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Mapping MENA 1

https://openalex.org/W3098682353

The Immigration-Emigration Nexus in Non-EU Sending States: A Focus on Welfare Entitlements, Consular Services, and Diaspora Policies

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Abstract Migrants’ access to social benefits has been intensively studied in the European Union, but less scholarly attention has been dedicated to the way in which non-EU welfare regimes adapt to international mobility. This chapter introduces a volume that aims to address this research gap by taking the perspective of non-EU states on migrant social protection. To do so, our analysis focuses on 13 countries: Argentina, China, Ecuador, India, Lebanon, Morocco, Serbia, Senegal, Switzerland, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom, Tunisia, and Turkey. These countries represent relevant sending states for migrants coming to the EU, with some of them also hosting sizeable immigrant populations. We argue that their different migration characteristics (including the size and main features of their immigrant and diaspora populations) as well as the peculiarity of their welfare regimes (which often followed a quite distinctive historical path of development compared to their EU counterparts) may shape their responsiveness in terms of ensuring migrants’ access to domestic welfare systems.

https://openalex.org/W2478801450

A philosophy of social service: faith or social insurance?

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This chapter aims to demonstrate that religion welfare operates on a continuum where the dividing line between the secular and religious is not so sharp. It reports direct evidence on the lived experience of social welfare in the Middle East, based on the Lebanese case studies and on supplementary examples from Egypt, Iran, and Turkey. The chapter considers the motivations and basic philosophy that underlie religious welfare in Lebanon. It sets the scene by describing how social welfare in Lebanon is conceived, motivated, and conceptualised as policy. It explores four themes. First, it discusses the motivations that inspired social service from the perspectives of individual-based positions and formal institutional standpoints. Second, it identifies the nature of welfare as a philosophical discourse. It discusses how religious welfare is conceptualised from the perspectives of organised religion, sectarianism, and personal faith. Third, the chapter looks at decision-making and policy elaboration processes that translate the philosophical motivations and values into policy objectives. The chapter ends by discussing the extent to which social welfare is of intrinsic value.

https://openalex.org/W4322584034

Elderly Services Policies of Emerging Markets withinside the Context of Silver Economy (The Case of the Ministry of Family and Social Services of the Republic of Türkiye)

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As one of the essential political troubles of the twenty first century, populace getting older brings with it various demanding situations and possibilities for all societies. Keeping human beings lively and healthful is essential to maximize the capability contribution of the aged populace and combine paintings into social and monetary lifestyles and be capable of deal successfully with rising problems. As people’s life expectancy gets longer, issues related to aging have begun to be discussed and talked about more. The concept of active aging is one of them. With this concept, it is aimed to maximize the opportunities of the elderly, who have completed their long working life and retired with their own income, in terms of health, security and participation in social life. The Turkish government transfers a share of its budget to the elderly in terms of services and aids. In addition, thanks to the social policies implemented by local governments for the elderly, elderly citizens benefit from all services, especially transportation. Thanks to these services, elderly people continue their lives without being separated from the society.

https://openalex.org/W4224988999

An Evaluation on R&D Incentive Policies in the European Union and Turkey

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Economic growth, which is one of the main determinants of social welfare, is among the important issues in economics. It has been a subject emphasized by different schools of economics that technology and technological change are among the main sources of economic growth and development. As a result of R&D and innovation activities, qualified labor employment and production in a country will increase, thus economic growth will occur. As stated in growth theories, technological progress and innovations are considered the driving force of growth. Various economists have argued that public support for R&D through public incentives should be provided, as market failures will prevent firms from reaching the socially optimal level of R&D. Considering the contribution of R&D and innovation practices to national economies, governments provide direct and indirect support to studies in this field. Within the scope of this study, the legal and institutional situation regarding R&D incentives in Turkey has been examined and an evaluation has been made on the current status of innovation activities and R&D incentive policies of the European Union countries.

https://openalex.org/W2734394617

The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

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For Jordanian economy, the insufficiency of its natural resources, the dependence of the volatility of its workers' remittances on the global oil price fluctuations, the effect of the regional chaos on its economic sectors, rising requirements on education and health due to the increasing population generated by refugee influx are some of its important issues. Agricultural products are among the country's main exports. Nevertheless, the water scarcity in the Middle East which may be defined “the key issue” to be solved for the welfare of Jordan (and the Middle Eastern-Islamic World) has been a block for its economy. Improving the bilateral relations and “skilled partnerships” with Turkey, would be a solution for the Jordanian economic issues, for the general welfare of the region as well. One specific sector may be healthcare services through which an integrated system may be formed for the future well-being of the Middle Eastern and Islamic World. An important issue for Jordan and the Middle Eastern-Islamic countries is that the success of economic policies, the stability, the peace, safety and welfare of the general are dependent on how “justice and compassion” are defined and on the mentality or belief from which they are derived.

https://openalex.org/W2941327470

DENETİMLİ EBEVEYN-ÇOCUK GÖRÜŞMESİ PROGRAMLARI

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The parent-child(ren) Supervised Visitation (SV) programs enable children and parents to have safe and conflict-free interactions. The programs vary in their contexts. SV programs in child welfare context aim either the reunion of the parent(s) and child(ren) or maintaining a safe and healthy relationship between parent(s) and child(ren) under the protection of social services. The SV programs in child custody dispute context focus on enhancing conflict free and safe contacts between noncustodial parent and child(ren). The services provided under SV services may vary from one-on-one supervision to supervised exchanges. The requirements of providing SV services, rules and training standards are defined by Supervised Visitation Network(SVN) studiously and broadly applied in Western Cultures. However, the SV services in Turkey are limited to monitored exchange practically. The lack of well-designed services put children and parents in an ambiguous and stressful position in multiple ways both in the short and long term. These services need to be improved immediately to meet the needs of the society.

https://openalex.org/W3122900563

Why exporting countries agree voluntary export restraints: The oligopolistic power of the foreign supplier

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This study analytically shows that a VER serves as an institution to protect incumbent firms of an exporting country. A VER is an entry barrier in the export market. It favours the concentration of industry, and allows established firms to better exploit economies of scale by producing output at lower average cost. Since the break-even price for potential firms is the average cost, entry in the domestic market is also inhibited, regardless of the form of competition. A VER also allows the raising of the price cost margin in the export market. However, the smaller the country, the greater the possibility also of a larger monopoly power in the domestic market. The impact on firm size is ambiguous. From the social point of view, three conventional effects from the elimination of a VER are usually considered: the rent loss effect, the efficiency effect and the export producer price effect. In this study, two further effects on welfare are examined: the increased intermediate inputs cost effect and the variety effect. The global effect on welfare on an exporting country is analytically indeterminate. A general equilibrium model applied to Turkey supports the conjecture that with the elimination of a VER, under Bertrand or Cournot conjectures, the loss in social welfare, the higher average cost, the fall of the concentration of the industry, and the fall of monopoly power of incumbent firms, are the key elements in understanding the rationale beyond VERs.

https://openalex.org/W4285727233

PUBLIC SOCIAL ASSISTANCE AND SOCIAL SERVICES FOR PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES

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Social security is a right that everyone should achieve in the face of increasing and diversifying risks every day. It has a special importance for people with disabilities who need support to maintain their lives on an equal footing with other people in society. In Turkish Law, there are social assistance and service regulations for individuals with disabilities who cannot benefit from social insurance. Social assistance are provided to provide income security to people in need who do not have enough income to earn a living. Since economic support is not enough for disabled people to participate in public life, adapt to society and become useful, social services have also been deemed necessary. Services such as providing care and rehabilitation services at home or in care centers for people with disabilities who need it, providing basic and vocational education are the main social services offered in terms of bringing these people into society. Individuals with disabilities are not required to pay any price to benefit from social assistance and services. In order for these social benefits and services offered to people with disabilities to achieve their goals, they must be organized in accordance with today's economic conditions, managed by specialists and implemented fairly, regardless of the difference between people.

https://openalex.org/W3125744861

Social discount rates and welfare weights for public investment decisions under budgetary restrictions – the case of Cyprus

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This paper focuses on the estimation of key welfare parameters for incorporation into social cost-benefit analysis with special reference to Cyprus and its unique regional problems. In particular, the theory and application of social discount rates and regional welfare weights are considered from the perspective of the European Commission as both supra-national planner and provider of major funding for investment in the EU-12 area. The aim is to provide answers to three main questions. Firstly, should different discount rates be applied in the appraisal of projects impacting on the Turkish and Greek regions of the island? Second, if different discount rates apply, then what approach should be taken in the discounting of costs and benefits for projects impacting on the entire island? Finally, what is the best method to estimate regional welfare weights for Cyprus and how should these weights be applied in social cost-benefit analysis in order to take proper account of the considerably lower average standard of living in North Cyprus. This particular case-study serves to highlight a practical procedure, with suitable theoretical underpinnings, for the calculation and incorporation of regional welfare weights in social CBA more generally and especially with regard to Europe.

https://openalex.org/W2530478303

Türkiye'de sosyal hizmetlerin dönüşümü

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We are witnessing another cyclical crisis of capitalism now, which is also transforming the social policy. Social work, which is one of the important realms of social policy, is transforming and being transformed during this process. Within this transformation, we see a retreat to charity in the supply of social services that had been advanced from charity to philantrophy and then to the basis of citizenship and human rights during the welfare state. When the increasing emphasis on the responsibility that individuals, family and the society should undertake in solving social problems is combined with the reasoning that civil society organisations should take place in the supply of social services, the state relinquishes being the main actor in solving social problems including poverty. Social assistance and the supply of social services have been assigned to the market, civil society organisations and religious organisations within the framework of this understanding, which is called “welfare mix”. This paper, aims to make a critical evaluation of the ongoing transformation with reference to the practices and restructuring of Social Assistance and Solidarity Fund and The Agency for Social Services and Children Protection after giving a brief summary of the development and existing situation of social aid and social services in Turkey.

https://openalex.org/W2754648544

Young People Called „Unaccompanied Minors“ and European Welfare States: A brief introduction to this special issue

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There are currently 65.6 million people who have become refugees worldwide. (UNHCR 2017) Many of these people try to make it to so-called Western welfare states. The latest peak of 2.0 million new asylum claims in 2016 confirms this trend: By the end of 2016, “with 722,400 such claims, Germany was the world’s largest recipient of new individual applications, followed by the United States of America (262,000), Italy (123,000), and Turkey (78,600).” (UNHCR 2017) As a specifically categorized subgroup of young people who have been forcefully displaced as a result of persecution, conflict, violence, and human rights violations, and who fled without any legal guardian to assumedly safe(r) countries, so-called “Unaccompanied Minors (UAM)” symbolize this general development of flight and migration like few others. In 2015-2016, 300,000 young people became registered as UAM. (Unicef 2017, p. 6) This was neither a sudden development, nor was it unforeseen by those experts who had investigated the phenomenon for years and pointed at it to alert politicians and (social service) administrators across Europe and the world. Instead, the number of UAM increased rapidly and constantly during the last eight years, until the total number of asylum applicants considered to be UAM rose to approximately twenty times the original number in 2008.

https://openalex.org/W2289203280

What is The Main Reason of Poverty and What Can Be Done for The Elimination of Poverty from The Point of Families Who Get Social and Economic Support

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The aim of this study is to find out the answers of two questions: [1] What is the main reason of poverty and [2] What can be done for the elimination of poverty. These questions were asked to families who get social and economic support from Meram Social Service Directorate in Konya-Turkey. It is accepted that getting social aid is connected with the criteria of being poor [Simmel, 2009]. In this study, both quantitative and qualitative research designs are used. To determine the sample size, the table prepared by Altunisik and et al *2012+ is used, and according to the table it is concluded that 234 families can represent the population. However, to increase the reliability of the results 246 families accepted to join the research are examined within the context of the study. The data obtained from qualitative questions was divided into themes through the context analysis. 'Unemployment' (n;=66, %26.8), 'Economic expensiveness' (n=60, %24.4), 'Poor health' (n=35, %14.3), 'Uneducated' (n=30, %12.3) were coded as the main reason of poverty. 'Job opportunities should be provided' (n=67, %27.2), 'Social aid should be increased' (n=64, %26.0), 'The necessity of education and training' (n=29, %11.8), 'Welfare state should take care of its nation' (n=28, %11.4) were coded for the elimination of poverty.

https://openalex.org/W2974406610

Linking humanitarian assistance to social protection in MENA: the case of Syrian child refugees

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The main purpose of this chapter is to provide a general overview of the issues facing social policy and social protection in MENA countries that are dealing with conflict and refugee populations, most notably the prolonged armed conflict in Syria. Conflict raises significant long- and short-term challenges for the rights of refugees as resident populations in a host country, including access to essential income sources and public services. In the MENA region, this situation raises the issue of how international humanitarian agencies might consider new approaches to their activities that link their relief services to more long-term social protection provision. This, in turn, raises significant implications for issues of entitlement, membership and allocation for national governments. The chapter focuses mainly on the situation of Syrian child refugees in Lebanon and Jordan, but with some reference to Turkey. It addresses the challenges of transitioning from emergency relief to social protection for both national and international actors alike, and more specifically, whether national social policy frameworks in host countries can be made more resilient and proactive in humanitarian relief contexts. In so doing, the chapter reflects upon the “New Way of Working” approach and the related concept of Adaptive Social Protection, and evaluates the extent to which states can adequately accommodate the humanitarian and welfare needs of Syrian child refugees when weak state capacities and pre-existing social and economic hardship among the resident populations already poses historic barriers to adequate social policy provision.

https://openalex.org/W2331544036

Social Municipality Perception in Turkey: A Case Study in the Istanbul, Izmir, Adana, Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipalities

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Abstract. Social municipality, in the broadest sense, can be defined as an approach, to develop citizen and community-based practices where municipalities focuses on human on its policies. Tracks of this mentality in Turkey dates back to 90's when approach expanded its impact area with personal efforts of some mayors and has been accepted as an vital element of policy on promotion and competition of cities. Social municipality applications mostly shaped as social aids, social services and cultural activities. The purpose of this thesis is to detect the scope of the social municipality based services which has been performed by metropolitan municipalities and also defining the perception and attitude of the beneficiaries and practitioners toward those services. To achieve this purpose, a literature review about social state/welfare state, social politics and social municipality presented. Followingly had explained social municipality based services which has conducted by metropolitan municipalities. Finally, data obtained from the field research was analyzed with frequency distributions, one-sample t-test, two independent samples t-test and chi-square tests by using SPSS package software. At the end of study, it was found that scope of social services varies between metropolitan municipalities, however faced problems look similar. And also significant perceptional and attitudinal differences found between beneficiaries and practitioners toward social municipality based services. Key Words: Public Administration, Local Governments, Welfare State, Social Policy, Social Municipality.  JEL. D73, H00, H70, H75, I00.

https://openalex.org/W2784978210

Sosyal Risk Altındaki Çocuklar İçin Sosyal Hizmetler: 2000 Sonrasına İlişkin Bir Değerlendirme

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This study aims to emphasize the importance of preventive and protective social services for children facing risks. Children and youth centers, community centers and family counseling centers, which play a very important role in carrying out preventive and protective social services, were run by the Ministry of Family and Social Policies (previously the Social Services and Child Protection Agency) between 2000 and 2010. These services were provided through intermittent projects, and there was a failure to establish stability and continuity in their operation. In addition to infrastructural problems faced by the organizations (the number and physical conditions of the buildings, the number and qualifications of the personnel), failure to establish a functioning system of monitoring and assessment hampered children-oriented social works. These organizations, which were considered to have failed to provide a sufficient level of preventive and protective services, were closed down after 2010, and replaced by organizations called Social Services Centers, which aimed to carry out the functions of now defunct organizations under the same roof, in a more comprehensive manner. However, the problems mentioned continued to exist after this transformation. This study aims to provide an assessment of child protection system in Turkey, with a particular focus on the post-2000 experience. In this context, a basic premise is that solving the infrastructural problems of the organizations involved is a prerequisite for providing effective children-oriented services. A systematic and critical process of monitoring and assessment should be established to identify problems. Another important point is that social services should be seen as public services the state is under an obligation to provide, not as short-term projects. Therefore, this paper argues that a critical analysis of past experiences would play an important role in improving the system, and the project-oriented approach should be abandoned.

https://openalex.org/W2919035044

Community centers of local governments for retirees: The case of Istanbul

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The population of Turkey is aging. When local governments increase the quantity and quality of services for older people, the social welfare of older people increases as well. Among the special services for older people in the local administrations, community centers come first. This study examines the quality and diversity of services in community centers. In addition, the contribution of these centers to the activeness of older people living in the city is examined. In 2018, a cross-sectional survey was conducted in January and February, and a questionnaire was applied to 269 participants aged 55 years and older in the districts of Istanbul; Kadıköy, Maltepe, Üsküdar, Tuzla, Beşiktaş and Şişli. Research data were analyzed with the help of the SPSS 21 (2012) program. According to the results of the analysis, 42.7% of the participants were single individuals and15.1% of the participants were living alone at home. While 63.9% of the participants stated that they do sports, 70.3% of those who do sports said that this activity was “walking”. The most of the participants (44.2%) stated that they participated in the social activities of these centers. As the reason for the participants' using the community center, 68% of the participants chose the option of meeting with their friends, 52% chose to have new friendships, 48.3% of them chose the option of eliminating their loneliness. The 65-74 age group who use the community center are doing more regular sports than the ones aged 75 and over χ2 = 6.851, p 3.30e-02. Women who use the community center do more regular sports than men χ2 = 11.423; p 1.00e-03. It could be said that the community centers are important alternative public spaces in the city, especially for older people living alone. Key Practitioners Message Community centers of local governments could contribute to the activity of older people. It is important to make regular sports for the older person. Regular physical activity may vary according to gender.

https://openalex.org/W4283213625

The State and Revolutions. Part VI. The political and legal stability as the base of the social welfare

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The article is devoted to the general-theoretical grounds of the political stability as the base of the social welfare.
 It was found that the transition from the one to another socioeconomic formation not always lead to the progress and positive changes of the quality of social life. The authors say that in reality the welfare of the human and society depends on the evolvement of the scientific and technical progress, technological, productive and economic factors of development, which are based on the stability, given and guaranteed by the state. The state was characterized as the highest value and the most important invention of the humanity, which guarantees peace, safety, welfare and social development with the help of the management and integrating of efforts of separate people. It was found that the role and significance of the state constantly growths, proportionally to the increasing complexity of the social life and necessity to manage its activities. It was emphasized that stability of the state is one of the most important elements of its value, because it guarantees
 the orderly development and normal being of the society.
 It was found that the constitutional monarchy and the presidential republic are the most appropriate forms of government, which ensure stability. The authors say that the domination of the executive power and the authoritarian regime helps to guarantee the stability. The authors emphasize that undemocratic regimes may achieve the high level of efficiency and legitimacy, as it is proved by the previous experience of the etatistic Turkey, USSR, the Third Reich, China, Libya, Belarus, as well as the Napoleonic France and numerous absolute monarchies of the early modern period (France of the epoch of Louis XIV, Russia of the epoch of Peter I and Catherine II, Prussia of the epoch of Frederick II, etc.) and so on.
 The authors criticize the multi-party system, which shows the immaturity of the political system of society, which may lead to the fall of the statehood with the total disarray in the background. It was substantiated that the single-party and two-party system play the important role in the context of the social stability ensure. The authors emphasize on the necessity of the establishment of the simple-majority single-ballot system to ensure the formation of the two-party system, etc.

https://openalex.org/W4386845218

Improving the good in good organisations: How can the potential negative social impacts of social enterprises be better managed?

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Social enterprises are organisations that aim to create sustainable solutions to social problems. They are often described as ‘do good’ organisations. These organisations play an important role in society, contributing to social welfare and social wellbeing, and they are a significant component of the economy. However, there is a myth (i.e. a false assumption) that social enterprises always and under all circumstances only have positive social impacts on society. In this PhD, it is argued that social enterprises – especially those that do not identify, mitigate or manage their potential impacts – are likely to have direct and indirect negative social impacts on those people who are affected by the activities of social enterprises, including target groups, host communities, and workers and volunteers. Considering that social enterprises often carry out their activities for the benefit of disadvantaged and vulnerable communities (such as children, the disabled, the poor, immigrants and the elderly), it is especially important that social enterprises consider the negative impacts they might create. There has been evolution in the field of social enterprises, with new forms of social enterprise emerging, which is causing legal and definitional confusion as well as many problems in practice. An outcome of my PhD research is my classification that, in broad terms, there are: ‘traditional social enterprises’, i.e. those that are largely dependent on donations, make short-term plans and resemble non-governmental organisations to a certain extent; and ‘new generation social enterprises’, i.e. those that are sustainability-oriented, innovative and typically operate independent of donations. Four case studies of new generation social enterprises were conducted, two in the Netherlands and two in Turkey. In addition, interviews were conducted with six independent experts who were knowledgeable about the fields of social entrepreneurship and/or social impact assessment. The overarching research question of the PhD research was: How can the potential negative social impacts of social enterprises be better identified, mitigated and managed?The results of the research revealed that social enterprises can create negative impacts and that social enterprises should apply the principles of social impact assessment to manage and minimise their potential negative social impacts. The thesis argues that there should be an ISO-like standard specifically for the social enterprise sector. The standard would guide social enterprise managers on issues such as: the rights of their professional employees and volunteers; and the need for informed consent from communities and their participation throughout the project. The thesis reviews a range of existing standards and makes recommendations for what should be included in a standard specifically for the social enterprise sector.

https://openalex.org/W2989075810

Welfare Index of Migrant Workers in the Gulf: the Case of Qatar

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Abstract In December 2010, Qatar won the rights to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup games. The FIFA announcement came with increasing pressure from international human rights organizations, media and other groups for Qatar to reform its labour law, which governs the lives and working conditions of foreign workers in the country. Although Qatar continues to develop and implement major reforms to its labour laws, until now there was no one unique tool based on survey data to evaluate the impact of the government’s policies on guest workers. The objective of this article is to present the Qatar Guest Workers’ Welfare Index (GWWI), 1 a multi‐dimensional comprehensive tool based on survey data of migrant workers developed by the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESRI). In addition to assessing and tracking the welfare of this population, the objective of the index is to identify areas of improvement to guide policy formulation.

https://openalex.org/W4383897626

Data Modeling and Simulation for Local Energy Marketplace

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Recently, policymakers have been increasingly focused on residential demand response (RDR) programs due to the critical peak load that is generated by residential consumers. However, residential customers often take a reactive approach to price or incentive-based signals, which causes RDR actions to lag behind market changes. This paper presents a comprehensive evaluation of demand response profiles using social and agent-based modeling simulations (ABM). The utility is produced by generation companies, residential customers participate in demand response (DR) events, retailers bridge the gap between the supply and demand sides, and the distributed system operator (DSO) regulates the market for maximum social welfare. Real data from 628 residential households in Qatar was used to verify the proposed methods and model. The results of the study suggest that a distributed energy exchange based on blockchain technology among agents can provide significant benefits for both the demand and supply sides. The proposed methods and models can be used by market operators, retailers, policymakers, and utility companies in Qatar to evaluate proactive RDR results in an interactive multi-entity market.

https://openalex.org/W4379984609

Blockchain-based Local Energy Marketplace Agent-Based Modeling and Simulation

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Recently, there has been an increase in policymakers' focus on residential demand response (RDR) programs due to the critical peak load generated by residential consumers. However, residential customers tend to react rather than proactively engage with price or incentive-based signals, leading to a lag in RDR actions. This paper comprehensively utilizes social and agent-based modeling (ABM) simulations to evaluate demand response profiles. The study considers the roles of generation companies, residential customers, retailers, and distributed system operators (DSO), who regulate the market for maximum social welfare. Real data from 628 residential households in Qatar was used to verify the proposed methods and model. The study findings indicate that a distributed energy exchange based on Blockchain among the agents offers significant benefits to both the demand and supply sides. The proposed methods and models can be valuable tools for Qatar's market operators, policymakers, retailers, and utility companies to evaluate proactive RDR results in an interactive multi-entity market.

https://openalex.org/W2133724716

Public Awareness of the Role of Civic Organizations in Qatar

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Abstract Background: Civic organizations play a major role in the welfare of society and they are a good indication of how developed a society is. Over the last few years the state of Qatar has witnessed the development of several such organizations, dealing with various aspects of the psychological and social life, for both individuals and families. There has been some debate and discussion, particularly in the local media, regarding whether or not people living in Qatar are aware of these civic organizations and to what extent they are aware of the specialties and services provided by these organizations. Objectives: The Social Rehabilitation Centre Doha, wanted to test the knowledge and awareness of people living in Qatar and so chose ten organizations as examples These ten selected organizations deal mostly with treatment, counseling, rehabilitation and support for individuals or families. Methods: This is a survey of 505 subjects in Qatar. The participant group was made up of both Qatari citizens and...

https://openalex.org/W3111227049

Welfare Index of Migrant Workers: The Case of Qatar

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In December 2010, Qatar won the rights to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup. The announcement came with increasing pressure from international human rights organizations, media and other groups for Qatar to reform its labor laws, which governs the lives and working conditions of foreign workers in the country. Although Qatar continues to develop and implement major reforms to its labor laws, until now there was no one unique tool based on survey data to evaluate the impact of the government’s policies on guest workers. The objective of this paper is to present the Qatar Guest Workers’ Welfare Index (GWWI), a multi-dimensional comprehensive tool based on survey data of migrant workers developed by the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESRI). In addition to assessing and tracking the welfare of this population, the objective of the index is to identify areas of improvement to guide policy formulation.

https://openalex.org/W2177977537

Aftercare Programs In Qatar: The Path To Social Integration

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Aftercare is considered part of the social welfare programs destined to provide assistance to specific social groups in need such as prison inmates, substance abusers, deviant juveniles and people with disabilities. This could take the form of guidance, counseling and material and/or moral support. Aftercare programs are generally destined to help restore family relationships and repairing bridges with the community in general and to overcome the difficulties of integrating social life after being excluded for some time. Although The concept “aftercare” has been traditionally limited to assistance given to inmates of penal institutions after being set free. This study intends to widen the scope of the concept to include delinquent juveniles and those receiving treatment for drug abuse. The main aim of this study is to question the role of aftercare in the process of social integration. It starts by investigating the availability of aftercare programs and their effectiveness in three different institutions in the state of Qatar. It intends to help management in these institution to develop support programs for the targeted groups. Research was based on a qualitative approach in the hope of securing accurate and detailed data through cases studies. Non-structured individual interviews, focus groups and individuals' records were used to collect data. A total of (41 cases) were investigated; (18) cases from Qatar Foundation for Social Protection & Rehabilitation (QFSPR); (14) cases from Qatar Penal Institution; and (09) cases from the Juveniles Social Protection Department; (Ministry of Social Affaires). Results have confirmed the investigated institutions had run welfare programs; including psychological, social, religious and recreational activities, with the last two having the most positive impact for those involved. Aftercare programs in these institutions were varied in scope and efficiency. While QFSPR had a relatively comprehensive aftercare program, based on following-up cases after the initial treatment and rehabilitation periods. It includes family reconciliation, providing certificate of good behavior, help with employment and legal assistance in courts. In this case, aftercare programs can last two years until consultants were satisfied of the total recovery of patients from substance abuse. In case of the Juvenile Social Protection Department only partial aftercare relying on conditional release of cases under probation existed. The third case, the correctional institution had no aftercare programs as they were considered not part of their principle objectives .This study confirmed beyond doubt the importance of aftercare programs in restoring bridges with family, friends and colleagues after being excluded for various reason. It shows that such programs were an effective and efficient measure to achieve social integration and bring back to society part of its human capital badly needed to ensure sustained development. The study suggested few important recommendations for public authorities to enhance efforts deployed in this field with the aim of preserving society's most valuable assets; its human capital. Prof. L. ANSER et all, (2013)

https://openalex.org/W2001072693

Playgrounds and Penny Lunches in Palestine: American Social Welfare in the Yishuv

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Playgrounds and Penny Lunches in Palestine:American Social Welfare in the Yishuv Erica Simmons (bio) Hadassah, the Women's Zionist Organization of America, was founded in 1912 in New York City in order to give Jewish women a frontline role in the Zionist movement. Under the leadership of Henrietta Szold, the fledgling organization adopted a controversial new approach to Zionist work: it sought to improve living conditions in the Yishuv in Palestine by providing hands-on health services to local women and children, beginning with maternity and infant care. In 1913, Hadassah launched its first venture in Palestine by sending two public health nurses to Jerusalem. Some Zionist leaders, however, condemned this as mere charity-work. They criticized Hadassah for "Diaper Zionism," which diverted attention and resources from what they regarded as the more productive, nation-building work of advancing the Zionist cause through political lobbying in the Diaspora and land development in Palestine.1 This accusation may provide a clue as to why Hadassah's Zionist statebuilding role has been largely ignored in histories of Zionism: Hadassah focused on developing social welfare in Palestine because it modelled itself not on other Zionist organizations but rather on the women's benevolent societies and female-led settlement houses that flourished in the United States during the Progressive era. Szold told Hadassah's founding members that, for their first project, she desired to establish in Palestine a system of "district visiting nursing patterned after Lillian Wald's project on the East Side of New York."2 [End Page 263] The evolution of Hadassah's interests over the years to encompass child welfare, health, and sanitarian reform was typical of women's activism at the time. Women's voluntary organizations and activists opened settlement houses and hospitals, sent public health nurses into the community, educated immigrants, helped young women in trouble, and organized school lunch programs and children's playgrounds.3 Over the years, Hadassah exported this roster of American field-tested Progressive-style social programs to Palestine. Like other Progressive-era female reformers, Hadassah leaders justified their involvement in public-policy formation and administration with what historians characterize as "maternalistic" rhetoric.4 Drawing on earlier ideas of separate spheres for men and women, twentieth-century activists asserted that the maternal, domestic role of women gave them both a particular reserve of expertise and a specific realm of social responsibility; that is, women were best able (and most obligated) to look after the needs of other women and children. It was in this vein that Hadassah leaders like Irma Lindheim explained the organization's focus on social welfare as an almost inevitable extension of women's domestic concerns to the world outside the home: The Hadassah Medical Organization had, for its starting point, the deceptively simple premise that good health, for her family, and her community, is every woman's job. . . . Henrietta Szold knew well that women will best respond to the need for action when the cause touches their personal experience. As Hadassah women cared for the health and well-being of their families, so could they not be welded into a force to care for the health and well-being of the larger family, their people?5 [End Page 264] This view of women's expanding social role was steadily gaining currency. An editorial in the American Zionist magazine The New Palestine, for example, judged Hadassah's mandate highly appropriate for its all-female membership: It is peculiarly a women's organization, not simply by membership, but equally in spirit, for it has undertaken tasks which are properly associated with the best inherent abilities of women. The hospital work, the promotion of child welfare, the training of nurses, the education of the Jewish mother—all these were well and wisely chosen as within its province.6 To the maternalist agenda, Hadassah attached its own priority, namely, the Zionist goal of building a Jewish state, thereby creating a hybrid: Zionist maternalism. According to this ideology, Jewish women were responsible not only for all Jewish children, but, by extension, for the welfare of the entire Jewish people and, concomitantly, for the nurturing and upbuilding (in Zionist parlance) of the Jewish state in the...

https://openalex.org/W774402945

UNRWA – United Nations Relief And Works Agency For Palestine Refugees In The Near East

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With over fifty years of service, a staff of approximately 22,000, and an annual budget of more than 310 million US dollar, United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is not only one of the oldest and largest UN agencies, but also one of the least known outside expert circles. In 1978 due to the turmoil of the civil war in Lebanon, the Organization was forced to evacuate and move its central administration offices to Vienna . The UNRWA definition is extended to include the offspring of the original 1948 refugees. With an annual budget of 310.4 million US dollars (2001), UNRWA endeavors to cover the basic needs of the refugees for Education (primary and secondary schools as well as vocational training), Primary Health Care (prevention and hygiene) and Social Welfare (food aid, social assistance and development aid). Keywords: Lebanon; UN agencies; UNRWA; Vienna

https://openalex.org/W2996452384

Social Work Between Germany and Mandatory Palestine: Pre- and Post-Immigration Biographies of Female Jewish Practitioners as a Case Study of Professional Reconstruction

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Abstract When social work emerged as a profession in the first decades of the 20th century, it was strongly influenced by emancipatory motives introduced by various sociocultural and religious movements, and at the same time devoted itself to the construction and maintenance of a powerful welfare and nation state. Transnational agents and social movements promoted these processes and played a crucial role in establishing and developing national welfare systems and relevant professional discourses. This article examines the gendered construction of the social work profession through the transnational history of early social work between Germany and the Jewish community in Palestine in the first half of the 20th century. By adopting a biographical approach to the specific paths of Jewish women practitioners who had been educated in German-speaking countries, immigrated to mandatory Palestine, and engaged themselves in the emerging field of social work, we will trace the construction of the profession as deeply embedded in social power relations. At the same time, we will trace its (re)construction as led mainly by female pioneers, who were concerned with emancipation, discrimination and migration.

https://openalex.org/W2163855660

Obstacles Encountering Welfare Services to Palestine Refugees and Strategies to Overcome Them: A Social Work Perspective

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This study aimed to recognize the obstacles that limit the Palestine refugees’ benefit from social welfare services provided by the UNRWA. Defining the roles of the professional practice specialist for the international social work vis-a-vis confronting obstacles that limit the Palestine refugees’ benefit from the social welfare services provided by the UNRWA. This study belongs to the evaluative studies. The researcher depended on the scientific method through the social survey by the probability sample of the Palestine refugees, also, the researcher depended on the scientific method through the social survey by the comprehensive inventory system of the social workers in order to define the roles of the professional practice specialist for the international social work vis-a-vis confronting obstacles that limit the Palestine refugees’ benefit from social welfare services. The researcher applied this study to a selected sample chosen in a systematic random manner using the method of proportional distribution. The sample consisted of (600) Palestine refugee families in Nablus of different geographical distributions. Also, the researcher applied this study to the social workers on the relief and social services program affiliated to the UNRWA in the West-Bank, with the total number of (121) social workers.

https://openalex.org/W4286229194

From Germany to Palestine

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The book deals with a historically unique case of international transfer of professional knowledge and techniques in social care and social work. Principles of modern social work were introduced to the Jewish Jishuv (pre-state community) in Palestine largely by German-Jewish welfare experts who immigrated in the 1930s. These social workers, mostly women and trained at the schools for social work in Weimar Germany, used the experiences they had gained in Germany and modified them according to the conditions in Palestine. This book outlines the steps that have led to the establishment of a modern system of social welfare (social policy, social work, social pedagogy) in Germany, in the Jewish community in Germany and finally in Jewish Palestine. The beginning of this process can be traced back to the late nineteenth century and extends to the late 1940s.

https://openalex.org/W4313572834

Jewish Social Work Biographies between Germany and Mandatory Palestine

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When social work emerged as a profession, it played a crucial role in the establishment of national welfare systems. Social movements and transnational agents – mainly women – promoted these processes. This article examines the history of social work between Germany and the Jewish community in Palestine. The focus is on the biographies of 100 Jewish social workers who emigrated from Germany to Palestine from the 1920s to the 1940s and helped establish social work in the new state.

https://openalex.org/W146532536

Evaluating the Professional Practice of International Social Work vis-à-vis Confronting Obstacles that Limit the Palestine Refugees' Benefit from Social Welfare Services

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This study aimed to recognize the obstacles that limit the Palestine refugees’ benefit from social welfare services provided by the UNRWA. And defining the roles of the professional practice specialist for the international social work vis-à-vis confronting obstacles that limit the Palestine refugees’ benefit from the social welfare services provided by the UNRWA. This study belongs to the evaluative studies. The researcher depended on the scientific method through the social survey by the probable sample of the Palestine refugees, also, the researcher depended on the scientific method through the social survey by the comprehensive inventory system of the social workers in order to define the roles of the professional practice specialist for the international social work vis-à-vis confronting obstacles that limit the Palestine refugees’ benefit from social welfare services. The researcher applied this study to a selected sample chosen in a systematic random manner using the method of proportional distribution. The sample consisted of (600) Palestine refugee families in Nablus of different geographical distributions. Also, the researcher applied this study to the social workers on the relief and social services program affiliated to the UNRWA in the West-Bank, with the total number of (121) social workers. The results of the study showed that: According to the Palestine refugees’ responses, the results revealed that, the obstacles related to the client system (the Palestine refugee families) reached the average level at 74.33%, with an arithmetic average of 1338. According to the Palestine refugees’ responses, the results revealed that, the obstacles related to the change agent system (the social worker) reached the average level at 68.21%, with an arithmetic average of 1227.7. According to the Palestine refugees’ responses, the results revealed that, the obstacles related to the action system (the agency) reached high level at 77.95%, with an arithmetic average of 1403.09. According to the Palestine refugees’ responses, the results revealed that, the obstacles related to the community system reached high level at 84.55%, with an arithmetic average of 1521.83. Also, the results of the study showed that; According to the social workers’ responses, the results revealed that, the roles of the specialists of the professional practice of the international social work vis-à-vis confronting social obstacles reached high level at 80.35%, with an arithmetic average of 291.68. According to the social workers’ responses, the results revealed that, the roles of the specialists of the professional practice of the international social work vis-à-vis confronting economic obstacles reached high level at 83.56%, with an arithmetic average of 303.33. According to the social workers’ responses, the results revealed that, the roles of the specialists of the professional practice of the international social work vis-à-vis confronting healthy obstacles reached high level at 78.95%, with an arithmetic average of 286.57. According to the social workers’ responses, the results revealed that, the roles of the specialists of the professional practice of the international social work vis-à-vis confronting obstacles of housing reached high level at 81.31%, with an arithmetic average of 295.14. هدفت الدراسة إلى التعرف على المعوقات التي تحد من استفادة اللاجئين الفلسطينيين من خدمات الرعاية الاجتماعية المقدمة من وكالة الأونروا، إضافة إلى تحديد أدوار أخصائي الممارسة المهنية للخدمة الاجتماعية الدولية في مواجهة هذه المعوقات، حيث اعتمد الباحث على المنهج التقييمي عن طريق المسح الاجتماعي بأسلوب العينة الاحتمالية على اللاجئين الفلسطينيين، وعن طريق الحصر الشامل للأخصائيين الاجتماعيين، حيث بلغ حجم العينة (600) أسرة فلسطينية لاجئة، و (121) أخصائياً اجتماعياً. أوضحت نتائج الدراسة حسب استجابات اللاجئين الفلسطينيين أن المعوقات الراجعة إلى نسق الهدف (الأسر الفلسطينية اللاجئة) جاءت بمستوى متوسط، وبقوة نسبية 74.33%، ومتوسط حسابي 1338، وكشفت نتائج الدراسة أن المعوقات الراجعة إلى نسق محدث التغيير (الأخصائي الاجتماعي) جاءت بمستوى متوسط، وبقوة نسبية 68.21%، ومتوسط حسابي 1227.7، كما بيّنت نتائج الدراسة أن المعوقات الراجعة إلى نسق الفعل (الوكالة) جاءت بمستوى مرتفع، وبقوة نسبية 77.95%، ومتوسط حسابي 1403.09، وأسفرت نتائج الدراسة حسب استجابات اللاجئين الفلسطينيين، عن أن المعوقات الراجعة إلى النسق المجتمعي جاءت بمستوى مرتفع، وبقوة نسبية 84.55%، ومتوسط حسابي 1521.83. كما كشفت نتائج الدراسة، حسب استجابات الأخصائيين الاجتماعيين، أن أدوار أخصائي الممارسة المهنية للخدمة الاجتماعية الدولية في مواجهة المعوقات الاجتماعية جاءت مرتفعة، وبقوة نسبية 80.35% ومتوسط حسابي 291.68. كما أظهرت نتائج الدراسة أن أدوار أخصائي الممارسة المهنية للخدمة الاجتماعية الدولية في مواجهة المعوقات الاقتصادية جاءت مرتفعة، وبقوة نسبية 83.56% ومتوسط حسابي 303.33. وبيّنت نتائج الدراسة أن أدوار أخصائي الممارسة المهنية للخدمة الاجتماعية الدولية في مواجهة المعوقات الصحية جاءت مرتفعة، وبقوة نسبية 78.95% ومتوسط حسابي 286.57. أشارات نتائج الدراسة حسب استجابات الأخصائيين الاجتماعيين أن أدوار أخصائي الممارسة المهنية للخدمة الاجتماعية الدولية في مواجهة المعوقات السكنية جاءت مرتفعة، وبقوة نسبية 81.31% ومتوسط حسابي 295.14.

https://openalex.org/W2766365231

Social Enterprises in Palestine: A Critical Analysis

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Social welfare is no longer considered the responsibility of the government or non-profit organizations. A new innovative organizational model known as social enterprises has been formulated which encompasses the twin goals of social mission with economic surplus. However, this organizational model still being in embryonic stages, can be misused by entrepreneurs for their own purpose. This paper uses the lens of institutional theory and critical theory to understand how the political and economic context of the society can influence certain types of entrepreneurial behaviors and be responsible for the emergence of social enterprises. This paper provides an alternative perspective on social enterprises which is supported with empirical data from two case studies in Palestine.

https://openalex.org/W4206022573

Child

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The Joint Distribution Committee cooperated with other American organizations to feed Jewish children after the armistice, more successfully than what was achieved in public health. But Jews were always concerned about the Jewish future, and these worries manifested in heated Eastern European Jewish debates over the right way to bring up Jewish children in the postwar economy. Jewish organizations could only achieve so much in terms of exporting Progressive child welfare schemes to Poland. Their vision of child welfare and self-help depended on an improving economy and the related ability of local Jews to absorb the initiatives begun by American Jews. When such improvements failed to materialize outside Palestine, the JDC felt morally obliged to continue its work, constructing a collective welfare system that in many ways aspired to that of a social welfare state.

https://openalex.org/W2479965683

Structural Reform and the Political Economy of Poverty Reduction in Tunisia: What Role for Civil Society?

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Despite the inclusion of poverty concerns in World Bank and IMF stabilisation and structural reform analytical reports, these reforms continue to be perceived as leading to a stagnation or even worsening of social conditions in countries where they are implemented. Indeed, the priority given to reduction in government budget deficits often implies a disengagement of the state from social provisioning. In such a situation, the space left is likely to be filled by nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) that provide social welfare support to the losers of the reforms. In countries with a strong religious tradition, the space is likely to be filled to a large extent by faith-based organisations. There is evidence that this has been the case in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, for example in Egypt, Jordan and Palestine (Lubeck 1998, Roy 2000, Wiktorowicz and Farouki 2000). This is clearly a positive development, as it allows cushioning the social impact of economic reforms by providing valuable services to the most vulnerable. Furthermore, faith-based social provisioning has often been found to increase faith-based political influence, particularly in Muslim countries, thereby contributing to political pluralism.74 In the MENA region, the extensive provision of social welfare by Islamic charity organisations (for example, in Egypt and Jordan), has led to an increased influence of political Islam as a force of opposition to authoritarian rulers75 (Benthall and Bellion-Jourdan 2003, Wiktorowicz and Farouki 2000).

https://openalex.org/W2168993665

The Cost of Vigilance in Israel: Linking the Economic and Social Costs of Defense

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the extent of the gun-butter tradeoff in Israel and to assess the level of public support for such a tradeoff. It was found that the extent of the gun-butter tradeoff is very considerable, both in terms of direct cuts in social and welfare spending and the less direct losses in opportunity costs. Because of the 'self-defense' nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict, it has often been argued that Israeli public support for such a tradeoff is continuously high. However, an analysis of the demands articulated by Israeli protest movements reveals that there are important limitations on the level and direction of popular support for the tradeoff. First, social protest groups have increasingly criticized the tradeoff and demanded a reallocation of resources to reflect more closely the social rather than the military need of the country. Second, the Peace Movement groups have undermined the 'package deal' perception of the defense budget, introducing the notion that part of the defense spending, especially on the West Bank, is somewhat of a 'colonial' burden rather than a legimate 'self-defense' expenditure.

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Social Security Programmes in the West Bank and Gaza Strip: Challenges for the new Palestine

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ABSTRACT Over the years during which Israel has occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Palestinian economy has become heavily dependent on wages earned in Israel. Yet Israel has done relatively little to modernise these territories' social security arrangements, or to enable Palestinian frontier workers to benefit from its own social security system. This article compares the occupational welfare, public assistance and health insurance programmes in the three entities, and suggests how they could be better organised to protect Palestinian workers and their families against daily contingencies which can decimate their economic security.

https://openalex.org/W2477933009

Global and Regional Agencies and the Making of Post-Communist Social Policy in Eastern Europe

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The contribution this chapter makes to the theme of this book is that the future of welfare states in Europe cannot be understood without looking beyond the West European borders of Europe. Developments in social policy in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union (see Chapter 7) will clearly have an impact. More important, however, is the role of global agencies such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Labour Organization (ILO) and others in influencing both national welfare systems and the social regulation of economic competition between welfare states.

https://openalex.org/W2494798635

‘Popular social work’ in the Palestinian West Bank: dispatches from the front line

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Abstract The Palestinians of the West Bank have been living a life of poverty, oppression and occupation. Yet amid this maelstrom, they have managed to organise a range of grassroots welfare projects that meet some of the complex needs of the communities they serve. Drawing on interviews with Palestinian young people about their experiences of life under occupation, this chapter describes some magnificent welfare projects in the West Bank. The majority of those the authors spoke to had no formal qualifications in social work, yet the quality of the work they undertook holds lessons for social workers everywhere. This chapter is based on interview material with six workers at the Yaffa Centre, Balata, with three workers at the Jenin Disability Centre, and with three workers at the Am'ari Children's Centre. All three projects are in refugee camps.

https://openalex.org/W3092855238

Satisfaction of the families of Palestinian martyrs from the role of foundation for the welfare of the families of Palestinian martyrs and the wounded in Ramallah and Al-Beireh governorate (2016-2000)

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This study aims at identifying the satisfaction of the families of the Palestinian martyrs from the role of the Welfare of Martyrs’ Families Foundation in the West bank during the period 2000-2016. To do so, the study employs the social survey methodology where the researcher devised questionnaire to survey the views of the martyrs’ families. The research was conducted, and all the methodic procedures were implemented, including the validity of the research tool. A regular random sample of 150 households from Ramallah and Al-Beireh governorate, constituting 15 % of the total research population, was selected. The study revealed that there is a strong and positive relationship, of a statistical significance, between the financial, psychological and educational programs presented by the Welfare of Martyrs’ Families Foundation and the satisfaction of the families of the Palestinian martyrs. هدفت الدراسة إلى التعرف على مدى رضا أسر الشهداء الفلسطينيين عن دور "مؤسسة رعاية أسر الشهداء" في محافظة رام الله والبيرة خلال الأعوام 2000-2016، ولتحقيق أهداف الدراسة تم استخدام منهج المسح الاجتماعي، حيث قام الباحث بتصميم استبانة لاستقصاء آراء عينة الدراسة المتمثلة بأسر الشهداء الفلسطينيين، وتم إجراء الاختبار وإعادة الاختبار والتأكد من صدق وثبات الأداة، كما تم اختيار عينة عشوائية منتظمه مكونة من 150 أسرة ممن يسكنون في محافظة رام الله والبيرة، والتي شكلت ما نسبته 15% من المجتمع الكلي. توصلت الدراسة إلى وجود علاقة إيجابية قوية ذات دلالة إحصائية لبرامج الرعاية (المالية، الدعم النفسي، التعليمية) على الرضا العام لأسر الشهداء عن دور المؤسسة. وقدمت الدراسة مجموعة من التوصيات الموجهة لمؤسسة رعاية أسر الشهداء.

https://openalex.org/W4378904729

Citizens' Satisfaction With Non-Cash Food Assistance

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This observation will analyze the level of community satisfaction with non-cash food assistance for social services in the Cibinong District area, Bogor Regency, West Java. Since the March 2020 Pandemic, the government through the Social Service has collaborated with banks (Association of State Banks) to distribute non-cash food assistance (BPNT). Assistance is channeled by distributing electronic cards such as red and white special ATMs to prosperous families from the bank to underprivileged residents who have been registered in the Bogor Regency Social Service data. Then the card is exchanged for necessities (nine staples), namely: 10 kg of rice, 1 kg of eggs, 1 chicken meat, 0.5 kg of vegetables/fruit, and 250 grams of green beans, exchanged for e-Warung which has been provided by the Social Service Bogor Regency. Data collection through questionnaires and observation of e-Warung 40 respondents was taken based on a purposive random sampling technique. The data was analyzed through validity and reliability tests, as well as a hypothesis test in measuring the level of satisfaction of residents with BPNT through e-Warung in Cibinong. The results of the study provide clues that several dimensions of the level of satisfaction that affect the distribution of current BPNT in the Cibinong sub-district, namely: Accuracy in implementation, there are 6 precise aspects: Target, quantity, price, time, quality, and administration. There are two kinds of measurements of Family Welfare Nationally, namely, Measurements by the Central Bureau of Statistics and Measurements carried out by the National Family Planning Coordinating Board, with concerning e-Warung, measurements based on population, health, consumption patterns, and employment. The conclusion is that the level of citizen satisfaction with BPNT has a very positive effect. The results of the study stated that citizen satisfaction increased by 24% on the accuracy of providing assistance and satisfaction increased by 27% on e-Warung performance.

https://openalex.org/W3034599079

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT OF KUBE e-WARONG PKH

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ABSTRACT . The Ministry of Social Affairs cooperates with the Association of State Banks opened an electronic Warung Gotong Royong of KUBE PKH (KUBE e-Warong PKH) as a place of business and agency that is managed and owned by the poor beneficiaries of the Family Welfare Program or Program Keluarga Harapan known as PKH, with a non-cash transaction, connected to the internet and mostly located in urban areas and small alleys. It is accompanied by Social Advisor (PKH advisor and sub district social workforce/ Tenaga Kerja Sosial known as TKSK) under the coordination of the Board of District Social Service West at city level, however, their social and economic empowerment is still in low level. The research method used qualitative by carrying out Focus Group Discussion (FGD) with KUBE e- Warong and social advisor as key informants. They were representatives of the province of West Java with a location in the city of Bekasi, Bandung, Banjar and Tasikmalaya. The results showed that social empowerment is the main goal compared to economic empowerment in the business setting of this group, both of them was in low level. The recommendations are addressed to the Ministry of Social Affairs, Higher Education and Non-Government Organizations to jointly provide guidance to social advisors to be able to assist the development of the KUBE e-warong business. Keywords : Empowerment, KUBE e-Warong, Social Advisor, Business Management, Socia l Entrepreneurship

https://openalex.org/W2752207193

Private loss, public gain : orphans in Malawi

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In the twentieth century, concern with child welfare resulted in one of the fastest growing social movements in the West. From the establishment of the Save the Children Fund in the UK at the close of the First World War, to the setting up of United Nations Children's Fund following the Second, to the near universal ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989, the child welfare movement has been marked by a concern with children internationally. In the last seventeen years, since the ratification of the convention, interest in the welfare of children in the developing world has grown dramatically. Children's welfare appeared in the 1997 UK Government white paper on international development, the World Bank suggested that child welfare was a useful development indicator, and large numbers of non-governmental-organisations were established (Boyden 1990). In Southern Africa, as a result of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, the close of the twentieth century saw increasing numbers of orphans appearing. As international concern regarding the social impacts of HIV/AIDS has risen, these orphans have become an issue of particular concern (Aspaas 1997). As a result of both the increasing interest in children's lives in general and the concern with orphans in particular, there are now a number of organisations specialising in orphan care (World Bank 2004, US Peace Corps 2004). These projects constitute a new social arena within which children live at least part of their daily lives. This thesis is an exploration of the social significance of four orphan-care projects functioning in Malawi. The analysis is made by looking at the identity of orphan as a social construct that has various uses, meanings and symbols attached to it and as a set of experiences that occur to children who have lost, through death, one or both of their parents.

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There and Back Again: A Commentary on Social Welfare Policy in the Wake of 2020

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Previous articleNext article FreeThere and Back Again: A Commentary on Social Welfare Policy in the Wake of 2020Jennifer Romich and Maria Y. RodriguezJennifer RomichUniversity of Washington Search for more articles by this author and Maria Y. RodriguezUniversity at Buffalo (SUNY) Search for more articles by this author Full TextPDF Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreTwo catastrophes shaped economic and social life in 2020. The quick-moving COVID-19 pandemic severely wounded economies and social institutions. In the United States, workplace shutdowns disrupted earnings for many workers as unemployment quadrupled over 2 months, with the official unemployment rate rising from 3.5% in February 2020 to 14.7% in April 2020 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020). At the same time, police killings of Black Americans brought public outrage and widespread awareness of America’s enduring racism. This second catastrophe—hundreds of years in the making—has held back our collective well-being, with harms falling most heavily on Black and Indigenous communities (McGhee, 2019).In this commentary, we draw on social welfare scholarship to offer thoughts on the current moment, focusing on the economic recession that began in February 2020. How vulnerable were Americans to the pandemic’s economic effects? What policy steps improved, failed to improve, or worsened the situation? And—most crucially—how should we move forward?In the U.S. context, questions about the economy are often questions about the intersections of race and class. The most striking effects of the pandemic lie at the same intersection. Many of the institutions shaping the response to COVID-19 also shape—and are shaped by—the American social policies critiqued by critical race theorists and the Black Lives Matter movement as upholding white supremacy (Kolivoski et al., 2014; McCoy, 2020).Despite its limitations, social welfare policy scholarship provides insight into how we could address the current moment and build a more equitable future. Social welfare scholarship is principally concerned with naming the systemic chasms in our society and investigating inclusive ways to fill them. For example, the Grand Challenges for Social Work have attempted to provide a frame with which to understand the most pressing social issues while arguing for social policy as a key mechanism for change (Padilla & Fong, 2016). Our field emphasizes organized communal strategies, typically in the form of government programs and actions, in contrast with individualist solutions that rely on markets to allocate resources via interactions between buyers and sellers. Indeed, the social work profession originated in direct response to the market failures of the industrial revolution, with foundational work of the time documenting the disparate conditions of that era’s essential workers. For example, the papers and maps of the residents of Hull House (1895) chronicled the living and working conditions among laborers on Chicago’s near west side, including crowded tenements, sweatshops without fire escapes, and workers deformed from long hours of hunched labor. These findings served as the basis for some social policy reforms we still enjoy today, including child labor laws and public sanitation regulations.The insights of early social work leaders were not without key omissions, as contributions of Black social workers and other marginalized voices were ignored or suppressed (Carlton-LaNey, 1999; Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2009). The dominant views of social work’s founders and subsequent generations have consistently reflected able-bodied, cisgender, white, heterosexual, patriarchal values regarding who is allowed to navigate systems, on what terms, and ultimately who deserves the full slate of rights in the United States. This has been seen at many points in our history, including in the early rhetoric conflating racialized immigrants’ living conditions with moral failings (Park & Kemp, 2006), the exclusion of Black and other workers of color from the Social Security Act (Rodems & Schaefer, 2016; Stoetz, 2016), the forced removal of children from Native families (Evans-Campbell & Campbell, 2011), and the policing of women’s sexuality as a condition of cash assistance (Gordon, 1994; Kunzel, 1993). The challenges of the current moment demand that we do better by recentering populations who are most marginalized in our conversations and investigations (Herrenkohl et al., 2020).Prepandemic Systemic VulnerabilitiesAlthough the mass unemployment and economic disruption of the COVID-19 pandemic were perhaps unforeseen, their effects are exacerbated by longstanding and racialized disparities in economic and policy structures (described in Henly et al., 2018). Inequalities in worker pay, health-related benefits, and workplace power hastened the spread of the virus as low-paid workers and those without health insurance or paid time off had to work despite risks to themselves and others. Pandemic-related shutdowns exposed society’s reliance on historically disparaged or underrecognized forms of labor. For example, workers were quickly sorted into “essential” or nonessential categories, the latter working safely from their homes while the former ensured that food was available and stores remained stocked, that hospitals were cleaned, and that the workers doing these tasks could take transit to work. Importantly, Black workers disproportionately hold front-line jobs that expose them to greater health risks. Although just under 12% of all workers are Black, Black workers constitute 26% of public transit workers and 17.5% of health care workers (Gould & Wilson, 2020). Workers along every step of the food supply chain—also predominantly workers of color, including Latinx immigrants—took on new importance without gaining adequate protections at work (Farmworker Justice, 2020). These workers include agricultural laborers, slaughterhouse and meat plant workers, truckers, warehouse workers, and grocery store employees. The pandemic heightened the dangers of these roles and also exposed the conditions of the settings in which this work is carried out.Extreme racialized wealth inequality also hindered capacity to withstand economic disruption. Prepandemic, over a third of U.S. households could not cover an unexpected $400 expense (Federal Reserve Board of Governors, 2019). When the pandemic interrupted jobs, it caused immediate hardship for families without savings to buffer the lost income. Further, which Americans do—or do not—have savings reflects racialized policies. Wealth inequality is baked into the history of the United States—a country built on Native land with the forced labor of enslaved Africans (Darity & Mullen, 2020; Walters, 2019). Over the past several decades, America’s wealth—cash savings, property, and business ownership—has become increasingly concentrated. Half of Americans collectively own less than 2% of all wealth in the United States, and in the past 30 years, the share of wealth held by the least wealthy half of Americans has decreased from 3.6% in 1990 to 1.8% in 2020 (Federal Reserve Board of Governors, 2020). Yet, American political forces align against redistributive measures, often because such measures are seen as disproportionately benefiting people of color (Quadagno, 1994).These historic forces manifested immediate hardships when the pandemic hit. For instance, food insecurity rose sharply during the pandemic’s early months, with an estimated one in three families with children at risk of not having enough to eat (Schanzenbach & Tomeh, 2020). Spending dropped most dramatically in Black households (Ganong et al., 2020) as inequities in housing markets and policies further destabilized foundations. The longstanding home mortgage interest deduction has made homeownership the greatest vehicle of wealth creation in the country, with real estate comprising a household’s most valuable asset (McCabe, 2016). The 2008 foreclosure crisis served as a hard-learned lesson on the economic impact of homeownership. The foreclosure crisis disproportionately impacted communities of color (Aalbers, 2009; Brueckner et al., 2012; Hall et al., 2015), and policy interventions failed to prevent the racially/ethnically biased predatory lending practices that precipitated it (Collins et al., 2013; Rodriguez, 2020). Approximately 19.4% of Latinx and 12.7% of Black homeowners nationally experienced foreclosure between 2007 and 2015 (Mikhitarian, 2019), a devastating share considering that 73.1% and 61.8% of Latinx and Black household wealth, respectively, was tied to real estate.Meanwhile, renters were faced with dramatic increases in market-rate prices when production of affordable units decreased and housing prices increased. As a result, renters were at high risk of homelessness when faced with a life or income shock (Curtis et al., 2013). Although the pandemic has lessened demand for rentals, the cost of rent has dropped only about $5 per month nationally between March and June 2020 (Zillow Research, 2020). People of color comprise a disproportionate share of renters, who are more likely than homeowners to face increasing housing costs and less likely to have wealth to weather any income shock. As a result, Black and Latinx households are more likely to double-up and live with two or more families in the same housing unit (Pilkauskas et al., 2014). These housing market inequities have poignant pandemic-era implications, as was seen for instance in COVID-19 spread due to overcrowded housing conditions (Jones & Grigsby-Toussaint, 2020; Neal & McCargo, 2020).Immediate ResponsesThe early federal pandemic response—the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and the Economic Security (CARES) Act (2020) and the Families First Coronavirus Response Act (FFCRA, 2020)—contained several major expansions of inclusions and rights, including some efforts long supported by economic justice advocates. First, Pandemic Unemployment Assistance extended unemployment protection to some groups of workers previously excluded from the Unemployment Insurance system. Newly eligible groups included part-time and gig workers, such as rideshare and delivery drivers who work on major app platforms. Overall, an estimated 11 million workers received benefits only due to the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance expansions (Stone, 2020). Recipients of Unemployment Insurance benefits—long seen as inadequate, particularly in southern states (Chang, 2020)—received a temporary $600 per week increase through a related measure, although Congress allowed this benefit to expire after the initial 4 months. Importantly, these benefits were not extended to undocumented workers, though they comprise large portions of the workforce in the agricultural, food, and service sectors. For instance, close to half of hired crop farmworkers in the U.S. lack legal authorization (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2020).Second, the FFCRA included the United States’ first federal paid family leave and sick leave provisions. Workers who got sick or were required or advised to quarantine qualified for 2 weeks of paid medical leave. Parents or other caregivers could also qualify for up to 12 weeks of expanded leave to care for children whose school or childcare was unavailable for pandemic-related reasons. Unfortunately, these acts excluded some small employers as well as employers with more than 500 employees, a compromise influenced by concerns over cost as well as lobbying by major employer groups. Nevertheless, paid leave is important for preventing material hardship (Ybarra et al., 2019), and even temporary paid leave represents a major step forward for a country that heretofore largely relied on employers voluntarily granting workers leave. Permitting employers to decide which employees receive leave favors higher-status workers and disproportionately leaves workers of color—who can least afford to not work—without paid time off for illness or caregiving (Gould & Wilson, 2020).Third, the CARES Act also added protections to stabilize housing, albeit temporarily and without reducing debt. As of late November 2020, about 1 in 5 households paying rent and one in 10 homeowners paying mortgages were behind in payments (author calculations based on U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). For homeowners, the CARES Act temporarily banned foreclosure proceedings. However, homeowners must pay back the sum total of missed payments at some point during the life of the loan—with interest. For renters, the CARES Act placed a moratorium on evictions in federally subsidized rental housing, and various states and localities levied their own moratoriums beyond these, but rent is still due. Further, although federal housing tenants may be eligible for rent reductions, market-rate renters have no such programs available. As a whole, eviction moratoriums and mortgage forbearances reflect a policy consensus that market rules have to be changed in order to preserve people’s rights to remain in housing. These policy measures temporarily bolster the power of renters and borrowers relative to more powerful landlords and lenders. However, if policymakers allow these measures to expire, renters and homeowners will need to pay rent and mortgage arrears or face eventual eviction/foreclosure.This Era Can Yield Big ReformsCan we sustain and further expand these emergency efforts? Progressive Era labor standards and the Social Security Act of 1935 emerged in response to the economic fallout of the Great Depression. Will the current era yield a new—and even more inclusive—social contract? There is no roadmap out of a 21st century pandemic. We do not yet know what the economy will look like at the point in which a vaccine or other development limits the medical risk of COVID-19, nor do we know precisely when that will be. Although we do not yet know the endgame for the current pandemic, history suggests that the threat of COVID-19 will fade long before the enduring effects of systemic racism recede (McCoy, 2020).In a context of pandemic-related uncertainty and failure to meaningfully address racism, we believe that policy prescriptions should address both the economic and social effects of the pandemic and structural racism. The aftermath of 2020 is a time for imagining and building a more sound and just foundation for our country. Social workers and social welfare researchers should promote innovative policy solutions, advance methodologies to center the needs and circumstances of marginalized populations, and—most crucially—continue to ask the questions that define our field’s work: Who has power, who is left out, and through what mechanisms? How can we build more inclusive structures? These questions should guide both scholarship and practice.Times of crisis can move policy quickly, and solutions once considered fringe might gain political traction. Social work should support Black Americans’ long-ignored call for asset-based reparations (Darity & Mullen, 2020), which could both eliminate the racial wealth gap and spur overall economic growth. We should also continue to explore ideas such as a federal jobs guarantee (Paul et al., 2018), comprehensive child allowances (Shaefer et al., 2018), and universal basic income (Caputo & Lewis, 2016). Following targeted universal design principles (powell et al., 2019) could make such tools both antirecessionary and antiracist. Targeted universalist design calls for a combination of universal goals (e.g., all households have adequate income for basic needs) and population-specific methods (e.g., payments based in part on historic harms) for reaching those goals.Social work should also use more innovative methods to examine social problems and solutions. For example, expanding our use of social media data to access lived-experience narratives inaccessible with traditional data acquisition mechanisms (Rodriguez & Storer, 2020) could lead to better, more scalable interventions. Social work scholars and practitioners, particularly those invested in implementing interventions at scale, would do well to avail themselves of the many advances in computational research methods. These methods allow for the use of vast amounts of unsolicited data, which—when adhering to a high standard of ethical social science research conduct—can advance analysis toward causal claims (Egami et al., 2018). Similarly, communicating research in new ways can help influence decisionmakers. For instance, evaluators of a Stockton, CA, guaranteed income experiment combined participatory action research methods with an online dashboard to display qualitative and quantitative findings that community members deemed important (Martin-West et al., 2019; Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, 2019).Specific solutions and methods are secondary to policy goals, however, and a strength of our field rests in critical policy analysis. One set of questions concerns rights and limits within markets. Will America maintain its prioritization of market solutions as it did with the turn toward neoliberalism in the later decades of the 20th century (Abramovitz, 2012), prioritizing the needs of financial institutions and organized corporate interests over grassroots well-being? Or, will new efforts reset the balance of power within the market, tilting future policies toward enforcing and expanding the rights of those with less power? Our field can analyze how proposed changes to market regulations affect those at the lower rungs of capitalist ladders, including low-paid workers, caregivers, renters, and borrowers. At the same time, we should examine the nature, structure, and effectiveness of collectivist policy responses, ongoing and new. How are federal, state, and local programs and policies changing, and what are the implications of these changes for individual and community well-being?Finally, we should specifically question how well these rules and policies work for those who are marginalized on the basis of their age, gender identity, race, ethnicity, sexuality, ability, immigration status, class, or intersections of these identities. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor (2020) wrote about this in her reflection on the intersectional Black feminist theory of the Combahee River Collective of the 1970s, titled “Until Black Women are Free, None of Us will be Free.” As Taylor asserted, systems that fail the marginalized will reinforce division and inequality for everyone. Together, demands for collective responses, increasing the influence of the less powerful, and designing policies for full inclusion will move our postpandemic world toward a richer conceptualization of justice in which systems are designed to work for those furthest from full material and social inclusion.AcknowledgmentsThe authors would like to acknowledge Hamdi Abdi and the employees at the University of Buffalo Early Childhood Research Center for their labor during the preparation of this manuscript.NotesJennifer Romich, PhD, is a professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work.Maria Y. Rodriguez, PhD, is an assistant professor at the University at Buffalo (SUNY) School of Social Work.Correspondence regarding this article should be directed to Jennifer Romich, 4101 15th Ave. NE, Seattle, WA 98105 or via e-mail to [email protected].ReferencesAalbers, M. (2009). Geographies of the financial crisis. Area, 41(1), 34–42. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4762.2008.00877.xFirst citation in articleCrossrefGoogle ScholarAbramovitz, M. (2012). Theorising the neoliberal welfare state for social work. In M. Gray, J. Midgley, & Stephen A. Web (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Social Work (pp. 33–50). SAGE Publications.First citation in articleCrossrefGoogle ScholarBrueckner, J. K., Calem, P. S., & Nakamura, L. I. (2012). Subprime mortgages and the housing bubble. Journal of Urban Economics, 71(2), 230–243. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jue.2011.09.002First citation in articleCrossrefGoogle ScholarBureau of Labor Statistics. (2020). 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Missed rent payments may balloon as boosted aid expires, holding potential for deep scars in the rental market. https://www.zillow.com/research/unpaid-rent-impact-landlords-27680/First citation in articleGoogle Scholar Previous articleNext article DetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research Volume 12, Number 1Spring 2021 Published for the Society for Social Work and Research Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/713020 Views: 1025 HistorySubmitted August 30, 2020Revised December 03, 2020Accepted December 04, 2020Published online February 17, 2021 KeywordsCOVID-19systemic racismsocial welfare policywelfare stateBlack Lives Matter© 2021 by the Society for Social Work and Research. All rights reserved. Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

https://openalex.org/W3121592188

Bricks and Mortar Clientelism: Sectarianism and the Logics of Welfare Allocation in Lebanon

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In plural societies, social welfare can be a terrain of political contestation, particularly when public welfare functions are underdeveloped and ethnic or religious groups provide basic social services. It is well established that such organizations favor in-group members, but under what conditions do they serve out-group communities? To address this question, the authors compare the welfare programs of the predominantly Sunni Muslim Future Movement and the Shiite Muslim Hezbollah in Lebanon. Although they operate under the same institutional rules and economic contexts and boast the largest welfare programs in their respective communities, the Future Movement aims to serve a broader array of beneficiaries, including non-Sunnis, whereas Hezbollah focuses more exclusively on Shiite communities. Based on analyses of an original data set of the spatial locations of welfare agencies, qualitative data from interviews with providers and beneficiaries, and case studies of areas where the two parties established and did not establish welfare agencies, the authors argue that distinct political mobilization strategies—whether electoral or nonelectoral—explain different patterns of service delivery across the two organizations.

https://openalex.org/W1499463174

The Politics of Non-state Social Welfare

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Acknowledgments Introduction Melani Cammett and Lauren M. MacLean 1. Mapping Social Welfare Regimes beyond the OECD Ian Gough 2. The Political Consequences of Non-state Social Welfare: An Analytical Framework Melani Cammett and Lauren M. MacLean Part I States, Non-state Social Welfare, and Citizens in the Developing World 3. Empowering Local Communities and Enervating the State? Foreign Oil Companies as Public Goods Providers in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan Pauline Jones Luong 4. The Politics of Contracting Out to the Private Sector: Water and Sanitation in Argentina Alison E. Post5. Blurring the Boundaries: NGOs, the State, and Service Provision in Kenya Jennifer N. Brass 6. Bridging the Local and the Global: Faith-Based Organizations as Non-state Providers in Tanzania Michael Jennings 7. Sectarian Politics and Social Welfare: Non-state Provision in Lebanon Melani Cammett 8. The Reciprocity of Family, Friends, and Neighbors in Rural Ghana and Cote d'Ivoire Lauren M. MacLean 9. The Naya Netas: Informal Mediators of Government Services in Rural North India Anirudh KrishnaPart II The Politics of Non-state Social Welfare in Emerging Markets and the Industrialized World 10. Private Provision with Public Funding: The Challenges of Regulating Quasi Markets in Chilean Education Alejandra Mizala and Ben Ross Schneider 11. Spontaneous Privatization and Its Political Consequences in Russia's Postcommunist Health Sector Linda J. Cook 12. State Dollars, Non-state Provision: Local Nonprofit Welfare Provision in the United States Scott W. Allard Conclusion Melani Cammett and Lauren M. MacLean

https://openalex.org/W2099987834

Religion and Social Welfare in the Lebanon: Treating the Causes or Symptoms of Poverty?

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Abstract This article achieves two objectives. It introduces new insights to current thinking on social policy in the Middle East based on a case study of religious welfare in Lebanon. This in turn provides an analysis of how faith-based welfare may connect to social policy more broadly. Focusing on how five of the most prominent Lebanese Muslim and Christian welfare organisations engage with poverty reduction, the article draws attention to the moral dimension of social policy-making. This is illustrated by an analysis of how the Lebanese faith-based organisations (FBOs) define the objects of their interventions and, subsequently, how appropriately they respond to the causes of social problems. The analysis also includes a review of the FBOs' evaluation of their services. The overall argument of the article comments on the extent to which social welfare in Lebanon has scope to act beyond short-term, instrumental or politicised goals. It argues that human need, the ‘social case’ and poverty are three core concepts which determine the design of social interventions, but they also serve to confuse the definition of the object of social policy. The argument concludes that needs interpretation by welfare service providers in Lebanon is the site of deep contention in the policy-making process, since the lack of clarity in defining the object of policies can hamper the effectiveness of services. This means that while the social action undertaken by FBOs in Lebanon is more complex than the private or corporate charity initiatives known in the British or North American faith-based contexts, religious welfare programmes in Lebanon are more focused on palliative in-kind services.

https://openalex.org/W3124210252

Partisan Activism and Access to Welfare in Lebanon

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How do welfare regimes function when state institutions are weak and ethnic or sectarian groups control access to basic services? This paper explores how people gain access to basic services in Lebanon, where sectarian political parties from all major religious communities are key providers of social assistance and services. Based on analyses of an original national survey (n = 1,911) as well as in-depth interviews with providers and other elites (n = 175) and beneficiaries of social programs (n = 135), I make two main empirical claims in the paper. First, political activism and a demonstrated commitment to a party are associated with access to social assistance; and second, higher levels of political activism may facilitate access to higher levels or quantities of aid, including food baskets and financial assistance for medical and educational costs. These arguments highlight how politics can mediate access to social assistance in direct ways and add new dimensions to scholarly debates about clientelism by focusing on contexts with politicized religious identities and by problematizing the actual goods and services exchanged.

https://openalex.org/W2131383330

A Profile of Social Welfare in Lebanon

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This article profiles social welfare in the Lebanon based upon the perceptions of a group of expert observers and practitioners there. It proposes that welfare is primarily a charitable initiative that springs from the private sphere but becomes politicized once it assumes a public role. The conceptualization of welfare, however, is in no way rudimentary; indeed, the actors concerned are actively engaging with the developmental discourses of our times thereby building bridges between `traditional' and `modern' visions of social justice. The Lebanese case is interesting for social development policy since it illustrates the dynamism of non-state welfare actors. A key issue is religious welfare (particularly Islamic), which continues to receive little attention in the social development literature. To this extent, the article reviews poverty and social dynamics in Lebanon and questions the universal relevance of social exclusion as an analytical tool for understanding processes of human impoverishment.

https://openalex.org/W2063872868

BRICKS AND MORTAR CLIENTELISM: Sectarianism and the Logics of Welfare Allocation in Lebanon.

https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2063872868

In plural societies, social welfare can be a terrain of political contestation, particularly when public welfare functions are underdeveloped and ethnic or religious groups provide basic social services. It is well established that such organizations favor in-group members, but under what conditions do they serve out-group communities? To address this question, the authors compare the welfare programs of the predominantly Sunni Muslim Future Movement and the Shiite Muslim Hezbollah in Lebanon. Although they operate under the same institutional rules and economic contexts and boast the largest welfare programs in their respective communities, the Future Movement aims to serve a broader array of beneficiaries, including non-Sunnis, whereas Hezbollah focuses more exclusively on Shiite communities. Based on analyses of an original data set of the spatial locations of welfare agencies, qualitative data from interviews with providers and beneficiaries, and case studies of areas where the two parties established and did not establish welfare agencies, the authors argue that distinct political mobilization strategies—whether electoral or nonelectoral—explain different patterns of service delivery across the two organizations.

https://openalex.org/W2078182451

Human Ethics and Welfare Particularism: An Exploration of the Social Welfare Regime in Lebanon

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This paper presents a profile of the welfare regime in Lebanon which is posited on the twin precepts of human ethics and welfare particularism. It highlights the key role that moral values play in the conceptualization and implementation of social policy, as well as in the measurement of welfare outcomes. This is marked by the dominance of duty, traditionalism and elitism in the ethics of religious welfare in Lebanon. The paper argues that the social welfare regime in Lebanon overlaps with the debates on the ethics of care and on virtue ethics in Western moral philosophy. This is also linked in with contemporary conceptualizations of religious ethics in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. The paper asserts that religious ethics is a valid endeavour in its own right and an ever more pertinent subject matter for the study of social welfare and social policy. This challenges the traditional dichotomy between reason and faith which has subdued the relevance of religion to public life. Indeed, religion, the nuclear family and clientelism networks are shown to play a critical role in Lebanese social welfare, such that, in spite of state incapacity, the welfare regime there cannot be considered rudimentary. The method adopted for this research was a large qualitative case study involving service providers and users at the Ministry of Social Affairs and five leading Christian and Muslim religious welfare organizations in Lebanon.

https://openalex.org/W656151715

Social welfare and religion in the Middle East: A Lebanese perspective

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Introduction: religion and social policy - an old-new partnership Religion and the foundations of social policy Contextualising religion and social policy theory and practice Lebanon: a profile of political and welfare institutions A philosophy of social service: faith or social insurance? Systems of provision and welfare outcomes: defining and treating the causes of poverty Social solidarity: between power and morality Social ethics and welfare particularism What next for the Middle East? Rereading history, revisioning future possibilities of positive action.

https://openalex.org/W2979394402

Family Associations in Lebanon

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The structural and organizational features of all 477 registered family associations in Lebanon, their underlying functions, pattern and trend are surveyed in an effort to examine how a kinship culture reacts to the disruptive forces associated with the decline in kinship. The central argument of the paper supplements the hypothesis that extended family relations need not be inconsistent with urban and industrial societies. It is suggested that efforts to coalesce the family by creating formal kinship associations should not be dismissed as an irrational or nostalgic gesture. Rather, they are a response to some unmet needs, and they continue to serve some vital and unique functions in Lebanon. Apart from the conventional welfare and benevolent functions, they assist individuals in the quest for opportunity and employment and serve as a vehicle for family solidarity and the advancement of the social, economic and political interests of the family as a social group. They also provide a measure of primary group reinforcements and mediation services -both of which are vital for coping with some of the private troubles and social tensions of a society in transition. Finally, it is suggested that family associations have survived as viable agencies of social organization and social control because they combine some of the rational features of formal organizations with the needs for intimacy and identity inherent in primary relations.

https://openalex.org/W2272464799

Sectarianism and the Ambiguities of Welfare in Lebanon

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Nonstate providers are often more important in the everyday lives of the poor than outposts of the state. In this essay, I focus on one type of provider, sectarian organizations, which are an integral component of politics and welfare regimes in parts of the Middle East and other developing regions. Focusing on Lebanon, I describe how sectarian welfare providers emerge from and help to constitute political sectarianism while tracing what is at stake for the poor. First, by holding public offices and dominating informal channels that mediate access to public benefits, these actors mediate the experience of accessing the “rights” of citizenship. Second, while they provide benefits and services that might not otherwise be available, the modes of allocating welfare by sectarian parties can be discriminatory, notably along partisan and religious lines. Third, sectarian groups politicize the process of accessing social benefits while undercutting the political voice of the poor by weakening alternative channels of claim making. Finally, the crosscutting effects of sectarian organizations in welfare regimes suggest additional challenges to boosting local participation in development policy: while they are deeply embedded in the communities they serve, they produce and reinforce social inequalities.

https://openalex.org/W2468803364

Older adult care in Lebanon: towards stronger and sustainable reforms.

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We assessed elderly care in Lebanon through direct observation and review of the literature and legislation with the aim of drawing attention to the current situation and the need for improvement, and providing suggestions to address the problems. The weaknesses of elderly care in Lebanon and obstacles to reform include the stigma of age, an inefficient health care system, a lack of geriatric specialists and social/volunteer services, and inadequacies in nursing homes. Countering the negative perception of ageing, promoting social welfare, refurbishing nursing homes and empowering volunteer services are needed to improve the lives and care of the elderly. Sustained initiatives by governmental agencies, physicians, volunteer services and the community are essential. Adequate funding is also imperative.

https://openalex.org/W1985725932

Explaining Lebanese Shii adherence to Hezbollah: alienation, religiosity and welfare provision

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Data from a cross-sectional survey of 176 Lebanese Shiis living in Metropolitan Beirut have been used to investigate the relationship between social and religious variables and attitudes toward Lebanon's “Party of God” (Hezbollah). The results indicate that Islamic religiosity, political discontent, and access to social welfare are positively associated with endorsement of the party. The implications of these findings for the party's future in light of recent political developments are discussed.

https://openalex.org/W1993593992

Towards a model for the provision of comprehensive services for non-English speaking communities

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Abstract People from non‐English speaking backgrounds (NESB) tend to utilize Australian health and welfare services less than those people born in Australia. There is also evidence that migrants to Australia tend to increase their consumption of alcohol and other drugs once they have settled. Therefore, NESB people should be a priority focus for the provision of comprehensive services for the prevention and treatment of alcohol and other drug‐related problems. To date there has not been a co‐ordinated approach to the provision of alcohol and other drug services to NESB communities. This paper proposes a model for the provision of such services, and uses the Sydney Arabic‐speaking Lebanese community as an example. This model draws upon available literature and incorporates strategies of community development, namely networking and dissemination of information, and directs efforts at three levels of intervention. [Rissel C, Rowling L. Towards a model for the provision of comprehensive services for non‐English speaking communities. Drug Alcohol Rev 1991; 10: 137‐149]

https://openalex.org/W3014349875

Religious Welfare Organizations, Citizenship, and the State in Lebanon

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Abstract Religious welfare organizations (RWOs) are considered the leading providers of services in Lebanon, with annual budgets exceeding those of state service ministries. While the religious nature of Lebanese society contributes to one part of the story, other political factors have led to these organizations’ emergence: political motivations heavily influence RWOs’ development. Thus, the conceptual framework that analyzes RWOs as providing services solely based on religious obligations does not provide a full analysis of their dynamics and importance. Based on interviews conducted in the field, this paper argues that the historical composition of the state, the state’s paralysis during the civil war, and its present weakness have led to the growth of these organizations. Also, the locally-adapted and decentralized structure of RWOs has contributed to their development into organizations that have grown more powerful than the state.

https://openalex.org/W3128198422

Navigating welfare regimes in divided societies: Diversity and the quality of service delivery in Lebanon

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Abstract In many developing countries, non‐state actors, including those with religious or political affiliations, provide basic social services. Do politicized ethnoreligious divisions shape citizen choices of providers? Does service quality vary when patients visit ingroup or outgroup facilities? Building on studies of the “diversity deficit” and on outgroup generosity, we focus on how the relationship between frontline service providers and citizens affects the quality of services. Among facilities run by sectarian organizations, citizens largely select into ingroup providers, and report distinct reasons for the rare instances of choosing outgroup versus ingroup centers. Furthermore, when visiting outgroup facilities, service quality is inferior. Preliminary evidence indicates that shared social networks, which facilitate informal mechanisms of accountability, may account for the ingroup advantage. The data are derived from original surveys of a nationally representative sample of health centers in Lebanon, a country with politicized identity cleavages and diverse types of welfare providers.

https://openalex.org/W2479559544

Samidoun: grassroots welfare and popular resistance in Beirut during the 33-Day War of 2006

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Abstract From July 12 to August 14, 2006, Israel waged a 33-day war against Lebanon. As aircraft bombarded towns and cities and ground troops thrust into Southern Lebanon, refugees from across Lebanon, and particularly Southern Lebanon, abandoned their homes and villages and flooded into central Beirut. The refugees' requirements were immediate and substantial — food, accommodation and medical support had to be provided and a range of social, welfare and psychological needs had to be met. However, the traditional suppliers of welfare in Beirut, the vast number of civil society organisations in the voluntary sector and the more limited state sector both removed their staff and closed down under the air assault. Into this gap stepped a new, vibrant and remarkable social welfare movement called Samidoun, which became the main provider of basic needs for a large section of the refugee population in the city during the crisis. Forged in the midst of war, Samidoun was a consciously political intervention — part of the popular resistance to Israeli aggression — that linked resistance, political struggle and social work.

https://openalex.org/W2071670919

Starting Over From Scratch

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This article presents findings from a qualitative research study with daughters of internally displaced families, more than a decade and half after the end of the Lebanese civil war. In-depth interviews with these adolescent girls indicate that in the absence of universal coverage of social security nets for the Lebanese, the effects of impoverishment and continuous mobility in the suburbs have adverse effects on their sense of stability, schooling, and coping. The article argues that although the effects of impoverishment are not new to similar urban youth populations, the quality of social support networks (ties to rural areas and support from welfare agency services) is a determining factor in the way they cope with adversity. Implications for policy are also presented.

https://openalex.org/W2537800702

Rethinking Lebanese Welfare in Ageing Emergencies

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A cycle of internal displacement and influxes of refugees in Lebanon has led local care providers to cooperate and partner with the international humanitarian apparatus. By using welfare as an explanatory screen of social relations, identifications, and frictions, this chapter highlights the blurred lines between welfare and emergency programmes in Beirut’s southern suburbs after the July War of 2006. This chapter first discusses how social order is sought out in humanitarian and welfare systems of care in order to maintain stability and guarantee their practices. Second, it unearths the individual and societal processes that beneficiary subjects experience in response to policies of provision. Finally, it seeks to assess the notion of nationhood in Lebanon, where the lives of long-term refugees and local communities are increasingly enmeshed, as are the beneficiary categories that they represent.

https://openalex.org/W2096955760

Partisan Activism and Access to Welfare in Lebanon

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How do welfare regimes function when state institutions are weak and ethnic or sectarian groups control access to basic services? This paper explores how people gain access to basic services in Lebanon, where sectarian political parties from all major religious communities are key providers of social assistance and services. Based on analyses of an original national survey (n=1,911) as well as indepth interviews with providers and other elites (n=175) and beneficiaries of social programs (n=135), I make two main empirical claims in the paper. First, political activism and a demonstrated commitment to a party are associated with access to social assistance; and second, higher levels of political activism may facilitate access to higher levels or quantities of aid, including food baskets and financial assistance for medical and educational costs. These arguments highlight how politics can mediate access to social assistance in direct ways and add new dimensions to scholarly debates about clientelism by focusing on contexts with politicized religious identities and by problematizing the actual goods and services exchanged.

https://openalex.org/W2138565552

Emergency centers in Israel: A small community organizes to cope with war related crises*

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This paper focuses on community‐wide emergencies caused by war‐related events in Lebanon at the beginning of June 1982. Mobilization for the “Peace for Galilee” campaign began on Friday, 4th June. Overnight, families were disrupted, husbands and sons were in danger, and within 24 hours there were notifications of casualities and deaths. Families in crisis became a widespread phenomenon. In Herzlia, as in many other communities, a new service – the Emergency Center – emerged under the auspices of the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and the Municipality. The authors describe this process of getting organized, the populations served, how the Center was staffed, the role of citizen volunteers, and the types of interventions used to help vulnerable families as well as soldiers home on leave. Stress is placed on the unique type of short‐term co‐operation achieved between social workers of the local Department of Social Welfare, the staff of the Department of Community Services (especially its Volunteer Bureau), the local liason officer of the Israel Defence Force, the municipal government, and public‐spirited volunteers. Mention is made of conditions which made possible the activation of such a service within hours, of the Center's capacity to serve all segments of the population, and of how it was deactivated within a few weeks when the emergency ended. On the basis of lessons learned from this experience, the paper ends with a number of specific recommendations. The authors hope that such innovative forms of crisis‐intervention will become part of the helping technology widely available at the community level in future years.

https://openalex.org/W2314502683

Private Voluntary Associations and Islam in Globalizing Egypt

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Islamic fundamentalism (Islamist movement) has risen in the Middle East. Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollar in Southern Lebanon have pursued two activities. They conduct radical political activities and social welfare activities such as managing clinics and providing basic social services for poor people. In the case of Egypt, social welfare activities of “centrifugal” Islamist movements have not been investigated, even though religious and secular PVOs and NGOs have increased due to globalization and implementation of aid-funded programs. PVOs respond to medical needs for people under structural adjustment programs. In 1991, approximately 14, 000 PVOs were registered in Egypt.Islamic societies have developed the tradition of charity and formed various charity institutions, such as waqf, Islamic hospitals, schools, and Zuwiya logdes in sufi orders. Charity institutions seem to have positive effects on recent Islamic PVO activities by way of zakat collection and Islamic networks for capital and human recruitment. On the other hand, these charity institutions had negative effects of limiting benefits to persons in institutions instead of giving them to the poor as originally targeted. If the historical experience of widening the gap between ideals and practice of Islamic charity is repeated in Islamic PVO activities, Islamic people in need of welfare and medical services would lose their confidence in Islamic PVOs. This would affect Islamist movements and grass-root efforts. In order to examine these hypotheses, it is necessary to understand PVOs by considering the relationship between the state and society in both Egypt and in the Middle East.

https://openalex.org/W3102338354

Access to Social Protection by Immigrants, Emigrants and Resident Nationals in Lebanon

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Abstract Although Lebanese social protection schemes are heavily fragmented, the National Social Security Fund (NSSF) is the primary provider of end-of-service indemnity, health care and family benefits. However, only Lebanese who are formally employed or foreigners originating from countries which provide equal or better social protection to Lebanese citizens are eligible to enrol in the fund according to the 1963 Social Security Law. Those not enrolled must often rely on ad hoc social protection services provided by non-governmental or international organisations to obtain (limited) social services. Migrants, including Palestinians, Sri Lankans, Indonesians and Syrians are particularly vulnerable as they are ineligible to enrol in the NSSF. Also, Lebanese nationals residing abroad are ineligible to obtain benefits from the National Social Security Fund.

https://openalex.org/W4254560713

Child Welfare in Lebanon

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Before the Lebanese war which started in 1975, private social organizations in this country attained relatively large proportions. This reflected a high degree of social consciousness among the population, especially among women, and a desire of each of the multiple Lebanese communities to participate in general development.

https://openalex.org/W2482185103

Social ethics and welfare particularism

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This chapter synthesizes the empirical discussion of social welfare in the preceding chapters by presenting a welfare model based on the Lebanon case. This model is the social ethics-welfare particularism (SEWP). First, the chapter presents a configuration of religious welfare in Lebanon through the SEWP model, which shows the main welfare actors, their social exchanges, and the ties that link them. It portrays how the welfare strategies and outcomes that exist in Lebanon deviate away from mainstream thinking on social policy. Second, the chapter outlines the contribution that the SEWP makes to the theoretical literature on international social policy, with particular reference to welfare regime theory. In essence, the chapter places emphasis on the relevance of religious welfare in the region to the definition of social welfare and social policy.

https://openalex.org/W3208674814

Harakat Amal: Social Mobilization, Economic Resources, Welfare Provision

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Harakat Amal: Social Mobilization, Economic Resources, Welfare Provision Omar Bortolazzi (bio) Introduction This paper explores the historical, political and social (internal and external) factors that brought the Lebanese Shi‘a to mobilize and transform from a sub-proletariat group to an entrepreneurial bourgeoisie in the span of less than three generations. In particular, I analyze harakat Amal through its formation, its social and political trajectory, and finally its associations and welfare networks. Even though literature on Hezbollah-related social activities has already partially highlighted the importance of the organization’s massive welfare structure, scholarship on the social activities enacted and regulated by Amal is by far more modest. Harakat Amal is described here as an economic class related to the control of multiple forms of capital and social services, and produced by local, national, and [End Page 37] transnational networks related to flows of services, money, education, and a culturally constructed social identity structured by economic as well as other forms of capital in relation to other groups in Lebanon. Mutual aid translates “private” networks into physical realities and duties. These forms of social welfare distribution in Lebanon represent the consolidation of identities, and the takeover of responsibilities unfulfilled by the central state. How do harakat Amal related philanthropic organizations and their fundraising’s activities operate? Who are the recipients and beneficiaries of these welfare organizations? What is the role of the Shiite diaspora in creating social welfare networks in the country of origin and abroad? Lebanese Shi’a: Social and Political Development The Shi‘a of Lebanon possess a political, ideological and economic dynamism that makes them one the most significant Shiite community in the Arab world today, representing approximately 30 per cent of the Lebanese population.1 The story of the Shi’a’s rise to economic power, while containing several feature unique to Lebanon, can offer some relevant general insights to the shifts of a community - from disenfranchisement to entrepreneurial bourgeoisie - elsewhere in the Arab world.2 The Lebanese Shi‘a are one of the first communities to have achieved a relevant political, economic and social power as a group in the contemporary Arab world.3 They are the only Arab Shi‘a who were able to transform from an oppressed, isolated and marginalized community to a powerful and economically independent group within the political order of Lebanon’s state and society. The Shi‘a over a 30-year period have become quite simply the most powerful political force in today’s Lebanon and the single largest community in the country, with a noteworthy contrast with other Shi‘a communities in the region.4 The presence of traditional baronial families (which, in Lebanon’s case, extended also to other communities), the zu‘ama feudal system that for a long time contributed to the economic stagnation and marginalization of this community, at some point started clashing with the various currents of Arab nationalism and socialism which invested the rest of the Arab world, regardless of the religious/sectarian affiliations. Economic inequalities, a leftover of the Ottoman era and reinforced by the French rule, also created [End Page 38] a class of Shiites with a desire for economic stability, political representation and social enfranchisement. A large portion of this population migrated massively either to the commercial Beirut, or to other countries (mainly, Africa, Brazil, Canada, Europe, the Arab Gulf) establishing successful businesses and actively helping those relatives who still resided in their own native villages to achieve an economic stability. In Lebanon, they left the political agenda to Amal and later Hezbollah, groups with evident sectarian tasks, in taking the lead of the Shi‘a resurgence and to advocate Shiite’s rights, from the south of Lebanon to the Beqaa valley. The Shi‘a community is not homogenous and neither Amal nor Hezbollah between them have universal Shiite support; many Shiites remain out of the range of these two organizations. Nevertheless, both the political groups and the entrepreneurial Shiite’s bourgeoisie that churned out as a consequence of the massive Shiite Lebanese diaspora have enormously benefited either from the success of the organizations and the impressive amount of revenues that those entrepreneurs reinvested in their country of origins securing...

https://openalex.org/W2606710070

Analyzing Socio-Spatial Processes of Integration and Disintegration by Examining the Local Housing Market: A Case Study of Beirut, Lebanon

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Lebanon has undergone 10 years of a governmental program of reconstruction, which was also designed to restructure the wider society. Since Lebanese state politics are traditionally characterized by a liberal and laisser-faire mentality, state-run reconstruction has neglected the development of social welfare services. Other actors have therefore filled this gap, such as the Maronite Church and Hezbollah. Both organizations can be considered to be key actors at the political and social level of Lebanese society. They provide a wide range of high-quality social services, covering sectors such as housing, education, health, communication, and infrastructure. These sectors are all relevant to the integration of the society. Moreover, they overlap with the housing sector. Activities in housing and housing-related spheres influence processes of integration and disintegration, as the home is both the centre of daily life and a rent-yielding commodity. The Maronite Church and Hezbollah have only recently become ...

https://openalex.org/W2941576715

Older adult care in Lebanon: Towards stronger and sustainable reforms

https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2941576715

We assessed elderly care in Lebanon through direct observation and review of the literature and legislation with the aim of drawing attention to the current situation and the need for improvement, and providing suggestions to address the problems. The weaknesses of elderly care in Lebanon and obstacles to reform include the stigma of age, an inefficient health care system, a lack of geriatric specialists and social/volunteer services, and inadequacies in nursing homes. Countering the negative perception of ageing, promoting social welfare, refurbishing nursing homes and empowering volunteer services are needed to improve the lives and care of the elderly. Sustained initiatives by governmental agencies, physicians, volunteer services and the community are essential. Adequate funding is also imperative.

https://openalex.org/W2041592883

Social coverage, solidarity and promoting the rights of the elderly people

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Social security schemes in the MENA region face challenges in terms of effectiveness, sustainability and governance. Large groups of the population remain out of the social security system. Access to basic pension, health services and education are essential to the well-being, and the lack of these services contributes to the persistence of poverty. All MENA countries – except Lebanon – have mandatory public pension schemes for at least part of the employees. In the region, the coverage rate is low with less than 40% of the working population covered by a public pension scheme. The Gulf States, Iran, Lebanon and Yemen suffer from the lowest coverage rates (between 5-30%). Morocco had one of the lowest levels of pension benefits and health insurance in the MENA region and populations were not able to afford the cost of access to health care, housing.

https://openalex.org/W4251913280

Women·s Social Welfare Activities in South Lebanon

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The district of the South in Lebanon, more than any other district, has born the brunt of the war. It has been, and continues to be, the field of confrontation between Israelis and Palestinans.

https://openalex.org/W3186754020

Services to Children and Families in Lebanon

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Many services to children are available in Lebanon; however, there is a need to review the role of government welfare structures, specifically in the spectrum of protection services. This review should consider:

https://openalex.org/W4230643406

Anissa Najjar

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A social work veteran who, for twenty five years directed a successful village welfare project in Lebanon. As a student and graduate of the American University of Beirut, Anissa Rawda Najjar actively participated in the Village Welfare projects initiated and sponsored by AUB during the thirties.

https://openalex.org/W3014396183

Zahia Salman: Promoter of Child Welfare in Lebanon

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In the field of child welfare, Mrs. Zahia Salman's name represents . a highlight. Ever since the foundation of the Lebanese Child Welfare Association in 1936, she has striven to organize and pool the efforts and means of both government and non-governmental organizations through private initiative as well as through legislation .

https://openalex.org/W2503422796

Systems of provision and welfare outcomes: defining and treating the causes of poverty

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This chapter focuses on social welfare as a system of provision and a measure of outcomes in Lebanon. In this chapter, the focus is on the two types of social programmes: social care and the micro-credit/cash benefits. The concern of this chapter is to consider the mechanics and dynamics of service delivery and consumption. Questions on how religious welfare defines the object of its interventions and how it responds to the causes of social problems are discussed in this chapter. It also considers the mechanisms of service evaluation used by religious welfare organisations to evaluate the impact of their work.

https://openalex.org/W2483514176

Citizens’ Response to Poor Performance and Unresponsive Institutions?: Lower Trust

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No AccessMay 2015Citizens’ Response to Poor Performance and Unresponsive Institutions?: Lower TrustAuthors/Editors: Hana Brixi, Ellen Lust, Michael WoolcockHana BrixiSearch for more papers by this author, Ellen LustSearch for more papers by this author, Michael WoolcockSearch for more papers by this authorhttps://doi.org/10.1596/978-1-4648-0456-4_ch8View ChaptersAboutFull TextPDF (1.4 MB) ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations ShareFacebookTwitterLinked In Abstract: Discusses the role of trust in the state and examines how blaming the state undermines trust in state institutions. Performance-based perceptions of how governments are responding to the needs of ordinary citizens appear to drive trust in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), in that citizens view the poor quality of services as an indication of the inability or unwillingness of state institutions to meet their needs. Failure to provide services for them reflects the nature of the institutions themselves, and when the state seems uncaring about the welfare of ordinary citizens, notions of fairness and equity are heavily compromised. Dealing with the bureaucracy can be daunting and frustrating, and surveys reveal that most people believe corruption flourishes in government institutions and agencies. Strategies long deployed by the states with deep colonial legacies such as clientelism and patronage have alienated the populace in general, resulting in inequitable social institutions and a largely dissatisfied population. ReferencesAl-Gharini, K, Inas A Al-Rashidi, and M Al-Gamal. 2009. “The Report of the National Survey of the Citizens’ Opinions on Corruption, the Judicial System and the Quality of Governmental Services in Egypt.” Research, Monitoring and Governance Unit, Social Contract Center, Washington, DC. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAWJUSTINST/Resources/​Egypt_Corruption_JudicialSystem_Government_Services_Report.pdf. Google ScholarAslam, G. 2014. “Notes from Fieldwork in Yemen Conducted for SA Flagship.” Unpublished raw data, World Bank, Washington, DC. Google ScholarCammett, M. 2014. Compassionate Communalism: Welfare and Sectarianism in Lebanon. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. CrossrefGoogle ScholarCammett, M, J Lynch, and G Bilev. 2014. “Does Non-State Provision of Social Services Promote or Undermine Citizen Trust in Government? The Case of Health Care in Europe.” Unpublished manuscript. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254251158_Does_Non-State_Provision_of_Social_Services_Promote_​or_Undermine_Citizen_Trust_in_Government_The_Case_of_Health_Care_in_Europe. Google ScholarCammett, M and L MacClean. 2014. “Introduction: The Political Consequences of Non-State Social Welfare in the Global South.” In Compassionate Communalism: Welfare and Sectarianism in Lebanon, edited by Melani, Cammett. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. CrossrefGoogle ScholarChang, E C C and Y -H Chu. 2006. “Corruption and Trust: Exceptionalism in Asian Democracies?” Journal of Politics 68 (2): 259–71. CrossrefGoogle ScholarCleary, M R and S C Stokes. 2006. Democracy and the Culture of Skepticism: Political Trust in Argentina and Mexico. New York: Russell Sage. Google ScholarDella Porta, D. 2000. “Social Capital, Beliefs in Government, and Political Corruption.” In Disaffected Democracies: What’s Troubling the Trilateral Countries? edited by Susan, Pharr and Robert Putna. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Google ScholarHakhverdian, A and Q Mayne. 2012. “Institutional Trust, Education, and Corruption: A Micro-Macro Interactive Approach.” Journal of Politics 74 (3): 739–50. CrossrefGoogle ScholarHetherington, M J. 1998. “The Political Relevance of Political Trust.” American Political Science Review 92 (4): 791–808. CrossrefGoogle ScholarInglehart, R F 1990. Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. CrossrefGoogle ScholarJamal, A. 2007. “When Is Social Trust a Desirable Outcome? Examining Levels of Trust in the Arab World.” Comparative Political Studies 40 (11): 1328–49. CrossrefGoogle ScholarJamal, A and I Nooruddin. 2010. “The Democratic Utility of Trust: A Cross-National Analysis.” Journal of Politics 72 (1): 45–59. CrossrefGoogle ScholarLevi, M and L Stoker. 2000. “Political Trust and Trustworthiness.” Annual Review of Political Science 3 475–507. CrossrefGoogle ScholarMishler, W and R Rose. 2001. “What Are the Origins of Political Trust? Testing Institutional and Cultural Theories in Post-communist Societies.” Comparative Political Studies 34 (1): 30–62. CrossrefGoogle ScholarMorris, S D and J L Klesner. 2010. “Corruption and Trust: Theoretical Considerations and Evidence from Mexico.” Comparative Political Studies 43 (10): 1258–85. CrossrefGoogle ScholarMuller, E and M Seligson. 1994. “Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationship.” American Journal of Political Science 88 635–52. CrossrefGoogle ScholarNorris, P ed. 1999. Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government. New York: Oxford University Press. Google ScholarRothstein, B. 2011. The Quality of Government: Corruption, Social Trust, and Inequality in International Perspective. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Google ScholarRothstein, B and E M Uslaner. 2005. “All for One: Equality, Corruption, and Social Trust.” World Politics 58 (1): 41–72. CrossrefGoogle ScholarWorld Bank. 2007. Decentralization and Local Governance in MENA: A Survey of Policies, Institutions, and Practices. A Review of Decentralization Experiences in Eight Middle East and North Africa Countries. Washington, DC: World Bank. Google ScholarWorld Bank. 2013. Fairness and Accountability: Engaging in Health Systems in the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC.: World Bank. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/16109. Google ScholarYang, K and M Holzer. 2006. “The Performance–Trust Link: Implications for Performance Measurement.” Public Administration Review 66 (1): 114–26. CrossrefGoogle ScholarYang, Q. 2013. “A Political Story of Trust: Institutional Settings, Political Performance, and Political Trust in East Asia.” PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh. Google ScholarData sourcesArab, B, 2006–08 (Wave I), http://www.arabbarometer.org/content/arab-barometer-i Google ScholarArab, B, 2010–11 (Wave II), http://www.arabbarometer.org/content/arab-barometer-ii Google ScholarArab, B, 2013 (Wave III), http://www.arabbarometer.org/content/arab-barometer-iii-0 Google ScholarEurobarometer http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/index_en.htm Google ScholarGallup, Poll W, http://www.gallup.com/services/170945/world-poll.aspx Google ScholarTransitional Governance Project http://transitionalgovernanceproject.org/ Google ScholarWorldwide Governance Indicators (database), World Bank http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/worldwide-governance-indicators Google Scholar Previous chapterNext chapter FiguresreferencesRecommendeddetails View Published: May 2015ISBN: 978-1-4648-0456-4e-ISBN: 978-1-4648-0457-1 Copyright & Permissions Related RegionsMiddle East and North AfricaRelated TopicsMacroeconomics and Economic GrowthPoverty ReductionSocial Development KeywordsACCOUNTABILITYTRUSTTRANSPARENCYCORRUPTIONCLIENTELISMPUBLIC SERVICE DELIVERYSOCIAL SERVICE DELIVERYBUREAUCRACYADMINISTRATIVE AGENCIESINSTITUTIONAL DESIGNACCESS TO EDUCATIONACCESS TO HEALTH SERVICESQUALITY OF HEALTH CAREQUALITY OF EDUCATIONPUBLIC OPINIONELITE CAPTURE PDF downloadLoading ...

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'Un ane dans l'ascenseur': late colonial welfare services and social housing in Marseille after decolonization

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During the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62) a parallel state administration in metropolitan France sought to counter nationalist influence among migrant workers. Alongside a repressive security apparatus, targeted welfare services pursued an integrative agenda premised on the ‘adaptation’ of Algerians to French norms. In recent years historians have highlighted the persistence of such experiments after decolonization, arguing that recycled ‘expertise’ reproduced discrimination vis-à-vis postcolonial immigration. This article explores these issues through a case study of Marseille, tracing the evolution of a specialist network that ran integrative welfare and housing services from the 1950s until the mid-1970s. Behind the striking continuity in personnel and practices, two significant developments are considered. First, the extension of these services to so-called ‘troubled’ French families raised fundamental questions about the nature of integrative welfare. Second, the influence of Marseille’s socialist-run municipality over social housing created tensions between a clientelistic political culture and the network’s paternalist logic.

https://openalex.org/W2320345651

Immigrants, Natives and the French Welfare State: Explaining Different Interactions with a Social Welfare Program

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This research note examines immigrants and natives’ interactions with foyers d'hébergement or lodging hostels in France. These populations differ in how they locate foyers, the importance they attach to the social dimensions of this institution, and their responses to its social control function. North African and especially Algerian immigrants show the greatest differences from the French. Ethnicity accounts for the variation between immigrants and natives’ methods of entering the foyers. Length of residence in France plays a great role in shaping immigrants’ responses to the foyer as a social institution and as a social control mechanism. These findings demonstrate how the welfare state affects immigrants differently from natives, and the respective roles of ethnicity and the migration-adaptation process.

https://openalex.org/W3157020440

Social Security Enrollment as an Indicator of State Fragility and Legitimacy: A Field Experiment in Maghreb Countries

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State legitimacy and effectiveness can be observed in the state’s approach to delivering welfare to citizens, thus mitigating social grievances and avoiding conflicts. Social security systems in the Maghreb countries are relatively similar in their architecture and aim to provide social insurance to all the workers in the labor market. However, they suffer from the same main problem: a low rate of enrollment of workers. Many workers (employees and self-employed) work informally without any social security coverage. The issue of whether informal jobs are chosen voluntarily by workers or as a strategy of last resort is controversial. Many authors recognize that the informal sector is heterogeneous and assume that it is made up of (1) workers who voluntarily choose it, and (2) others who are pushed into it because of entry barriers to the formal sector. The former assumption tells us much about state legitimacy/attractiveness, and the latter is used to inform state effectiveness in delivering welfare. Using the Sahwa survey and discrete choice models, this article confirms the heterogeneity of the informal labor market in three Maghreb countries: Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. Furthermore, this article highlights the profiles of workers who voluntarily choose informality, an aspect that is missing from previous studies. Finally, this article proposes policy recommendations in order to extend social security to informal workers and to include them in the formal labor market.

https://openalex.org/W2994503526

The Centre d'Accueil Nord-Africain: social welfare and the ‘problem' of Muslim youth in Marseille, 1950–1975

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Abstract In recent years, historians have paid increasing attention to social welfare initiatives undertaken in post-Second World War France to integrate Muslim Algerian migrants into French society and the legacies of these initiatives after decolonization. This article engages with this field of research by focusing on a topic it has largely ignored—the so-called ‘problem' of the integration of Muslim youth. The central point of focus is the Centre d'Accueil Nord-Africain (CANA), a private welfare association founded in Marseille in 1950 that well into the mid-1970s considered the integration of male Muslim North African youth its central objective. In exploring the origins and operations of the CANA over a roughly twenty-five-year period, this article offers new insights into issues of continuity and change related to the target, approach and objectives of integrationist social welfare for Muslim North Africans in France before and after decolonization.

https://openalex.org/W4319603210

War and Welfare in Colonial Algeria

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Abstract A distinguishing feature of the modern state is the broad scope of social welfare provision. This remarkable expansion of public assistance was characterized by huge spatial and temporal disparities. What explains the uneven expansion in the reach of social welfare? We argue that social welfare expansion depends in part on the ability of the governed to compel the state to provide rewards in return for military service—and crucially, that marginalized groups faced greater barriers to obtaining those rewards. In colonial states, subjects faced a bargaining disadvantage relative to citizens living in the colony and were less likely to win concessions from the state for their wartime sacrifices. We test this argument using a difference-in-differences research design and a rich data set of local spending before and after World War I in colonial Algeria. Our results reveal that social welfare spending expanded less in communes where the French subject share of the population was greater. This paper contributes to the state-building literature by highlighting the differential ability of the governed to bargain with the state in the aftermath of conflict.

https://openalex.org/W3179051415

Social Security Enrollment as an Indicator of State Fragility and legitimacy: A Field Experiment in Maghreb Countries

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State legitimacy and effectiveness could be seen by the way to deliver welfare to citizens to mitigate social grievances, that could eventually lead to conflicts (Kivimäki, 2021). Social security systems in Maghreb countries are quite similar in their architecture and aims to provide social insurance to all the workers in the labor market. However, they suffer from the same main problem: the low rate of enrollment of workers. Many workers (employees and self-employed) work informally without any social security coverage. The issue of whether informal jobs are chosen voluntarily by workers or as a strategy of last resort is controversial. Many authors recognize that the informal sector is heterogeneous and it is made up of workers who voluntary choose it and others who are pushed inside because of entry barriers to the formal sector (Günther & Launov, 2012). Using the SAHWA survey and discrete choice models, this article confirms the heterogeneity of the informal labor market in three Maghreb countries: Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. Furthermore, this article highlights the profiles of workers who voluntarily choose informality, which is missing from previous studies. Finally, this article proposes policy recommendations in order to extend social security to informal workers and to include them in the formal labour market.

https://openalex.org/W2504675517

Services and Surveillance

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Abstract This chapter analyzes the expansion of welfare services after the Fourth Republic collapsed in 1958 and De Gaulle implemented a two-pronged solution to the Algerian war. Alongside the expansion of military and police operations—which resulted in intense bloodshed—the Fifth Republic emphasized its benevolent development project to save French Algeria. By examining the Constantine Plan in Algeria and the Social Action Fund in the metropole, chapter 5 assesses the politics of services in France and Algeria during the final years of the war. Welfare providers’ actions defied simple characterization; some participated directly in state-sponsored violence while others became eloquent and persistent critics of repression. Yet, even the ardent critics continued to fashion themselves as Algerians’ guardians and believed Algerian nationalism impeded Algerians’ inclusion in French society.

https://openalex.org/W4282965212

A “Capital of Hope and Disappointments”

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This article traces the history of specialized social housing for North African families living in shantytowns in Marseille from the early 1950s to the mid-1970s. During the Algerian War, social housing assistance formed part of a welfare network that exclusively sought to “integrate” Algerian migrants into French society. Through shantytown clearance and rehousing initiatives, government officials and social service providers encouraged shantytown-dwelling Algerian families to adopt the customs of France’s majority White population. Following the Algerian War, France moved away from delivering Algerian-focused welfare and instead developed an expanded immigrant welfare network. Despite this shift, some officials and social service providers remained fixated on the presence and ethno-racial differences of Algerians and other North Africans in Marseille’s shantytowns. Into the mid-1970s, this fixation shaped local social assistance and produced discord between the promise and implementation of specialized social housing that hindered shantytown-dwelling North African families’ incorporation into French society.

https://openalex.org/W1561975507

IMPACT OF IMPORT DEMAND ON SOCIAL WELFARE OF MAIN WHEAT IMPORTING COUNTRIES

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The main aim of this study is examination of import demand function and investigation of its effects on welfare by analyzing Simultaneous equation system during 1979 to 2008. In this study the results social welfare obtained using consumer surplus for the top four wheat importing countries (Algeria, Brazil, China and Egypt). The variable price of wheat export has a negative and significant effect on consumer surplus and social welfare that per one percent increase in wheat price elasticity, has reduced consumer surplus -1.11%, -0.5211%, -12.087% and -0.0002% for the four countries mentioned, that has been slacked the level of social welfare.

https://openalex.org/W3093096550

الرعاية الاجتماعية و تطورها التاريخي

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Social care which is considered as old as human being plays an important role in the advancement of human society by solving social problems and mitigation. But the complexity of life, that exacerbated the problems and reduces individual efforts, and government intervention has become necessary to take on some of the burden of the citizens in the area of the social care, such as the right to education, health, security, employment and housing… and other services which satisfy basic human needs. In this paper we addressed to the different stages of social care, from ancient to modern times. With scanning an aspect of social care services in Algeria.

https://openalex.org/W2970573996

Quality of Life and Welfare Economy (A Case on Algeria)

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Although the main objective of any economic activity is to meet the infinite needs of human beings through the optimal utilisation of various resources available, this activity remains social, and the results of the economics evolution constrain it. However, this paper debates that the development in the world no longer seeks to meet only the physical needs of individuals, but looks for meeting even their sensory needs. This is called the ‘Welfare Economy’ which will certainly contribute to solving many of the social problems, and to the advancement of the daily life of the members of the community to reach an advanced stage of the quality of life. Within this framework, the purpose of this paper is to try to link the concept of ‘quality of life’ and ‘welfare economy’ concerning the case of Algeria.

https://openalex.org/W2774118886

The Effectiveness and the Scope of the Algerian Social Welfare Systems Concerning Pensions

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Algeria’s social welfare system has played a key role in alleviating the social consequences of the structural adjustment program. However, despite considerable financial measures introduced over the last decades, the population at large and the elderly in particular still receive inadequate coverage. This calls into question the effectiveness of Algeria’s social welfare policy. In this article, we shall attempt to assess its effectiveness through the study of the coverage level of the older population and of the pensioners’ standard of living. For the elderly, the level of social coverage has created inequalities among those who are entitled to social welfare and those who are not. But this is not all – there is further inequality among pensioners receiving coverage due to the considerable differences in the amounts they receive. Using a sample of 349,681 pensioners born between 1945 and 1950, these discrepancies have been analysed using the Lorenz curve and certain dispersion measures. Findings demonstrate that the Algerian pension system provides limited coverage to the population, resulting in a low standard of living for pensioners – this is what undermines its efficiency.

https://openalex.org/W2948213748

دور استثمار أموال الوقف في دعم وتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية والاجتماعية -دراسة حالة الجزائر-

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الملخص نهدف من خلال هذه المداخلة دراسة دور استثمار أموال الوقف في دعم وتحقيق التنمية الاقتصادية والاجتماعية مع الإشارة إلى تجربة الجزائر في مجال الأوقاف. حيث أن هذه الأخيرة تلعب دورا فعالا في المجتمعات المعاصرة، وتساعد في تمويل وتنمية المشاريع المختلفة الأمر الذي يعنى إتاحة المزيد من فرص العمل، استغلال الثروات المحلية وزيادة الإنتاج، تحسين مستوى المعيشة، تنمية التعليم، ودعم الخدمات الصحية... الكلمات المفتاحية : الوقف، التنمية الاقتصادية والاجتماعية، وزارة الشؤون الدينية والأوقاف الجزائرية. Abstract : Through this intervention study, we focus on the role of endowment funds in investing in the support and achievement of economic and social development by referring to Algeria's experience in the field of endowment funds. Since the latter have played an active role in contemporary societies, and help to finance the development of various projects, which means offering more employment opportunities, exploiting local resources and increasing production, improving Standard of living, development of education, support of health services ... keywords: Waqf, economic and social development, the Algerian Ministry of Religious Affairs and Wakfs.

https://openalex.org/W2992422657

Blind Students’ Attitudes towards the Effectiveness of Services of Disability Services Center at Islamic University of Gaza

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The study aims at determining the effectiveness of the services of the Disability Services Center (DSC) for blind students at the Islamic University in Gaza (IUG). This evaluative study was applied to all blind students enrolled in different IUG faculties. The study applied the comprehensive social survey methodology to 89 students enrolled in the Center during April-May 2018. The study found that the services that achieved a high level of effectiveness from the perspective of blind students are academic services, followed by social, technical and psychological services. Students viewed the Center’s small location and shortage of specialists in the disability field among the main barriers to effective provision of services. The study recommends employing specialists in the field of assistive technologies at DSC and to expand the social and psychological services to help integrate blind students in the larger university community.

https://openalex.org/W2078061718

Gasoline demand, pricing policy and social welfare in the Islamic Republic of Iran

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Abstract This study estimates the gasoline demand function for the Islamic Republic of Iran, using the structural time series model over the period 1968‐2002, and uses it to estimate the change in social welfare for 2003 and 2004, of a higher gasoline price policy. It is found that short‐ and long‐run demand price elasticities are inelastic, although the response is greater in the long run. Hence, social welfare is estimated to fall because of the higher gasoline price (ceteris paribus ). However, allowing all variables in the model to change, social welfare is estimated to increase since the changes in the other variables more than compensate for the negative effects of the policy.

https://openalex.org/W2519714885

The implications of market structure and bank efficiency on social welfare: the case of the Saudi Arabian banking system

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This paper estimates the social costs of market power in the Saudi Arabia banking system over the period 2001–2012. It also tests the so-called Quiet Life Hypothesis, which postulates a negative effect of market power on bank management efficiency (X-efficiency), cost-efficiency and profit-efficiency. The Lerner index for all Saudi banks averaged 0.66, indicating that the Saudi Arabian Banking sector is far from being competitive. Using the Harberger’s triangle methodology, the social welfare cost attributable to market power for the whole period is estimated at 0.82% of GDP. However, the research found that market power in the Saudi banking sector is a significant determinant of bank inefficiency, thereby supporting the Quiet Life Hypothesis. The paper suggests important policy implications to improve banking competition and reduce welfare losses associated with market power.

https://openalex.org/W1554410221

Wagner’s law and social welfare: The case of the kingdom of Saudi Arabia

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This paper uses data from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) to empirically test Wagner's Law in explaining public expenditure growth in association with economic growth; and if this growth enhanced the public welfare. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) has witnessed a marked increase in government expenditure. We use the Engle and Granger (E-G) two-step cointegration method to examine the relationship between government expenditure and economic growth. Out of the four model specifications that we have tested, two models indicate that a positive long run relationship exists between government expenditure and economic growth. However, the income elasticities are not large enough to suggest that the growth in government expenditure exceeds the growth in national income; only that upward pressure is exerted. Looking at available data it is clear that governmental expenditures from GDP expansions increased public welfare for Saudis over the test period.

https://openalex.org/W3108760867

The Role of Zakat in Establishing Social Welfare and Economic Sustainability: The Case of Saudi Arabia

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Much recent literature has studied the role of Zakat in establishing social welfare and economic sustainability. It is believed that Zakat is among the most important systems for Muslims: indeed, it enables the wealthy and rich to purify their hearts from greed by giving a part of their wealth to the needy. Therefore, Zakat redistributes income and wealth, plays an important role in poverty alleviation, and contributes to social welfare and economic sustainability. This study discusses the role of Zakat in establishing social welfare and economic sustainability by reviewing theoretical and empirical studies. This prior research is then extended by examining the historical development of Zakat and the structure of Zakat accounting method in Saudi Arabia. This study is significant in creating awareness about Zakat’s role and its impact on the social life of a society. The researcher employs qualitative research methods, reviewing traditional and contemporary Islamic sources to explicate the significance of Zakat as an institution, and elaborate its impact on social life in line with the main theme of the study. The topic of Zakat is one that has received increased attention by researchers interested in Muslim values, social welfare, economic sustainability, and accounting. However, little research has been produced on the intersections of these four topics in the specific context of Saudi Arabia. The overall findings show that Zakat has a positive impact on social welfare and economic sustainability in Saudi Arabia.

https://openalex.org/W2799329362

Women and social services in Saudi Arabia

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This master thesis talks about social services for women that provided by social welfare agencies in Saudi Arabia. This thesis is a descriptive study that uses the content analysis as a method to investigate social services agencies that provides special services for women. This thesis also had special interest in social services that improve women's lives in Saudi Arabia. The content analysis is made on documents and brochures of 4 main social services agencies that offer services for women. The content analysis was made in term of these agencies main aim and target, their main massage, their programs for women, and their statistics. The main questions this thesis tried to answer is what kind of social services welfare agencies offering for women? How do they describe women in their documents? And how they differ from each other?

https://openalex.org/W3107208782

VOLATILITY OF OIL PRICES AND PUBLIC SPENDING IN SAUDI ARABIA: SENSITIVITY AND TREND ANALYSIS

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The export of petroleum products is the base avenue and constitutes a major ingredient of the Saudi economy. It is evident that the oil prices gradually decrease year by year governed by some international uncontrollable factors. The study is based on the secondary data obtained from the website of the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority (SAMA). The study applies the Co-efficient of variation (CV), chain based (I CB ) and fixed based (I FB ) index numbers, correlation, and line diagram to get variability, movement, co-movement, and sensitivity and trends of the oil prices and dependent public spending avenues. The study reveals that the Saudi government enhances the level of their public spending while the oil prices lowering year by year. There is low positive sensitivity between oil prices and public spending while a negative trend between oil prices and public spending in long run. The shocks of the oil prices affect the public spending maintaining a certain gap between the growth’s trends between of public spending and oil prices progressive order in long run. The trend reveals that the Saudi government basically focuses on education, health, and other community and social services while least on social security & welfare, and housing and community amenities services. Keywords: Oil prices, public spending, sensitivity, trend analysis, Saudi Arabia JEL Classifications: Q40, Q41, I10, I20, I30 DOI: https://doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.10601

https://openalex.org/W3088850885

Factors Influencing Citizen's Adoption of M-government: The Case of Saudi Arabia

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Governments across the world are pushed towards the provisioning of mobile government (m-government) services. However, the development of m-government services will not drive the expected benefits unless citizens’ accept the use of these services. Literature shows that there is a paucity of studies on factors impacting citizens’ acceptance and use of m-government services in Saudi Arabia. This paper proposed a conceptual model extending the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) model to consider other relevant factors, such as awareness and information quality, that can impact citizens’ adoption of m-government applications. A survey questionnaire was developed and a total of 264 responses of Saudi citizens were collected and analysed using Partial Least square (PLS). The results indicate that social influence, performance expectancy, and effort expectancy are the factors that have significant impact on citizens behavioural intention to use m-government services, accounting for 57% of the variability, while citizens’ awareness and information quality have no impact. Our findings can be used to stimulate the use of m-government services. The findings of this study suggest that decision makers on governments agencies and developers of m-government services should emphasis the role of social strategies to allow people to incentivise each other to use m-government services, clarify the benefits of using m-government services, and reduce the effort required for using m-government services.

https://openalex.org/W3123471426

The Impact of Foreign Direct Investment on Dynamic Net Social Welfare in Saudi Arabia - A quantifying macroeconomic approach- Time Series Analysis

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The paper adopts a theoretical framework that depends on the development of Weitzman (2001)’s theory in dynamic net social welfare and tries to quantify the concept of the net social welfare within a theoretical macroeconomic framework. The paper tests the impact of the foreign direct investment inflows to Saudi Arabia on the social welfare of Saudi Arabia according to the definition adopted in this paper over time. To do so the paper utilized an intervention time series analysis that gave a clear evidence of the significant positive impact of the foreign direct inflows on the social welfare of Saudi Arabia over time on the macro-level. The paper is important for policy decision makers in the country to adopt more openness policies to enhance social welfare over time.

https://openalex.org/W2984280359

A COMPARATIVE REVIEW OF INDIAN AND SAUDI ARABIAN SOCIAL WELFARE SCHEMES

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Purpose of the study: The aim of the study is to find the similarities between the welfare schemes of Indian and Saudi governments, and the burden of these schemes and their impact on society. This study aims to compare and contrast the welfare schemes of two altogether different types of economy.
 Methodology: This study applies the methodology of comparative analysis by employing descriptive analysis to study both the similarities and dissimilarities of the welfare schemes of Saudi Arabia and India.
 Main Findings: Indian and Saudi governments have been spending a lot of welfare schemes of their respective GDPs. The intention of these governments is to help the poor to lead a minimum quality of life. Though the intention is genuine and appreciable, in terms of implementation, the two governments have not yet achieved any desired results even after 60 years of introduction.
 Applications of this study: India and Saudi Arabia can learn from each other in designing and distributing welfare schemes like Saudi Arabia should focus to have targeted compensation and India to use its unique identification numbers to reduce leakages in its schemes. Instead of focusing on giving subsidies, it is better to devise a strategy with a timeframe to reduce poverty by creating many opportunities for the poor to improve their standard of living. 
 Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty in this study is a comparison of welfare schemes between two countries with two different types of political systems. While both countries are developing in nature, Saudi Arabia falls under a very high-income category country and India falls under the lower-middle-income category country.