Newsgroup: it.media.tv
Titolo: The Observer su Berlusconi

Ma come è che questi commenti dall'estero sull'Italia non ci tornano mai 
indietro attraverso i nostri TG?
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/7days/story/0,,2247512,00.html
Forse non potrebbero citare frasi come "It is not certain whether, as a 
result of the ensuing reunion, Dell'Utri became Cosa Nostra's ambassador 
to Fininvest, vice-versa, or both."
Non è mia abitudine ma stavolta lo posto tutto, google gruppi ha un 
sacco di memoria:
Ed Vulliamy
Sunday January 27, 2008
The Observer
Incredibly, only 18 months since half of the nation was euphoric at 
getting rid of him, Italy is now considering a reprise for Silvio 
Berlusconi and his new People of Freedom party following the resignation 
last Thursday of Prime Minister Romano Prodi.
Already on Friday, Berlusconi was out on the stump in Naples, demanding 
snap elections in April, and suggesting that his dream was to follow the 
example of Tony Blair, 'stay for three years, modernise Italy' before 
handing over to an 'Italian Gordon Brown'. In a typical flourish, he 
claimed that the people were 'asking for him'. Opinion polls suggest 
that he might well be right, and he stands a good chance of returning to 
power.
Article continues
Perhaps Berlusconi is viewed as a man for a crisis - for Italy is 
certainly facing one or two. Even Italians, who rightly pity the way 
others live, lament the malaise. It does Italy no good to have rubbish 
piling up in Naples because the Camorra, seemingly involved in the 
collection, refuses to be bowed. It hurts Italy's pride to be overtaken 
by Spain's economy and have its seat at the G8 questioned. 'We have lost 
a little of our will for the future,' admits Walter Veltroni, mayor of 
Rome and Berlusconi's next probable opponent.
Perhaps it is also now fashionable to hanker for 'corporate' political 
leaders - the idea that because billionaire Berlusconi runs a 
conglomerate, he will run Italy with the same guile and gusto. Then 
there is his eccentricity: kissing the bride at a Muslim marriage, 
calling a German Euro-MP a Nazi and commending his wife's sexual 
appetite to the Danish Prime Minister. This is the sort of thing for 
which he is known as il cavaliere, though the nickname was bestowed by 
his friend and godfather to one of his daughters, Bettino Craxi, Prime 
Minister from 1983 to 1987.
When he was first elected in 1994, Berlusconi was already a familiar 
face in Italian life. He was, as they say, ben introdotto - 
'well-introduced' - in political circles, but disconnected from 
political practice. His fiefdom was that of flimsily clad girls bouncing 
around on TV quiz shows, AC Milan football club and the media empire he 
had built.
But suddenly, 'Berlusca' decided politics was for him and established a 
party out of nowhere opportunistically named after the football slogan 
'Forza Italia'. Berlusconi stood, apparently, for nothing; he was the 
postmodern politician for the consumer age. But how wrong Italy was to 
think that Berlusconi stands for nothing. His genius was to get elected 
on dancing girls and then ensure both that the ancien régime remained 
intact and that he put himself above the law, which was closing in on him.
Berlusconi was born in Milan, in 1936, the son of a bank official and a 
secretary at Pirelli tyres, and funded university studies by working as 
a pianist and crooner aboard cruise ships (he composed an album of love 
songs for singer Mariano Apicella).
His first enterprise was the construction of a new town outside Milan, 
'Milano 2'. No one knows where he procured the capital, but an encounter 
with a friend from Sicily is submitted as a possibility, alongside his 
admission to the P2 masonic lodge, a dark circle connected to the Mafia, 
right-wing and state terrorism With profits from Milano 2, Berlusconi 
founded the Publitalia advertising company and thence Mediaset, his 
chain of TV channels, one empire selling to the other.
Berlusconi dabbled in politics only to advance his interests. During the 
1970s, anti-monopolies law forbade private television to be national and 
in 1984 judges closed some of Berlusconi's local stations for showing 
identical material. Berlusconi called on Prime Minister Craxi - and was 
later charged with bribing him handsomely - who promptly re-opened them 
by decree and a year later made the decree into law abolishing the 
restrictions.
Craxi later fled to Tunisia, from multiple corruption charges, and died. 
But by then, Berlusconi was off the legal leash and his empire, under an 
umbrella, Fininvest, comprised 50 magazines, two national newspapers, a 
galaxy of TV channels and studios, a film distribution network, 
publishing and advertising empires and glamorous AC Milan.
In 1990, working as a correspondent in Italy, I found myself 
interviewing families who lived in houses built by Berlusconi, read 
papers and magazines published by Berlusconi, went to work for 
Berlusconi past advertisement hoardings owned by Berlusconi, after which 
they watched TV made by Berlusconi and on Sunday followed their team, 
owned by Berlusconi.
In Italy, it's not what you know, it's who you know. The same happens 
everywhere, but in Italy, 'raccomandazione' is a formalised system. One 
of the fascinating people 'recommended' to the top by Berlusconi was 
Marcello Dell'Utri, whom he met playing football while students in Milan.
They couldn't have been more different: the crooner and the Opus Dei 
Sicilian with childhood contacts to future Mafia superbosses. The two 
parted company until the 1970s, when Dell'Utri took a call from his old 
friend aboard his yacht anchored off Sicily.
It is not certain whether, as a result of the ensuing reunion, Dell'Utri 
became Cosa Nostra's ambassador to Fininvest, vice-versa, or both. 
Either way, he fast-tracked through the ranks to become director of 
Publitalia. And in 1994, Berlusconi knew exactly whose vote he needed to 
inherit the Christian Democrat hold on Sicily and much of the south: the 
block vote mobilised by Cosa Nostra. In 2004, the state court in Palermo 
convicted Dell'Utri of securing and delivering that vote, sentencing him 
to nine years (against which he has appealed).
The Dell'Utri scandal had a British spin-off when it emerged last year 
that Berlusconi's Mafia go-between had been a director of 
London-registered Publitalia International (later Publieurope), one of 
the firms in Berlusconi's labyrinthine offshore empire put together by 
Fininvest's international lawyer, David Mills, estranged husband of 
Tessa Jowell.
The empire itself was subject to many judicial investigations, but the 
trial was cancelled in 2006 after Berlusconi suffered a timely heart 
attack and the case expired. In 1996, though, Italian police and the 
Serious Fraud Office had raided Mills's offices in London, confiscating 
15 boxes of documents, only for then Prime Minister Berlusconi to make 
history by personally petitioning the High Court to try and stop their 
return to Italy. But he was overruled by Lord Justice Brown, who said he 
found a case to answer. Mills has vehemently denied all charges and 
there is no suggestion he knew of Dell'Utri's Mafia connection.
London was a rare legal rebuff: Berlusconi's self-insulation from 
Italian law has been spectacular, finally passing a law giving Italy's 
Prime Minister blanket immunity from prosecution.
Britain's main memory of Berlusconi is the holiday he afforded Tony and 
Cherie Blair at his villa in Sardinia, sporting a bandana after a hair 
transplant and arranging a fireworks display reading 'VIVA TONY'. Blair 
was doing more than holiday with Berlusconi - they needed to discuss 
their mutual enthusiasm for war in Iraq.
For Britons, the encounter said more about Blair than Berlusconi. But it 
also demonstrated Berlusconi's ability to dazzle and charm in equal 
measure. For Berlusconi can be all things to all men, master of making 
the illogic logical. After the accession of Pope Benedict XVI, 
Berlusconi, with his empire of semi-naked dancing girls, supported the 
Holy Father, insisting that lay institutions should enforce 'family 
values' and religious devotion.
Out of power, Berlusconi carries the air of a premier-in-exile, but 
preparations to return are entwined with scandal, such as the recent 
leaking of wiretaps showing that his Mediaset executives had consulted 
regularly with counterparts at state-owned RAI channels to manage news 
favourable to Berlusconi.
And in his bid to get re-elected, Berlusconi woos his two unlikely 
allies, ex-fascist Gianfranco Fini's National Alliance and the 
separatist Northern League under wayward Umberto Bossi, both wary of il 
cavaliere
But Italy under Berlusconi the businessman did not do what it might have 
done. The assets of state were not privatised as much as they were in 
Britain; the Christian Democrat sense of responsibilities of state were, 
oddly, upheld. Hospitals are generally excellent, child literacy higher 
than in Britain and street crime lower. Even the big football clubs are 
not for sale. Berlusconi has no plans to sell Milan to Texan 
meat-packers or Russian oligarchs. Moreover, while England were too bad 
to qualify, Italy may win Euro 2008, probably why her really wants 
another stab at power.
After winning the 2006 World Cup, some of the players chanted at Prodi, 
when he visited the dressing rooms to congratulate them: 'Siamo tutti di 
destra!' - we're all on the right. The leader of the opposition was 
reported 'well pleased' at the news.
The Berlusconi lowdown
Born 29 September 1936 in Milan, Italy. Married to Veronica Lario, with 
three children. He was previously married to Carla Elvira Dall'Oglio for 
20 years, with two children.
Best of times Becoming Prime Minister twice - most recently between 2001 
and 2006. Making 51st place last year on the world rich list 2007. 
Italy's richest person, Berlusconi is a self-made billionaire with 
personal assets estimated at $11bn last year.
Worst of times Criticised for suggesting laid-off Fiat workers take 
illegal, non-tax-paying jobs to recoup losses. His first, short-lived 
cabinet coalition, the first right-wing administration in 34 years, 
collapsed after just seven months following internal disputes.
What he says 'Aside from the good weather, we have beautiful 
businesswomen and also beautiful secretaries.' Reasons why foreigners 
should invest in Italy.
What others say 'I demand a public apology, since I haven't received any 
privately... I chose not to leave space for marital conflicts, even when 
his behaviour created reasons to do so.' Veronica, his first wife, in an 
open letter printed in a newspaper following a public flirtation with 
lawmaker Mara Carfagna.
'A man known for planetary gaffes.' Massimo D'Alema, a former political 
colleague.

 
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/7days/story/0,,2247512,00.html
Eeeeeeh, sarà che sono impegnati a tradurre gli articoli contro Prodi...

 colleague.
In che senso "Un ex collega politico"? 

 In che senso "Un ex collega politico"? 
hai beccato l'altra frase che ero tentato di citare
m