.jvm.InsnReworker#injectNeededStackVars- Inject instructions at certain places to make sure we have certain items on the stack when we need them. asmble.io.ByteReader$InputStream- A simple eof-peekable input stream reader. asmble.run.jvm.interpret.Interpreter- Full WASM interpreter in a few hundred lines of Kotlin. Asmble does its best to compile WASM ops to JVM bytecodes with minimal overhead. Below are some details on how each part is done. Every module is represented as a single class. This section assumes familiarity with WebAssembly concepts. Asmble creates different constructors based on the memory requirements. Each constructor created contains the imports as parameters (see imports below) If the module does not define memory, a single constructor is created that accepts all other imports. If the module does define memory, two constructors are created: one accepting a memory instance, and an overload that instead accepts an integer value for max memory that is used to create the memory instance before sending to the first one. If the maximum memory is given for the module, a third constructor is created without any memory parameters and just calls the max memory overload w/ the given max memory value. All three of course have other imports as the rest of the parameters. After all other constructor duties (described in sections below), the module’s start function is called if present. Memory is built or accepted in the constructor and is stored in a field. The current implementation uses a ByteBuffers are not dynamically growable, the max memory is an absolute max even though there is a limit which is adjusted on grow_memory. Any data for the memory is set in the constructor. In the WebAssembly MVP a table is just a set of function pointers. This is stored in a field as an array of MethodHandle instances. Any elements for the table are set in the constructor. Globals are stored as fields on the class. A non-import global is simply a field that is final if not mutable. An import global is a MethodHandle to the getter and a MethodHandle to the setter if mutable. Any values for the globals are set in the constructor. The constructor accepts all imports as params. Memory is imported via a ByteBuffer param, then function MethodHandle params, then global imports as MethodHandle params (one for getter and another for setter if mutable), then a MethodHandle array param for an imported table. All of these values are set as fields in the Exports are exported as public methods of the class. The export names are mangled to conform to Java identifier requirements. Function exports are as is whereas memory, global, and table exports have the name capitalized and are then prefixed with “get” to match Java getter conventions. Exports are always separate methods instead of just changing the name of an existing method or field. This encapsulation allows things like many exports for a single item. WebAssembly has 4 types: f64. These translate quite literally to Control Flow Operations Operations such as unreachable (which throws) behave mostly as expected. Branching and looping are handled with jumps. The problem that occurs with jumping is that WebAssembly does not require compiler writers to clean up their own stack. Therefore, if the WASM ops have extra stack values, we pop it before jumping which has performance implications but not big ones. For most sane compilers, the stack will be managed stringently and leftover stack items will not be present. br_table jumps translate literally to JVM table switches which makes them very fast. There is a special set of code for handling really large tables (because of Java’s method limit) but this is unlikely to affect most in call operations do different things depending upon whether it is an import or not. If it is an import, the MethodHandle is retrieved from a field and called via invokeExact. Otherwise, a normal invokevirtual is done to call the local method. call_indirect is done via invokedynamic on the JVM. Specifically, invokedynamic specifies a synthetic bootstrap method that we create. It does a one-time call on that bootstrap method to get a MethodHandle that can be called in the future. We wouldn’t normally have to use invokedynamic because we could use the index to reference a MethodHandle in the array field. However, in WebAssembly, that index is after the parameters of the call and the stack manipulation we would have to do would be far too expensive. So we need a MethodHandle that takes the params of the target method, and then the index, to make the call. But we also need “this” because it is expected at some point in the future that the table field could be changed underneath and we don’t want that field reference to be cached via the one-time bootstrap call. We do this with a synthetic bootstrap method which uses some MethodHandle trickery to manipulate it the way we want. This makes indirect calls very fast, especially on successive invocations. drop translates literally to a pop. A select translates to a conditional swap, then a pop. Local variable access translates fairly easily because WebAssembly and the JVM treat the concept of parameters as the initial locals similarly. Granted the JVM form has “this” at slot 0. Also, WebAssembly doesn’t treat 64-bit vars as 2 slots like the JVM, so some simple math is done like it is with the stack. WebAssembly requires all locals the assume they are 0 whereas the JVM requires locals be set before use. An algorithm in Asmble makes sure that locals are set to 0 before they are fetched in any situation where they weren’t explicitly set first. Global variable access depends on whether it’s an import or not. Imports call getter MethodHandles whereas non-imports simply do normal field access. Memory operations are done via ByteBuffer methods on a little-endian buffer. All operations including unsigned operations are tailored to use specific existing Java stdlib functions. As a special optimization, we put the memory instance as a local var if it is accessed a lot in a function. This is cheaper than constantly fetching the field. Constants are simply ldc bytecode ops on the JVM. Comparisons are done via specific bytecodes sometimes combined with JVM calls for things like unsigned comparison. Operators use idiomatic JVM approaches as well. The WebAssembly spec requires a runtime check of overflow during trunc calls. This is enabled by default in Asmble. It defers to an internal synthetic method that does the overflow check. This can be programmatically disabled for better Asmble maintains knowledge of types on the stack during compilation and fails compilation for any invalid stack items. This includes the somewhat complicated logic concerning unreachable code. In several cases, Asmble needs something on the stack that WebAssembly doesn’t, such as “this” before the value of a putfield call when setting a non-import global. In order to facilitate this, Asmble does a preprocessing of the instructions. It builds the stack diffs and injects the needed items (e.g. a reference to the memory class for a load) at the right place in the instruction list to make sure they are present when needed. As an unintended side effect of this kind of logic, it turns out that Asmble never needs local variables beyond what WebAssembly specifies. No temp variables or anything. It could be argued however that the use of temp locals might make some of the compilation logic less complicated and could even improve runtime performance in places where we overuse the stack (e.g. some places where we do a swap). Below are some performance and implementation quirks where there is a bit of an impedance mismatch between WebAssembly and the JVM: - WebAssembly has a nice data section for byte arrays whereas the JVM does not. Right now we use a single-byte-char string constant (i.e. ISO-8859 charset). This saves class file size, but this means we call String::getByteson init to load bytes from the string constant. Due to the JVM using an unsigned 16-bit int as the string constant length, the maximum byte length is 65536. Since the string constants are stored as UTF-8 constants, they can be up to four bytes a character. Therefore, we populate memory in data chunks no larger than 16300 (nice round number to make sure that even in the worse case of 4 bytes per char in UTF-8 view, we’re still under the max). - The JVM makes no guarantees about trailing bits being preserved on NaN floating point representations like WebAssembly does. This causes some mismatch on WebAssembly tests depending on how the JVM “feels” (I haven’t dug into why some bit patterns stay and some don’t when NaNs are passed through methods). - The JVM requires strict stack management where the compiler writer is expected to pop off what he doesn’t use before performing unconditional jumps. WebAssembly requires the runtime to discard unused stack items before unconditional jump so we have to handle this. This can cause performance issues because essentially we do a “pop-before-jump” which pops all unneeded stack values before jumping. If the target of the jump expects a fresh item on the stack (i.e. a typed block) then it gets worse because we have to pop what we don’t need except for the last stack value which leads to a swap-pop-and-swap. Hopefully in real world use, tools that compile to WebAssembly don’t have a bunch of these cases. If they do, we may need to look into spilling to temporary local vars. - Both memory and tables have “max capacity” and “initial capacity”. While memory uses a ByteBufferwhich has these concepts (i.e. “capacity” and “limit”), tables use an array which only has the “initial capacity”. This means that tests that check for max capacity on imports at link time do not fail because we don’t store max capacity for a table. This is not a real problem for the MVP since the table cannot be grown. But once it can, we may need to consider bringing another int along with us for table max capacity (or at least make it an option). - WebAssembly has a concept of “unset max capacity” which means there can theoretically be an infinite capacity memory ByteBuffers do not support this, but care is taken to allow link time and runtime max memory setting to give the caller freedom. - WebAssembly requires some trunc calls to do overflow checks, whereas the JVM does not. So for example, WebAssembly i32.trunc_s/f32which would usually be a simple f2iJVM instruction, but we have to do an overflow check that the JVM does not do. We do this via a private static synthetic method in the module. There is too much going on to inline it in the method and if several functions need it, it can become hot and JIT’d. This may be an argument for a more global set of runtime helpers, but we aim to be runtime free. Care was taken to allow the overflow checks to be turned off programmatically. - WebAssembly allows unsigned 32 bit int memory indices. ByteBufferonly has signed which means the value can overflow. And in order to support even larger sets of memory, WebAssembly supports constant offsets which are added to the runtime indices. Asmble will eagerly fail compilation if an offset is out of range. But at runtime we don’t check by default and the overflow can wrap around and access wrong memory. There is an option to do the overflow check when added to the offset which is disabled by default. Other than this there is nothing we can do easily. I like writing compilers and I needed a sufficiently large project to learn Kotlin really well to make a reasonable judgement on it. I also wanted to become familiar w/ WebAssembly. I don’t really have a business interest for this and therefore I cannot promise it will forever be maintained. Will it work on Android? I have not investigated. But I do use MethodHandle so it would need to be a modern version of Android. I assume, then, that both runtime and compile-time code might run there. Experiment feedback welcome. What about JVM to WASM? This is not an immediate goal of this project, at least not until the WASM GC proposal has been accepted. In the meantime, there is https://github.com/konsoletyper/teavm So I can compile something in C via Emscripten and have it run on the JVM with this? Yes, but work is required. WebAssembly is lacking any kind of standard library. So Emscripten will either embed it or import it from the platform (not sure which/where, I haven’t investigated). It might be a worthwhile project to build a libc-of-sorts as Emscripten knows it for the JVM. Granted it is probably not the most logical approach to run C on the JVM compared with direct LLVM-to-JVM work. Not yet, once source maps get standardized I may revisit. - Add “dump” that basically goes from WebAssembly to “javap” like output so details are clear - Expose the advanced compilation options - Add “link” command that will build an entire JAR out of several WebAssembly files and glue code between them - Annotations to make it clear what imports are expected - Compile some parts to JS and native with Kotlin javax.scriptsupport (which can give things like a free repl w/ jrunscript)
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Used in the creation of the beer style, Brut IPA. Amylo 300 is a food grade fungal amyloglucosidases used to convert non-fermentable sugars into fermentable sugars and widely applied in breweries and wineries. This exoenzyme produces glucose units from starch, dextrins and maltose. It acts by sequentially hydrolyzing both α-1,4 and α-1,6 glycosidic bonds in these starch polymers and maltose, releasing glucose. Amylo 300 digest starch, releasing one glucose molecule at a time. They proceed from the non-reducing end of a dextrin or starch molecule until they reach a 1-6 branch point from which they cannot proceed any further. The gelatinization and liquefaction by alpha amylase of starch molecules plays directly into the efficiency of Amylo 300 enzyme’s performance. Amylo 300 is majorly used in brewing to increase wort sugar levels and thus wort fermentability, resulting in improved alcohol yields and “low carb” beer. Most brewers use Amylo to overcome malt varietal differences/ levels of modification and high level of adjunct (rice, corn, wheat) usage.
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