Newsgroup: it.politica.pds
Titolo: Come perdere la guerra (dal Manifesto, 27 Ottobre)

How to Lose a War
By FRANK RICH
Welcome back to Sept. 10.
The "America Strikes Back" optimism that surged after Sept. 11 has now been
stricken by the multitude of ways we're losing the war at home. The F.B.I.
has proved more effective in waging turf battles against Rudy Giuliani than
waging war on terrorism. Of the more than 900 suspects arrested, exactly
zero have been criminally charged in the World Trade Center attack (though
one has died of natural causes, we're told, in a New Jersey jail cell). The
Bush team didn't fully recognize that a second attack on America had begun
until more than a week after the first casualty. The most highly trumpeted
breakthrough in the hunt for anthrax terrorists - Tom Ridge's announcement
that "the site where the letters were mailed" had been found in New Jersey -
proved a dead end. And now the president is posing with elementary-school
children again.
Given that this is the administration that was touted as being run with
C.E.O. clockwork, perhaps it should be added to the growing list of Things
That Have Changed Forever since Sept. 11. But let's not be so hasty. Not
everything changes that fast - least of all Washington. The White House's
home-front failures are not sudden, unpredictable products of wartime
confusion but direct products of an ethos that has been in place since Jan.
20.
This is an administration that will let its special interests - particularly
its high-rolling campaign contributors and its noisiest theocrats of the
right - have veto power over public safety, public health and economic
prudence in war, it turns out, no less than in peacetime. When anthrax
struck, the administration's first impulse was not to secure as much Cipro
as speedily as possible to protect Americans, but to protect the right of
pharmaceutical companies to profiteer. The White House's faith in tax cuts
as a panacea for all national ills has led to such absurdities as this
week's House "stimulus" package showering $254 million on Enron, the reeling
Houston energy company (now under S.E.C. investigation) that has served as a
Bush campaign cash machine.
Airport security, which has been enhanced by at best cosmetic tweaks since
Sept. 11, is also held hostage by campaign cash: As Salon has reported,
ServiceMaster, a supplier of the low-wage employees who ineptly man the
gates, is another G.O.P. donor. Not that Republicans stand alone in putting
fat cats first. In a display of bipartisanship, Democrats - lobbied by Linda
Hall Daschle, the Senate majority leader's wife - joined the administration
in handing the airlines a $15 billion bailout that enforces no reduction in
the salaries of the industry's C.E.O.'s even as they lay off tens of
thousands of their employees.
To see how the religious right has exerted its own distortions on homeland
security, you also have to consider an administration pattern that goes back
to its creation - and one that explains the recent trials of poor Tom Ridge.
Mr. Ridge is by all accounts a capable leader - a successful governor of a
large state (Pennsylvania) who won the Bronze Star for heroism in Vietnam. A
close friend of George W. Bush, he should have been in the administration
from the get-go, and was widely rumored to be a candidate for various jobs,
including the vice presidency. But after being pilloried by the right
because he supports abortion rights, he got zilch. Instead of Mr. Ridge, the
administration signed on the pro-life John Ashcroft and Tommy Thompson - who
have brought us where we are today.
The farcical failures of these two cabinet secretaries are not merely those
of public relations - though Mr. Thompson often comes across as a Chamber of
Commerce glad- hander who doesn't know his pants are on fire, and Mr.
Ashcroft often shakes as if he's not just seen great Caesar's ghost but
perhaps John Mitchell's as well. Both have a history of letting politics
override public policy that dates to the start of the administration.
They've seen no reason to reverse their partisan priorities even at a time
when the patriotic duty of effectively fighting terror should be their No. 1
concern.
Pre-Sept. 11, Mr. Thompson, in defiance of science, heartily lent his
credibility to the Bush administration's stem cell "compromise" by going
along with its overstatement of the viability and diversity of the stem cell
lines it would deliver to researchers. Post-Sept. 11, he destroyed his
credibility by understating the severity of the anthrax threat, also in
defiance of science. Now he maintains that the $1.5 billion the
administration is requesting to plug the many holes in our public health
system - almost all of it earmarked for stockpiling pharmaceuticals, not
shoring up local hospitals - is adequate for fighting bioterrorism. This,
too, is in defiance of all expert estimates, including that of the one
physician in the Senate, the Republican Bill Frist.
It should also be on Mr. Thompson's conscience that for the first two weeks
of the anthrax crisis he kept the federal government's house physician -
David Satcher, the surgeon general and a much-needed honest broker of public
health - locked away, presumably because Dr. Satcher, a Clinton appointee,
became persona non grata in the Bush administration for issuing a June
report on teenage sexuality that angered the religious right. Only after Mr.
Ridge arrived on the scene was the surgeon general liberated from the gulag.
As for Mr. Ashcroft, he has gone so far as to turn away firsthand
information about domestic terrorism for political reasons. Planned
Parenthood, which has been on the front lines of anthrax scares for years
and has by grim necessity marshaled the medical and security expertise to
combat them, has sought a meeting with the attorney general since he took
office but has never been granted one. This was true not only before Sept.
11 but, says Ann Glazier, Planned Parenthood's director of security, remains
true - even though her organization, long targeted by such home-grown
Talibans as the Army of God, has a decade's worth of leads on "the
convergence of international and domestic terrorism."
Ms. Glazier found the sight of Mr. Ashcroft and other federal Keystone Kops
offering a $1 million reward for anthrax terrorists a laughable indication
of how little grasp they have of the enemy. "Religious extremists don't
respond to money," she points out. Such is the state of the F.B.I., she
adds, that one agent told a clinic to hold onto a suspect letter for a
couple of days "because we have so many here we're afraid we're going to
lose it" (perhaps among the Timothy McVeigh documents).
If either the attorney general or the secretary of health and human services
inspired anything like the confidence that, say, Mayor Giuliani does, there
wouldn't have been a need to draft Mr. Ridge. Even so, he's mainly a P.R.
gimmick - a man who should have been in the administration in the first
place reduced to serving as a fig leaf for lightweights. As director of
homeland security, he's allegedly charged with supervising nearly 50
government agencies - so far with roughly a dozen staff members. When asked
to define Mr. Ridge's responsibilities, Ari Fleischer said on Wednesday that
it was "a very busy coordination job," but so far Mr. Ridge is mainly sowing
still more confusion.
The one specific duty that he has claimed - in an interview with Tom
Brokaw - was that he'd be the one "making the phone call" to the president
to shoot down any commercial airliner turned into a flying bomb by
hijackers. That presumably comes as news to Donald Rumsfeld, who made no
provision for any homeland security czar in the Air Force chain of command
he publicly codified days after Mr. Ridge's appointment.
Since the administration tightly metes out the news from Afghanistan, we can
only hope that the war there is being executed more effectively than the war
here - even as Mr. Rumsfeld and his generals now tell us that the Taliban,
once expected to implode in days, are proving Viet- Cong-like in their
intractability. The Wall Street Journal also reported this week that
"instead of a thankful Afghan population, popular support for the Taliban
appears to be solidifying and anger with the U.S. growing."
Maybe we're losing that battle for Afghan hearts and minds in part because
the Bush State Department appointee in charge of the propaganda effort is a
C.E.O. (from Madison Avenue) chosen not for her expertise in policy or
politics but for her salesmanship on behalf of domestic products like Head &
Shoulders shampoo. If we can't effectively fight anthrax, I guess it's
reassuring to know we can always win the war on dandruff.
Scherzavo, non era il manifesto, era il New York Times di oggi. Ma siccome
qui gira un matto che dice che negli USA esiste una restrizione dell'
informazione (non come in Italia, dove il presidente del consiglio si
rifiuta di fare le conferenze stampa) ho pensato che in questo modo magari
non se ne accorge. Ci vuole una pazienza, alle volte ....
JP


wrote:

Noio vulevam sapuar.. l'enderiss (Totò Peppino e la malafemmina)

 >William S
Bill,
it was Italian. Look above.
Cheers.
JP

 >
 Noio vulevam sapuar.. l'enderiss (Totò Peppino e la malafemmina)
Questa e buona
********
Questa è meglio
'A capa
Se capisce che 'a capa è pè l'ommo
cumme fosse 'a cabina 'e cumanno.
E se trovano chille c' 'o sanno
ca dipende 'a Ilà ddinto 'o campà.
Ce sta chillo c' 'a capa 'e lignammo,
 a tre asse, vacante, scullata...
 chella sciacqua e chelI'ata quadrata
 ca cumanna e se fa rispettà.
E chi 'a tene nè fà mal'azione
chi pè scrivere musiche vecchie~..
chi sultanto pè spartere 'e recchie...
1966
Eduardo