Newsgroup: it.cultura.religioni.cristiani
Titolo: Uno che se ne intende

Uno che se ne intende
"Naturalmente la gente non vuole la guerra. Perche' un povero diavolo di
una fattoria dovrebbe voler rischiare la propria vita in una guerra quando
al massimo ne puo' guadagnare di tornare alla sua fattoria tutto intero?
Naturalmente la gente comune non vuole la guerra: ne' in Russia, ne' in
Inghilterra, ne' in Germania. Questo e' comprensibile. Ma, dopotutto, sono
i governanti del paese che determinano la politica, ed e' sempre facile
trascinare con se' il popolo, sia che si tratti di una democrazia, o di una
dittatura fascista, o di un parlamento, o di una dittatura comunista. Che
abbia voce o no, il popolo puo' essere sempre portato al volere dei capi. È
facile. Tutto quello che dovete fare e' dir loro che sono attaccati, e
denunciare i pacifisti per mancanza di patriottismo e in quanto espongono
il paese al pericolo. Funziona allo stesso modo in tutti i paesi."
(Hermann Goering al Processo di Norimberga)

sempre in Germania...by Herald Tribune
-----------------------------------------------
Irate firms threaten to take trade to new Eastern allies
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
FRANKFURT To mark its 100th anniversary, the American Chamber of
Commerce in Germany gathered 1,000 business people last Tuesday at a
baroque palace on the banks of the Rhine in Wiesbaden near here for
champagne, canapés and a rousing speech about German-American
friendship, delivered by a local conservative leader, Roland Koch.
.
The talk in the crowd, however, was about the bitter rift between
Berlin and Washington - a political row that many business people
fear could sunder the close commercial links between the countries.
.
"Germans initially found the dispute amusing," said Fred Irwin, the
chairman of the chamber and an executive at Citibank in Frankfurt.
"But this is no longer amusing. This has become extremely serious."
.
Republican members of Congress are calling for punitive gestures such
as moving American troops out of Germany, or placing health
restrictions on imported wine and bottled water from France.
.
However sulfurous the words from Washington, Germany and France are,
along with Britain, the dominant partners in the world's most durable
trading relationship. For all the talk in Washington about the
shifting balance of power toward Central and Eastern Europe, the
emerging economies of Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic barely
register in trans-Atlantic trade statistics. Even Spain and Portugal
are relative minnows.
.
Germany exported $56 billion worth of cars and other goods to the
United States last year, making it the fifth-largest exporter, after
China. Poland's exports amounted to less than $1 billion. While
Poland, one of the countries whose leaders are close to President
George W. Bush, imported $620 million worth of American goods,
Germany imported $24 billion.
.
"It's wonderful to have Poland and Hungary and the Czech Republic
supporting us," said Felix Rohatyn, an investment banker and former
American ambassador to Paris. "But it's also unrealistic in the
extreme to equate the weight of these three countries with Germany
and France."
.
Yet executives here worry that U.S. companies might steer future
investments away from France and Germany to countries in southern and
eastern Europe, which have pledged fealty to the Bush Administration.
.
"Only a demagogue would say, 'Don't buy German or don't buy French,'"
said Norbert Quinkert, the chairman of Motorola Germany. "The danger
is that investment decisions could be changed because of the public
pressure. Companies might say, 'Why should I go to Germany?'"
.
Still, he points to the deep roots that American business has put
down in Western Europe. Motorola employs 3,700 people at three
facilities in Germany, and another 2,000 people at two factories in
France.
.
The stakes are high for companies on both sides of the Atlantic.
German carmakers like Mercedes-Benz and BMW depend on American
customers to offset their depressed home market. Porsche sells nearly
half its high-octane cars in the United States and is rolling out a
sport-utility vehicle tailored to American tastes.
.
"For German companies, this is not an international fight," said John
Kornblum, a former American ambassador to Berlin. "They consider the
United States as a second home market."
.
But the risks are not all on one side. Mercedes and BMW have built
sprawling assembly plants in Alabama and South Carolina. They also
buy parts from American suppliers. Motorola, for example, supplies
the microprocessors that run the gadgetry in BMW's 7-series sedan.
For that matter, one of Detroit's Big Three, Chrysler, is owned by
DaimlerChrysler of Stuttgart.
.
Fifty years after the United States rebuilt Germany through the
Marshall Plan, American business still has a massive presence here:
1,800 companies, employing 800,000 people, with combined sales of
$583 billion. Ford and General Motors each generate $16 billion in
sales from their German automotive divisions, which employ a total of
63,000 workers.
.
With their high costs and rigid labor markets, Germany and France are
already vulnerable to losing American investment.
.
In France, where the government has instituted a 35-hour workweek and
strict policies against layoffs, the business environment for
American companies is already so hostile that some executives say
privately they doubt the political clash could make matters any
worse.
.
"I think it is going to be a nonevent because no one is going to ask
the question, 'Should we invest another $1 billion in France?'" said
an American executive in Paris, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
.
Whether France's loss would be Eastern Europe's gain is an open
question. But business people are already rubbing their hands
together. Poland will join the European Union next year, and Bush
warmly greeted its prime minister, Leszek Miller, last week at the
White House.
.
"Instead of seeing Poland mentioned with Lithuania and Slovakia, it's
now being mentioned with Britain and Spain," said Tony Housh, an
American board member of a vodka distribution company in Warsaw.
.
Housh acknowledged that East European countries still had impediments
to business - not least the endless red tape - that could overshadow
the glow of their newfound coziness with the United States.
.
Nor are the "old Europeans" giving up without a fight. German
industrialists plan to visit the United States to talk up the value
of the German-American relationship. A German trade association has
taken an ad in The New York Times on Sunday to promote business ties.
Irate firms threaten to take trade to new Eastern allies
 
FRANKFURT To mark its 100th anniversary, the American Chamber of
Commerce in Germany gathered 1,000 business people last Tuesday at a
baroque palace on the banks of the Rhine in Wiesbaden near here for
champagne, canapés and a rousing speech about German-American
friendship, delivered by a local conservative leader, Roland Koch.
.
The talk in the crowd, however, was about the bitter rift between
Berlin and Washington - a political row that many business people
fear could sunder the close commercial links between the countries.
.
"Germans initially found the dispute amusing," said Fred Irwin, the
chairman of the chamber and an executive at Citibank in Frankfurt.
"But this is no longer amusing. This has become extremely serious."
.
Republican members of Congress are calling for punitive gestures such
as moving American troops out of Germany, or placing health
restrictions on imported wine and bottled water from France.
.
However sulfurous the words from Washington, Germany and France are,
along with Britain, the dominant partners in the world's most durable
trading relationship. For all the talk in Washington about the
shifting balance of power toward Central and Eastern Europe, the
emerging economies of Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic barely
register in trans-Atlantic trade statistics. Even Spain and Portugal
are relative minnows.
.
Germany exported $56 billion worth of cars and other goods to the
United States last year, making it the fifth-largest exporter, after
China. Poland's exports amounted to less than $1 billion. While
Poland, one of the countries whose leaders are close to President
George W. Bush, imported $620 million worth of American goods,
Germany imported $24 billion.
.
"It's wonderful to have Poland and Hungary and the Czech Republic
supporting us," said Felix Rohatyn, an investment banker and former
American ambassador to Paris. "But it's also unrealistic in the
extreme to equate the weight of these three countries with Germany
and France."
.
Yet executives here worry that U.S. companies might steer future
investments away from France and Germany to countries in southern and
eastern Europe, which have pledged fealty to the Bush Administration.
.
"Only a demagogue would say, 'Don't buy German or don't buy French,'"
said Norbert Quinkert, the chairman of Motorola Germany. "The danger
is that investment decisions could be changed because of the public
pressure. Companies might say, 'Why should I go to Germany?'"
.
Still, he points to the deep roots that American business has put
down in Western Europe. Motorola employs 3,700 people at three
facilities in Germany, and another 2,000 people at two factories in
France.
.
The stakes are high for companies on both sides of the Atlantic.
German carmakers like Mercedes-Benz and BMW depend on American
customers to offset their depressed home market. Porsche sells nearly
half its high-octane cars in the United States and is rolling out a
sport-utility vehicle tailored to American tastes.
.
"For German companies, this is not an international fight," said John
Kornblum, a former American ambassador to Berlin. "They consider the
United States as a second home market."
.
But the risks are not all on one side. Mercedes and BMW have built
sprawling assembly plants in Alabama and South Carolina. They also
buy parts from American suppliers. Motorola, for example, supplies
the microprocessors that run the gadgetry in BMW's 7-series sedan.
For that matter, one of Detroit's Big Three, Chrysler, is owned by
DaimlerChrysler of Stuttgart.
.
Fifty years after the United States rebuilt Germany through the
Marshall Plan, American business still has a massive presence here:
1,800 companies, employing 800,000 people, with combined sales of
$583 billion. Ford and General Motors each generate $16 billion in
sales from their German automotive divisions, which employ a total of
63,000 workers.
.
With their high costs and rigid labor markets, Germany and France are
already vulnerable to losing American investment.
.
In France, where the government has instituted a 35-hour workweek and
strict policies against layoffs, the business environment for
American companies is already so hostile that some executives say
privately they doubt the political clash could make matters any
worse.
.
"I think it is going to be a nonevent because no one is going to ask
the question, 'Should we invest another $1 billion in France?'" said
an American executive in Paris, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
.
Whether France's loss would be Eastern Europe's gain is an open
question. But business people are already rubbing their hands
together. Poland will join the European Union next year, and Bush
warmly greeted its prime minister, Leszek Miller, last week at the
White House.
.
"Instead of seeing Poland mentioned with Lithuania and Slovakia, it's
now being mentioned with Britain and Spain," said Tony Housh, an
American board member of a vodka distribution company in Warsaw.
.
Housh acknowledged that East European countries still had impediments
to business - not least the endless red tape - that could overshadow
the glow of their newfound coziness with the United States.
.
Nor are the "old Europeans" giving up without a fight. German
industrialists plan to visit the United States to talk up the value
of the German-American relationship. A German trade association has
taken an ad in The New York Times on Sunday to promote business ties.
Irate firms threaten to take trade to new Eastern allies
 
FRANKFURT To mark its 100th anniversary, the American Chamber of
Commerce in Germany gathered 1,000 business people last Tuesday at a
baroque palace on the banks of the Rhine in Wiesbaden near here for
champagne, canapés and a rousing speech about German-American
friendship, delivered by a local conservative leader, Roland Koch.
.
The talk in the crowd, however, was about the bitter rift between
Berlin and Washington - a political row that many business people
fear could sunder the close commercial links between the countries.
.
"Germans initially found the dispute amusing," said Fred Irwin, the
chairman of the chamber and an executive at Citibank in Frankfurt.
"But this is no longer amusing. This has become extremely serious."
.
Republican members of Congress are calling for punitive gestures such
as moving American troops out of Germany, or placing health
restrictions on imported wine and bottled water from France.
.
However sulfurous the words from Washington, Germany and France are,
along with Britain, the dominant partners in the world's most durable
trading relationship. For all the talk in Washington about the
shifting balance of power toward Central and Eastern Europe, the
emerging economies of Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic barely
register in trans-Atlantic trade statistics. Even Spain and Portugal
are relative minnows.
.
Germany exported $56 billion worth of cars and other goods to the
United States last year, making it the fifth-largest exporter, after
China. Poland's exports amounted to less than $1 billion. While
Poland, one of the countries whose leaders are close to President
George W. Bush, imported $620 million worth of American goods,
Germany imported $24 billion.
.
"It's wonderful to have Poland and Hungary and the Czech Republic
supporting us," said Felix Rohatyn, an investment banker and former
American ambassador to Paris. "But it's also unrealistic in the
extreme to equate the weight of these three countries with Germany
and France."
.
Yet executives here worry that U.S. companies might steer future
investments away from France and Germany to countries in southern and
eastern Europe, which have pledged fealty to the Bush Administration.
.
"Only a demagogue would say, 'Don't buy German or don't buy French,'"
said Norbert Quinkert, the chairman of Motorola Germany. "The danger
is that investment decisions could be changed because of the public
pressure. Companies might say, 'Why should I go to Germany?'"
.
Still, he points to the deep roots that American business has put
down in Western Europe. Motorola employs 3,700 people at three
facilities in Germany, and another 2,000 people at two factories in
France.
.
The stakes are high for companies on both sides of the Atlantic.
German carmakers like Mercedes-Benz and BMW depend on American
customers to offset their depressed home market. Porsche sells nearly
half its high-octane cars in the United States and is rolling out a
sport-utility vehicle tailored to American tastes.
.
"For German companies, this is not an international fight," said John
Kornblum, a former American ambassador to Berlin. "They consider the
United States as a second home market."
.
But the risks are not all on one side. Mercedes and BMW have built
sprawling assembly plants in Alabama and South Carolina. They also
buy parts from American suppliers. Motorola, for example, supplies
the microprocessors that run the gadgetry in BMW's 7-series sedan.
For that matter, one of Detroit's Big Three, Chrysler, is owned by
DaimlerChrysler of Stuttgart.
.
Fifty years after the United States rebuilt Germany through the
Marshall Plan, American business still has a massive presence here:
1,800 companies, employing 800,000 people, with combined sales of
$583 billion. Ford and General Motors each generate $16 billion in
sales from their German automotive divisions, which employ a total of
63,000 workers.
.
With their high costs and rigid labor markets, Germany and France are
already vulnerable to losing American investment.
.
In France, where the government has instituted a 35-hour workweek and
strict policies against layoffs, the business environment for
American companies is already so hostile that some executives say
privately they doubt the political clash could make matters any
worse.
.
"I think it is going to be a nonevent because no one is going to ask
the question, 'Should we invest another $1 billion in France?'" said
an American executive in Paris, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
.
Whether France's loss would be Eastern Europe's gain is an open
question. But business people are already rubbing their hands
together. Poland will join the European Union next year, and Bush
warmly greeted its prime minister, Leszek Miller, last week at the
White House.
.
"Instead of seeing Poland mentioned with Lithuania and Slovakia, it's
now being mentioned with Britain and Spain," said Tony Housh, an
American board member of a vodka distribution company in Warsaw.
.
Housh acknowledged that East European countries still had impediments
to business - not least the endless red tape - that could overshadow
the glow of their newfound coziness with the United States.
.
Nor are the "old Europeans" giving up without a fight. German
industrialists plan to visit the United States to talk up the value
of the German-American relationship. A German trade association has
taken an ad in The New York Times on Sunday to promote business ties.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
como diss Toto'
bisiniss is bissiniss!!