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| Chapter 15. Social and Economic Aspects of Sea-Based Food and Fisheries | |
| Contributors: Ratana Chuenpagdee, Patrick McConney, and Gordon Munro; | |
| Beatrice Ferreira, Enrique Marschoff, Jake Rice, Andrew Rosenberg (Group of experts 1. Introduction | |
| Fish are one of the most internationally traded foods, and the value of global fish trad exceeds the value of international trade of all other animal proteins combined (Worl Bank, 2011). In 2012, international trade represented 37 per cent of the total fis production in value, with a total export value of 129 billion United States dollars, o which 70 billion dollars constituted developing countries’ exports (FAO, 2014). Estimate indicate that small-scale fisheries contribute about half of global fish catches (FAO 2014; HLPE, 2014). When considering catches destined for direct human consumption the share contributed by the subsector increases, as small-scale fisheries generally mak broader direct and indirect contributions to food security through affordable fish an employment to populations in developing countries. | |
| This chapter, in addressing the economic and social aspects of marine fisheries examines both macro and micro issues. The macro issues considered are some aspect of the economics of marine capture fishery. Among the micro issues explored are loca to regional socioeconomic effects, competition for space between various ocea activities and user groups, the relationship between capture fisheries and aquaculture and gender issues in fisheries and aquaculture. | |
| The contribution of small-scale fisheries has been increasingly recognized as a majo factor for food security and livelihoods at household and community levels, particularl for poor communities around the world. Information on small-scale fisheries is often no captured in national statistics as a result of difficulties due to many factors, includin their socioeconomic complexity and the highly dynamic nature of their operatio (Chuenpagdee, 2011). Numerous initiatives around the world reflect their importance including those led by FAO in the development of the Voluntary Guidelines for Securin Sustainable Small-Scale Fisheries.* | |
| 2. Marine Capture Fisheries Social and Economic Value | |
| The global marine capture fisheries harvest expanded rapidly from the early 1950s, an is currently estimated to be about 80 million tons per annum (see Chapter 11 and FAO, | |
| * The Guidelines have recently been adopted at the 31" Session of the Committee on Fisheries, June 2014 The final text is available at www.fao.org. | |
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| 2014). This harvest is estimated to have a first value (gross) in the order of 80 billion U dollars (World Bank and FAO, 2009). Although it is difficult to produce accurat employment statistics, capture fisheries provide, direct and indirect employment, for a least 120 million persons worldwide (ibid.). | |
| Global and regional fishery catch statistics in most cases do not distinguish betwee large scale and small-scale fisheries, so the small-scale sector is often poorly covered i official statistics and chronically under-evaluated in general. The Big Numbers Projec (BNP)? carried out case studies in populous developing countries and the results fro these case studies, together with other available information, formed the basis for first disaggregated review of the fisheries sector as a whole (WorldFish Center, 2008) Tentative estimates were calculated for developing countries at 28-30 million MT/yea for marine fisheries. This represents half of the catch in those countries, of which 90-9 per cent is destined for domestic human consumption. Those figures highlight th importance of small-scale fisheries for food security in developing countries. | |
| Small-scale fisheries employ more than 90 per cent of the world’s capture fishers an fish workers, about half of whom are women. In addition to employment as full- or part time fishers and fish workers, seasonal or occasional fishing and related activitie provide vital supplements to the livelihoods of millions. These activities may be recurrent sideline activity or become especially important in times of difficulty. Man small-scale fishers and fish workers are self-employed and engaged in directly providin food for their household and communities as well as working in commercial fishing processing and marketing (FAO, 2014). | |
| The quality of such employment is increasingly seen as an important social an economic aspect of fisheries as attested to by the attention to decent work in the FA Voluntary Guidelines on Securing Small-Scale Fisheries (SSF Guidelines) that draws fro several international instruments concerning, gender, child labour, workers’ rights an the like. Much of this labour is linked directly, through short value chains, to providin critical income along with food and nutrition security, especially in rural coasta communities. | |
| Over time, there has been a shift in the relative scale and geography of captur fisheries. In the 1950s, capture fisheries were largely undertaken by developed fishin States in the northern hemisphere. Since then, developing countries increased thei share of the total. Consider Figure 1, which presents geo-referenced distributions o decadal averages of annual landed values of the world’s fisheries and highlights th southward and offshore expansion of the fishing grounds over time (Swartz et al., 2013) Although the two hemispheres do not reflect developed vs. developing fishing State precisely, the figures are, nonetheless, indicative. In the 1950s, the Souther hemisphere accounted for no more than 8 per cent of landed values. By the last decade, | |
| * This is a joint activity of FAO and the WorldFish Center and funded through the World Bank’s PROFISH Partnership. | |
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| the Southern hemisphere’s share had risen to 20 per cent of the total. This change likel resulted from a combination of factors including transfer of fishing effort from north t south, overall increases in fisheries in the south and improvement in reporting systems Nevertheless, the relative contribution to global landings from the two hemispheres ha changed. | |
| The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. | |
| Figure 1. Spatial distribution of average annual landed values (2005 United States dollars per squar kilometre per year) by decade (from Swartz et al 2013; with permission of Springer). | |
| In terms of volume, the shift seen in Figure 1 is even more striking; as shown in Figure 2 the top ten capture fisheries producers include seven developing countries®. | |
| Indeed, net exports of fish and fishery products from developing countries have grow significantly in recent decades, rising from 3.7 billion dollars in 1980 to 18.3 billion | |
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| dollars in 2000, 27.7 billion dollars in 2010, and reaching 35.1 billion dollars in 2012. Fo Low-Income Food-Deficit Countries (LIFDCs) net export revenues amounted to 4. billion dollars in 2010, compared with 2.0 billion dollars in 1990 (HLPE, 2014). The shar of exports from developing countries is close to 50 per cent (value) and 60 per cent (i volume of live weight equivalent) of global fish exports (FAO, 2012). | |
| Marine and inland capture fisheries: top ten producer countries in 2008 | |
| Chin Per Indonesia | |
| United States of Americ Japan | |
| India | |
| Chile | |
| Russian Federation | |
| Philippines | |
| Myanmar | |
| 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 | |
| Million tonnes | |
| Figure 2. From FAO, 2010. | |
| This also reflects the impacts of globalization of fish markets, which have grown at a accelerating rate in the last decades. This has been viewed either as positive or negative depending on the value systems used (Taylor et al., 2007). Although fish trad contributes to food security through the generation of revenues, adverse effects b international trade on the environment, small-scale fisheries culture, livelihoods an special needs related to food security are a matter of concern. Articulation with globa demand may provide incentives to overexploit or waste resources, endanger the lives o fisherfolk, change cultural traditions and more — much of which can be unintended shark finning, spiny lobster dive fisheries, and sea cucumber fisheries are examples Small-scale fisheries stakeholders cannot often adapt to, and benefit equitably from opportunities of global market trends (FAO, 2014-consultation). Also, there have bee evidences that when global figures are considered, although there is quantit equivalence in trade, a quality exchange also takes place, with developing countries | |
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| exporting high-quality seafood in exchange for lower quality seafood (Asche et al. 2015). | |
| Regarding the trends in world marine capture fisheries, production has levelled off a the capacity of the ocean to produce ongoing harvest is approached (FAO, 2014- SOFIA) Overall production might be increased however, if overfished stocks are rebuilt an fisheries and ecosystems are used more sustainably. This requires overall reductions i exploitation rates, achievable through a range of context dependent management tool (Worm et al., 2009). | |
| As noted in Chapter 11, global fisheries agreements and the FAO generally utilize th concept of Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY) as a reference point for gauging whether fishery resource is fully exploited, overexploited, and less than fully exploited. Accordin to this reference point, FAO classifies the status of marine capture fishery resource (Table 1). | |
| Table 1. Status of World Marine Capture Fishery Resources 2011. Source: FAO, 2014, p.7. | |
| Status Percentag Less than fully exploited 1 Fully exploited 6 Overexploited 29 | |
| In the beginning of the 1950s, fully exploited and overexploited fishery resource combined accounted for less than 5 per cent of the total. Over 95 per cent fell into th less than fully exploited category (FAO, 1997, p. 7). | |
| Over the following 25 years, the percentage of overexploited marine capture fish stock rose to 10 per cent of the total. The percentage of these overexploited stocks the increased alarmingly from 10 to 26 per cent between the mid-1970s and the end of th 1980s. That percentage has continued to increase, but at a much slower pace (FAO 2014). | |
| The FAO states that: | |
| “{...] the declining global marine catch over the last few years together with th increased percentage of overexploited fish stocks [...] convey the strong messag that the state of world marine fisheries is worsening [...] which leads to negativ social and economic consequences” (FAO, 2012, p.12). | |
| Further, these analyses of individual stocks do not fully account for the broader ecosystem-level effects of fisheries exploitation that may be hindering futur productivity in various ways, such as loss of habitat, or impacts on food webs an ecological functions needed to continue to produce desirable fish for harvest. There are | |
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| two inter-related general considerations regarding management of these ecosystem level effects: 1) the potential impacts of fisheries themselves on the ecosystems, i order to maintain overall ecosystem function including productivity, usually referred t as ecosystem-based fishery management (FAO, 2003); 2) the interaction of fisherie with other sectors of human activity and consideration of the cumulative impact of al sectors on marine ecosystems, usually referred to as ecosystem-based managemen (McLeod and Leslie, 2009). | |
| The discussion here and in Chapter 11 on full exploitation and overexploitation o capture fishery resources was essentially cast in biological terms. When examined i economic terms, the situation portrayed in Table 1 implies a loss in the potential o economic returns accruing to society from capture fisheries compared to the situatio where all fisheries were managed to maximize economic benefits. The maximu economic yield (MEY), when adopted as a reference point, is more conservative an reached at lower fishing effort levels than the MSY, the latter argued to be used as a upper limit rather than a management target (Worm et al., 2009; Froese and Proelf 2010). | |
| Translated into monetary terms, the figures in Table 1 have been estimated in som analyses to cost to the world economy in the order of 50 billion dollars per year in los resource rent (World Bank and FAO, 2009). This implies that, the economic return fro marine capture fisheries could be improved compared to the current situation. If othe incentives such as subsidies of the fisheries sector are taken into account, there ar some estimates that this global economic return amounts to minus 5 -12 billion dollar per year (World Bank and FAO, 2009; Munro, 2010; Sumaila et al., 2012). Som estimates of world fishery subsidies are in the order of 25-30 billion dollars per yea (Sumaila, et al., 2010). Other estimates are of lower levels of subsidies (Cox an Schmidt, 2002). The differences may be largely due to definitional issues with regard t what is considered to be a subsidy in the different analyses. | |
| This is not to say that all world capture fisheries are yielding negative economic returns Clearly several capture fisheries are yielding positive, and in some cases large positive net economic returns. From a global perspective, however, the positive returns fro these fisheries are more than offset by those yielding negative net economic returns. N clear divide between developed and developing fishing States is observed. (Sumaila e al., 2012, p.3). | |
| From an economic standpoint, the extent of the capture fishery’s resource depletio shown in Table 1, which was due to the rapid expansion of the world capture fishin industry over several decades, involved the running down of world’s stock of th capture fishery’s natural capital. | |
| Rebuilding capture fishery resources requires reducing harvests below the net growt rates of the fish stock. As the resources grow, potential resource rent can be expecte to emerge, which must go unrealized in all or in part, if the resource investment is t continue — hence the cost. Using a 50-year time horizon, Sumaila et al. (2012) estimat that after 12 years of resource investment, the net economic returns from the | |
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| investment would begin to outweigh the costs. Over the 50-year period, the return would far outweigh the costs* (Sumaila, et al., 2012). Economic and_ technica considerations that arise in rebuilding fisheries were explored in additional detail in a Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development workshop (OECD, 2012). | |
| 3. Issues in Regulation of Marine Capture Fisheries | |
| It has now long been recognized that the inherent difficulties in regulating marin capture fishery resources are a problem of scope and management objectives in th decision-making process, and are often framed as the well-known “Tragedy of th Commons” (Hardin, 1968). When access is open to all for exploitation, incentives ar created that promote inefficiencies, including: (1) loss of economic “rent” because o the “race to fish”, (2) high transaction and enforcement costs incurred to reduc overuse and (3) low productivity, because no one has an incentive to work hard in orde to increase their private returns (Ostrom, 2000). All of these factors reduce the ne economic return from fisheries. The management of common property requires minimum set of rules, defining access conditions and conservation measures to ensur sustainability and economic returns. | |
| Where social, economic, and governance circumstances allow effective management o entry into a fishery and effort by those allowed to participate, substantial progress ca be made at improving both the ecological and economic performance of a fishery, bu often at the cost of few people receiving employment. On the west coast of Canada, fo example, a move to Individual Transferrable Quotas in a complex, multispecies fisher for rockfish (Sebastes spp) resulted in improved stock status for the entire complex, an particularly reduced catches of the stocks most in need of reduced fishing mortality while improving economic returns to the fishery. However, the fleet size an employment dropped by nearly half from the period before the programme wa introduced (Rice, 2003; Branch, 2006; Branch and Hilborn, 2008). | |
| In the context of fisheries, management efforts also need to take into consideratio how the legitimacy of rules and regulations may be perceived differently when applie to large- vs. small-scale. The majority of the world’s fisheries comprise small-scale multi-species, multi-gear, commercial fishing vessels, operating in all bodies of wate (inland, brackish and marine), both near urban centres and in remote areas. Thei operation involves family members, in pre-harvest, harvest and post-harvest parts o the fish chain. Women and children often participate in the fisheries. Small-scal fisheries catches are landed relatively close to where fishing occurs and are distribute through various channels. A certain portion is generally sold to local markets or t intermediaries by family members and some remains for household consumption. Thes characteristics of the fisheries imply that they require different managemen approaches than large-scale, industrialized fisheries. As at least half of the world’s fish | |
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| catches derive from small-scale fisheries, success in fisheries management needs to b demonstrated, not only where large-scale fisheries dominate, but also in the small-scal sector, with its high potential to address global food security. | |
| Community-based resource management has been shown to be effective in establishin fishery rules (Berkes, 2005). Cinner and Aswani (2007), however, found that customar management was effective in smaller, remote communities with high levels of equality but it is susceptible to economic pressures and by fishermen who do not practic customary fishing traditions. | |
| 4. Impacts of Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing | |
| There are additional economic and social considerations related to IUU fishing (see als Chapter 11). It is a complex phenomenon involving vessel owners, vessels, crew, fla State authorities and logistics. Often IUU vessels are related, through ownership, t authorized vessels obtaining cover to sell their catches. | |
| Marine Resources Assessment Group (2005) states that the most obvious impact of IU fishing is direct loss of the value of the catches that could be taken by the coastal State i the IUU fishing was not occurring. This is mostly from vessels operating without licence and licensed vessels misreporting catches (quantity, species, fishing area, etc.) an illegal trans-shipment of catches. Secondary economic impacts from the loss of fish t IUU vessels may include reduced revenue from seafood exports and reduce employment in the harvest and postharvest sectors. Reduced fishing port activity has ripple or multiplier effect across economies, adversely affecting labour an transportation as well as the manufacturing sector. | |
| IUU fishing may also increase poverty and reduce food security and food sovereignty Conflict between authorized, compliant vessels and IUU vessels is common in som fisheries and can become violent with threats to both life and livelihoods on a larg scale. Armed resistance to surveillance and enforcement is increasing in some location with the potential to undermine all monitoring, control and surveillance (MCS) a resources are allocated to address what may be seen as a threat to national securit rather than fisheries management. It can be noted that conflicts and IUU fishin generally occur between vessels of any size. There may also be gender and socio cultural effects, depending upon the composition of the harvest and post-harvest labou forces. | |
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| 5. Space-use conflicts: industrial capture fisheries vs. artisanal capture fisheries aquaculture vs. artisanal capture fisheries | |
| Due to recent improvements in technology and affordability, vessel monitoring system (VMS) are increasingly available for both large- and small-scale fishing vessels, and thu can provide geo-referenced data that accurately describe fishing areas on geographi scales applicable to MSP. Combined with validated logbook data, rich time-series dat are potentially available from intensely fished and monitored sea areas in develope countries. The data situation is slowly improving in developing countries. Land tenur systems that extend to parcels of seabed and water for aquaculture also provide clea boundaries. Superimposed on these spaces are increasingly sophisticated layers o information on the interactions among fisheries, and between aquaculture an fisheries. Although not all fisheries conflicts concern spatial use, or can be manage through MSP, many are potential candidates for spatial conflict management. | |
| Sources of conflict between large and small-scale fisheries are a well-reported concer (FAO, 2014). Spatial components of conflict concern: | |
| — Sea tenure and territorial use rights | |
| — Fishery resource allocations by site | |
| — Fishing gear and method interactions | |
| — Ecosystem (species) interactions | |
| — |UU fishing (several aspects) | |
| — Port access and market transactions | |
| — Management jurisdiction and governanc Sources of conflict between fisheries and aquaculture with spatial components concern: | |
| — Sea tenure and territorial use rights | |
| — Natural resource allocations by site | |
| — Fishing interactions with infrastructure | |
| — Ecosystem (species) interactions | |
| — Area access and market transactions | |
| — Management jurisdiction and governance | |
| The lists are quite similar, although the specific nature of the conflicts varies greatl between the lists and site-specific situations. The next section looks more closely a fisheries-aquaculture conflicts (see also Chapter 12). | |
| Cataudella et al. (2005) note that the FAO (1995) Code of Conduct for Responsibl Fisheries (CCRF) defines the global framework in which marine aquaculture and capture | |
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| fisheries are to be considered as interactive parts of the same system. The assessmen of such interactions is crucial for implementing the CCRF, especially in areas where th use of the coastal zone results in conflicts between many resource users competing fo space (e.g. fisheries, aquaculture, tourism, shipping, energy). The CCRF treat aquaculture as an important part of the fisheries system to be responsibly develope and managed for sustainability (FAO, 1999), but in the nearly two decades that hav intervened, this has proven to be challenging. | |
| The relationships between marine aquaculture and capture fisheries can be complex operating at multiple levels of governance and crossing several spatial and tempora scales, affecting different points along value chains, as well as ecosystems or target an culture species in a variety of ways. Cataudella et al. (2005) categorize the conflic interactions as old and new, somewhat based arbitrarily on the currency of the topic. | |
| Old interactions are issues generated by the — Allocation of public financial resource — Likelihood of disease spreading and new outbreak — Environmental pollutio — Employment threats and opportunitie — Introduction of exotic or invasive specie — Need for stocking programme — Ownership of resources and of confined environment — Use of wild seed to supply aquacultur — Use of fishery products to supply the fish-feed farming industry New interactions are issues concerning the — Stocking and restocking model — Genetic origin of cultured organism — Biodiversity conservation and valu — Genetic improvement through breeding programmes and genetic engineerin — Development of aquaculture in sensitive environment — Direct impact of farmed products on markets and price — Growing role of aquaculture in meeting the demand for fishery product — Product quality and labellin — Feasibility of capture fisheries and aquaculture within a sustainable system The above interactions are most in need of conflict management through legislation and | |
| policy related to planning for integrated coastal zone management and marine spatial | |
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| planning. However, considerable guidance is available on appropriate approaches tha include conflict management (e.g. Ehler and Douvere, 2009) as well as enabling polic (e.g. EU Marine Strategy Framework Directive). | |
| Marine spatial planning (MSP) is the public process of analyzing and allocating th spatial and temporal distribution of human activities in marine areas to achiev ecological, economic, and social objectives that are usually specified through a politica process (Ehler and Douvere, 2006). It is linked to ecosystem-based management (EBM (see McLeod and Leslie, 2009), the ecosystem approach to fisheries (EAF) (see FAO 2003), marine protected areas (MPAs) (FAO report on MPAs and Fisheries, 2011) an similar endeavours that have the potential to assist in managing conflicts throug participation among diverse stakeholders (Ehler and Douvere, 2009). Managing spac use conflicts between large- and small-scale fisheries and with other sectors is a increasingly important issue in many parts of the world. | |
| 6. Gender in fisheries | |
| On a global level, fisheries are often perceived as male-dominated, laden with culturall stereotypical images of fishermen. The term “fishing industry”, for example, conjures a image that focuses attention on harvest and men’s work more than the term “seafoo industry” which is more equitable (Aslin et al., 2000). The involvement of women is no reflected by the increasing use of gender-neutral terms such as “fisher” and “fisherfolk” and more international discussion of gender (Williams et al., 2005). Yet recent globa investigation has shown that if post-harvest (e.g., fish processing and trade) an ancillary activities (e.g., fishing inputs and financing) are taken into account, then th gendered image is quite different. Overall, women may be in the majority in fisheries, o nearly so (FAO et al., 2008). This does not take into account the growing number o women engaged worldwide in fisheries policy, planning, management, science education, civil society advocacy and other activities related to fisheries that wer previously more male-dominated. | |
| The post-harvest situation is particularly inequitable. Women outnumber men in fis processing and trading across the world, but their informal sector activities are ofte not recorded, and they are invisible in national labour and economic statistics. Thus th socioeconomic contribution of women to fisheries is underestimated at national an global levels. Only a few countries in the developing world collect and use gender disaggregated statistical data and other information data for fisheries policy an planning (Weeratunge and Snyder, 2009). Without comparative data for women an men, it is difficult in most places to determine the disparity between female and mal socioeconomic activities and well-being. This scarcity of gender-disaggregated fisherie data constrains gender-sensitive policies and mainstreaming, with little action taken t address the disadvantageous position of women (Sharma, 2003). | |
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| It is widely accepted in the developing world that women strongly influence the social economic and cultural aspects of fishing households and the industry as a whole. Ther are increasing numbers of women in technical, scientific and managerial fisheries job around the world, but this varies markedly by region. In some societies where me engage in the most conspicuous fisheries-related socioeconomic and political activities the women are labelled “fisher wives”, but the implied subordination is misleadin (Weeratunge and Snyder, 2009). In Ghana, “fisher wives” or “fish mammies” suppor the entire small-scale fishing industry as they invest in fishing boats and gear, an provide loans to husbands and other fishers while running small socioeconomic empire without formal political power (Walker, 2001). Although addressing gender-inequity i critical, interventions need to be carefully designed. ‘Women in development’ project have contributed to reducing the real power that women held, for example, b introducing poorly designed credit and fish marketing schemes that exacerbat unsustainable fishing for short-term monetary gain or loan servicing. | |
| Small-scale fisheries in developed and developing countries have striking similarities. I both, gender issues are often overlooked or misunderstood because of an analytica focus that looks at the fisheries sector in isolation from the broader society, and i concerned primarily with narrow ecological and economic factors such as maintainin fish stocks to ensure a viable long-term harvest. Interventions have been directed mor at men harvesting at sea, rather than at women engaged in postharvest on shore, or a the interconnections between harvest and postharvest (Weeratunge and Snyder, 2009) Although this narrow, male sectoral perspective is changing as the EAF becomes mor widely adopted (FAO 2003), gender is not yet mainstreamed into this approach despit advances in incorporating other social, cultural and institutional dimensions (De Youn et al, 2008). EAF is just one facet of the changing face of fisheries governance. Gende issues are more appropriately considered in the wider context of fisheries governanc than fisheries management. | |
| Gender remains a key governance issue in both developed and developing countries. It many interconnected dimensions relate to vulnerabilities, assets, opportunities capabilities, coping strategies, outcomes, food security, empowerment and more. Wit new attention to sustainable development goals based on blue and green economies gender in fisheries should feature more prominently. State and civil society agencie realize that well-being will not be improved and poverty will not be reduced if gender i not adequately addressed. Gender mainstreaming should be an integral part o fisheries, but this is not occurring, because gender research to support fisheries policy i insufficient. As the links between gender in fisheries and poverty, climate, health an other major developmental issues become apparent (Bene and Merten, 2008; Bennett 2005; FAO, 2006; Neis et al., 2005), more attention will need to be paid to gender i fisheries in the context of the development post-2015 agenda. | |
| Certain issues, particularly at the micro level, demand additional research. The state o small-scale fisheries throughout the world, and gender issues in fisheries are particularl prominent. A further issue that has been seriously under-researched is that of th relationship between capture fisheries and aquaculture. | |
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| 7. Climate change and small-scale fisheries | |
| Pollution, environmental degradation, climate change impacts and natural and human induced disasters pose serious challenges to fisheries sustainability. Because of th heavy reliance on fisheries for food security, employment and livelihoods, these factor become additional threats facing small-scale fishing communities (FAO, 2011-2015). | |
| Expected impacts of climate change include increase in the severity and intensity o natural disasters and changes in the local distribution and abundance of harvested fis and shellfish populations (Barange et al., 2014), with consequences on the post-harves and trade (FAO, 2011-2015; HPLE, 2014). Impacts of climate change are predicted to b more severe where the relative importance of fisheries to national economies and diet is higher and there is limited societal capacity to adapt to potential impacts an opportunities (Allison et al., 2009). The severity of threats increases due to combine effects of climate change and ecosystem degradation and overfishing, highlighting th importance of appropriate co-management measures (HPLE, 2014). | |
| A comprehensive understanding of how communities respond to these threats an other global change, in their environmental, social and political contexts, is require (Bundy et al., 2015). These issues are also treated in the Summary (under Impacts of th Climate Changes). | |
| 8. Specific additional issues raised in regional workshops for the World Ocea Assessment | |
| Fisheries management requires time-consuming and dedicated human resources an failure to meet or prioritize these efforts is a widespread problem, leading to poo fisheries management. During the regional workshops for this World Ocean Assessmen it became apparent that lack of data, including difficulties in maintaining data collectio and conducting stock assessments, as well as obtaining fishery-independent data, wa an issue for all developing countries. Problems with databases and data integration due to different methods of data collection and lack of long time-series, were raised i all regions. Lack of data on the small-scale, as well as recreational fisheries, was problem in developed and developing States. In particular, catches from subsistenc fishing are often missing from national catch statistics, leaving a gap in the ecological social and economic aspects of fisheries. Ecosystem-based management is seldo applied due to the lack of practical examples and applications, and difficulties i assessing ecosystem impacts. | |
| Fish is one of the most internationally-traded foods. This has an impact on th infrastructure needed to commercialize the product, especially given the fact that fish i a perishable commodity. The difficulties to adapt to international-market requirements - | |
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| including means to abide by regulations - and the lack of fish preserving and processin facilities was a recurring issue, especially in developing countries that are near, or trad often with, developed countries. | |
| Contamination of fish products as well as the effects on catches caused by pollution an habitat degradation were raised at the workshops. Developing countries reporte difficulties in assessing those risks and monitoring those impacts. The main focus of fis certification has been eco-labelling that addresses environmental sustainabilit issues. With limited exceptions, certification concerns predominantly develope countries and large-scale fisheries. Fish certification is progressively moving to includ social responsibility and labour considerations, but it is unclear whether food securit and nutrition considerations can or will be included in future. | |
| 9. Conclusion | |
| Fisheries around the world are deeply embedded in the issues of food and economi security, livelihoods for large numbers of people, gender equity and poverty alleviation Both large and small-scale fishery operations provide essential economic and socia benefits to society. Small-scale fisheries, in particular, constitute half of the world’s tota catches and involve more than 90 per cent of total fishing population (in harvest an post-harvest activities). The significant contribution to food security, livelihoods an local economic development means that small-scale fisheries can no longer b overlooked. Instead, management and governance of fisheries needs to incorporate ke features distinguishing small-scale fisheries from their large-scale counterpart. Thi implies changes in information systems, fisheries assessment, monitoring an surveillance, and research and development. Importantly, issues related to fishin rights, tenure and access to resources, health and safety, gender and social justice among others, deserve special attention in policy and decision-making. Finally, it i worth noting that small-scale fisheries governance would have different priorities focusing for instance on stakeholder participation and subsidiarity principles. Tensio and conflicts between different scales of operations, and with other marine activities will continue to challenge policy-makers in many areas. They can be overcome however, with an attempt to create policy coherence through a holistic and integrate approach to fisheries governance. During the regional workshops the need to improv the capacity of States to more effectively manage these critical resources, and i particular in regions where sustainability of fisheries needs to be improved, wa recognized. The need to build capacity is also essential to address issues of equity an broader sustainable development efforts. | |
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| References | |
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