data/datasets/onu/Chapter_08.txt

Chapter 8. Aesthetic, Cultural, Religious and Spiritual Ecosystem Services Derive from the Marine Environment
Contributor: Alan Simcock (Lead Member)
1. Introduction
At least since the ancestors of the Australian aboriginal people crossed what are no the Timor and Arafura Seas to reach Australia about 40,000 years ago (Lourandos 1997), the ocean has been part of the development of human society. It is no surprising that human interaction with the ocean over this long period profoundl influenced the development of culture. Within “culture” it is convenient to includ the other elements — aesthetic, religious and spiritual — that are regarded as aspect of the non-physical ecosystem services that humans derive from the environmen around them. This is not to decry the difference between all these aspects, bu rather to define a convenient umbrella term to encompass them all. On this basis this chapter looks at the present-day implications of the interactions betwee human culture and the ocean under the headings of cultural products, cultura practices and cultural influences.
2. Cultural products
No clear-cut distinction exists between objects which have a utilitarian valu (because they are put to a use) and objects which have a cultural value (becaus they are seen as beautiful or sacred or prized for some other non-utilitarian reason) The two categories can easily overlap. Furthermore, the value assigned to an objec may change: something produced primarily for the use to which it can be put ma become prized, either by the society that produces it or by some other society, fo other reasons (Hawkes, 1955). In looking at products from the ocean as cultura ecosystem services, the focus is upon objects valued for non-utilitarian reasons. Th value assigned to them will be affected by many factors: primarily their aesthetic o religious significance, their rarity and the difficulty of obtaining them from the ocean The example of large numbers of beads made from marine shells found in the buria mounds dating from the first half of the first millennium CE of the Mound People i lowa, United States of America, 1,650 kilometres from the sea, shows how exoti marine products can be given a cultural value (Alex, 2010).
Another good — albeit now purely historical — example is the purple dye derived fro marine shellfish of the family Muricidae, often known as Tyrian purple. In th Mediterranean area, this purple dye was very highly valued, and from an early dat (around 1800-1500 BCE) it was produced in semi-industrial fashion in Crete and late elsewhere. Its cost was high because large numbers of shellfish were required t produce small amounts of the dye. Because of this, its use became restricted to th elite. Under the Roman republic, the togas of members of the Senate were
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distinguished by a border of this colour, and under the Roman empire it became th mark of the emperors (Stieglitz, 1994). This usage has produced a whole cultura structure revolving around the colour purple and spreading out into a range o metaphors and ideas: for example, the concept of the “purple patch,” an elaborat passage in writing, first used by the Roman poet Horace (Horatius).
Goods derived from marine ecosystems that are given a cultural value because o their appearance and/or rarity include pearls, mother-of-pearl, coral an tortoiseshell. In the case of coral, as well as its long-standing uses as a semi-preciou item of jewellery and inlay on other items, a more recent use in aquariums ha developed.
2.1 Pearls and mother-of-pearl
Pearls and mother-of-pearl are a primary example of a marine product used fo cultural purposes. Many species of molluscs line their shells with nacre — a lustrou material consisting of platelets of aragonite (a form of calcium carbonate (se Chapter 7)) in a matrix of various organic substances (Nudelman et al., 2006). Th shells with this lining give mother-of-pearl. Pearls themselves are formed of layer of nacre secreted by various species of oyster and mussel around some foreign bod which has worked its way into the shell (Bondad-Reantaso et al., 2007).
Archaeological evidence shows that pearls were already being used as jewellery i the 6" millennium BCE (Charpentier et al., 2012). By the time of the Romans, the could be described as “holding the first place among things of value” (Pliny). For th ancient world, the main source was the shellfish beds along the southern coast o the Persian Gulf, with Bahrain as the main centre. The pearl fishery in the Persia Gulf maintained itself as the major source of pearls throughout most of the first tw millennia CE, and by the 18" century was sufficiently profitable to support th founding of many of the present Gulf States. It developed further in the 19 century, and by the start of the 20" century the Persian Gulf pearl trade reached  short-lived peak in value at about 160 million United States dollars a year, and wa the mainstay of the economies of the Gulf States (Carter, 2005).
During the 20" century, however, the Persian Gulf pearl trade declined steadily, du substantially to competition from the Japanese cultured pearl industry and genera economic conditions. With the emergence of the Gulf States as important oi producers, the economic significance of the pearl trade for the area declined. Th Kuwait pearl market closed in 2000, and with its closure the Persian Gulf pear fishery ceased to be of economic importance (Al-Shamlan, 2000). However, som pearling still continues as a tourist attraction and, with Japanese support, an attemp has been made to establish a cultivated pearl farm in Ras Al Kaimah (OBG, 2013) Other traditional areas for the harvesting of natural pearls include the Gulf of Cutc and the Gulf of Mannar in India, Halong Bay in Viet Nam and the Islas de las Perlas i Panama (CMFRI, 1991; Southgate, 2007).
The great transformation of the pearl industry came with the success of Japanes firms in applying the technique developed in Australia by an Englishman, Willia Saville-Kent. The technique required the insertion of a nucleus into the pearl oyster
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in order to provoke the formation of a pearl. Using the oyster species from th Persian Gulf, this meant that, instead of the three or four pearls that could be foun in a thousand wild oysters, a high percentage of the farmed oysters would delive pearls. The Japanese industry started in about 1916. By 1938, there were about 36 pearl farms in Japanese waters, producing more than 10 million pearls a year (1 tons). Production continued to increase after World War II and reached a peak o 230 tons in 1966, from 4,700 farms. Pollution and disease in the oyster, however rapidly caused the industry to contract. By 1977, only about 1,000 farms remained producing about 35 tons of pearls. Competition from Chinese cultured freshwate pearls and an oyster epidemic in 1996 reduced the Japanese industry to th production of less than 25 tons a year. Nevertheless, this industry was still wort about 130 million dollars a year. From the 1970s, other Indian Ocean and Pacifi Ocean areas were developing cultured pearl industries based on the traditional pear oyster species: in India and in Viet Nam in the traditional pearling regions, and i Australia, China, the Republic of Korea and Venezuela. Apart from China, wher production had reached 9-10 tons a year, these are relatively small; the largest i apparently in Viet Nam, which produces about 1 ton a year (Southgate, 2007).
At the same time, new forms of the industry developed, based on other oyste species. The two main branches are the “white South Sea” and “black South Sea pearl industries, based on Pinctada maxima and Pinctada margaritefera respectively. “Black” pearls are a range of colours from pale purple to true black Australia (from 1950) and Indonesia (from the 1970s) developed substantia industries for “white South Sea” pearls, earning around 100 million dollars a yea each. Malaysia, Myanmar, Papua New Guinea and the Philippines have smalle industries. The black “South Sea” pearl industry is centred in French Polynesia particularly in the Gambier and Tuamotu archipelagos. The industry in Frenc Polynesia was worth 173 million dollars in 2007 (SPC, 2011). The Cook Islands building on a long-standing mother-of-pearl industry, started a cultured-pear industry in 1972, which grew to a value of 9 million dollars by 2000. However, i that year poor farm hygiene and consequent mass mortality of the oysters led to  collapse to less than a quarter of that value by 2005. The trade has recovere somewhat since then, largely due to increased sales to tourists in the islands. Smal “black South Sea” pearl industries also exist in the Federated States of Micronesia Fiji, the Marshall Islands and Tonga. Small pearl industries based on the oyste species Pterea penguin and Pterea sterna exist in Australia, China, Japan, Mexico an Thailand (SPC, 2011; Southgate, 2007).
Reliable information on the cultured pearl industries is not easy to obtain: fo example, significant divergences exist between the statistics for the Pintad margaritifera industry in the FAO Fisheries Global Information System database an those reported by the South Pacific Secretariat in their newsletters (SPC, 2011). Th FAO itself noted the lack of global statistics on pearls (FAO, 2012). However, al sources suggest that the various industries suffered severe set-backs in 2009-201 from a combination of the global economic crisis and overproduction. It is also clea that, apart from local sales to tourists, the bulk of all production passes throug auctions in Hong Kong, China, and Japan.
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Mother-of-pearl is produced mainly from the shells of pearl oysters, but othe molluscs, such as abalone, may also be used. In the 19" century it was much used a a material for buttons and for decorating small metal objects and furniture. In man of these uses it has been superseded by plastics. It developed as an importan industry in the islands around the Sulu Sea and the Celebes Sea, but substantia industries also existed in western Australia (now overtaken by the cultured-pear industry), the Cook Islands and elsewhere (Southgate 2007). It remains important i the Philippines, which still produces several thousand tons a year (FAO, 2012).
2.2 Tortoiseshell
For several centuries, material from the shells of sea turtles was used both as  decorative inlay on high-quality wooden furniture and for the manufacture of smal items such as combs, spectacle frames and so on. The lavish use of tortoiseshell wa a particular feature of the work of André Charles Boulle, cabinetmaker to successiv 18" century French kings. This established a pattern which was widely imitate (Penderel-Brodhurst, 1910). The shells of hawksbills turtles (Eretmochelys imbricata) in particular, were used for this purpose. The demand for the shells of hawksbil turtles produced an enormous and enduring effect on hawksbill populations aroun the world. Within the last 100 years, millions of hawksbills were killed for th tortoiseshell markets of Asia, Europe and the United States (NMFS, 2013). Th species has been included in the most threatened category of the IUCN’s Red Lis since the creation of the list in 1968, and since 1977 in the listing of all hawksbil populations on Appendix | of the Convention on International Trade in Endangere Species of Wild Fauna and Flora’ (CITES) (trade prohibited unless not detrimental t the survival of the species). Some production of objects with tortoiseshell continue (particularly in Japan), but on a very much reduced scale.
2.3 Coral (and reef fish)
The Mediterranean red coral (Corallium rubrum), was used from a very early date fo decoration and as a protective charm. In the 1* century, Pliny the Elder records bot its use a charm to protect children and its scarcity as a result of its export to Indi (Pliny). As late as the second half of the 19" century, teething-rings were still bein made with coral (Denhams, 2014). It is now principally used for jewellery. Th Mediterranean red coral is still harvested. Similar genera/species from the wester Pacific near Japan, Hawaii, and some Pacific seamounts are also harvested. Th global harvest reached a short-lived peak at about 450 tons a year in 1986, as  result of the exploitation of some recently discovered beds on the Empero Seamounts in the Pacific. It has fallen back to around 50 tons a year, primarily fro the Mediterranean and adjoining parts of the Atlantic (CITES, 2010). This trade in th hard coral stone is estimated to be worth around 200 million dollars a year (FT 2012), although another estimate places it at nearer 300 million dollars) (Tsounis 2010). Despite proposals in 2007 and 2010, these corals are not listed under th CITES.
* United Nations, Treaty Series, vol.. 993, No. 14537.
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Other corals of cultural interest, on the other hand, have been listed under CITES The cultural use made of these genera and species is very different. The main use i inclusion in aquariums. Some experimental evidence exists that the ability to watc fish in aquariums has a soothing effect on humans (especially when suffering fro dementia) (for example, Edwards et al., 2002). For similar reasons, many homes offices, surgeries and hospitals have installed such aquariums. Suitable pieces o coral, either alive or dead, are seen as attractive parts of such aquarium scenes. Th demand for coral for this purpose is substantial. International trade in cora skeletons for decorative purposes began in the 1950s. Until 1977 the source wa largely the Philippines. In that year a national ban on export was introduced, and b 1993 the ban was fully effective. The main source then became Indonesia. Until th 1990s, the trade was mainly in dead corals for curios and aquarium decoration Developments in the technology of handling live coral led to a big increase in th trade in live coral. CITES lists 60 genera of hard corals in Appendix II; hence thei export is permitted only if the specimens have been legally acquired and export wil not be detrimental to the survival of the species or its role in the ecosystem. Fo coral rock, the trade averaged about 2,000 tons a year in the decade 2000-2010 although declining slightly towards the end of the decade. Fiji (with 60 per cent) an Indonesia (with 11 per cent) were the major suppliers over this decade. Othe countries supplying coral rock included Haiti, the Marshall Islands, Mozambique Tonga, Vanuatu and Viet Nam, although the last five introduced bans towards th end of this period. The major importers were the United States (78 per cent) an the European Union (12 per cent). For live coral, the picture was slightly different over the same decade, the number of pieces of live coral traded rose from som 700,000 to some 1,200,000. Of these, Indonesia supplied an average of about 70 pe cent, with other important suppliers including Fiji (10 per cent), Tonga (5 per cent) Australia (5 per cent) and the Solomon Islands (4 per cent). The United State accounted for an average of 61 per cent of the imports, and the European Unio took 31 per cent. For some species of coral, mariculture is possible, and by 201 pieces produced by mariculture accounted for 20 per cent of the trade (Wood et al. 2012).
An aquarium would not be complete without fish, and this need has produce another major global trade: in reef fish. Because few marine ornamental fish specie have been listed under CITES, a dearth of accurate information on the precise detail of the trade exists. The FAO noted the lack of global statistics on the catches of, an trade in, ornamental fish in its 2012 Report on the State of the World’s Fisheries an Aquaculture (FAO, 2012). The late Director of the trade association Ornamental Fis International, Dr. Ploeg, likewise lamented the lack of data (Ploeg, 2004). On estimate puts the scale of the trade in ornamental fish (freshwater and marine) at 1 billion dollars. In 2000 to 2004 an attempt was made to set up in UNEP/WCMC  Global Marine Aquarium Database (GMAD), drawing not only on official trad records, but also on information supplied by trade associations. This provides som interesting, albeit now dated, information, but it has not been kept up-to-dat because of lack of funding. One of the most notable features was that the numbe of fish reported as imported was some 22 per cent more than the number reporte as exported (Wabnitz et al., 2003). The need for better information is a matter of
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on-going debate; the European Union has conducted a consultation exercise in 2008 2010 (EC, 2008).
The GMAD data suggested that some 3.5-4.3 million fish a year, from nearly 1,50 different species, were being traded worldwide. The main sources of fish (in order o size of exports) were the Philippines, Indonesia, the Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka Australia, Fiji, the Maldives and Palau. These countries accounted for 98 per cent o the recorded trade, with the Philippines and Indonesia together accounting fo nearly 70 per cent. The main destinations of the fish were the United States, th United Kingdom, the Netherlands, France and Germany, which accounted for 99 pe cent of the recorded trade; the United States accounted for nearly 70 per cent These figures probably do not include re-exports to other countries. It was estimate that the value of the trade in 2003 was 1 million to 300 million dollars (Wabnitz e al., 2003).
From the social perspective, the number of people depending on the trade i relatively small. A workshop organized by the Secretariat of the Pacific Communit in 2008 showed that some 1,472 people in 12 Pacific island countries and territorie depended on the trade in ornamental fish for their livelihoods (Kinch et al., 2010) GMAD reported an estimate of 7,000 collectors providing marine ornamental fish i the Philippines (Wabnitz et al., 2003). It also reported a much higher estimate o some 50,000 people in Sri Lanka being involved with the export of marin ornamentals, but this probably reflects the large, long-standing trade based on th aquaculture of ornamental freshwater fish.
2.4 Culinary and medicinal cultural products
Items of food, and specific ways of preparing dishes from them, can be ver distinctive features of cultures. Products derived from marine ecosystems often pla a significant role. One almost universal feature is salt. For millennia, salt was vital i much of the world for the preservation of meat and fish through the winter months Although nowadays salt is mainly obtained from rock-salt and brine deposits in th ground, salt is still widely prepared by the evaporation of seawater, especially i those coastal areas where the heat of the sun can be used to drive the evaporation Although statistics for the production of salt often do not differentiate between th sources for salt production, countries such as Brazil, India and Spain are recorded a producing many millions of tons of salt from the sea (BGS, 2014).
A further common preparation used in many forms of cooking is a sauce derive from fermenting or otherwise processing small fish and shellfish. Such sauces ar recorded as garum and liquamen among the Romans from as long ago as the 1 century (Pliny). They are also crucial ingredients in the cuisines of many east Asia countries — China, Republic of Korea, Thailand, Viet Nam — and other fish-base sauces are found in many western cuisines, for example, colatura de alici (anchov sauce) and Worcestershire sauce.
Cultural pressures can interact with the sustainable use of products derived fro marine ecosystem services. Just as the demand for tortoiseshell inlay and object was driven by desire to emulate the élite in both Asia and Europe, and affected the
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hawksbill turtle, other species of marine turtle were also affected by the status o turtle soup as a prestige dish. In Europe, soup made from green turtles (Cheloni mydas) became a prestige dish when the turtles were brought back by Europea trading ships passing through the tropics. It was served lavishly at formal dinners  in the mid-19" century, a report of a routine large dinner refers to “four hundre tureens of turtle, each containing five pints” — that is, 1,136 litres in total (Thackeray 1869). Large amounts were also commercialized in tins. In spite of growin conservation concerns, it was still seen as appropriate for inclusion in the dinner t welcome the victorious General Eisenhower back to the United States in 1945 (WAA 1945). The dish has disappeared from menus since the green turtle was listed unde Appendix | to CITES in 1981, except in areas where turtles are farmed or wher freshwater species are used.
Another group of species where cultural forces create pressures for excessiv harvesting is the sharks (see also chapter 40). Shark’s fin soup is a prestige dish i much of eastern Asia, especially among Chinese-speaking communities. Prices fo shark’s fins are very high (hundreds of dollars per kilogramme). As shown in Figur 1, the trade in shark fins peaked in 2003-2004 and has subsequently levelled out a quantities 17-18 per cent lower (2008-2011). The statistics are subject to man qualifications, but trade in shark fins through Hong Kong, China (generally regarde as the largest trade centre in the world) rose by 10 per cent in 2011, but fell by 2 per cent in 2012. The FAO report from which the figure is drawn suggests that  number of factors, including new regulations by China on government officials expenditures, consumer backlash against artificial shark fin products, increase regulation of finning (the practice of cutting fins of shark carcasses and discardin the rest), other trade bans and curbs, and a growing conservation awareness, ma have contributed to the downturn. At the same time, new figures suggest the shar fin markets in Japan, Malaysia and Thailand, though focused on small, low-value fins may be among the world’s largest (FAO, 2014a).
World trade in shark fins, 1976 to 2011
Thousands of tonne USD million
Figure 1. Source: FAO, 2014a.
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Similar cultural pressures exist in relation to other aspects of marine ecosystems Traditional medicine in eastern Asia, for example, uses dried seahorses for a range o illnesses. Most dried seahorses (caught when they are about 12-16 cm in size) ar exported to China. The value in 2008 was 100-300 dollars per kilogramme depending on the size and species; the larger animals are the most valuable Production is said to be more than 20 million sea horses (70 tons) a year. Viet Na and China are the major producers; Viet Nam has developed its seahors aquaculture since 2006. This trade is seen as a significant pressure on th conservation status of several species of seahorse (FAO, 2014b).
Not all consequences of the cultural uses of the ocean’s ecosystem services i relation to food are necessarily negative. The Mediterranean diet, with it substantial component of fish and shellfish, was inscribed in 2013 on the UNESC Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (UNESCO, 2014).
3. Cultural practices
3.1 Cultural practices that enable use of the sea
Humans interact with the ocean in a large number of ways, and many of these lea to cultural practices which enrich human life in aesthetic, religious or spiritual ways as well as in purely practical matters. Such practices are beginning to be inscribed i the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Those listed so far include a practice in Belgium of fishing for shrimp on horse-back twice a week, except in winter months, riders on strong Brabant horses walk breast deep in the surf, parallel to the coastline, pulling funnel-shaped nets held open b two wooden boards. A chain dragged over the sand creates vibrations, causing th shrimp to jump into the net. Shrimpers place the catch (which is later cooked an eaten) in baskets hanging at the horses’ sides. In approving the inscription, th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultura Heritage (ICSICH) noted that it would promote awareness of the importance of small very local traditions, underline the close relations between humans, animals an nature, and promote respect for sustainable development and human creativit (UNESCO, 2014).c
Similarly, the Chinese tradition of building junks with separate water-tight bulkhead has been recognized as a cultural heritage that urgently needs protection. Th ICSICH noted that, despite the historical importance of this shipbuilding technology its continuity and viability are today at great risk because wooden ships are replace by steel-hulled vessels, and the timber for their construction is in increasingly shor supply; apprentices are reluctant to devote the time necessary to master the trad and craftspeople have not managed to find supplementary uses for their carpentr skills. Furthermore, the ICSICH noted that safeguarding measures designed t sustain the shipbuilding tradition are underway, including State financial assistanc to master builders, educational programmes to make it possible for them to transmi their traditional knowledge to young people, and the reconstruction of historical
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junks as a means to stimulate public awareness and provide employment (UNESCO 2014).
Another cultural tradition linked to the sea is that of the lenj boats in the Islami Republic of Iran. Lenj vessels are traditionally hand-built and are used by inhabitant of the northern coast of the Persian Gulf for sea journeys, trading, fishing and pear diving. The traditional knowledge surrounding lenjes includes oral literature performing arts and festivals, in addition to the sailing and navigation techniques terminology and weather forecasting that are closely associated with sailing, and th skills of wooden boat-building itself. This tradition is also under threat, and th Islamic Republic of Iran has proposed a wide range of measures to safeguard i (UNESCO, 2014).
Along the north-east Pacific coast, sea-going canoes were one of the three majo forms of monumental art among the Canadian First Nations and United States Nativ Americans, along with plank houses and totem poles. These canoes came t represent whole clans and communities and were a valuable trade item in the past especially for the Haida, Tlingit and Nuu-Chah-Nulth. Recently, there has been  revival in the craft of making and sailing them, and they are capable of bringin prestige to communities (SFU, 2015).
Similar important navigational traditions survive in Melanesia, Micronesia an Polynesia. Using a combination of observations of stars, the shape of the waves, th interference patterns of sea swells, phosphorescence and wildlife, the Pacifi Islanders have been able to cross vast distances at sea and make landfall on smal islands. Although now largely being replaced by modern navigational aids, th Pacific navigational tradition shows how many aspects of the marine ecosystems ca be welded together to provide results that at first sight seem impossible. Since th 1970s the tradition has been undergoing a renaissance (Lewis, 1994).
Apart from the practical cultural practices linked to the sea that support navigation cultural practices in many parts of the world reflect the dangers of the ocean and th hope of seafarers to gain whatever supernatural help might be available. The fishin fleet is blessed throughout the Roman Catholic world, usually on 15 August, th Feast of the Assumption. This dates back to at least the 17" century in Liguria i Italy (Acta Sanctae Sedis, 1891). It spread generally around the Mediterranean, an was then taken by Italian, Portuguese and Spanish fishermen when they emigrated and has been adopted in many countries, even those without a Roman Catholi tradition.
In many places in China and in the cultural zone influenced by China, a comparabl festival is held on the festival of Mazu, also known (especially in Hong Kong, China as Tian Hou (Queen of Heaven). According to legend, she was a fisherman’ daughter from Fujian who intervened miraculously to save her father and/or he brothers and consequently became revered by fishermen, and was promoted by th Chinese Empire as part of their policy of unifying devotions. The main festival take place on the 23” day of the 3 lunar month (late April/early May). A tradition o visiting a local shrine before a fishing voyage also continues in some places (Liu 2003).
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Miura, on the approaches to Tokyo Bay in Japan, developed as a military port and  harbour providing shelter to passing ships. Drawing on dances from other citie demonstrated to them by visiting sailors, the people of Miura began the tradition o Chakkirako to celebrate the New Year and bring fortune and a bountiful catch of fis in the months to come. By the mid-eighteenth century, the ceremony had taken it current form as a showcase for the talent of local girls. The dancers perform face-to face in two lines or in a circle, holding fans before their faces in some pieces an clapping thin bamboo sticks together in others, whose sound gives its name to th ceremony. Now included in the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangibl Cultural Heritage of Humanity, the ceremony is intended to demonstrate cultura continuity (UNESCO, 2014).
A specific cultural practice that acknowledges the importance of sea trade is th “Marriage of the Sea” (Sposalizio del Mare) in Venice, Italy. This takes the form of  boat procession from the centre of city to the open water, where the civic hea (originally the Doge, now the Sindaco) throws a wedding ring into the sea. In 1177 Venice had successfully established its independence from the Emperor an Patriarch in Constantinople (Istanbul), from the Pope in Rome and from the Hol Roman Emperor, by using its leverage to reconcile the two latter powers, and ha become the great entrepdt between the eastern and western Mediterranean. Pop Alexander II acknowledged this by giving the Doge a ring. Henceforth, annually o Ascension Day, the Doge would “wed” the sea to demonstrate Venice’s control o the Adriatic (Myers et al., 1971). Abolished when Napoleon dissolved the Venetia Republic, the ritual has been revived since 1965 as a tourist attraction (Veneziaunica 2015).
3.2 Cultural practices that react to the sea
A verse in the Hebrew psalms speaks of the people “that go down to the sea in ship and...see...the wonders of the deep” (Psalm 107(106)/23, 24). A similar sense o awe at the sea appears in the Quran (Sura 2:164). This sense of awe at the ocean i widespread throughout the world. In many places it leads to a special sense of plac with religious or spiritual connotations, which lead to special ways of behaving: i other words, to religious or spiritual ecosystem services from the ocean.  reductionist approach can see no more in such ways of behaviour than bases fo prudential conduct: for example, fishing may be halted in some area at a specifi time of year, which coincides with the spawning of a particular fish population, thu promoting the fish stock recruitment. But such a reductionist approach is no necessary, and can undermine a genuine sense of religious or spiritual reaction t the sea.
The risk exists that such reductionist approaches will be seen as the natura interpretation of ritual or religious practices. In a survey of the environmenta history of the Pacific Islands, McNeill writes that “Lagoons and reefs probably felt th human touch even less [than the islands], although they made a large contributio to island sustenance...human cultural constraints often operated to preserve them Pacific islanders moderated their impact on many ecosystems through restraints an restrictions on resource use. In many societies taboos or other prohibitions limited
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the exploitation of reefs, lagoons, and the sea. These taboos often had social o political purposes, but among their effects was a reduction in pressures on loca ecosystems. Decisions about when and where harvesting might take place wer made by men who had encyclopaedic knowledge of the local marine biota” (McNeill 1994).
This clearly sets out the external (“etic”) view of the system of taboos and beliefs i.e., the view that can be taken by an outside, dispassionate observer. It does no allow for the internal (“emic”) view as seen by someone who is born, brought up an educated within that system. It is important to understand this distinction and allo for the way in which the insider will have a different frame of reference from th outsider.
Good examples of the way in which such an insider’s religious or spiritual reaction can underpin a whole system of community feeling can be found among the Firs Nations of the Pacific seaboard of Canada. A member of the Huu-ay-aht First Nation a tribe within the Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Group in this area, describes their traditiona approach to whaling as follows:
“Whaling within Nuu chah nulth society was the foundation of our economi structure. It provided valuable products to sell, trade and barter. In essence i was our national bank... Whaling [however, also] strengthened, maintaine and preserved our cultural practices, unwritten tribal laws, ceremonies principles and teachings. All of these elements were practiced throughout th preparations, the hunt and the following celebrations. Whaling strengthene and preserved our spirituality and is clearly illustrated through the disciplin that the Nuu chah nulth hereditary whaling chiefs exemplified in their month of bathing, praying and fasting in preparation for the hunt. The whal strengthened our relationships with other nations and communities. Peopl came from great distances and often resulted in intertribal alliances relationships and marriages. The whale strengthened the relationship between families because everyone was involved in the processing of th whale, the celebrations, the feasting, and the carving of the artefacts that ca still be seen today in many museums around the world. The whal strengthened the relationships between family members since everyon shared in the bounty of the whale. And the whale strengthened our peopl spiritually, psychologically and physically” (Happynook, 2001).
Because of the restrictions imposed to respond to the crises in the whale populatio caused by commercial whaling, the Nuu-chah-nulth are not permitted to undertak whaling, and the related peoples further south in Washington State, United States need to obtain special authorization (a request for which has been unde consideration since 2005), and feel that part of their cultural heritage has been take away from them. As the draft evaluation of the Makah request to resume whale hunting puts it, with no authorization this element of their culture would remain  connection to the past without any present reinforcement. In effect, a cultura ecosystem service would be lost (NOAA, 2015).
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3.3 Cultural practices tied to a specific sea area
Not all interactions between communities with traditions based on their long standing uses of the ocean result in such clashes between opposing points of view In Brazil, for example, the concept has been introduced of the Marine Extractiv Reserve (Reserva Extrativista Marinha). These are defined areas of coast and coasta sea which aim to allow the long-standing inhabitants to continue to benefit from th resources of the reserve, applying their traditional knowledge and practices, whil protecting the area against non-traditional, new exploitation, and protecting th environment (Chamy, 2002). Six such reserves have been created, and a further 1 are in the process of designation and organization (IBAMA, 2014).
In Australia, before colonization, the coastal clans of indigenous peoples regarde their territories as including both land and sea. The ocean, or “saltwater country” was not additional to a clan estate on land: it was inseparable from it. As on land saltwater country contained evidence of the Dreamtime events by which al geographic features, animals, plants and people were created. It contained sacre sites, often related to these creation events, and it contained tracks, or Songlines along which mythological beings travelled during the Dreamtime. Mountains, rivers waterholes, animal and plant species, and other cultural resources came into bein as a result of events which took place during these Dreamtime journeys. The sea, lik the land, was integral to the identity of each clan, and clan members had a ki relationship to the important marine animals, plants, tides and currents. Many o these land features and heritage sites of cultural significance found withi landscapes today have associations marked by physical, historical, ceremonial religious and ritual manifestations located within the indigenous people’s cultura beliefs and customary law. The Commonwealth and State Governments in Australi are now developing ways in which the groups of indigenous people can take a ful part in managing the large marine reserves which have been, or are being, created in line with their traditional culture. The techniques being used must vary, becaus they must take account of other vested rights and Australia’s obligations unde international law (AIATSIS, 2006).
Madagascar provides an interesting example of the way in which traditional belief can influence decisions on sea use. On the west coast of the northern tip of th island, a well-established shrimp-fishing industry is largely, but not entirely undertaken by a local tribal group, the Antankarana. This group has a traditional se of beliefs, including in the existence of a set of spirits — the antandrano — wh represent ancestors drowned in the sea centuries ago in an attempt to escape a loca opposing tribal group, the Merina. These spirits are honoured by an annua ceremony focused on a particular rock in the sea in the shrimp fishery area.  proposal was made to create a shrimp aquaculture farm, which would have severel reduced the scope of the shrimp fishery. The Antankarana leader successfull invoked against this proposal reports from local mediums participating in the annua ceremony that the antandrano spirits would oppose the aquaculture proposa (which might well have been under Merina control). Thus a religious ecosyste service from the sea was deployed to defend a provisioning ecosystem servic (Gezon, 1999).
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At a global level, specific marine sites were inscribed by UNESCO in the Worl Heritage List, and thus brought under certain commitments and controls t safeguard them. So far 42 marine or coastal sites have been designated on the basi of their natural interest:
(a) 22 “contain superlative natural phenomena or areas of exceptiona natural beauty and aesthetic importance”;
(b) 12 are “outstanding examples representing major stages of earth' history, including the record of life, significant ongoing geologica processes in the development of landforms, or significant geomorphic o physiographic features”;
(c) 14 are “outstanding examples representing significant ongoing ecologica and biological processes in the evolution and development of terrestrial fresh water, coastal and marine ecosystems and communities of plant and animals”; and
(d) 29 “contain the most important and significant natural habitats for in-sit conservation of biological diversity, including those containin threatened species of outstanding universal value from the point of vie of science or conservation”.
(Sites can qualify under more than one criterion.)
Fifteen are islands. Three have been declared to be in danger: the Belize barrier ree (the largest in the northern hemisphere), which is threatened by mangrove cuttin and excessive development (2009); the Florida Everglades in the United States which have suffered a 60 per cent reduction in water flow and are threatened b eutrophication (2010); and East Rennell in the Solomon Islands, which is threatene by logging (2013). In addition, four marine or coastal sites have been inscribed in th World Heritage List because of their mixed cultural and natural interest — the islan of St Kilda in the United Kingdom (for centuries a very remote inhabited settlement featuring some of the highest cliffs in Europe); the island of Ibiza in Spain ( combination of prehistoric archaeological sites, fortifications influential in fortres design and the interaction of marine and coastal ecosystems); the Rock Island Southern Lagoon (Ngerukewid Islands National Wildlife Preserve) in Palau ( combination of neolithic villages and the largest group of saltwater lakes in th world); and Papahanaumokuakea (a chain of low-lying islands and atolls with dee cosmological and traditional significance for living native Hawaiian culture, as a ancestral environment, as an embodiment of the Hawaiian concept of kinshi between people and the natural world, and as the place where it is believed that lif originates and where the spirits return after death) (UNESCO, 2014).
Other marine sites of cultural interest are those which offer the possibility o learning more about their past through underwater archaeology. Underwate archaeology draws on submerged sites, artefacts, human remains and landscapes t explain the origin and development of civilizations, and to help understand culture history and climate change. Three million shipwrecks and sunken ruins and cities like the remains of the Pharos of Alexandria, Egypt — one of the Seven Wonders o the Ancient World - and thousands of submerged prehistoric sites, including ports
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and methods of marine exploitation, such as fish traps, are estimated to exis worldwide. Material here is often better preserved than on land because of th different environmental conditions. In addition, shipwrecks can throw importan light on ancient trade patterns; for example, the Uluburun shipwreck off th southern coast of Turkey, which illuminated the whole pattern of trade in the Middl East in the Bronze Age in the second millennium BCE (Aruz et al., 2008). Shipwreck can also yield valuable information about the sociocultural, historical, economic, an political contexts at various scales of reference (local, regional, global) between th date of the vessel's construction (e.g. hull design, rig, materials used, its purpose etc.) and its eventual demise in the sea (e.g. due to warfare, piracy/privateering intentional abandonment, natural weather events, etc.) (Gould, 1983). Man national administrations pursue policies to ensure that underwater archaeologica sites within their jurisdictions are properly treated. At the global level, the UNESC Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001)* entere into force in 2009, and provides a framework for cooperation in this field and  widely recognized set of practical rules for the treatment and research o underwater cultural heritage. Where such approaches are not applied, there ar risks that irreplaceable sources of knowledge about the past will be destroyed Bottom-trawling is a specific threat to underwater archaeological sites, wit implications for the coordination of fisheries and marine archaeological sit management. Questions also arise over archaeological sites outside nationa jurisdictions (mainly those of shipwrecks).
Cultural practices related to the sea, coastal sites of cultural interest (such as th UNESCO World Heritage Sites) and underwater archaeological sites form importan elements for ocean-related tourism, which is discussed in Chapter 27 (Tourism an recreation). In particular, shipwrecks provide attractions for divers.
Special problems arise over recent shipwrecks where close relatives of people wh died in the shipwreck are still living, particularly where the wreck occurred i wartime. Where the wrecks are in waters within national jurisdiction, many State have declared such sites to be protected, and (where appropriate) as war graves. A underwater exploration techniques improve, the possibility of exploring such wreck in water beyond national jurisdiction increases, and this gives rise to shar controversies.
Even without special remains or outstanding features, the ocean can provide a ecosystem service by giving onlookers a sense of place. The sense of openness an exposure to the elements that is given by the ocean can be very important to thos who live by the sea, or visit it as tourists (see also Chapter 27). Even where th landward view has been spoiled by development, the seaward view may still b important. This is well demonstrated by a recent legal case in England, seeking t quash an approval for an offshore wind-farm at Redcar. Redcar is a seaside tow with a large steel plant and much industrialization visible in its immediate hinterland The beach and its view to the south-east are, however, described as spectacular The court had to decide whether construction of the wind-farm about 1.5 kilometre offshore would introduce such a major new industrial element into the
* United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 2562. No. 45694.
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seascape/landscape as to undermine efforts to regenerate the seaside part of th town. The court decided that the ministry was justified in its approval, but the cas underlines the importance of the aesthetic ecosystem service that the sea ca provide (Redcar, 2008).
As described in Chapter 27 (Tourism and recreation), over the past 200 years ther has been a growing cultural practice worldwide of taking recreation in coastal area and at sea. Some evidence is emerging of positive links between human health an the enjoyment of the coastal and marine environment (Depledge et al., 2009; Wyle et al., 2014; Sandifer et al., 2015).
4. Cultural influences
Art reflects the society in which it is produced, and is influenced by that society’ interests. The relationship between a society and the ocean is therefore likely to b reflected in its art. Much visual art therefore reflects the sense of place that i predominant in the society that generates it. The sense of place in societies that ar much concerned with the sea reflects the aesthetic ecosystem services provided b the sea, hence the visual arts are also likely to reflect the same service. Examples o the way in which this occurs are not difficult to find. The Dutch painting school o the 17" century developed the seascape — ships battling the elements at sea — just a the period when the Dutch merchant ships and Dutch naval vessels were th dominant forces on the local ocean. The French impressionists of the second half o the 19" century took to painting coastal and beach scenes in Normandy just at th period when the railways had enabled the Parisian élite — their most likely patrons  to escape to the newly developed seaside resorts on the coast of the Englis Channel. Similarly, Hokusai’s The Great Wave at Kanagawa is focused on a distan view of Mount Fuji rather than on the ocean — not surprising given that it wa painted at a time when shipping in Japan was predominantly coastal. Today, th advances in cameras capable of operating under water, and the availability of easil managed breathing gear and protective clothing, result in the most stunning picture of submarine life.
This reflection of the aspects of the aesthetic ecosystem services from the ocea that preoccupy the society contemporaneously with the work of the artist can als be found in literature and music. CamGes’s great epic The Lusiads appears just at th time when Portugal was leading the world in navigation and exploration. In the sam period, Chinese literature saw the emergence of both fictional and non-fictiona works based on the seven voyages of Admiral Zheng He in the south-east Asian sea and the Indian Ocean. It is with the emergence in the 19" century of widesprea trading voyages by American and British ships that authors like Conrad, Kipling an Melville bring nautical novels into favour. Likewise, the impressionist seascapes i visual art are paralleled by impressionist music such as Debussy’s La mer.
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5. The ultimate ecosystem service for humans
Burial at sea has long been practiced as a matter of necessity during long voyages. I was specifically provided for in 1662 in the English Book of Common Prayer (BCP 1662). Both the London Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution b Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, 1972 and its Protocol’ (see chapter 24) which regulate the dumping of waste and other matter at sea, are careful to leav open the possibility of the burial of human remains at sea. Western European State regularly authorize a small number of such disposals every year (LC-LP, 2014). Th United States authorities have issued a general permit for burial at sea of huma remains, including cremated and non-cremated remains, under certain condition (USA-ECFR, 2015). In Japan, increasing prices for burial plots and concerns about th expanding use of land for cemeteries have led to a growing pattern of crematio followed by the scattering of the cremated remains, often at sea. The practic started in 1991, when the law on the disposal of corpses was relaxed, and ha become more popular following such funeral arrangements for a number o prominent people (Kawano, 2004).
6. Conclusions and identification of knowledge and capacity-building gaps
This chapter set out to review the ways in which ecosystem services from the se interrelate with human aesthetic, cultural, religious and spiritual desires and needs Five main conclusions emerge:
(a) Several goods produced by the ocean have been taken up as élite goods that is, goods that can be used for conspicuous consumption or t demonstrate status in some other way. When that happens, a high ris exists that the pressures generated to acquire such élite goods, whethe for display or consumption, will disrupt marine ecosystems, especiall when the demand comes from relatively well-off consumers and th supply is provided by relatively poor producers. The development of th market in shark’s fin is a good example of this (although signs exist tha that particular situation has stopped getting worse).
(b) Some producers could be helped by a better understanding of th techniques and precautions needed to avoid ruining the production. A well as better knowledge, they may also need improved skills, equipmen and/or machinery to implement that better understanding. Th production of cultured pearls in the Cook Islands is a good example.
(c) Some élite goods pass through a number of hands between the origina producer and the ultimate consumer. There appears to be a gap i capacity-building to safeguard producers and ensure more equitable
3 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1046, No. 15749.
* 36 International Legal Materials 1 (1997).
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profit-sharing in the supply chain. The case of small producers o cultured pearls is an example.
(d) Very different perceptions of marine ecosystem services and ho humans relate to them can exist between different groups in society even when such groups are co-located. Understanding on all sides of th reasons for those differences is a prerequisite for effective managemen of the ecosystem services.
(e) Aspects of the marine environment that are valued as cultural assets o humanity need constant consideration; they cannot just be left to fen for themselves. Where technology or social change has overtake human skills that are still seen as valuable to preserve, conditions nee to be created in which people want to learn those skills and are able t deploy them. Where an area of coast or sea is seen as a cultural asset o humanity, the knowledge is needed of how it can be maintained in th condition which gives it that value.
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