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Civil War Overview Civil War 1861 Civil War 1862 Civil War 1863 Civil War 1864 Civil War 1865 Civil War Battles Robert E. Lee Civil War Medicine Civil War Links Civil War Art Republic of Texas Civil War Gifts Robert E. Lee Portrait THE proprietors of beg to inform the public that they have dispatched an artist to the SOUTH, in company with Mr. RUSSELL, the correspondent of the London Times. Another of their special artists is traveling with the ; a third is now in BALTIMORE ; and a fourth is with the Southern Army in are making other important changes in Harper's Weekly, involving considerable expense. The present number contains many MORE PICTURES than any heretofore issued; succeeding numbers will be still richer in illustrations. These improvements, it is believed, will render Harper's Weekly the BEST ILLUSTRATED NEWSPAPER IN THE WORLD. In consequence of the additional expense which they will involve, the proprietors beg to announce that the price of Harper's Weekly is raised from FIVE to SIX CENTS for single copies. The subscription price remains the same. The advertisement of terms, etc., will be found on page 303. SATURDAY, MAY 11, 1861. A FEW FIGURES ON SLAVE AND FREE AT the time we write it seems likely that the Border Slave States, with the exception of Delaware and Maryland, will make common cause with the rebels against the United States Government. There is much talk about "neutrality" in Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee. In this case " neutrality" means a covert alliance with rebels, and treasonable willingness to supply them with aid and comfort. The Government will regard such "neutrals" as enemies, and will deal with them accordingly. Maryland aspires to a similar position of neutrality ; but geographical necessity will compel the Government to lay hands on her at the outset of the war, and it is therefore not worth while to estimate her among the parties to the conflict. Delaware alone, of the Border Slave States, evinces loyalty to the Union. The war which has now begun will therefore be waged by the Free States, on one side, against thirteen Slave States on the other, to wit : Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri. The population of the Free States, by the census of 1860, amounts to 18,950,759; the free population of the thirteen rebellious States to 7,657,395—considerably less than half that of their opponents. In the Free States every man able to bear arms is at the service of the Government. In the rebellious States a certain number of men are required at home to keep in subjection 3,912,096 slaves. By a law of Louisiana planters are obliged to keep on their plantations a sufficient force of white men to resist a negro insurrection. Custom renders the same practice imperative in the other Slave States. Thus, from the 7,657,395 whites of the rebellious States must be deducted a large body of adult males, who are required at home to defend the women and children from the negroes. It is with the balance only that the Government will have to deal. In modern warfare, however, success is won not so much by numbers as by money. The longest purse, in the long-run, infallibly wins the day. The comparative wealth of the two sections thus becomes a matter of the highest moment. In the Banks of the States now Southern Confederacy, there is at present about $20,000,000 in specie : in the Banks of the Border States about $5,000,000 more. With the exception of the Banks of New Orleans, all the Banks of the Gulf States, of North Carolina, and of Virginia, and many of those of Tennessee and Kentucky, are insolvent, have suspended specie payments, and issue notes which are uncurrent except at an enormous discount. In the three cities of New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, the Banks hold about $51,000,000 in specie, and the sub-treasuries and mint about $15,000,000 more. Notes of Western Banks, secured by deposits of Slave State stocks are greatly depreciated. But the currency of Pennsylvania, New York, and New England is at par. It is now well known that the attempt to negotiate $5,000,000 of Confederate Bonds, ten days ago, was a failure, notwithstanding the terrorism exercised by the rebel press. When our Government asked for $8,000,000, $34,000,000 were offered, notwithstanding the opposition of leading newspapers. The Southern Savings Banks contain so little money that the amount is not worth recording in statistical reports : in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, the working-classes have deposited some $130,000,000 in Savings Banks. The Government of the United States can borrow, without difficulty, and at a moderate rate of interest, a hundred millions a year at New York for two or three years, if so much be required to suppress the rebellion : the rebel Government can not borrow ten millions at home, or ten cents abroad. If, therefore, money be the sinew of war, as historians assure us, a very brief campaign must settle the question in favor of the North. Mechanical appliances are as essential in war as men and money. In these the preeminence of the North is Southern States are a purely agricultural region. Mechanical arts can not thrive side by side with slavery. There is a foundery at Richmond, Virginia, at which arms and munitions of war are manufactured, and there are one or two other small shops in other Southern States where Northern mechanics make a few guns. But, with sparse exceptions, every pistol, rifle, musket, cannon, bayonet, sword, and bowie-knife, and every pound of powder, every box of caps, every cartridge, every shell, every fuse, and every bullet or ball that is used by the Southern troops was made at the North, and can not be replaced at the South. From the hour the United States occupy the Richmond foundery, and blockade the Southern ports, the supply of arms to the rebels will be stopped. Every cartridge burned after that time will be an irretrievable loss. Nor is there any chance that founderies will be established at the South. Slaveholders dare not. The most magnificent pasture lands in America are unfilled because the Southern whites dare not trust their slaves with scythes to mow hay ; much less could they suffer armories and factories to be established where negroes might obtain powder, ball, and edged tools. In the North, on the other hand, the prospect is that every adult male will, in the course of a few weeks, be supplied with the most perfect weapons of modern warfare, and that the highest efforts of mechanical skill and modern engineering talent will be at the service of the Government. Again, in wars between regions which have both a large coast surface, much depends on the respective tonnage of the belligerents. In this respect the power of the Government is to the power of the rebels as four hundred to one. Where they have a thousand tons the Government has four hundred thousand. All the great steamships and clipper vessels, all the fast yachts, and the bulk of the small steamers and propellers are owned at the North. New York alone can fit out, in thirty days, a fleet sufficient to capture every Southern vessel and blockade every Southern port. Mr. Jefferson Davis committed a sad blunder in organizing a system of privateering. He may tempt half a dozen pirates to seize a few of our merchant ships. But he has certainly secured the ultimate extirpation of Southern vessels from the face of the deep. In six months from this time there will not be a craft afloat that will dare to hail from any port south of the capes of the Delaware. What, then, can the South hope from this absurd rebellion ? NO TRUCE WITH TRAITORS. THERE are idle reports in the papers from time to time that Mr. Pierce, of Concord, or some other noted person, has been invited by Mr. Somebody, of Somewhere, to mediate between the Government and the rebels. When that Secretary Cameron has proposed an armistice of sixty days. Then that Lord Lyons is going to mediate. Why not say at once that Jeff Davis has proposed to the President of the United States that if he will abdicate the rebels will mercifully let him off with perpetual exile from the country ? The Government of this country was slow, and properly slow, to assert its unquestionable authority by force of arms. It endured more than any Government among civilized men ever endured before. It looked on to see rebels build batteries to batter delve the forts of the people of this country. It looked on patiently while the hospitals, navy-yards, and ships of the people were stolen. It was taunted as craven by its foes—it was almost suspected as incompetent by its friends—and at length, to put friends and foes in the wrong, the first shot from Sumter boomed across the land : its echo was an appeal from the Government to the people whose majesty it represented, and the response was the marvelous unanimity of the vast population of the Free States. They have taken up their arms—they have kissed wife and child—they have bent under the blessing of parents—and they are not men who will parley or tolerate parleying with traitors. Inclined to peace; obedient to law; patient of injustice while still legal redress is open, they are the last men in the world to take up arms at all; but once armed, they are the very last men in the world to lay them down until every jot and tittle of the dispute has been finally settled. No truce with traitors is their watchword; but laying down of arms by rebels—total dispersion—surrender of ringleaders, and evidence of future good behavior. No truce with traitors until the last spark of this treason, which has tainted our politics for twenty years and more, is utterly trampled out. No truce with traitors until the American flag floats over every inch of our soil, the unquestioned guarantee to every citizen of every right secured by the Constitution. Whoever offers to treat with armed rebels is himself no loyal man. This profound and bitter struggle was none of our seeking ; but by all the precious blood that has flowed and shall yet flow, it shall not end until all the wrongs which peaceful and decent citizens of the Free States have patiently and silently endured for years are thoroughly redressed. Because they believed in their Government and meant to right all wrongs by its lawful operation, the sons of the men who fought the Revolution have been spit upon as sneaking Yankee peddlers and cowardly tinkers whose noses might be pulled at pleasure. Believing still in that Government they have marshaled themselves for its maintenance. At last the great north wind is rising that shall purge our air of these sickly Southern vapors. At last, at last, the majesty of that flag shall be vindicated, and all that its bright stars mean shall be read in the regeneration of the nation. Through the blackest night the world rolls on toward morning. No truce with traitors until the spirit of treason is annihilated. WHAT IS THE ISSUE? A RECENT number of Once a Week. has a summary of foreign news, and it remarks: "There is a revolution in America, involving impracticable tariffs and a menace of a dearth of cotton." England has always a magnificent ignorance of America and American affairs, but this is peculiarly dense even for England. It is like the journals of a century ago speaking of the Revolution as a trouble about a tea-tax. But patience, patience; England will presently see that this is a very vital and a very simple struggle. It is only a question of rebellion. There is an effort making to change the government of the United States into a military despotism. If it succeeds, it will be a revolution like one which should change the English system into one of Asiatic absolutism. The people of the United States last November constitutionally expressed their will. A faction refused to submit. It believed that political sympathy in other parts of the country would negatively if not positively support its resistance. And it formed what it called a Government and took up arms. That moment the passive sympathy it had elsewhere had deserted it, and the rebellion found itself face to face with a vast people armed to maintain the supremacy of the Government they had constitutionally elected. Many of them had been bitterly opposed to the election of the actual administrators of that Government, but in defending their rights those people only maintain their own majesty in the person of a constitutional " Impracticable tariffs" have as much to do with the struggle as they have with Garibaldi's war in Italy. The tariff came as an unfortunate complication before the final aspect of the treason. It has flowered out now into a formidable rebellion. Aaron Burr Jeff Davis acts. His future is success, a halter, or exile. He is Wat Tyler, nothing more; and if Once a Week remembers that episode in English history it can easily understand our struggle. The issue is Government or Anarchy, Mexico or America. And the result will be America. IN our natural eagerness to have every thing done at once, we have forgotten, during the last two or three weeks, that at the head of the military movement in the country there is one of the most successful and accomplished soldiers of the age. The weight of years seems to bear lightly upon him. His letter to Floyd last autumn, before Floyd was so conspicuous a traitor as he soon afterward became, showed that General Scott's faculties were untouched by time, while his management of matters in Washington before and during the inauguration was certainly masterly. Of course every body must feel that it is to Scott that we owe the safety of the capital to the On the day of the great meeting in New York a panic of apprehension fell upon the public mind, and there were doubtless many who expected to rise on Sunday morning to hear that Washington was captured, and probably the President and his Cabinet. The necessity of the rebels striking at once, if they meant to strike at all, was so clear to every mind that it was hard not to believe that a war-cloud was gathering about the capital which would explode before our conductors were prepared. During those two or three doubtful days General Scott was probably the calmest man in the country, because no one could know so well as he the exact extent of the danger to be seriously apprehended. The last thing that he would have risked was a battle with Jeff Davis before he was fully prepared. Scott has fifty years of illustrious service behind him. He knows, as Shakespeare "The painful warrior, famoused for fight, After a thousand victories, once foiled, Is from the book of honor And all the rest forgot for which He knows also that the deadly Jeff Davis bears him could have no sweeter satisfaction than in his defeat at the first meeting. Had Scott, therefore, seriously supposed that there was danger of an overwhelming or even doubtful attack upon Washington before he felt himself strong enough to meet it, he would have advised the destruction of the city and retirement within the lines of the free States of the officers and archives of the Government. When the story was told that the command of the rebel army had been offered to Scott, it was necessary to forget two things before giving it even an attentive ear. The first was that Scott's glory is that of the flag of the country. To betray it was to damn himself to inexpressible infamy, and no one knew it so well as he. The second was that the ringleader of the rebellion is Jeff Davis. The result, thus far, has shown how wary the old soldier has been. He has had his eye and hand upon the two chief points, Washington and Cairo. Of course we all want to direct the campaign, but General Scott probably knows almost as much about it as we do. WHILE the land hums with gathering armies the splendor of the spring unfolds itself, and leaves and blossoms and soft sunny airs woo the mind away from the doleful images of war. This memorable spring has been very late, as if aghast at the terrible preparations that are every where making. The delicate hands that are went at this season to be pushing aside moist dead leaves for yellow violets and the early anemone are cutting bandages and scraping lint, while the tears fall quietly in the sad wonder for whose wounds they are making ready. Yet while the sweet-breathed spring confines our faith in the tender and beneficent Providence that tills our eyes and ears and hearts with beauty and music, let us not forget that this vast and swift movement of the people proves to us the same kind Providence in another way; for it shows us how faithful we still are to great principles. The leaders of the rebellion secretly believed that the people of the United States were so thoroughly demoralized that they would accept any yoke rather than risk their lives or the interests of trade in the defense of their own Government. Nor let any man wonder at this monstrous infatuation. The system by which the rebellion has been bred, and under which its leaders have been educated, is one of utter demoralization. It is the most absolute and intolerant of despotisms. It makes one class of men brutally abject, and the other insanely insolent. It is incompatible with Christian civilization. There may be, there doubtless are, shining exceptions, but a system is to be measured by its general influence. The trouble in this county has always proceeded from one section of the country and from one cause. The evil passions which have now culminated in open and desperate rebellion are those which grow and rankly flourish only in an atmosphere of injustice. The hour is solemn—the immediate future is dim ; but did any spring ever steal over the land so full of the best promise for the world as this ? These budding and blossoming trees are symbols of flowers that shall not fade, of fruit that, shall be immortal, which our children's children shall eat in plenty and peace. HARPER'S WEEKLY has dispatched an artist for the benefit of its friends with Mr. Russell, who is to write letters about the war for the London Times. The correspondent has been in Charleston for some time receiving the hospitalities of that cheerful city. Now the condition of that kind of hospitality is, that you shall say that every thing you see and hear is the most charming thing in the world ; that civilization is unknown except in those delightful regions; and if you eat a dinner, and then say, not what the host thinks, but what you think, of what you observe around you, you are an ungrateful scoundrel— a betrayer of hospitality, a viper warmed in the bosom, and then stinging it. If Mr. W. H. Russell should happen to write to the London Times that he does not think every thing he sees is the best possible thing, he will be hustled out of the hospitable region. If he were an American he would be hung to the next tree. The only traveler who, having thoroughly studied Southern life in all its aspects, has then carefully and graphically recorded the results, is Mr. Olmsted. His series of volumes of home travel is among the most valuable in literature. They are even better, because racier and of a wider scope, than Arthur Young's travels in France. If Mr. Russell is not deluded, as Mr. Gregory was when he was here, by the veneer of city society—if he remembers that necessarily every thing unpleasant will be kept out of his sight—and if his natural predilections for a strong monarchical government leave his judgment unwarped, he will be of great service to the cause of civilization and human rights in this crisis by simply describing what he sees and saying what he thinks. The Mr. Gregory who moves in the British Parliament to recognize the independence of the rebellious citizens of this country, is a young Oxford man who believes fully in the divine rights of kings and the aristocracy, and who, finding the aristocratic clement in our society strongest in the Slave States, sympathizes most with then ; believing that, a successful rebellion would restore a monarchical government to the country. He is quite right. It would do so undoubtedly. For the rebellion is only a huge effort to overthrow a free popular government and erect a military despotism upon its ruins. Mr. Russell may or may not use this. He may or may not say it. But if he writes to the London Times that the original crack in our political edifice is about being repaired, and the building made permanently rebellion and treason proof, he will be writing A WORD OF RETROSPECTION. EVENTS pass so rapidly in these eager days that it is hard to recur to the facts of a fortnight ago. But as we are making history so fast we ought to pause a moment and reflect a little upon our judgments as we go. For instance, there was the letter of the Secretary of State to the Governor of Maryland. It produced an outburst of fury among the marshaling hosts of the Free States. Does he mean to parley with a traitor? was the instinctive question of Tom, Dick, and Harry. Yes, he did : and so would you in the same circumstances. With a burglar's hand upon your throat you would parley, and temporize, and delay all you could. What were the circumstances? The Capitol of the United States and the persons of the Cabinet were felt every where to be in imminent peril. Virginia on one side and Maryland on the other were in a blaze of rebellion. Communication with the loyal States was cut off. The Government was forty miles and more within the lines of the rebellion. It had summoned the loyal States, but

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Environmental and economic benefits of saline-sodic soil reclamation using low-quality water and soil amendments in conjunction with a rice-wheat cropping system MetadataShow full item record Murtaza, G.; Ghafoor, A.; Owens, G.; Qadir, Manzoor; Kahlon, U. Z. 2009. Environmental and economic benefits of saline-sodic soil reclamation using low-quality water and soil amendments in conjunction with a rice-wheat cropping system. Journal of Agronomy and Crop Science, 195:124-136. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-037X.2008.00350.x Permanent link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10568/40646 A combination of appropriate crop rotation(s) and management interventions has the potential to transform saline-sodic soil and water resources from an environmental burden into an economic asset. We carried out 2-year field studies in the Indus Basin of Pakistan to evaluate different irrigation and soil management options of using saline-sodic waters (SSW) and soils for reclamation and for growing salt-tolerant cultivars of rice (SSRI-8) and wheat (SIS-32). These soils have variable levels of salinity and sodicity (ECe 9-44 dS m)1 and SAR 83-319). The treatments on both the sites were the same and consisted of: (1) Irrigation with SSW, (2) Irrigation with freshwater (FW), (3) Soil application of gypsum at 100 % gypsum requirement of soil + SSW (G + SSW), (4) G + one irrigation with SSW and one with FW (G + 1SSW + 1FW), (5) G + two irrigations with SSW and one with FW (G + 2SSW + 1FW), (6) Farm manure at 25 Mg ha)1 each year before rice + one irrigation with SSW and one with (FW FM + 1SSW + 1FW) and (7) FM + two irrigations with SSW and one with FW (FM + 2SSW + 1FW). Rice was grown as the first crop. After harvesting final wheat crop (fourth in sequence), maximum decrease in bulk density and increase in infiltration rate was observed with G + 1SSW + 1FW while FM + 1SSW + 1FW treatment showed higher decrease in pHs and ECe. Significantly the highest decrease in SAR occurred at both sites with G + 1SSW + 1FW. Maximum yields of rice and wheat were generally observed with G + 1SSW + 1FW. The crop yield and economic benefits with treatments showed a positive correlation with that of improvement in soil physical and chemical properties. Overall, the greatest net benefit was obtained from G + 1SSW + 1FW treatment. We also found that the farmers' management skills were crucial in the overall success in improving crop yields during reclamation of saline-sodic soils. Based on the results of this study, we propose that SSW could be used to reclaim saline-sodic soils by using a rice-wheat rotation and a site-specific combination of soil amendments and water application strategies.

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Plants use solar energy to combine water & CO2 in PS. Plants & animals break down the organic molecules from PS to make ATP- source of energy Energy is ‘ability to do work’. Cannot be created or destroyed Can be changed from one form to another Can take variety of forms e.g. light, heat, magnetic. ORGANISMS NEED ENERGY FOR: - Metabolism – all reactions require energy - Maintenance of body temperature (birds, mammals) - Production of substances e.g hormones, enzymes - Maintenance, repair, division of cells - Active transport - Movement – of whole organism or within organism Energy and metabolism Light energy from sun converted into chemical energy by plants during PS. Organic molecules from PS converted to ATP during respiration ATP used by cells to perform work. How ATP stores energy ATP + (H2O) -> ADP + Pi + E Adenosine + water -> adenosine + inorganic + ENERGY Triphosphate Diphosphate phosphate The bonds between groups are unstable so have low activation energy, broken easily =HYDROLYSIS reaction. When the bond is broken large amounts of energy released. Adenosine triphosphate has 3 phosphate groups Synthesis of ATP Conversion of ATP ->ADP is reversible As water is removed in the process so called CONDENSATION reaction •Making ATP from ADP happens in 3 ways: - Photophosporylation – in chloroplasts during PS (plants only) - Substrate level phosphorylation – phosphate groups transferred from donor molecules e.g formation of pyruvate in glycolysis (PC) - Oxidative phosphorylation – in mitochondria during electron transport (both plants & animals) The first 2 processes use energy released from movement/transfer of e- along a chain of electron carrier molecules in either mitochondria or chloroplasts. Roles of ATP •Immediate energy source – fats, carbohydrates, glycogen better suited for stored energy. They are short lived due to instability of phosphate group. Much better immediate energy source than glucose because… 1.Each ATP releases less energy so smaller, more manageable quantities. 2.Hydrolysis of ATP à ADP is single reaction so immediate release of energy – glucose breakdown is series of reactions, so longer. Cells containing many mitochondria – muscle fibres, small intestine epithelium – ATP made in cells in high quantities – for movement & active transport. Roles of ATP •Metabolic processes – build up of macromolecules. e.g. polysacc from monosacc, polypeptide from amino acids, DNA/RNA nucleotides •Active transport – change of shape of carrier proteins in membranes. Ions moved against conc. gradient. •Movement – muscle contraction. Energy needed for sliding filaments. •Activation of molecules – enzyme-controlled reactions occur more readily due to lower activation energy. Secretion – formation of lysosomes Site of Photosynthesis Leaves are adapted to bring raw materials (carbon dioxide, light, water) & remove oxygen and glucose by having adaptations: Large SA for max sunlight; Branched leaves so no overlapping/shadowing; Thin so short diff pathway; Transparent cuticle to let light through to PS cells (mesophyll); Long narrow palisade cells with numerous chloroplasts to collect sunlight; Numerous stomata for gas exchange; Stomata that open/close to respond to varying light intensities; Many air spaces in lower mesophyll layer for diffusion of O2 & CO2; Network of xylem to bring water to leaf & phloem to carry sugars away Capturing of light energy by chloroplast pigments such as chlorophyll Light independent reaction – hydrogen ions are used to reduce CO2 . Light dependent reaction – light energy converted to chemical energy. Involves photolysis. Products are reduced NADP, ATP, oxygen 6CO2 + 6H2O à C6H12O6 + 6O2 Structure and role of chloroplasts in Photosynthes Chloroplasts – disc shaped, long, thin, double membrane, GRANA – stacks of up to 100 thylakoid discs (light dependent stafe of PS). Chlorophyll within thylakoids. Some join to adjacent thylakoids, via tubes called inter-granal lamellae. STROMA – fluid filled matrix (for light independent stage) . Starch grains present.

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Reading a gas meter is not a complicated process if you remember these steps: - Read the meter from left to right as you face it. - You will notice that each dial turns in the opposite direction from the dial next to it. - Always remember to record the number the pointer has just passed In our example dials, we have the following readings: - Dial A the pointer turns counterclockwise, this gives us a reading of six. - Dial B the pointer in this case turns clockwise giving us a reading of one. - Dial C similarly the pointer has just passed five, this is our reading. - Dial D turns like dial B giving us a one. Note: If your meter has three dials, start at the 100 thousand dial. Ready to send us a reading? It’s easy online.

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Papers from the AAAI Workshop Sven Koenig, Chair On-line search is driven by the need to commit to "actions" before their complete consequences are known, where an "action" can correspond to such diverse things as making a move in a two-player game, moving a robot, or allocating a page in a cache. On-line search can be necessary for a variety of reasons: there may be missing domain knowledge, the domain may be known but so large that it cannot be searched completely in a reasonable amount of time, or it may simply be that the consequences of one's actions depend on the behavior of some other entity. On-line search can also reduce the sum of planning and execution time. The on-line search paradigm has been independently investigated in artificial intelligence (single-agent search and two-player games), robotics (path planning), and theoretical computer science, among others. This has resulted in the development of a variety of on-line search approaches including assumptive planning, deliberation scheduling and anytime algorithms, on-line algorithms and competitive analysis, real-time heuristic search, reinforcement learning, robot exploration techniques, and sensor-based planning. Questions addressed by the workshop include - What information to gather in the limited time available, - When to stop collecting information and commit to an action, and - What action to commit to given the information collected.

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SETI, the search for intelligent life elsewhere in the universe, has been running along for nearly 50 years now. One of the notable things about the SETI programs is that while the rest of science has changed considerably, they haven't. SETI programs are still based around the idea of watching every star in the visible universe that is nearly like our own sun. An article at spacedaily.com has likened this to searching for archaeological finds by grid searching the earth — maybe it is just not very intelligent. Science has moved well beyond the Drake equation since the SETI programs were launched. For instance, we now know that there is likely to be a habitable zone within a galaxy and that the earth is considerably younger than expected. Surely if the earth is younger than average for a habitable planet, you might start prioritize your search to stars that are slightly older? Or if we think there is a habitable zone within a galaxy we might search there first? These two facts alone should cause SETI scientists to start thinking about how they conduct their search, however, there has been no audible debate over these finds let alone more profound findings. In the last 20 years there has been much research on the probable spectral signature due to industrialization and what constitutes intelligence and information theory, all of which appears to have been ignored by the SETI community. I have always been a bit neutral with respect to SETI, although I support the idea of a search for intelligent life and I believe that it probably does exist. I think that it can and should be conducted in a scientific manner. Unfortunately, this article points to growing problems in the SETI community, which, if not addressed will lead to science rejecting current SETI programs and possibly the researchers as well.

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No one wants to think about a raincloud floating across the United States, transporting radioactive fallout. However, jet streams, narrow currents of air that are always moving through the atmosphere, are presently circulating from Japan and across the Pacific Ocean, towards the west coast of North America, carrying with them clouds that contain radioactive fallout. The first explosion, which took place on Saturday, March 12, 2011 at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant in Japan, leaked radioactivity into the atmosphere. Once radioactivity is in the atmosphere, it is present. Radioactivity can disperse, but it does not disappear. All winter, jet streams carrying clouds and stormy weather have followed the same pattern of moving across the Pacific towards the North American west coast, ranging anywhere from British Columbia to Southern California. The jet stream moves up in a loop over the western North American Rocky Mountain range, at which point it dips into the Midwest and curls up and out towards the US east coast. The Florida coast, panhandle of Texas, and Louisiana remain largely out of the path of this jet stream current. (1) If you are iodine deficient, your body could be susceptible to radioactive damage released into the environment by the recent nuclear disaster in Japan! Image credits: http://inhabitat.com Any amount of radioactivity, even trace amounts, are undesirable. As concern over total meltdown continues to grow, it is important to understand the risk factors involved in nuclear disasters. All nuclear facilities release radioactive Iodine 131 into the atmosphere, and when there is an explosion, such as the 1986 Chernobyl disaster in Ukraine, an enormous amount of radioactive Iodine 131 is released into the atmosphere. If we are the least bit deficient in iodine, the body readily accepts radioactive Iodine 131. The human body has no way to selectively excrete Iodine 131 or any defense against it. Iodine 127 is the only natural iodine isotope. If we have sufficient amounts, our bodies have no reason to accept the heavier Iodine 131. In other words, the body refuses uptake of this toxic radioisotope. Seaweed, plentiful in Iodine 127, protects the body from absorbing Iodine 131. It has been recorded that 20 years after the Chernobyl disaster, the Polish people treated with Iodine 127 have almost 1000 times less thyroid disease than neighboring countries even further than Poland from the disaster site. Iodine passes easily through the epidermis and alveolar cell walls into the body, in addition to intestinal absorption. This means that any Iodine 131 we breathe or get on our skin is likely to be absorbed if we are at all Iodine 127 deficient. (2) As Iodine 131 decays, it releases a high-energy beta particle, which causes mutation and death in cells that it penetrates and other cells several millimeters away. Iodine 131 from fallout and in contaminated food has been shown to collect in the thyroid. As it decays, it severely damages the thyroid. Body Ecology Ocean Plant Extract is a concentrated source of an exceptionally beneficial seaweed called Laminaria japonica. This seaweed was studied and used extensively after the 1986 Chernobyl disaster. L. japonica is an excellent source of Iodine 127. Additionally, L. japonica contains alginates, which naturally absorb radioactive elements, heavy metals, and free radicals. An alginate will bind both radioactive elements and heavy metals to its own molecular structure. Because the body cannot degrade and break down alginates, they are excreted with toxins from the body. |Eat plenty of kelp and other sea vegetables.| |Ocean Plant Extract: A great source of iodine and a strong detoxifier.| |Ancient Minerals: Organic Humic and Fulvic minerals and macro and micronutrients to detoxify and protect the endocrine system.| |Fermented Spirulina: Rich in chlorophyll, vitamins, antioxidants, essential fatty acids, minerals, and trace minerals to protect the cells and detoxify.| |Probiotic Beverages: Microflora that protect the gut, aid in detoxification, and open the elimination channels.| |Reishi Mushroom: Boosts immunity, anti-tumor, and protects against radiation damage.| Information and statements regarding dietary supplements/products have not been evaluated by the Food and Drug Administration and are not intended to diagnose, treat, cure, or prevent any disease. Information on this website is provided for informational purposes only and is a result of years of practice and experience by the author. This information is not intended as a substitute for the advice provided by your physician or other healthcare professional or any information contained on or in any product label or packaging. Do not use the information on this website for diagnosing or treating a health problem or disease, or prescribing medication or other treatment. Always speak with your physician or other healthcare professional before taking any medication or nutritional, herbal, or homeopathic supplement, or using any treatment for a health problem. If you have or suspect that you have a medical problem, contact your healthcare provider promptly. Do not disregard professional medical advice or delay in seeking professional advice because of something you have read on this website.

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Some Biogeographers, Evolutionists and Ecologists: Schimper, Andreas Franz Wilhelm (Germany from Wikipedia.org | | Schimper remains a much respected figure within the fields of botany and phytogeography, where he introduced several key concepts. In his early studies he worked on the relation of plastids to starch formation and was the first to describe chloroplasts, but he soon turned to plant ecology and phytogeography. Much of his work was based on a series of natural history expeditions he made to various points around the world. He made advances in physiological ecology especially, identifying connections between temperature and moisture and particular morphological adaptations. He was recognized as an expert on tropical vegetation and produced important works on epiphytes and tropical coastal vegetation forms. Schimper's books feature distribution maps and other devices fortifying the notion of "vegetation" and units of such (e.g., the tropical rain forest), and for such efforts he is often recognized as the founder of the approach to ecological investigation known as synecology. His life was amazingly productive, considering that he was only 45 when he died. --born in Strasbourg, France, on 12 May 1856. --1864-1874: attends the Strasbourg Gymnasium --1874: enters the University of Strasbourg --1878: finishes his Ph.D. at the University of Strasbourg --1879-1880: works with J. Sachs in Würzburg --1880-1882: fellow at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore --1881: travels to Florida and the West Indies --1882-1883: visits Venezuela and the West Indies --1883: hired as lecturer at the University of Bonn --1883: publishes "Über die Entwickelung der Chlorophyllkörner und Farbkörper" in Botanische Zeitung --1885: publishes "Untersuchungen über die Chlorophyllkörper und die Ihnen Homologen Gebilde" in Jahrbücher für Wissenschaftliche Botanik; coins the term "Chloroplastiden" (chloroplasts) --1886: named extraordinary professor, University of Bonn --1886: visits Brazil and the West Indies --1888: publishes his Die Epiphytische Vegetation Amerikas --1889-1890: studies beach vegetation in Sri Lanka and Java --1891: publishes his Die --1898: publishes his Pflanzen-geographie auf Physiologischer Grundlage (the influential English edition was published posthumously in 1903) --1898: coins the term "tropical rain forest" --1898-1899: botanist aboard the Valdivia: visits numerous oceanic islands, the Cape of Good Hope, West and East Africa, Sumatra --1899-1901: professor of botany, University of Basel --dies at Basel, Switzerland, on 9 September 1901. --Dictionary of Scientific Biography, Vol. 12 (1975). --Biographical Encyclopedia of Scientists, 2d ed., Vol. 2 (1994). --Taxonomic Literature, Vol. 5 (1985). --Endeavour, Vol. 26(1) (2002): 3-4. Vol. 33(2) (1902): 160-161. Copyright 2005 by Charles H. Smith. All rights Return to Home/Alphabetical Listing by Name Return to Listing by Country Return to Listing by Discipline

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First, how is this a legal position, and second, how can white guarantee a checkmate in four moves or fewer? This puzzle is much more commonly known as Lord Dunsany's Chess Problem, although he had several others. I first ran across this particular problem by Lord Dunsany in Martin Gardner's My Best Mathematical and Logic Puzzles. I'll let Mr. Gardner explain the first part of the puzzle: The key to Lord Dunsany's chess problem is the fact that the black queen is not on a black square as she must be at the start of a game. This means that the black king and queen have moved, and this could have happened only if some black pawns have moved. Pawns cannot move backward, so we are forced to conclude that the black pawns reached their present positions from the other side of the board! With this in mind, it is easy to discover that the white knight on the right has an easy mate in four moves.If that seems like a dirty, dirty trick to you, that's because it is. Chess diagrams are traditionally drawn from the perspective of the white player (white pieces at the bottom of the diagram in the starting position), so this puzzle really forces you to check your assumptions and "think outside the box." As Gardner mentioned, the mate in four is easy once you've mentally turned the board around. First, white moves his knight in front of his king, threatening mate in two more moves. Black can delay white's plan by one move by moving his own knight out into the bishop's file. When white advances his knight on the bishop's file, black can protect the mating square with his own knight. Next, white can capture the knight with his queen. After that, black is defenseless to stop the white knight from delivering checkmate on the fourth move. The black king is hemmed in by his own pieces. All chess diagrams are courtesy of the Online Chess Diagram Editor.

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1. Explain the story behind Kath's son. 2. Describe the character of Sloane. How old is he? What is his appearance like? 3. List an example (or two) of subtext in the play. What are the character's words and what is implied by them? This section contains 3,842 words (approx. 13 pages at 300 words per page)

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The Snarky Origins of the Potato Chip In the United States we eat well over one billion pounds of potato chips every year. That makes chips themselves (not even the potatoes they come from) one of the more popular vegetables in the country. But the now endlessly riffed on snack came to be thanks to a picky eater and a disgruntled restaurant owner in upstate New York. The guys from the Great Big Story went to the archives in Saratoga Springs, New York and uncovered the story of the supposed first potato chip, created at the Moon’s Lake House in 1853 by George Crum. Frustrated when a customer (who may have been industrialist and second richest person in American history Cornelius Vanerbilt), kept sending back French fries he deemed too soggy. Sick of having his work sent back to the kitchen, Crum decided to slice the potatoes so thin that they couldn’t possibly fail to meet anyone’s crispiness standards. However, in order to eat the fried potatoes, the man who may have been Cornelius Vanderbilt had to eat with his hands, a major faux pas at the time. Once he and the rest of his table got over that etiquette breach our great national love affair with potato chips began. Crum even opened a restaurant featuring everyone’s new favorite food on every table. Check out the video above for the whole story.

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The History of Art And The Curious Lives of Famous Painters Neolithic people lived simply. Their houses were made from locally sourced materials such as reeds, mud, stone and palm fronds. They used animal skins as bedding and protective outerwear. The ladder leads up to a small loft for sleeping. Baskets and were made by old women who could no longer do the harder chores. back to Prehistoric art Require more facts and information about Neolithic dwellings? Poke around every nook and cranny of the known universe for information this subject. Search Here © HistoryofPainters.com If you like this page and wish to share it, you are welcome to link to it, with our thanks. If you feel you have worthwhile information you would like to contribute we would love to hear from you. We collect essential biographical information and artist quotes from folks all over the globe and appreciate your participation. When submitting please, if possible, site the source and provide English translation. Email to email@example.com copyright 2011 - historyofpainters.com

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French translation of wheeze - (= noisy breath) - (informal, = idea) Example Sentences Including 'wheeze' Parker made a sound somewhere between a whistle and a wheeze.Murder in E Minor Ted still hadn't entirely come to terms with the whole... the whole `Following' wheeze.BEHINDLINGS (2002) Wheeze, gasp, puff, jangle, wheeze ; the sounds punctuated her slow progress.The Touch of Innocents Trends of 'wheeze' View usage over: 'wheeze' in Other Languages Translation of wheeze from the Collins English to French Dictionary Join the Collins community All the latest wordy news, linguistic insights, offers and competitions every month.

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1 Answer | Add Yours Emilie and her grandfather are two characters who we meet firstly in Chapter 9, when they have the job of looking after Joey and Topthorn in their farm when they are used by the army during the day. Emilie and her gandfather are described as peaceful, quiet and loving individuals, so much so that Joey remembers this particular part of his life with great fondness because of the care and attention he received from Emilie and her grandfather. The grandfather is very much a gentle and quiet man who deeply loves his daughter and fulfils his obligations. When Emilie is ill, for example, he continues to look after the horses by himself, and he also shares the news that "All's well" when she gets better. Her grandfather is also a man who is proud, strong and dignified, and this is shown when the soldiers return to the farm and insist on taking Joey and Topthorn with them to work their artillery. Emilie is distraught, but her grandfather urges her not to lose her composure, but to "be proud and strong like your brother was." In the face of the rather grim and unsympathetic soldiers, these words and her grandfather's example help Emilie to be able to give the horses a hug and to let them go. Emilie's grandfather therefore stands out as a genuine, caring and loving man who also is proud in a good way. We’ve answered 318,911 questions. We can answer yours, too.Ask a question

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© 2007 University of Chicago Library Special Collections Research Center The principal part of the Bonaventure Lafayette Collection is a set of 217 letters and documents to and from the Marquis de Lafayette, the French nobleman and revolutionary. This collection is also described as Codex Manuscript 304. The collection is open for research. When quoting material from this collection, the preferred citation is: Lafayette-Bonaventure. Collection, [Box #, Folder #], Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago Library Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Montier, Marquis de Lafayette, was born on 6 Sep 1757 in Auvergne, France. By the age of 16 Lafayette had inherited a great fortune and after finishing the Military Academy in Versailles and he became a captain in the French cavalry. Lafayette sympathized with the American Revolutionaries desire for independence from the British and in 1777 he arrived with a ship and a crew on the American shore. He joined George Washington as a major general. Serving with distinction, Lafayette lead America forces to several victories. Once he returned to France he convinced the French government to assist the revolutionaries through his relationship with Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson By 1791 Lafayette had alienated himself from both the French nobility, because he advocated a constitutional monarchy, and with the populace, because he used military force to squash a crowd rebellion. In 1792 he lost favor with the King and Queen and his own troops. He fled the country after he was denounced as a traitor. In 1800, Lafayette returned to France only to find that his fortune had been confiscated. In 1830 Lafayette led the revolution that dethroned the Bourbons. He promoted a constitutional monarchy and helped place Louis Philippe on the throne. By 1834 he regretted this decision and began to promote the idea that France should be a republic. The principal part of the Lafayette manuscripts in the University of Chicago Library is a collection of 221 letters and documents which had previously been in the possession of the Marquis Rene de Girardin (1735-1808) and his son Stanislaus. They were acquired, apparently, by the son, as a personal hobby. Both the Marquis and his son had been correspondents of Lafayette long before the Revolution and remained on very close and intimate terms with him until they died. The letters are contained in thirteen bound volumes which can be divided into distinct groups. The first (Volume I) contains twenty-one letters, dating from 1774 to 1780, and throws considerable light on the management of Lafayette’s estate during his minority and on his expenditures for the American Revolutionary causes. The expense incurred in his trip to American and the very material help he gave in fitting out some of the troops from in large measure the theme of the letters in the group, and explain the cause of his heavy debts and the trouble with creditors in France which so harassed his lawyers. There are two groups (Volumes 2 to 6) of twenty-three and ninety-three letters and documents relating to Lafayette’s career between 1791 and 1798, most of which time he spent in Prussian and Austrian prisons. A regular campaign was carried on by his political and personal friends, including General Richard Fitz-Patrick, James Monroe, Rufus King, William Pinkney, and others, to have him freed. Many of the manuscripts seem to have been written by Joseph Masclet, a French émigré in London, who, though not a personal friend of Lafayette, was incensed over the treatment of the General and directed the campaign through newspaper and magazine articles in London, Holland and Germany to effect his release. Included among these letters is a copy of the famous letter written by Lafayette’s fellow prisoner, Latour-Maubourg, from Olmutz in which he describes the terrible state of their imprisonment. This letter was published in England under the title “A Letter of an Austrian Officer to his Brother.” Cf. Jules Cloquet, Souvenirs sur la vie Privée du Général Lafayette, (Paris: Calegnoni et Co., 1836). A third group (Volume 7) of eight manuscripts deals with letters written to or by Lafayette by prominent persons, or about him. Included are letters of Joseph Bonaparte, in exile in American after the fall of the Napoleonic regime; Bushrod Washington, concerning a bequest of his famous uncle, George, to Lafayette; Pierre S. Dupont de Nemours, celebrated French economist and father of the famous Dupont brothers of Delaware; and Louis Alexandre Berthier, friend of Lafayette during the American Revolution, Marshal of France, and Napoleon’s chief of staff. A fourth group (Volume 8) of seven manuscripts and letters relates to the land grants in New Orleans made by the U.S. Congress to Lafayette, in recognition and in gratitude for his services during the American Revolution. Included is a letter from Albert Gallatin describing the steps to be taken for obtaining the warrants to the land grants. Fifteen letters interchanged between Fanny Wright and Lafayette and ten letters written to or by Fanny Wright to her various friends, comprise the fifth group (Volumes 9 and 10). Miss Wright was the author of Views of Society and Manners in American and was deeply interested in the liberal movements in Europe as was Lafayette. Among the letters written to Fanny Wright are those by Benjamin Constant, Dupont de Nemours, and Robert Owen, all of whom shared her radical opinions and sympathized with and were interested in her social propositions. A sixth group (Volume 11) is composed of seventeen letters interchanged between Lafayette and Maria Malibran, the great European singer and actress. The letters clearly reveal the unselfish interest which Lafayette took in those about him. There is also frequent mention of his political influence in the French government. A group entitled “George Washington Lafayette” (Volume 12) is composed of twelve letters relating to various members of the Lafayette family, among them a letter written by Louise Noailles, Lafayette’s sister-in-law, written from her prison only ten days before she was beheaded by order of the Revolutionary Tribunal. The last group is entitled “Anastasie Lafayette” (Volume 13) and is composed of fifteen letters and documents, including copies of contemporary newspaper and magazine articles relating to her father, General Lafayette. Among them are included a copy of a letter to Napoleon Bonaparte, a note by Charles Fox on the Bourbon Restoration, and a note by James Madison. The entire collection was purchased in 1931 from E.F. Bonaventure, Inc., antiquarian dealers in New York City, who had previously secured it from the last survivors of the Girardin family in France. Each manuscript in this collection has been cataloged individually in the University of Chicago Library online catalog. The following related resources are located in the Department of Special Collections: Lafayette Manuscripts (Ms 303) Lafayette Crawford Correspondence (Ms 319)

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It's pretty much common knowledge that some countries use more resources than others. Rich countries tend to eat more meat, have more leisure activities and use more money than poorer countries. But, just looking at something like overall energy use isn't a fair way to examine who is using more resources. After all, the countries with larger populations are going to use more resources because they'll have a greater need. A smarter way to compare energy use country to country is to use per capita, or per person, measures. Not only does it give a fair comparison for energy use across countries, but it also opens a window into the typical lifestyle in a given nation. Fossil fuels are those made up of decomposing organic matter. Petroleum (like oil), natural gas and coal are all types of fossil fuels. Though each type of fossil fuel is distinct, all three are burned for energy and release a lot of carbon when they are. An easy way for scientists to measure fossil fuel use is to look at carbon output for a given country, which overwhelmingly comes from fossil fuel use. When you measure fossil use by carbon emissions, you can see which countries use the most fossil fuels on a per person basis. The U.S. Carbon Dioxide Information Analysis Center, which is part of the U.S. Department of Energy, ranks country by per capita carbon emissions. At the top of the list is Qatar, which has a carbon emission rate or 14.58 metric tons per person. Rounding out the top five are Trinidad and Tobago, United Arab Emirates, Netherland Antilles and Bahrain. The U.S. is No. 12 on the list, with 4.9 metric tons (4,900 kilograms) of carbon emitted per person. But, remember, the U.S. population is larger than that of the top five countries on the list, so as a nation, our fossil fuel use is higher overall.

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Which inflation should the RBI target? The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is entrusted with the responsibility of maintaining price and financial stability, and it has used interest rate and money supply to pursue this objective with unwavering determination. Yet, inflation has survived with matching persistence. The index that the RBI uses to target inflation is the wholesale price index (WPI), which is the combined price of a commodity basket comprising 676 items. A few prices in this basket can be too volatile or outside the scope of the RBI’s monetary policy, leading to poor results. Inflation is a measure of the rise in prices. Consumers are only interested in the prices of consumer goods, so central banks in many countries make consumer price index (CPI) their policy target. Even among consumers, there are sub-groups who have more focused interest in specific baskets of goods. For instance, the CPI-IW (consumer price index for industrial workers) is relevant for the labour industry and is the basis for assessing dearness allowance, which is the price variant of wage component. Similarly, the CPI-AW (consumer price index for agricultural and rural labourers) is of interest to agricultural workers. All prices do not behave the same way and a few volatile ones disturb the underlying trend. Many countries therefore measure core inflation as a supplementary indicator while measuring headline inflation. In the United States, the core inflation excludes food and oil from the basket because prices of these commodities do not respond to Federal Reserve policy. The excluded items differ from country to country depending on their volatility. Since the scope of the inflation measured by the RBI is wide, inflation has not responded either to the increase in interest rate or control of money supply. The central bank policy must target the index of inflation on which it has sufficient ex ante control. Core inflation reflects the broad underlying long-term trend of prices. If it is more than the target rate it would be because the economy is getting overheated and needs correction through monetary policy. At present, there is no assessment or use of core inflation, but it can certainly be measured from the available indices by eliminating volatile prices which exaggerate WPI. Excluding food and oil, for instance, would mean a core inflation of less than 2 percent. Clearly, the RBI should not target inflation measured by WPI alone. A more relevant operative target for monetary policy – as it is for many central banks in countries such as Canada, Finland, Thailand or South Africa – is core inflation. In India, core inflation – which can exclude fruits and vegetables, milk and edible oils – would measure the imbalance in the economy or the gap between ex ante savings and investment. Therefore, the RBI should at least use core inflation as a supplementary indicator while targeting WPI.

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Hildegard Westerkamp - Cordillera (1980) Cordillera is a compositional working of Norbert Ruebsaat's reading of the long title poem from his book Cordillera. The piece combines the voice with environmental sound from the landscape - the Western Canadian mountain wilderness - which first inspired the poems, and thus places them back into their correct context. Cordillera means a ridge or chain of mountains. It is also used generically to describe the continuous range stretching from Tierra Del Fuego to Alaska. The poem describes an ascent and movement through the high country. It is composed of 17 shorter poems or "snapshots" of specific locations, and these are each given their own acoustic shape as the composition proceeds. Cordillera is about landscape, about wilderness, about the human presence and voice in places that are still considered by many to be barren and silent. It attempts to bring back to the city listener the sense of space, time and acoustic identity we experience when we manage to tear ourselves from the noise that clutters most of our daily lives. Cordillera was commissioned by and first installed as an acoustic environment at the Western Front Gallery in Vancouver, Canada, for its "New Wilderness Festival" in the Spring of 1980. Hildegard Westerkamp was born in Osnabrück, Germany in 1946 and emigrated to Canada in 1968. After completing her music studies in the early seventies her ears were drawn to the acoustic environment as another cultural context or place for intense listening. Whether as a composer, educator, or radio artist most of her work since the mid-seventies has centred around environmental sound and acoustic ecology. She has taught courses in Acoustic Communication at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver and is giving lectures and conducting soundscape workshops internationally. She is a founding member of the World Forum for Acoustic Ecology (WFAE) and was the editor of The Soundscape Newsletter between 1991 and 1995. The majority of her compositions deal with aspects of the acoustic environment: with urban, rural or wilderness soundscapes, with the voices of children, men and women, with noise or silence, music and media sounds, or with the sounds of different cultures, and so on. She has composed film soundtracks, sound documents for radio and has produced and hosted radio programs such as Soundwalking and Musica Nova on Vancouver Co-operative Radio. In a number of compositions she has combined her treatment of environmental sounds extensively with the poetry of Canadian writer Norbert Ruebsaat. She also has written her own texts for a series of performance pieces for spoken text and tape. In addition to her electroacoustic compositions, she has created pieces for specific "sites", such as the Harbour Symphony and école polytechnique. In pieces like Visiting India she explores the deeper implications of transferring environmental sounds from another culture into the North American and European context of electroacoustic composition and audio art culture. Most recently she collaboarated with her Indian colleagues Mona Madan, Savinder Anand, and Veena Sharma on a sound installation in New Delhi entitled Nada-an Experience in Sound, sponsored by the New Delhi Goethe Institut (Max Mueller Bhavan) and the Indira Ghandi National Centre for the Arts. By focusing the ears' attention to details both familiar and foreign in the acoustic environment, Westerkamp draws attention to the inner, hidden spaces of the environment we inhabit. © Productions electro Productions (*PeP*) 1999

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Reciprocating Piston Pump - Positive Displacement Pumps The displacing pumping action is achieved by the reduction or increase in volume of a space causing the liquid (or gas) to be physically moved. The method employed is either a piston in a cylinder using a reciprocating motion, or a rotating unit using vanes, screws or screws. Reciprocating Piston Pumps A reciprocating positive displacement pump is shown diagrammatically in the figure above to demonstrate the operating principle. The pump is double acting, that is liquid is admitted to either side of the piston where it is alternatively drawn in and discharged. As the piston moves upwards, suction takes place below the piston and liquid is drawn in, the valve arrangement ensuring that the discharge valve cannot open during suction stroke. Above the piston, liquid is discharged and the suction valve remains closed. As the piston travels down, the operations of sucion and discharge occur now on opposite sides. Why an Air Vessel is Fitted? An air vessel usually fitted in the discharge pipe work to dampen out the pressure variations during discharge. As the discharge pressure rises the air is compressed in the vessel, and as the pressure falls the air expands. The peak pressure energy is thus stored in the air and returned to the system when pressure falls. Air vessels are not fitted on the reciprocating boiler feed pumps since they may introduce air into the de-aerated water. When starting the pump, the suction and discharge valves must be opened. It is important that no valves in the discharge line are closed, otherwise either the relief valve will lift or damage may occur to the pump when it is started. The pump is self priming, but where possible to reduce wear or the risk of seizure it should be flooded with liquid before starting. An electrically driven pump only need to be switched on, when it will run erratically for a short period until liquid is drawn into the pump. A steam driven pump will require the usual draining and warming through procedure before the steam is gradually admitted. Use of Relief Valve A relief valve is always fitted between the pump suction and discharge chambers to protect the pump should it be operated with a valve closed in the discharge line. Most of the moving parts in the pump will require examination during overhaul. The pump piston, rings and cylinder liner must also be thoroughly checked. Ridges will eventually develop at the limits of the piston ring travel and these must be removed. The suction and discharge valves must be refaced or ground in as required. "Introduction to Marine Engineering" by T.A. Taylor More by this Author It sometimes necessary to obtain an approximation to the power of the ship without restoring to model experiments, and several methods are available. One system which has been in use for several years is the admiralty... Shell and Tube, Plate Heat Exchangers Advantages Simple and Compact in size Heat transfer efficiency is more Can be easily cleaned No extra space is required for dismantling Capacity can be increased by... Linear resistors are those in which current produced is directly proportional to the applied voltage. Their current versus applied voltage is straight and linear. In other words, their resistance remains constant. ...

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New Zealand Company :A proposed plan of the city of Wellington in the first settlement in New Zealand, founded 1839-40 [copy of ms map]. Drawn by Samuel Cobham, Newgate Street, [London]. [n.d.] Reference Number: MapColl-832.4796a/1839/Acc.15648 Plan of the proposed city of Wellington that was to be located near the mouth of the Hutt River and Petone, Lower Hutt City. The area covers 1361 acres, exclusive of streets and terraces, with 261 acres for government purposes, squares, public buildings, hospitals, schools, markets, wharves, and 1100 acres for settlers for building purposes. The town is laid out in a grid pattern, with the Hutt River running through the centre, and a terrace around the periphery. Several blocks on the plan are allocated for specific purposes, such as government offices, prison, public baths, museum, barracks, president's palace, college of surgeons. Four cemeteries are proposed on the corners of the plan, each of eight acres. Note on mount reads: This proposal was for the establishment of Wellington on the banks of the Hutt River. 1 image, categorised under Maps, related to Samuel Cobham, New Zealand Company, Government House (Wellington), New Zealand. Parliamentary Library, Wellington Region, Lower Hutt City, Petone, Hutt River, Wellington Region (N.Z.) - Maps, Cities and towns - New Zealand - Wellington Region, Streets - New Zealand - Wellington Region, Real estate development - New Zealand - Wellington Region and City planning - New Zealand - Wellington Region. New Zealand Company :A proposed plan of the city of Wellington in the first settlement in New Zealand, founded 1839-40 [copy of ms map]. Drawn by Samuel Cobham, Newgate Street, [London]. [n.d.], Reference Number MapColl-832.4796a/1839/Acc.15648 (1 digitised items) Extent: 1 map(s)Photocopy, coloured, mounted, scale indeterminable, 39.3 x 50 cm.. Map Conditions governing access to original: Not restricted Other copies available: Neg 137698 1/2 Usage: You can search, browse, print and download items from this website for research and personal study. You are welcome to reproduce the above image(s) on your blog or another website, but please maintain the integrity of the image (i.e. don't crop, recolour or overprint it), reproduce the image's caption information and link back to here (http://mp.natlib.govt.nz/detail/?id=33770). If you would like to use the above image(s) in a different way (e.g. in a print publication), or use the transcription or translation, permission must be obtained. More information about copyright and usage can be found on the Copyright and Usage page of the NLNZ web site.

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15th child of Rev. Samuel Wesley, Epworth Lincolnshire. Went to study at Oxford at 17, studied at Christ Church and Lincoln College. His brother, alarmed at the spread of Deism on campus he assembled a small band of Christians determined to take their religion seriously. Under John’s leadership they drew up a plan of study and rule of life that stressed prayer, Bible reading, and frequent attendance at Holy Communion. Derisively, this group was labeled "Bible Moths," "Methodists," and the "Reforming Club." The name "Methodists" stuck. Went to an American Colony in Georgia to convert the heathen Indians and returned to England a jilted lover and a disillusioned evangelist. On January 1736, on the trip to America, this young Anglican minister was deeply influenced by the Moravian faith on the good ship Simmonds when it weathered a violent Atlantic storm. Was further affected by Luther’s preface to the Epistle to the Romans and found there the assurance of salvation and purpose that he formerly lacked. With George Whitefield, became one of the early leaders of the Evangelical Awakening. The only prominent leader of the Awakening who stressed Arminian beliefs. [tags]BlogRodent, church-history, ChurchRodent, Deism, Evangelical, George-Whitefield, history, John-Wesley[/tags]

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In the case of this commodity subsidies are important to the poor. Subsidies like this stabilize the price during times of turmoil (such as $100/barrel) and allow companies to produce energy through projects that would otherwise not be cost beneficial. There is obviously an inherent moral pitfall to governments and businesses engaging in this kind of practice as a matter of course, but the demand for fuel at every strata of our economy makes the need for these subsidies that much more obvious. The poor can't handle $10/gallon at the pump, few in the middle class could. Truck Drivers and cabbies would go out of business overnight. It bears mentioning that this question does not deal with the merits of fossil fuels, but the merits of SUBSIDIZING the product price. Supporting Argument: Fossil fuel is an important resource, and fossil fuel subsideies is important for the poor because it's a cheaper alternative to living green in our current situation. Fossil fuel subsidies are important to the poor and will be for a while. Until alternative ways become cheaper, fossil fuel will continue to be important for the poor. No, fossil fuel subsidies are not important to the poor, because a subsidy to a government or to an oil company rarely trickles down all the way to the individual consumer. A poor person needs a job and medical care far more than they need a break on gas prices.

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International Relations vs International Politics Before knowing the difference between international relations and international politics, one should know what each term stands for. This is because the terms International Relations and International Politics present a complex dilemma to many. Indeed, a mere glance at the two words lead many of us to assume they mean one and the same thing. Perhaps the common term, ‘International’, is the source of confusion and does not help shed light on the difference between the two. Naturally, we tend to confuse the terms ‘Politics’ and ‘Relations’ as meaning interaction, particularly, between countries on an international level. Undoubtedly, there is the possibility of an overlap of the terms, but despite this overlap, there remains a subtle difference. What is International Relations? At the very outset, International Relations clearly refers to the relations among states. Keep in mind that relations between nations can take various forms such as political relations, economic relations, cultural relations, military-technical cooperation, and more. Thus, International Relations includes every aspect of relations between states. In the international arena, states are viewed as the most important actors. While the study of International Relations examines these ties, it also encompasses the foreign policies of nations. Simply put, it refers to the foreign affairs of nations. Given the rapid changes in the international system today, International Relations also include relations between states and international organizations such as the United Nations. International Relations cannot be studied or examined in isolation. It is linked with other fields such as history, international law, international economics and finance, political science, and geography. Therefore, International Relations covers a broad spectrum with nations as its primary focus. On the academic front, it focuses on how states formulate and implement their foreign policy goals and what objectives motivate their behaviour in the international system. What is International Politics? It was mentioned above that International Relations encompasses a broad area in that it examines the entire international system. Think of International Politics, then, as a component within that broad spectrum. Therefore, it is a much narrower subject area. The term International Politics is used synonymously with the terms ‘world politics’ or ‘global politics’. The definitions for each of these terms are often not helpful and tend to confuse a person even more. International Politics deals with the practical realities of a state’s interaction with another state or several other states. On the academic front, it entails utilising the theories of International Relations and applying them analytically to the contemporary issues in the international system. Thus, issues in the international system also play a large role in International Politics. More importantly, the concept of power is key to understanding International Politics. Students of International Politics are well aware that power can be both a means and an end. Furthermore, power can be either hard power or soft power. Hard power means military and economic power while soft power is more indirect such as cultural power. International Politics essentially studies how and why states use these types of power to achieve their goals. Think of International Politics as primarily dealing with the political relations of states. Thus, political conflicts between states, reasons behind these conflicts, conflict resolution and the promotion of political cooperation among states to achieve a common goal, all fall within the purview of International Politics. Today, International Politics also includes the role of non-state actors such as terrorist organizations, and Multinational Corporations and their impact on the political relations of states. What is the difference between International Relations and International Politics? • International Relations encompasses a broad spectrum of the international arena while International Politics is only a component of International Relations and, therefore, much narrower. • International Relations concerns the relations or foreign affairs of nations. International Politics deals only with the political relations of states and focuses on how states collectively respond to the emerging global issues. Images Courtesy: Globe via Pixabay

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The ease with which forging is done is called forgeability. The forgeability of a material can also be defined as the capacity of a material to undergo deformation under compression without rupture. Forgeability increases with temperature up to a point at which a second phase, e.g., from ferrite to austenite in steel, appears or if grain growth becomes excessive. The basic lattice structure of metals and their alloys seems to be a good index to their relative forgeability. Certain mechanical properties are also influenced by forgeability. Metals which have low ductility have reduced forgeability at higher strain rate whereas highly ductile metals are not so strongly affected by increasing strain rates. The pure metals have good malleability and thus good forging properties. The metals having high ductility at cold working temperature possesses good forgeability. Cast parts, made up of cast iron are brittle, and weak in tension, though they are strong in compression. Such parts made using cast iron tend to need to be bulky and are used where they will not be subjected to high stresses. Typical examples are machine bases, cylinder blocks, gear-box housings etc. Besides the above factors, cost is another major consideration in deciding whether to cast a component or to forge it. An I.C. engine connecting rod is a very good example of where a forging will save machining time and material, whereas the cylinder block of the same engine would be very expensive if produced by any process other than casting. Another good point associated with casting is that big or small complex shapes can easily be cast. Small parts can directly be machined out from regular section materials economically. A part machined out from the rolled steel stock definitely possesses better mechanical properties than a conventionally cast part. Sometimes the shape and size of a part would mean removing a large amount of material by machining, it is sometimes more economical to forge the part, thereby reducing the machining time and the amount of material required. The main alloys for cold forging or hot forging are most aluminium and copper alloys, including the relatively pure metals. Carbon steels with 0.25 % carbon or less are readily hot forged or cold-headed. High carbon and high alloy steels are almost always hot forged. Magnesium possessing hexagonal close packed (HCP) structure has little ductility at room temperature but is readily hot forged. Aluminium alloys are forged between 385°C and 455°C or about 400°C below the temperature of solidification. Aluminium alloys do not form scale during hot forging operations, die life is thus excellent. Copper and brasses with 30% or less zinc have excellent forgeability in cold working operations. High zinc brasses can be cold forged to a limited extent but are excellent hot forging alloys. Magnesium alloys are forged on presses at temperature above 400°C. At higher temperatures, magnesium must be protected from oxidation or ignition by an inert atmosphere of sulphur dioxide. Copied from A Basic Manufacturing Processes and Workshop Technology by Rajender Singh.

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Passing opens by setting out the nature of the relationship between Irene Redfield and Clare Kendry, two childhood friends who have grown apart in adulthood. Although the adult Irene is determined to keep Clare at a distance, Clare eagerly seeks out Irene's company and intimacy: "I am lonely, so lonely . . . cannot help longing to be with you again, as I have never longed for anything before; and I have wanted many things in my life" (174). The irony, here, resides in the complete asymmetry of the relationship between the two women. Irene is at times vehemently averse to being in Clare's presence, while Clare is so caught up in reconnecting with Irene that she does not notice -- or care about -- Irene's aversion. Bellew's Racism (Dramatic Irony) In one of the most striking ironies in all of Passing, John Bellew voices his bigoted views concerning African Americans in front of women who are, in fact, African Americans passing as white. As Bellew tells Clare, in front of the silently aghast Gertrude and Irene, "I know you're no nigger. I draw the line at that. No niggers in my family. Never have been and never will be" (201). In this double-leveled irony, Bellew is unaware of both the immediate context of his remarks and of the truth about his family; his ignorance of the situation has led him into a statement that is astoundingly insulting and inaccurate. Brian's Approach to Honesty and Secrecy (Situational Irony) Some aspects of Brian Redfield's personality enter into radically ironic contrasts as Passing proceeds. At times, Brian emerges as a proponent of honesty and communication, as in his attempts to educate his sons in the realities of the world. As he states to Irene at one point, regarding Brian Junior, "you needn't think I'm going to let you change him into some nice kindergarten kind of a school because he's getting a little necessary education. I won't!" (220.) However, honesty and communication are exactly the values that Brian rejects elsewhere in his family life; after all, he is unwilling to discuss some of the tensions that surround his desire to travel, and may well be carrying on a clandestine affair with Clare Kendry. Clare's Beauty, and Clare's Transgressions (Situational Irony) By the time Passing reaches its final stages, Irene's discomfort with Clare's passing maneuvers and her distaste for Clare's presence in the Redfield home have become unmistakable. However, Irene still has moments of admiration for Clare. During the tea at the Redfield home, for instance, Irene observes Clare and "couldn't remember ever having seen her look better. She was wearing a superlatively simple cinnamon-brown frock that brought out all of her vivid beauty" (253). Ironically, even as Irene rebels against Clare in virtually every other respect, Irene cannot shake her admiration for Clare's most easy and immediate appeal: her physical beauty. Passing Questions and Answers The Question and Answer section for Passing is a great resource to ask questions, find answers, and discuss the novel.

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Not all lesions in the lung are cancerous. Histoplasmosis, which is especially common in the Ohio and Mississippi river valleys, is an infection that presents with lesions in the lung. Though it resembles cancer, it is in fact an inflammatory disorder and is rarely life-threatening. What's more, cancers are often confused with pneumonia. This is the contention of Michael Bousamra II, M.D., an associate professor and thoracic surgeon at the James Graham Brown Cancer Center, University of Louisville. PET Scans Lead to More Testing Patients with benign diseases often come in with positive PET scans, Bousamra told Healthline. “And once a patient has a positive PET scan, the clinician is obligated to prove it’s not cancer.” Bousamra and his colleagues believe they have found a way to alleviate the physical and financial burdens of invasive testing on patients who have no life-threatening disease. A breath-analysis technique that uses specially coated silicon microchips to collect exhaled breath samples showed a lower false-positive rate than PET scans did in test cases. According to a press release following Bousamara’s presentation of the study’s results at the American Association for Thoracic Surgery (ATTS) Annual Meeting on April 29, 2014, “Previous work had pinpointed four specific substances, known as carbonyl compounds, in breath samples as elevated cancer markers (ECMs) that distinguish patients with lung cancer from those with benign disease. The carbonyl compounds found in the breath are thought to reflect chemical reactions occurring in malignant lung tumors.” How These Findings Help with Diagnosis Cautioning that the breath analyzer is not a screening test, Bousamara said that it is used in conjunction with a CT or CAT scan. “So, we have a CAT scan that shows a spot in the lung. Is it cancer or is it not cancer?” According to Bousamara, in some cases, the doctor looks at a CT and knows it’s cancer. “No amount of testing would keep you out of that patient’s chest,” he said, explaining that there’s a subset of people where the diagnosis is truly uncertain, and that’s where his group thinks breath analysis can help. In fact, he said, it helps in two ways. If a breath analysis is strongly positive (that is, if three of the four or all four cancer markers are positive), then it is very likely to be cancer. In that subset of patients, rather than do a CT guided biopsy or a bronchoscopy, the clinician could proceed directly to surgery and take out that nodule, said Bousamra, "because what we call the pre-test probability of it being cancer would be very high.” Second, the study showed that breath analysis was always positive in big cancerous tumors that were 3 cm or larger. “So if you have a tumor that’s bigger than 3 cm, and the breath is negative, you can probably leave it alone or watch it,” Bousamra explained. He noted that a PET scan is invariably positive on such cases and that a thoracic surgeon can usually tell whether or not it’s likely to be benign. "If we had a negative breath analysis, I think clinicians could be encouraged to not make their next step an invasive biopsy procedure,” said Bousamra. Breath Analysis More Accurate than PET In early findings for 147 patients, breath analysis was much more accurate (75 percent) than PET (38.7 percent) at identifying those who did not have cancer. However, at present, breath analysis remains a strictly investigational tool. “We are not making clinical decisions based on it," Bousamra cautioned. "We are collecting the data and patients are interested in knowing what their breath analysis is. We do tell them, but we also inform them we've got more investigating to do.” The paper Bousamra presented on those early findings at the AATS meeting will be published later this year in AATS’s Journal of Thoracic and Cardiovascular Surgery. The next step will be for the researchers to accumulate two to three times more patients in order to confirm their original results. They also need to search for other disease processes that may produce the same cancer markers, yet may not actually be cancer. They had already begun to do that during initial testing, Bousamra said. “We’ve looked at patients with cystic fibrosis and pulmonary fibrosis and they did not produce the same carbonyl cancer markers. But, we need to do that more extensively so we don’t get fooled.” The clinic is enrolling about 10 patients a week, so Bousamra expects they will be able to build out their data base over the next year. Then, if their findings hold up, they will begin the FDA review process.

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New hope for repairing diseased or damaged brains November 25, 2011 by Amara D. Angelica Two exciting landmark studies of ways to repair damaged or diseased brains have just been published, and are discussed on KurzweilAI today. The University of Wisconsin-Madison study found that when neurons generated from human embryonic stem cells (hESC) were implanted into the hippocampus of a mouse, the neurons began to behave like normal rat neurons. That means that for humans in the future, there could be limitless supplies of healthy, specialized cells to replace diseased or damaged cells for brain disorders such as Parkinson’s disease. The Harvard-Massachusetts General-Beth Israel study addressed the same problem, but injected embryonic mouse (instead of human) neurons into the hypothalamus of mice unable to respond to leptin (a hormone that regulates metabolism and controls body weight). They found that the neuron transplants were able to repair defective hypothalamus brain circuits, enabling the mice to respond normally to leptin and thus experience substantially less weight gain. These studies only address two (albeit important) brain areas, but the researchers are optimistic that these studies will lead to the ability to repair and grow diseased or damaged brain cells in higher-level conditions, such as spinal cord injury, autism, epilepsy, ALS (Lou Gehrig’s disease), Parkinson’s disease, and Huntington’s disease. Meanwhile, progress in another vital approach to repair damaged nerves — medical micropower network systems (which transmit movement commands from a sensor on a patient’s spinal cord via special processors to implants that electrically stimulate nerves) is hitting a possible roadblock: the FCC may deny access to four sets of frequencies between 413MHz and 457MHz (also used for TV and radio signals) due to concern that the broadcast signals might interfere with the body networks. For some of the millions of people in the U.S. (and possibly some of the hundreds of millions in some other countries) affected by neurological disorders, live TV streaming via Google TV, Apple TV, Amazon Instant Video, and other digital alternatives to broadcasting may be looking like a good idea.

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The recommended daily allowance is a term used to specify the amount of a nutrient that meets the needs of almost all individuals in a specific age and gender group, according to “Nutrition and You” by Joan Salge Blake. Recommended daily allowances for protein and fiber differ based on characteristics such as age, sex and weight. Functions of Protein Protein provides the structural and functional materials in every cell in your body, according to Blake. Protein is a major component of skin, muscles and organs and is part of most of the fluids in your body. Protein also contributes to immune system health, proper growth and cell repair. To keep your body functioning properly, it is important you consume enough protein every day. Protein recommendations are specific to each individual. You can determine your protein needs by calculating it as a percentage of your daily calories. Protein, which contains 4 calories per gram, should contribute 10 to 35 percent of your daily calories. For someone on a 2,000-calorie diet, this would equal 50 grams to 175 grams of protein per day. You can also follow the recommendation of the Institute of Medicine, as reported by the Centers For Disease Control and Prevention. For an adult woman over the age of 19, the daily protein recommendation is 46 grams, and for men it is 56 grams. Functions of Fiber Although best known for its role in digestive health, fiber has many other health benefits as well. Adding fiber to your diet can help reduce blood pressure, cholesterol levels and chronic inflammation. Fiber also helps slow down the digestion of sugar, which can help keep your blood sugar within normal range, according to the BD Diabetes Learning Center. Steady blood sugar levels are associated with a decreased risk of type 2 diabetes. Foods high in fiber also help you feel full longer. This can help prevent overeating, which may aid in controlling weight and lead to weight loss. Types of Fiber Fiber is divided into two categories, soluble and insoluble. Insoluble fiber does not dissolve in water. When you eat insoluble fiber, it absorbs water, increasing stool bulk and helping move fecal matter through the digestive system. The best sources of insoluble fiber include whole-wheat flour, vegetables and nuts. Soluble fiber dissolves in water and turns into a gel. Soluble fiber moves through the digestive system slowly and can help lower glucose and cholesterol levels, according to Harvard School of Public Health. Beans, oats, apples, carrots and citrus fruits contain soluble fiber. Although there is no RDA or recommended daily allowance for fiber, there is a recommended adequate intake from the Institute of Medicine. Fiber recommendations vary based on age and sex. Men aged 50 and younger should aim to consume at least 38 grams of fiber per day. Men over the age of 50 should consume at least 30 grams of fiber daily. Women aged 50 and younger should aim to consume 25 grams of fiber per day, and those over 50 should consume 21 grams. It is best to get your fiber from whole foods rather than from fiber supplements, because while fiber supplements do provide fiber, they lack the other nutrients whole foods provide.

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Water Quality Monitoring Human actions related to growth, urbanization, and industrialization are placing tremendous stress on water resources. Compounding this stress are risks related to climate change and global water scarcity, which further threaten the long-term stability of water supplies. As an important measure to help protect waterways and aquatic ecosystems, water quality and water level monitoring can provide data and valuable insights that help scientists and water managers better understand the conditions of water resources and how those conditions change and are affected by development, agriculture, and other activities. Information such as water temperature, water level, dissolved oxygen, conductivity, salinity, pH, and turbidity can be invaluable in helping governments and municipalities control water pollution and make more informed water management and conservation decisions. Onset provides research-grade data loggers for capturing accurate water quality and water level data. Simple to use, reliable, and easy to deploy, Onset’s data loggers are capable of operating in harsh conditions and a wide range of temperature extremes. The HOBO® MX2001 is the industry’s first water level data logger designed for convenient wireless setup and download from mobile devices via Bluetooth Low Energy. The logger dramatically simplifies and lowers the cost of field data collection by providing wireless access to high-accuracy water level and temperature measurements right from a mobile phone or tablet. The MX2001 logger consists of a top-end unit and a water level sensor which are sold as a set, plus a direct read cable to connect them. Cables can be ordered in lengths from 0.2 to 500m for deployment in a wide range of wells. The HOBO Water Temp Pro v2 is durable with 12-bit resolution. Complete with a precision sensor for ±0.2°C accuracy, this logger measures temperatures between -40°C and 70°C (-40°F to 158°F) in air and up to 50°C (122°F) in water. Its waterproof, streamlined case allows for extended deployment in fresh or salt water. Moreover, the Water Temp Pro v2’s optical USB interface makes it possible to offload data even while the logger is wet or underwater. A solar radiation shield is required to obtain accurate air temperature measurements in sunlight (RS1 Solar Radiation Shield, assembly required; or M-RSA pre-assembled Solar Radiation Shield). Measure oxygen concentrations in lakes, streams, rivers, estuaries, and coastal waters with the HOBO U26 Dissolved Oxygen Data Logger. This affordable and precise data logger is recommended for aquatic biology and hydrology research projects. The HOBO U26 uses RDO® Basic (Rugged Dissolved Oxygen) optical DO sensor technology and is easy to maintain. - U26-001 data logger - DO sensor cap - Protective Guard - Calibration Boot with sponge This high-accuracy conductivity data logger is a cost-effective way to collect water quality data. The HOBO U24 measures and records both conductivity and temperatures in streams, lakes, and other freshwater sources. This logger is recommended for monitoring aquifers for saltwater intrusion and road and agricultural runoff. This product’s open access to its sensor simplifies cleaning and maintenance. The HOBO U24’s non-contact sensor minimizes measurement errors related to drift. In addition, the logger features software-based drift compensation.The HOBO U24 Conductivity data logger features a non-contact sensor with a Titanium Pentoxide coating. This coating prevents the sensor from coming in contact with the water, which in turn prevents tarnishing or corrosion associated with traditional electrode sensors. This sensor coating is also inert, enabling fouling to be easily wiped off the sensor.

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Welcome to the RFF Weekly Policy Commentary, which is meant to provide an easy way to learn about important policy issues related to environmental, natural resource, energy, urban, and public health problems. This week’s commentary by Arun Malik provides an insightful perspective on how the management of wildfires on U.S. forest lands has evolved over time. However, there are still many shortcomings in existing practices. More research, particularly on quantifying the benefits and cost-effectiveness of fire suppression options for different regions, would be especially valuable in guiding future policy reforms at the local level. Next week's commentary, by Shalini Vajjhala, will address issues in the siting of new energy infrastructure. We’re all familiar with the environmental and social costs of forest fires; in summertime -- fire season in California -- there are regular news stories about people losing their homes and thousands of acres ablaze. But the economic costs, literally who pays to put the fires out, and how to contain them, are complex issues. Severe forest fires have increased in frequency over the past decade, resulting in substantial losses of property and human lives. Last year brought one of the worst wildfire seasons in recent history; insured losses from wildfires in California alone were estimated to be over $2 billion. Though the number of wildfires has gone down since the 1960s, the number of acres burned has risen markedly in the current decade. More than seven million acres of wildlands have burned in all but two of the last eight years. The increased severity of fires, combined with continuing development in, and near, forests, puts many more communities at risk and has substantially increased both the difficulty and cost of fire suppression. Expenditures on fire suppression by the U.S. Forest Service alone have exceeded $1 billion in five of the last seven years. And in 2009, nearly $2 billion (48 percent of the agency’s budget) is to be targeted at fire management, up from $300 million (13 percent) in 1991. |A principal reason why the cost of fire suppression and the total number of acres affected has gone up stems from tradition. Federal agencies, including the Forest Service and National Park Service, have long pursued a policy of aggressive fire suppression; perversely, their success has contributed to the increased severity of fires in recent years. Fire suppression has led to denser forests with more flammable materials, or “fuel loadings”, and has altered the structure and composition of forests, rendering many more susceptible to fire. By the late 1960s, there was a growing realization that some fires could be beneficial. A small-scale program of “prescribed burning” -- intentionally burning portions of a forest -- was initiated in the late 1960s to reduce fuel loadings and to maintain forest structure and composition However, fire suppression continued to dominate Forest Service policy for the next three decades.||Arun Mulik is an associate professor of economics at George Washington University He received his PhD from Johns Hopkins University. His research is in the general area of applied microeconomic theory, with a focus on environmental and resource regulation. By the mid-1990s, the essential role of fires became well recognized in policy circles. The 2001 federal wildland fire-management policy deemed fire to be a critical natural process that should be integrated into land and resource management plans. The 2001 National Fire Plan authorized a large-scale, long-term effort to reduce fuel loadings, with annual funding of roughly half a billion dollars. In addition to prescribed burning, reductions in fuel loadings can be accomplished through mechanical thinning, which entails physical removable of flammable material through activities such as selective logging and clearing of underbrush. This year, the Forest Service also adopted the concept of “risk-based fire suppression,” which calls for prioritizing fire suppression based on the infrastructure, property, and human values at risk. In addition, the Forest Service has expanded its policy of “wildland fire use” -- which allows some naturally ignited fires to go unchecked if they do not pose threats to human welfare that cannot be readily mitigated. While these policy reforms are generally considered to be in the right direction, they have nonetheless been subject to considerable criticism. Analysts have argued that current fuel reduction programs have a short-term focus and place undue emphasis on the number of acres treated, with limited attention given to treatment effectiveness. Also, more attention needs to be given to which forests are best treated as well as the types of fuels to be removed and the manner in which this should be done. Fuel reduction is expensive, with costs running between $500 and $1,500 per acre for mechanical thinning, and $50 to $500 per acre for prescribed burning. Estimates of the costs of undertaking fuel reduction on high- and moderate-risk forest lands far exceed the sums budgeted for this purpose, especially when you consider that fuel reduction is not a one-off measure -- it typically needs to be repeated at 5 to 35 year intervals, depending on forest type. Although there are regular calls for more funds to be allocated to fuel reduction, it is difficult to assess whether this would be worthwhile given the paucity of quantitative information on the effectiveness of fuel reduction in lowering fire frequency and severity. There is a clear need for better information on the cost-effectiveness of fuel reduction. The sums spent on fire suppression have also come under question, with federal and state agencies still placing undue emphasis on the strategy. Existing policies restrict the ability of officials to pursue cheaper options, such as suppressing one area of a fire but allowing another area of the same fire to be managed for wildland fire use. Critics have also argued that huge sums are devoted to fighting the largest fires, even though the probability of success is often low, simply because of public perceptions and liability concerns. The existing framework for sharing fire suppression costs between federal and non-federal agencies also contributes to higher suppression expenditures by distorting incentives. Cost-sharing rules are inconsistent and vague, and state and local governments are responsible for only a small share of the costs of protecting communities near wildlands. This reduces their motivation to adopt building codes and land-use controls that could substantially lower spending on fire suppression. Although this failure has been recognized, it persists. The financial responsibilities of the various levels of government need to be more clearly and consistently defined, and a greater share of the burden needs to be placed on state and local governments. Views expressed are those of the author. RFF does not take institutional positions on legislative or policy questions. To receive the Weekly Policy Commentary by email, or to submit comments and feedback, contact email@example.com. Ross W. Gorte. “Forest Fire/Wildfire Protection.” Congressional Research Service Report for Congress. January 18, 2006. Scott L. Stephens and Lawrence W. Ruth. "Federal Forest-Fire Policy in the United States." Ecological Applications 15(2), pp. 532-542. 2005. Jeremy F. Franklin and James K. Agee. "Forging a Science-Based National Fire Policy." Issues in Science and Technology, Fall 2003. “Wildland Fire Suppression: Lack of Clear Guidance Raises Concerns about Cost Sharing between Federal and Nonfederal Entities.” GAO-06-570. U.S. Government Accountability Office, May 2006. “Wildland Fire: Management Improvements Could Enhance Federal Agencies' Efforts to Contain the Costs of Fighting Fires.” GAO-07-922T. U.S. Government Accountability Office, June 26, 2007.

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Originally, Okra comes from northern Africa, where it still grows wild. This unusual member of the hibiscus family has an important part in African, Mediterranean and Oriental cuisine. It is a culinary tradition in the southern states of America, where it is used both as a side dish and in a variety of recipes including gumbos and stews. It is also a popular vegetable in the south of India, where it is mostly used in dry curries. Okra 'Clemson Spineless' is a spineless variety that was developed by the horticultural research department of Clemson University in South Carolina. It was introduced in 1939 and immediately won the AAS award in that same year. Producing compact, strong plants with prolific bright green pods, the vigorous plants produce exceptional yields of tender, less fibrous pods over a longer season. Today Clemson Spineless is still the market standard. Although the typical northern European climate is far cooler that the okra plant’s native habitat, you will find that they can still produce a prolific crop under protection. In warmer areas they will do well when planted in a sunny sheltered position. Often referred to as lady's fingers okra is a vigorous cut-and-come-again vegetable. Keep cutting the pods every day or two, and they will keep on coming. To make the most of an Okra crop you will need to try and mimic their natural habitat as much as possible and this means a well-drained and sheltered position with plenty of sun. In the typical northern European climate, okra is not a reliable open field crop but can be successful with protection under glass. It will grow in ordinary garden soil but does best in fertile loam, particularly where a nitrogen-fixing crop, such as early peas, grew previously. Keep them watered, but make sure to provide good drainage, as they do not like to keep their feet wet for extended periods. Soak the seeds overnight to encourage germination. Germination 5 to 14 days. Ideal growing temperatures 21 to 32ºC (70 to 90ºF). In warm climates you can grow outdoors and direct sow the Okra seeds while in cool areas the plants are best grown in the greenhouse or in a sheltered sunny position. In hot summer areas, plant a first crop in the early spring and a second crop in June. In short-season areas, start plants indoors six weeks before setting them out, three to four weeks after the last frost date. Sow seeds indoors in individual pots. Sow two seeds per peat pot and clip off the weaker seedling. Transplant to larger pots as the plants grow larger. Sow seeds when the threat of frosts has past and temperatures are reliably around 18ºC (64ºF). Sow the seeds 1cm (½in) deep in light soil and 2cm (1in) deep in heavy soil; space 7cm (3in) apart in rows 7cm (3in) apart. Thin seedlings to 45 to 60cm (18 to 24in) apart, always leaving the strongest of the young plants. The plants require plenty of water over the growing period so mulch and fertilise the soil throughout the summer in order to maintain a good level of nutrients within the soil. When okra is 10cm (4in), mulch to keep out weeds and conserve moisture. Fertilise once a month with a natural fertiliser such as fish emulsion or seaweed, or feed with a compost tea, such as comfrey or nettle. About 50 to 60 days after planting, edible pods will start to appear. Pods are ideal when 5 to 10cm long, they get very tough and stringy when over mature. If a few pods slip by you and grow into giants, cut them off to keep them from exhausting the plant. New pods grow quickly, check your okra plants every other day for new fruit and harvest them straight away. Use pruning shears to cut the stems of the pods and leave a short stub of stem attached. They, so harvest daily with a sharp knife when they are no more than finger sized and when stems are still tender and easy to cut. Pick frequently and the plants will keep producing until killed by frost. Be sure to remove and compost any mature pods you might have missed earlier as this will encourage the plant to grow more pods. Because it's self-pollinated, seeds can be saved for next year from the late season pods. Some people suffer uncomfortable itching from contact with okra's stiff leaf hairs, so wear gloves and a long-sleeved shirt when gathering your okra or plant 'Clemson Spineless', a spineless variety. Originally, Abelmoschus esculentus, Okra, commonly known as Lady's Fingers originates from northern Africa, where it still grows wild along the White Nile, which drains the southwestern highlands of Ethiopia. This unusual member of the hibiscus family, the Malvaceae has an important part in African, Mediterranean and Oriental cuisine. It seems to have spread out of Africa to the Middle East and to India by the time of Christ. It was first reported in the New World in Brazil in 1658, probably originating from Africa with early slave trade. The name Okra is thought to be a corruption of 'nkru-ma,' a name used by the Asante people (tribes from modern day Ghana) for the plant. Some food historians want to give the French-Creoles credit for popularising the vegetable, known to them as 'gumbo'. But the name gumbo - a common name used for okra in parts of the Gulf Coast - is also taken from a Bantu word 'kigombo', so the Creoles almost certainly learned of the vegetable from slaves. - Additional Information Packet Size 2.5gms Average Seed Count 35 Seeds Common Name Lady's Fingers. Heritage (1939 USA) Family Malvaceae Genus Abelmoschus Species esculentus Cultivar Clemson Spineless Hardiness Half Hardy Annual Fruit Deep Green Time to Sow Early April to End May. Eight weeks before the last frosts Time to Harvest 50 to 60 days

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Like a stubborn tree growing from the crevice in a rock face, reconciliation has to take root and survive in adverse conditions where the very idea may seem counterintuitive. Although there is almost always a need for it, there is seldom a moment where conditions appear “right.” It is hard therefore to envision reconciliation, not least while the fighting continues. Leaders will lament reconciliation’s absence, but in the same breath proclaim its total impossibility. “Desirable in principle, but not realistic,” they would say. It is therefore worth asking how it transpired that South Africa’s political leaders did in fact decide to adopt reconciliation as a guiding principle for activism towards peaceful, yet radical change. Much of their ability to turn hearts towards reconciliation hinged on dealing reflectively with the trauma resulting from three decades of brutal conflict with those they were seeking to recruit as fellow activists. Guided by a fundamental realism that would acknowledge the deep-seated interdependence of black and white South Africans and their shared futures, Mandela and others crafted a successful path from apartheid to a dispensation that would acknowledge interdependence on a more just and sustainable basis. This wisdom came at a great personal cost, including suffering severely traumatic experiences, but that ultimately became the crucible that produced truly great leadership. What breaks one, it seems, shapes another. Is it possible to note, in a tentative and preliminary way perhaps, some of the factors—other than his unique personality—that may have made the difference for someone like Mandela? Mandela, not least posthumously, is increasingly presented as an exception to the rule, as a counter-intuitive leader who stood in sharp contrast to existing political debates, and who represented a sharp break with the “normal history” of Southern Africa, steeped, as it has been, in blood, racism, and exploitation. Truly great as Mandela no doubt was, the net effect though, is one of nonatainment leading to absolution. Other leaders, in Northern Ireland, the former Yugoslavia, Sri Lanka, or the Central African Republic, are absolved from the responsibility of pursuing genuine reconciliation, with its radical implications for power and interest, because they are “not Mandela.” Without a contextual and historical understanding of the leaders who promoted reconciliation, lessons and warnings are reduced to a superficial “cut and paste” job. By contrast, interpreting Mandela and other successes carefully within their own context may be precisely the most responsible way to learn the lessons of how they turned adversity into opportunity, despite (or perhaps through) their trauma. Trauma, it is said, overwhelms socio-psychological coping mechanisms through extreme adverse conditions that destroy the “normal” trust with which human beings negotiate life and its challenges and risks. Trauma normally has the effect of progressively narrowing interpersonal circles of solidarity; eroding social capital, empathy, and trust; and thus diminishing the potential for collective activism. It makes life a smaller, darker, and all-together less transformable place. Nelson Mandela had plenty of reason to be traumatised after 27 years of imprisonment, and yet his life showed the opposite trajectory—one of expanding circles of solidarity, of increasing empathy, and of impressive political activism that not only transformed a movement but ultimately an entire country. How did this become possible? Mandela often spoke about how the quest to be free had been the driving force of his life. As a young boy herding cattle across the fields of the Transkei he felt free in every way he could know; free to swim in the streams that criss-crossed the local village, free to roast mealies under the stars, free to ride the bulls he guided along the narrow footpaths (Mandela 1995: 624). When he moved to Johannesburg, he discovered that his boyhood freedom had been an illusion, and that his freedom had already been taken from him by apartheid. So began his fight for the basic individual freedoms: to marry, to earn, and to have a family. With time he joined the ANC and turned freedom fighter, working for the freedom of everyone “like him.” This, he reflected later, turned a law-abiding attorney into a criminal, a family-loving husband into a man without a home, a life-loving man into a monk. Finally, Mandela writes, it was in prison that his hunger for the freedom of his own people became a quest for the freedom of all people, white and black. “I knew as well as I knew anything that the oppressor must be liberated just as surely as the oppressed” (Mandela 1995: 624). And, perhaps uniquely, as democratically elected president he was able to preside over the fulfilment of this dream. From young man, to lawyer, to freedom fighter, to prisoner, to president, to international statesman, Mandela’s personal history coincided with the incremental acknowledgement of ever-wider circles of solidarity: from living in the intimacy of his rural home community, to joining a political movement with fellow black South Africans, to becoming the leader (and later imprisoned leader) of an underground armed struggle with comrades across world, to becoming the president of a democracy that guaranteed the rights of all who lived in it, including his erstwhile enemies, and finally uniting with activists across the globe in the fight against the scourge of HIV/Aids and numerous other noble causes.[i] Importantly, Mandela seemed to incorporate these wider solidarities without dropping the traditional loyalties and most deeply held beliefs that prompted him in the first place to join the liberation struggle. Mandela was no turncoat. What then had caused him to include his enemy in his ideals for an interdependent future? By his own account at least two factors helped Mandela to rise above his personal trauma, and allow the adversity to strengthen, rather than weaken, his resolve to fight for the rights of all. First he was part of a strangely intimate human community within the prison walls. This included comrades and fellow prisoners but also some of his wardens who became personal friends (and were subsequently invited to his presidential inauguration). Undoubtedly magnanimous—even saintly—this gesture may also reveal the extent to which Mandela came to appreciate the human contact that even his warders offered and which may have helped to prevent his situation of becoming overwhelming or intolerable, especially in later years when his personal dignity had softened the initial arrogance and violence that greeted the political prisoners upon arrival at Robben Island. Second however, it seems that Mandela was able to think, and think clearly in prison. He kept his intellectual life alive by reading and studying, and by pondering the values and ideals of this movement for which “he was prepared to live, and if needs be, prepared to die.” A major factor in his rising above his predicament, I would surmise, was the realization that having lived for so long in such close proximity to the enemy, his core convictions—namely that apartheid was wrong and unworkable and that white and black were fundamentally reconcilable—were only confirmed, and even strengthened. Such intellectual affirmation, that he was right after all, must have acted as a hugely powerful antidote to feelings of helplessness, trauma, and frustration. And having the space to craft an activism steeped in reflective practice helped a great deal to overcome the various levels of trauma associated with this kind of incarceration. Reflective activism within a community of comrades and even prison warders not only acted as a powerful antidote to personal trauma for Mandela, but became the crucible for coherent, prescient, and effective political strategy towards reconciliation and justice. Mandela, Nelson. 1995. Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela. Boston: Back Bay Books. [i] The facts that some beneficiaries of the erstwhile regime have remained silent and distrusting, cocooned in middle class comfort, even in the face of such magnanimity, and that apartheid inequality still destroy lives today, cannot detract from the obvious grace in this kind of politics. Mandela is rightly honoured as one the twentieth century’s greatest leaders.

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This video focuses on the science of climate change and its impacts on wildlife on land and in the sea, and their habitats in the U.S. There are short sections on walruses, coral reefs, migrating birds and their breeding grounds, freshwater fish, bees, etc. Video concludes with some discussion about solutions, including reduce/recyle/reuse, energy conservation, backyard habitats, citizen scientists. One of a suite of online climate interactive simulations, this Greenhouse Gas Simulator uses the bathtub model to demonstrate how atmospheric concentrations of CO2 will continue to rise unless they are lowered to match the amount of CO2 that can be removed through natural processes. The Climate Momentum Simulation allows users to quickly compare the resulting sea level rise, temperature change, atmospheric CO2, and global CO2 emissions from six different policy options projected out to 2100. This is a simulation that illustrates how temperature will be affected by global CO2 emission trajectories. It addresses the issue that even if global emissions begin to decrease, the atmospheric concentration of CO2 will continue to increase, resulting in increased global temperatures. In this hands-on activity, students explore whether rooftop gardens are a viable option for combating the urban heat island effect. The guiding question is: Can rooftop gardens reduce the temperature inside and outside of houses? This interactive/applet allows the user to explore the potential increase in carbon emissions over the next 50 years, subject to modifications made by the user in various technologies that impact carbon output. Part of the Visualizing and Understanding the Science of Climate Change module. In this activity, students learn about the urban heat island effect by investigating which areas of their schoolyard have higher temperatures - trees, grass, asphalt, and other materials. Based on their results, they hypothesize how concentrations of surfaces that absorb heat might affect the temperature in cities - the urban heat island effect. Then they analyze data about the history of Los Angeles heat waves and look for patterns in the Los Angeles climate data and explore patterns. This simulation provides scenarios for exploring the principles of climate dynamics from a multi-disciplinary perspective. Interconnections among climate issues, public stakeholders, and the governance spheres are investigated through creative simulations designed to help students understand international climate change negotiations. This is a multi-step activity that helps students measure, investigate, and understand the increase in atmospheric CO2 and the utility of carbon offsets. It also enables students to understand that carbon offsets, through reforestation, are not sufficient to balance increases in atmospheric C02 concentration.

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scroll to top Stuck on your essay? Get ideas from this essay and see how your work stacks up Word Count: 529 Pythagorean Theorem The Greek philosopher Pythagoras of Samos is responsible of great advances in the study of astronomy mathematics and the theory of music A tyrant ruled Samos at the time and Pythagoras fled to southern Italy at about 532 BC In Croton Pythagoras founded a religious school that also specialized in philosophy Pythagorass school made outstanding advances and contributions to the study of mathematics His school was very private and secretive which made it hard for researchers to distinguish between his work and those of his followers and colleagues Even though the theorem now known as Pythagorass theorem he was the first to understand and prove it Pythagoras believed that all relations could be reduced to number relations He generalized this from observing music mathematics and astronomy He first noticed that different harmonies were made from different lengths in the ratio of whole numbers and that this observation could be extended to different instruments He further realized that if a string with the same degree of tension was reduced to half when plucked the pitch of the shorter string was exactly one octave higher than that of the original string The most important discovery was found in observing that a square is not a rational multiple of its side and from this fact the existence of irrational numbers were discovered Pythagoreans belief that whole numbers and their ratios could account for geometric properties and Greek mathematics in general was disturbed by the new findings Pythagoras had proven the theorem now known as his that Babylonians 1000 years ago knew existed but could never prove themselves His theorem described that all things consisted of a number even bodies were consisted of numbers His theorem also explains that units posses magnitude he spoke of numbers as if they were the actual matter in which things were composed and he regarded unity and limit or infinity as the substances which form the basic element of @Kibin is a lifesaver for my essay right now!! - Sandra Slivka, student @ UC Berkeley Wow, this is the best essay help I've ever received! - Camvu Pham, student @ U of M If I'd known about @Kibin in college, I would have gotten much more sleep - Jen Soust, alumni @ UCLA

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Over deze norm This standard provides guidance for marine biological surveys of supralittoral, littoral and sublittoral hard bottom for environmental impact assessment and monitoring in coastal areas. The standard encompasses surveys down to 30 m depth, which is the practical depth limit for scuba diving. The standard comprise of: - development of the sampling programme; - survey methods; - taxon identification; - storage of data and collected material. The standard specifies the minimum requirements for environmental monitoring. The methods are limited to surveys and semi-quantitative and quantitative recording techniques that cause little destruction of the fauna and flora. In practice, this refers to direct recording in the field and photography. Sampling by scraping off organisms, use of a suction sampler etc. are not covered in this standard, but such techniques can be used as a supplement, for information on small-bodied taxa or those that live hidden. For sediment sampling in marine areas refer to EN ISO 5667-19. For surveys of sub-littoral soft-bottom fauna see ISO 16665. |Nederlandse titel||Water - Richtlijn voor marien biologisch onderzoek van litorale en sublitorale verharde bodem| |Engelse titel||Water quality - Guidance on marine biological surveys of littoral and sublittoral hard bottom|

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The Miranda doctrine, more typically referred to as "Miranda rights," is a set of rights applicable to police detainees under the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, according to the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Miranda rights were established in the Supreme Court case Miranda v. Arizona. Miranda rights are the basis of police procedure for the detention of suspects.Continue Reading Police must grant a citizen in custody his Miranda rights. According to Cornell University Legal Information Institute, these rights include the right to remain silent and to have access to an attorney, court-appointed if need be. If a suspect does not receive a Miranda warning, certain evidence is inadmissible in court unless the suspect has waived his Miranda rights. The Supreme Court has issued revisions on the Miranda doctrine to qualify instances under which the reading or waiver of rights is not necessary, according to the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The 1966 Supreme Court case Miranda v. Arizona established Miranda rights under the “right against self-incrimination,” according to JRank.org. In this case, Ernesto Miranda was one of four appellants who received a conviction based on statements given informally while in police custody. The appellants did not have knowledge of their legal right to remain silent and avoid self-incrimination. The court ruled that a signed confession by Miranda without the waiver or knowledge of his Fifth Amendment rights was inadmissible in court.Learn more about Law

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The aim of this symposium, organised by the Institute for Art History in cooperation with the Center for Art Market Studies at Technical University Berlin, in collaboration with the Institut d’histoire moderne et contemporaine (CNRS) and the Labex TransferS (PSL) in Paris, is to examine how the market for non-European artefacts developed between 18th and 20th century and to which extend it was entangled with the history of museums and private collections. The following five topics will serve as main axis: actors and networks, places of purchase and trade, transfer and transport, prices and value and expertise. The axes are entangled and should not be regarded as separated topics. 1. Actors and networks Who were the actors of the market (e.g. art dealers, commercial agents, carriers but also diplomats, travellers, expats, missionaries or military as well as museums and collectors)? Which regional specifications can be identified? Who were the key figures of the market(s)? Which networks can be spotted? How did they work? 2. Places of purchase and trade What were the centres of the purchase and/or trade of art objects (in the countries of origin as well as in Europe)? How did they develop in the course of the period of examination? Which significance did the primary markets and their political/social development have for the European market? Did the European market turned into the primary market at a certain time? What were the main places for purchase and trade in Europe (e.g. auctions houses, galleries, private houses)? What marketing methods can be identified? 3. Transfer and transport What were the (political, social, technological) circumstances of the objects purchase? To which extend did technological developments (e.g. establishment of railway lines) influence the market offer? How were the objects brought to Europe (e.g. export and import regulations, methods of transport)? 4. Prices and value Which payment methods or methods of exchange did exist? How did they impact the value of objects? How was the value of an object determined? To which extend did this value change in space and time (difference between primary and secondary market; development in the course of time)? Despite the monetary value of a price: which other function in the act of purchase can be identified (e.g. legitimation of possession)? And to which extend did the change of the price and value shape the European collections? Here, we are especially interested in the shift from an economy of looting or/and bazaar in the countries of origin to the pricing and “rational” marketing after the arrival and commercialisation of the objects in Europe. How did the perception of and the knowledge about non-European art develop? How was the knowledge generated and transferred? Which role did individual actors (e.g. dealers, museums, collectors) play in the development of the perception of the objects? To which extend did the development of expertise influence the market offer, the display of the objects and the character of the collections? Papers should be a maximum of 20 minutes in length, and preference will be given to proposals that stimulate dialogue and engage with broader topics. Please send proposals (max. 300 words) with a short academic CV to email@example.com by 15 February 2016 at the latest. Selected speakers will be notified by 15 March 2016. Financial assistance with travel expenses for speakers may be available (subject to grant approval). The focus of the investigation will be set on the development between 18th and 20thcentury. Papers exploring the market development before 18th century and especially those comparing the development before and after 1700 are also welcome. Conference language is English. - Prof. Dr. Bénédicte Savoy (TU Berlin), - Dr. Charlotte Guichard (CNRS, IHMC, Paris), - Dr. Christine Howald (TU Berlin) All the Beauty of the World: The Western Market for non-European Artefacts (18th-20th century) 13.10. – 15.10.2016

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This blog is the first in a series on ways to identify power sources in Google Earth. To use all the features discussed in these blogs, download Google Earth, here. Have you ever been driving around, seen some sort of big, smokey, factory-looking thing (technical, I know) and wondered, “Hey, what is that?” Well Google Earth can usually help narrow down some suspects – especially with power plants. Coal power plants are probably the easiest to identify in Google Earth. Generally, coal plants have four major features that are pretty easily identifiable – a huge coal pile, smoke stacks (you usually have to look for the shadows cast by these towers), a major water body nearby (for making steam, cooling the steam, and transporting coal), and a generation station. In addition to finding the actual power plants, you can also find coal mines. Finding coal mines is fairly easy in West Virginia and Wyoming. Just about anywhere that you see a discolored location that isn’t green and mountainous anymore is either a result of coal mining or a small town. Here’s an image from a tour created by Appalachian Voices of a coal mine in West Virginia (download the tour here): In addition to self-sleuthing, Google Earth has some promoted “tours” and other materials that you can download. Open Google Earth, click on “Layers” in the lower left hand corner (if it’s not open already), then click on “Earth Gallery” and do a search. For example, you can check out the Coal River Wind tour. Just search for “Coal River Wind” in the Google Earth Earth Gallery. The tour takes you through West Virginia’s mountain top coal removal activities, and the group’s innovative approach to stopping this extremely destructive form of mining. Another interactive online mapping tool was just launched earlier this month by SACE’s coal team: SoutheastCoalAsh.org. This new website helps citizens identify whether or not they live near a coal ash impoundment and what that site’s corresponding EPA Hazard Rating is. Visitors can click on the Power Plant Details tab below the map to find out even more information on that particular facility, including whether or not there are known toxic contamination problems from leaks at a site. We plan on developing a Google Earth file next year for people to download and use to get even more interactivity on finding coal ash impoundments in the region. If you’re feeling very adventuresome, you can do a web search for Google Earth files that you can play with. Google Earth runs files with the *.KMZ or *.KML extension (which is at the END of the file name; for example, this file, which you can download, includes data from the EPA’s 2007 Toxics Release Inventory for Louisiana: http://www.mapcruzin.com/2007-toxic-release-google-earth-maps/la-2007-tri.kmz). So, just do a web search for whatever you’re looking for, plus KMZ or KML in the search bar. You’ll likely have to download the KMZ or KML file to your desktop and then RIGHT CLICK on the file, select “Open With” and “Google Earth” – that should open your file. Stay tuned and check out our other blogs in the coming weeks on identifying nuclear reactors, wind farms and other power stations in Google Earth. No comments. Be the first. Sorry, the comment form is closed at this time.

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We wouldn’t be wrong in assuming that walnuts are the symbol of intellectuality – not only do the walnut kernels resemble the brain, but the nutritional benefits of walnuts are numerous, considering that they contain valuable nutrients that are great for our health. Walnuts provide health boosting powers since they are packed with minerals, antioxidants and vitamins that protect the heart and prevent various diseases. Here are 5 reasons why walnuts should be a part of our healthy eating plan. # 1 Walnuts Nutritional Benefits for the Brain Including walnuts in your daily diet improves memory. Research has also found that walnuts’ nutrition prevents the decline of the brain’s functioning due to ageing. Walnuts are loaded with phyto-chemicals and their overall antioxidant properties have beneficial effects to counter neurological disease and ageing. Sprinkle toasted and chopped walnuts on your breakfast cereal or oatmeal for a power-packed breakfast. # 2 Benefits of Walnuts for the Heart Walnuts are a rich source of Omega 3 fatty acids like alpha-linolenic acid, linolenic acid and arachidonic acid which help to lower the total cholesterol as well as the bad cholesterol in the blood. Other heart healthy compounds like calcium, magnesium and potassium found in walnuts help regulate the blood pressure. In fact, potassium plays an important role in managing the muscle contraction of the heart. Vitamin E prevents the formation of plaque in the arteries, thus adding to the heart healthy benefits of walnuts. Instead of snacking on cookies or fries, snack on a handful of walnuts. # 3 Nutritional Benefits of Walnuts in Cancer Prevention Vitamin E, melatonin, ellagic acid, carotenoids and other similar phyto-chemicals found in walnuts nutrition improve the antioxidant activity. This is highly effective in protecting against breast and prostrate cancer. Walnuts have the highest quantity of antioxidants as compared to other nuts like cashew, pecans, hazelnut and pistachios. To get the best out of walnut’s nutritional benefits, eat at least six to seven average sized walnuts each day. # 4 Benefits of Walnuts for Diabetes Prevention Adding walnuts to the diet is beneficial to patients of type 2 diabetes. The health boosting minerals, vitamins and enzymes in walnut help the body in maintaining the elasticity of the arteries. It improves blood flow and helps reduce LDL cholesterol by almost 10%. Additionally, walnuts help reduce problems that are precursors to diabetes like high blood pressure and obesity. # 5 Nutritional Benefits of Walnuts for a Healthy Diet All nuts are high in calories and walnuts are no exception. The best way to enjoy walnuts nutritional benefits is to consume them in moderation. Rather than add them to your existing daily diet, it is advisable to replace foods high in fat such as meat, eggs or cheese with walnuts. These delicious nuts add that extra crunch to your dish and give you the goodness of health benefiting nutrients that are essential for the body. The easiest way to incorporate walnuts in your diet is to add them as toppings to your salads, desserts, pies, pizzas, yoghurt and ice cream preparations. Apart from adding a crunchy and tasty flavor, they also provide health benefits that are hard to beat. But, if you prefer, just crack open a walnut and munch away! Check out the healthy food chart for more foods to add to your daily diet for better health.

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The Pope's Verdict on Japan's Comfort Women Before his final mass in South Korea on August 18, Pope Francis met with seven elderly ladies who had been Comfort Women. As teenagers during World War II they were trafficked by Imperial Japan to be sex slaves. Military records on the operation of a comfort station show that the girls had to service not only soldiers and sailors, but also Japanese government and corporate officials. The Pope bent down and clasped the frail hands of each woman. One offered him a butterfly pin, a symbol of their lost innocence, which the Pontiff immediately fastened to his vestments and wore throughout the service. Prior to the mass, he was handed a letter from the Dutch former Comfort Woman, Jan Ruff O’Herne, who at 92 could not travel from her home in Australia to meet him. She wanted him to know that before she was chosen by Japanese Army officers in her concentration camp on Java and raped in a Semarang military brothel, her dream was to become a nun. The women received more than the Pope’s blessing. They received affirmation that their history was believed and their suffering real. Francis has championed the elimination of human trafficking and preached on the evils of sexual slavery. By a simple gesture, he included their experience with all victims caught up in sexual violence. He understands that rape is a weapon of subjugation and humiliation. Unlike Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, the Pontiff does not rationalize the Comfort Women experience with “the 20th century was a century where many human rights were violated.” Equally important, Pope Francis has helped internationalize and humanize the issue. The Abe administration has framed the Comfort Women issue entirely as a history problem with South Korea. The truth is that women throughout the Indo-Pacific region were the victims of the Imperial Army and Navy. The stories the women tell from the Andaman Islands to New Guinea, by Dutch gentry to Taiwanese aboriginals are shockingly similar. As contemporary research has shown, sexual violence in conflict affects whole communities and generations. Recently, a Dutch woman came forward describing how as a four-year-old she waited daily on the steps of St. Xavier Church in the concentration camp at Moentilan, Java for her mother. Only as an adult did she learn that her mother’s lifetime nightmares were from being repeatedly raped by Japanese officers who had made the Church their headquarters. The mother was one of many “uncounted” Comfort Women. Francis tacitly confirmed that the issue is not one of politics or diplomacy, as Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga repeats. But it is also not one of history as Suga and Abe want us to believe. Instead, it is a timeless humanitarian concern that can only be resolved through humanitarian action. The Pope returned the Comfort Women discussion to where it belongs—which is to comfort the victims. But the Abe government has politicized the Comfort Women issue. The most unsettling omission in the Abe administration’s discourse on the Comfort Women is the failure to acknowledge the Batavia War Crimes trials. A 1947 Tribunal found a number of Japanese officers guilty of entering a civilian internment camp to forcibly select thirty-five girls and bring them in military vehicles to a military brothel in Semarang (Indonesia). The Batavia trial thus recognized the "forced prostitution" (to use the Dutch government's terminology) of women as a war crime. Oddly, in 2013, there was a Cabinet Decision admitting that the trial documents were part of the official Japanese government records supporting the Kono Statement. These did not seem to have been considered in the recent government “review” of how the Statement was drafted. Instead, the Abe Government continues to parse the traumatic memories of Korean former Comfort Women and Japanese soldiers looking for discrepancies to question this sordid history. The omission can lead to the disturbing conclusion that discrediting the Comfort Women, no matter the evidence, has a greater goal. This is to set aside any legal record or proceeding prosecuting Japan’s war criminals. The ease at which the Batavia trial verdict has been disregarded has implications for the verdicts of all the hundreds of war crimes trials throughout the Pacific after the war, especially the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal. Undoing the postwar regime and its “masochistic” history is a stated objective of the Abe administration. The path to regaining Japanese pride and independence, according to Mr. Abe and many in his administration, means not accepting the results of the Tokyo Tribunal and not being a victim to its “victor’s justice.” By ignoring the Batavia verdicts, the Abe government takes the first step to challenge the decisions of The Tribunal. Paying homage at Yasukuni, the spiritual symbol of Imperial Japan is a ritualistic swipe at the Tokyo Tribunal. Yasukuni, where hundreds of war criminals are deified, which hosts a museum that celebrates Japan’s “liberation” of Asia and small shrines to the likes of the Kempeitai, does not accept Japan’s defeat or the condemnation of its war criminals. Thus, a visit or an offering sent is less about mourning than about a gesture as powerful as the Pope’s in affirming a certain point of view as fact.

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“Plane table mapping is the most interesting of all to do. One can hardly browse through an account of its various operations without wishing to go directly into the field and do them.” – Down To Earth : Mapping for Everybody, 1944 Humans love maps. Every day in the Scholars’ Lab we help aspiring cartographers navigate the complexities of geographic information systems software. But software is expensive and requires electricity. What if we could make a cartographic masterpiece appear on an ordinary sheet of paper without installing any software or downloading any data or loading any batteries in our GPS? That’s instant gratification mapping via plane table methods. So let’s “go directly into the field and do them“! We’re talking about old-school cartography. As early as the 16th-century, writers described the plane table method in detail. Long before computers and software, early 2oth-century school boys in knickers were taught to map distant church steeples by “screwing your drawing board to a camera tripod”. Historic resources like Low’s Plane Table Mapping inform our methodology. Modern interpretations of plane table mapping as art expand the boundaries beyond the two dimensional plane. A new crop of 21st-century plane table mappers are in the field, among them geography students at Texas A & M University. We developed our Scholars’ Lab plane table mapping workshop with a low-cost do-it-yourself mindset. For our work surface (or plane table) my Scholars’ Lab colleague Chris Gist attached a plywood table top to a camera tripod. Rather than invest in an expensive alidade for sighting distant objects, we used the edge of a triangular architect’s scale. A second-hand compass pointed to magnetic north. A smartphone app helped level the table, as will a marble. A set of keys on a string served as a plumb line. A pencil and eraser completed our mapping toolkit. In our workshop introduction we covered the basics of establishing a baseline, then sighting from multiple stations toward each visible landscape feature to create intersecting lines. The map began to emerge on the paper without taking a single distance measurement. Lines and angles were drawn using only visual methods. If we could see it, we could map it from afar even if the feature was behind a locked gate, across a busy street, or otherwise inaccessible. We’re beginners, so in our one-hour workshop we had our hands full making a simple map on level ground. We didn’t expand into the complexities of plane table mapping on uneven terrain. Even on flat ground we made mistakes. We struggled with leveling, sighting, slipping scales, and tilting tables. We learned that when something is wrong, it’s quickly apparent while still on-site and can be corrected. Mistakes are discovered and corrected in real-time, not later back in the office. This new cohort of plane tablers commented on their experience: This was fun. I had no idea how maps were made before GPS. I’ll use this to illustrate to my students how errors can easily creep into any data collection exercise. I’m trying this with my kids this weekend. It will get us outside and they’ll love it. I’m seeing the world with new eyes. Thanks to Schaeffer Somers, University of Virginia School of Architecture, for the equipment loan.

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On 22 September 1950, FIFA reinstated the German football association - the Deutscher Fußball-Bund, or DFB - to full membership. Originally founded in 1900, the DFB is the governing body of all German football, including the Bundesliga and the German national team. During World War II, the DFB fell out of favor with the Third Reich, who dissolved the organization in 1940. After the war, in November 1945, although the DFB was still defunct, FIFA banned both it and the Japanese football association from international competition. Following appeals from the FAs of Switzerland and England, FIFA partially lifted the ban in 1948, but only as it applied to German clubs. Two years later, in January 1950, the DFB officially re-formed, though only for the West German territories. At the FIFA congress in June of that year, Switzerland again petitioned FIFA to lift the ban and, on 22 September, FIFA did so. As West Germany, the DFB resumed international competition later that year and went on to win the 1954 World Cup. When Germany reunited in 1990, the DFB absorbed the former East German football association to become the governing body for all of Germany.

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The Capute Scales How can clinicians better diagnose developmental delays in young children? The Capute Scales help differentiate between communicative and cognitive disorders The Capute Scales are designed to help clinicians determine the presence of atypical development in two streams of cognitive development: visual-motor functioning and expressive and receptive language. The language battery of the test—CLAMS (Clinical Linguistic & Auditory Milestone Scale)—relies almost exclusively on parental history in the first 18 months of life and then on a combination of parental history and clinical observation. The visual-motor problem-solving battery—CAT (Cognitive Adaptive Test)—requires direct observation of a child performing specific test items during the assessment. CLAMS was originally developed to provide pediatricians with a scale of linguistic and auditory milestones that can be rapidly applied within the constraints of a busy practice. CAT provides clinicians a means of distinguishing isolated language delays or communication disorders from more global cognitive impairments. The Capute Scales were developed by Dr. Arnold J. Capute, the founding father of neurodevelopmental pediatrics, and have been tested and refined at the Kennedy Krieger Institute for more than 30 years. Ask the parents what age their child acts and begin testing with questions or observations at two age sets below the estimated cognitive age Query the parents about the child’s language milestones and observe the child with the testing kit objects, following the explicit guidance in The Capute Scales Manual. Continue through the test items until you reach the child’s ceiling age (the highest level at which he or she has any correct responses) Score the scales to produce 3 separate numbers: (1) an age level in months for language, (2) an age level in months for visual-motor skills, (3) a total Capute Scales score. Follow instructions for interpretation Use the results of The Capute Scales to identify the possibility of cognitive disabilities, language disorders, hearing impairment, or autism spectrum disorders and recommend appropriate next steps At a glance What is it? A norm-referenced, 100-item screening and assessment tool that helps experienced practitioners identify developmental delays in children from 1–36 months of age. What are the components? The complete system includes - the Capute Scales manual - 4-page scoring sheets - the test kit, packed in a tote bag Who completes it? How long does it take to complete? About 6- to 20-minutes What does the instrument tell you? The tests help pinpoint any instance of delay (a slower rate of milestone acquisition), deviancy (any unusual development within a specific stream), and dissociation (an uneven rate of milestone acquisition) How can you use the results? With its high correlation with the Bayley Scales of Infant Development, this standardized instrument will assist clinicians in making developmental diagnoses, counseling families, and guiding them to appropriate intervention services

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The stress in teen-agers is a dangerous sickness caused by social problems which affect physical and psychological health. According to psychological studies, themajority of teen-agers suffer signals of stress at least twice a week. Have you ever has the curiosity to observe teens around you? in many opportunities I have analyzed teens behaviour when I take thebus, and one thing that really get my attention is to see many teens seem to be tired or depressed, this is a really surprised issue that needs to be analyzed carefully in order to identify the risksthat this famous sickness is able to cause in teens. Stress is a dangerous sickness which affects not only adults but also teen-agers, which usually are involved in problematic relationships thataffect them, such as the expectations from their parents and society, which in the most of the cases, tend to be related to broken love relationships, scholastic pressure, and parent’s disagreements.Observing the aspect mentioned above, it is clear to see that stress represent a danger for teen-agers. On the other Hand, it is important to recognize some alert signs that indicate this sickness inteens in order to not become a major problem. It is also true that teens begin to feel bad when they are stressed; consequently, headache is the first sign that appears in teens. But besideheadaches, another aspect to take into account is that an aggressive behaviour is identified, and also degrees of euphory that help us to recognize the main symptoms when stress appears. Another thing tobe taken into consideration when talking about this sickness is to know that the main reasons are social aspects that are related to familiar problems, but also nowadays; the lack of economic resourcesis a cause of this health problem. This is true when for instance; parents do not have money to pay the school-fees of their children, having as a result, in the most of the cases academic failures...

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hydrothermal power generation Many people understand the concept of hydroelectric power generation, such as at Niagara Falls, Canada, where electric power is generated by turbines positioned to take advantage of the potential energy of water at different heights. Similarly, hydrothermal power generation, also known as ocean thermal energy conversion (OTEC) is the practice of producing electric power from the potential energy of water temperature differences of at least 20°C (36°F). Harvesting thermal energy from the ocean traces its roots to 1881 when French physician Jacques-Arsène d'Arsonval first proposed using a heat engine based on the work of Scottish engineer William Rankine. D'Arsonval surmised that "if pumps pull enough water through two separate sets of pipes, the warm seawater will evaporate a heat transfer liquid (such as ammonia or propane) in one part of the plant; elsewhere, cold seawater recondenses the gas to liquid. But as it blows from the first point of phase change to the second, the gas stage will drive a turbine".1 The physician-turned-ocean-scientist knew that coastal areas close to deep cold water and warm surface water could produce power from the temperature difference. The abundance of this renewable energy source was testified by ocean energy scientist Hans Krock: The energy flowing through the surface layer of the tropical ocean is about 10,000 times greater than the energy used by human societies. As such it is the only energy resource on earth that is large enough to replace fossil fuel. 3 There has been some research to improve the output and efficiency of an OTEC ORC system by integrating solar energy into the cycle. Yamada et al.4 illustrate two methods to integrate solar thermal energy with ocean energy. The "SOTEC a" concept uses solar collectors to preheat the ocean water prior to entry into the evaporator heat exchanger thereby increasing the temperature difference and energy potential. Yamada's "SOTEC b" involves superheating the working fluid with solar collectors to increase the energy potential. Using a warm water resource of 76°F in heat exchangers to evaporate propane (R-290) and a 40°F cold water heat exchanger to condense propane, a single-stage turbine generator could theoretically be manufactured to within the envelope of a 40-foot ISO container and produce 9.6 megawatts of power. Incorporating solar power indicated that over 40 megawatts of power could be generated from the same envelope.5 Much more work in research and development needs to be done to realize this potential but a path has been illuminated to generate power by collocating two temperature sources with a temperature difference of at least 20°C (36°F). This entry was written and contributed by Ted Jagusztyn, CoTherm of America Corporation. Related category• HYDROTHERMAL ENERGY AND POWER Home • About • Copyright © The Worlds of David Darling • Encyclopedia of Science • Contact

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In the 1930s people wore whatever they could afford. Many boys wore handed-down knicker suits from the 1920s. Mothers made new school dresses from chicken feed sacks. People who could afford new clothing copied the styles worn in the movies. Styles changed slowly during this decade even among the well-to-do. Other People Are Reading Infants no longer wore the fussy long gowns worn in previous decades. Rubber trousers and terrycloth diapers made shorter dresses more practical. Hand embroidery became easier with the advent of iron-on transfers so infant layettes were decorated with hand embroidery. Toddler clothing was simple and practical during the '30s. Toddler girls wore short dresses which hung from the shoulders. Sunsuits with gathered waists and legs and shoulder straps were popular. Tiny boys wore short trousers which buttoned onto their shirts or loose one-piece suits. They still wore sailor suits. Boys wore sunsuits with straight legs. Airplanes and trains were popular embroidered motifs for boys. Puppies and kittens were popular designs for both girls and boys. Clothes For Young Girls Shirley Temple set the style for young girls for most of the decade. Her very short dresses and ringlets were copied by many girls. Girl's dresses were simple and practical with charming dressmaker details. Many styles hung straight from the shoulder or had a high yoke. Hair ribbons were worn by all girls who could afford them. Clothes for Young Boys Young boys wore suits with shorts until they were 5 or 6. Sweaters, suspenders and small caps with a brim were popular accessories for young boys. Clothes for Older Girls Older girls wore dresses that were fitted through the waist and had very short skirts. Feed sacks of the time had colourful calico prints; with dressmaker details and inexpensive bias trim a feed sack could become a very attractive girl's dress. Clothes for Older Boys School boys wore knicker suits until late in the decade. In the winter they added sweaters and socks that reached to the band of the knickers or went over the knee. Boys began to wear sneakers during this decade. - 20 of the funniest online reviews ever - 14 Biggest lies people tell in online dating sites - Hilarious things Google thinks you're trying to search for

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In the Garden of Eden, which was teeming with all the wonderful flora of creation, God placed two special trees: Etz Hada’at (the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil) and Etz Hachaim (the Tree of Life). Humankind ate from the Tree of Knowledge and was expelled from the Garden of Eden, cut off from the Tree of Life. It is interesting then that this same term, “tree of life” (minus the definite article), is used as a metaphor for Torah, as it says in Proverbs 3:18, “It is a tree of life to those who hold fast to it, those who support it are happy.” Is there a connection between the Tree of Life in the Garden of Eden and the Torah? According to the biblical text, if humankind had eaten from the Tree of Life, they would have gained immortality: “And the Lord God said: 'Behold, the human is become as one of us, to know good and evil; and now, lest he put forth his hand, and take also from the Tree of Life, and eat, and live forever.' Therefore the Lord God sent him out from the garden of Eden, to till the ground from whence he was taken (Genesis 3:22-23). While involving oneself with Torah does not gain a person actual immortality, it does earn a person eternal life in the world to come. The life force of Torah, however, is mitzvot, often translated as good deeds or commandments. Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch (Germany 1808-1888) commented on Proverbs 3:18: “For the righteous person, everything he does is a tree of life. Out of his every deed grows something beneficial and lifegiving to his surroundings.” Tradition says that one mitzvah begets another (Ethics of the Fathers 4:2). Following the mitzvot of the Torah brings continual reward to its followers, just like a fruit tree that constantly replants itself through its seeds and thus continues to provide fresh air and nourishment to the world. Copyright © 2015 NJOP. All rights reserved.

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CC-MAIN-2016-50

http://www.jewishtreats.org/2015/02/what-is-tree-of-life.html

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en

GDP contains multitudes. Everything we manufacture. Every plumber who fixed a sink, every accountant who carried the one and divided by five — all the goods and services we produced. It was invented by a guy named Simon Kuznets during the the Great Depression, when everybody wanted to know just how bad things were. Now the number is put out by Steve Landefeld at the government's Bureau of Economic Analysis. "It was designed to do exactly what it does today, which is to pull together all the diverse pieces of economic data," he says. "Some of which are going up, some of which are going down, some of which double count one another — into one comprehensive and consistent picture of what is happening to the economy." The latest number: $15.2 trillion per year, give or take. A new record high, even after adjusting for inflation. But just giving out GDP is like talking about your GPA in high school. Sure, it's useful to apply to college. But your GPA paints a limited picture of what kind of student you really are. Likewise, there are limits to the usefulness of GDP. For instance, it's skewed by how well people are the top are doing. So when GDP per person goes up, a lot of us might not feel it. "The share going to the top 1 percent as we talk about it today has grown," Landefeld says. "That has made the simple average of GDP per capita less meaningful to the average person. It's a real number, but it perhaps doesn't refelct what people are seeing in their personal economic situation." Also there's that list of what goes into GDP, and what doesn't. If you buy a tomato, that increases GDP. But if you grow a tomato — if you spend hours watering and weeding — that doesn't get included. If you pay a nanny to take care of your kids, that's GDP. If you stay home to take care of your kids, that's not GDP. Environmentalists like to point out that industries can boost GDP by doing damage to the environment. Herman Daly, an economist at the University of Maryland, points to the Gulf oil spill. BP spent billions on clean-up. "All of the expenditures on cleaning up the oil spill were then added to GDP," Daly says. "Now that's asymmetric accounting. You're not counting the negative, and you're adding in the positive." So even though the loss of oil revenue and shrimp sales were factored into GDP, nothing was subtracted for the oiled pelicans. Nothing was removed for the environmental damage. Could you factor environmental effects into GDP if you wanted to? Robert Mendelsohn, an economist at Yale, just put a real dollar figure on air pollution. It wasn't easy. He included not only things like premature death caused by pollution, but also what value people put on the loss of visibility. Researchers showed people pictures of the Grand Canyon, with and without smog, and asked how much is it worth to have that pristine view. Then they add up all the costs. Mendelsohn estimates that if you subtract pollution and global warming costs, GDP could be 2 percent lower than it is now. I tried out all these criticisms of the GDP on Steve Landefeld. He was polite. He said they do occasionally tweak the way the GDP is calculated. But he said right now, it's hard enough to measure all the stuff that actually has price tags.

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CC-MAIN-2016-50

http://www.npr.org/sections/money/2011/10/28/141807689/why-gdp-is-like-gpa?ft=3&f=2,3,5,7,10,13,35,39,46

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en

Born on October 4, 1942, Kek Galabru received her medical degree in France in 1968. She practiced medicine and conducted research in Phnom Penh from 1968 to 1971, and continued her work in Canada, Brazil, and Angola. In 1987 88 Galabru played a key role in opening negotiations between Hun Sen, president of the Cambodian Council of Ministers, and Prince Sihanouk of the opposition. That led to peace accords ending the civil war in 1991, and elections held under the auspices of the United Nations. Galabru founded the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO) during the United Nations transition period. LICADHO promotes human rights, with a special emphasis on womens and childrens rights, monitors violations, and disseminates educational information about rights. During the 1993 elections, LICADHOs 159 staff members taught voting procedures to sixteen thousand people, trained 775 election observers, and produced and distributed one million voting leaflets. Since then, LICADHO has continued to monitor abuses, provide medical care, legal aid, and advocacy to victims, as well as to offer direct assistance to victims of human rights violations. Kerry Kennedy Cuomo When the United Nations took over Cambodia with twenty thousand officers, we decided to start LICADHO (Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights). We didnt have any money, so we opened a small office at my parents home. Word spread quickly about this new organization, and within five or six months we had 180,000 supporters, all volunteers. We wanted the UN to spearhead the elections and monitor the process, because that was the only way that this work could be protected. When the Royalist Party emerged in Cambodia to campaign for the 1993 election, the CPP (Cambodian Peoples Party and the ruling party) began to shoot the Royalist opposition in front of us. We were witnesses, and so was the UN. But the UN could do nothing because according to its mandate, they could only respond if they were attacked. For me it was unbelievable that I was going to be the watchdog of such a regime. But the purpose of LICADHO was to create an environment in which these practices would never occur again. What we saw the regime in Cambodia do was almost the same thing as the Khmer Rouge. Along with the UN, this time we documented the killings. In less than one year, hundreds of people were wounded and scores had died. Even though the ruling party could kill people, they could not stop the UN and the peace accord, and they had to permit the UN to go everywhere. The UN set up a good network. They organized fifty thousand Cambodian volunteers for voter education. We published almost five hundred thousand booklets of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to distribute to people, and a million one-page leaflets showing that you could vote by secret ballot. This was important because the CPP explained to people that they had a satellite that could see in the booths and tell who you were voting for; and that if you didnt vote for them they would know. The CPP also brought people in front of Buddha and forced them to swear for whom they were going to vote, and as the CPP members were holding guns, people were afraid to vote against them. Then the CPP told them that if they dont respect their oath, Buddha would punish them with death. But we told them that Buddha is good and respects justice, that he would punish the ones violating human rights, and protect the victims. We said that when they went into the booths they would be alone to vote for whomever they liked, but we warned them not to talk afterwards. Despite the intimidation of the CPP, more than 90 percent of the people showed up to vote. And they voted for the Royalist Party, and when it won, they talked. The CPP told them to be careful, to not trust so much in the UN. They said the UN is like a boat: the boat leaves, but they are the port and they will stay here, permanently. Now we have peace at last, but we have had a civil war since 1970 and, as a result, we have a lot of children in the street, living in bad conditions. Sometimes they are orphans, with no parents at all; sometimes they have only one parent, usually their mother. Their fathers were killed. Or their parents are too poor so the children have to try and live on their own: paint a can to sell so they can get twenty-five cents per day; sleep in the street. They are prey to foreigners who come to Cambodia for sexual tourism, pigs. Asian men in the region prefer young girls; European pedophiles prefer boys. We have many brothels and at night you will pass those brothels and find young childreneleven or twelve years old. We talked to one, only thirteen. She was already in the brothel for two years. Asian men believe that after a certain age, say fifty, if they have sexual relations with a virgin girl they become younger. By having sex with a virgin they take all the energy, all the good things from the virgin, to themselves. Now, since we have the problem of AIDS, they especially want a real virgin, because they dont wear condoms. So they send an intermediary to the village to find a very poor family and buy girls for sex. The intermediary pays the family saying, "Your daughter can work in a restaurant or clean the house of my friend: here, I know that you are very poor, here is a hundred dollars." For them a hundred dollars is a lot of money. They dont even have ten dollars at home. Then the intermediary sells the girl to a client for between five hundred and seven hundred dollars. The man stays with the girl for one or two weeksits up to him, but not more than one month, because by then hes used up all the good things from the girl. After, she is sold to a brothel for two hundred dollars. Her life will be a nightmare. One girl whose mother sold her to a brothel doesnt hate her mother. She said, "This is my karma," meaning that in her previous life she did something very bad and has to pay for the error. The girl explained, "I have to be kind with my mother because my mother is still the person who gave life to me." That girl still sends money to her mother. Government statistics say that there are twenty thousand child prostitutes in Cambodia. But we think you can multiply that number by three or four, maybe five. There are a lot but we cannot go everywhere. As it is illegal, people hide. Still, everybody knows. This is very sad and hard for us. Child workers are another big problem. The government closes its eyes to the situation and is angry because we denounce child labor. They say, "Do you prefer children dying?" We reply, "Its good if they work, as long as its not dangerous work." Children should go to school, but the schools are not free because of the low salary of the teachers, who get less than twenty dollars a month. You need at least two hundred dollars to live a normal life in Cambodia. And if you are sick, you borrow the money from somebody and you pay 20 percent interest per month, so people sell all their land, their house, and they become homeless. Or else the family prefers the children die. When a situation develops like this, the authorities push the family to take poison: and so the whole family dies: the mother, the father, many children at the same time. They prefer dying like that to dying from starvation. Its too hard, you know, when children are crying out, "Im hungry, Im hungry." We have very high infant mortality. The highest in the world, I think. A hundred and eighty children out of a thousand die before reaching five years. In your country or in Europe, maybe less than one child dies out of a thousand. Many times with our work, we were so depressed. Sometimes we felt like asking somebody to take care of LICADHO so we could run away because its too much for us. It could be easy for us to take our suitcases, pack, and then take an airplane and not look back. But then we said, "Impossible, they trust us." They come and work and dont take money, although they have nothing. When we need them to monitor elections, they are here. And what we do is importantduring the coup and after the coup, how many people did we save? When a victim comes to see us, they say, "I know that I would have died if you were not here." That gives us more energy. If we only saved one personits a victory. There are around six to nine hundred people tortured by the police in custody every year to whom we give medical assistance. Every month we help one hundred thousand to two hundred thousand people. Without us they would die. In prison, they dont have food. Just one bowl of rice and no protein, ever. Sometimes they dont even have drinking water. People ask why we help criminals in prison. But not everybody in prison is a criminal. And even if they are criminals, they at least have the right to food and medical care. One woman owed fifty dollars, so she got two years in jail. And when she got out, she still could not pay, so she went back for four years. Four years for fifty dollars. We paid for her and she got out. Its hard sometimes. But as I told my staff, now I have energy to work with you, but please learn how to do the job, as LICADHO is yours and not mine at all. Because one day, I will need some rest. I am fifty-six years old already; some day I will have to take care of my grandchildren. They have to continue the work alone. They have a lot of courageand for me courage means that despite the intimidation of the ruling party, you do something good for the people, for the grassroots, for your country.

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CC-MAIN-2016-50

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en

This song is available on Earth Tone's Mind Games. Hey you, can you tell me about the metric system? Is it true that using metric's all right? Everybody all around the world is using the metric system So listen up boys and girls let's catch up with them Length volume, capacity, mass, and the intensity that a light has. The metric system is your friend so use it time and time again Let's say you're taking a measurement, before you start to do it You've got to first determine the correct base unit To measure length or distance the meter is real cool… l/100th of a meter is called a centimeter… Kilometers are what we use to measure distance across the nation…. The metric system is so cool because it follows the decimal system That means everything changes by multiples of 10 Just like our numbers and our money… Down here on the earth at the level of the sea We refer to the mass of an object as its weight… Capacity's how much a container holds, like a cup or the gas tank in a Rolls… There are other units in the metric system, So keep on learning, and remember the metric system's all right! See more of our Math and Chants & Raps Song Lyrics. Many thanks to Earth Tone Enterprises for permission to display these lyrics. © Earth Tone Enterprises. All rights reserved. Used with permission.

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en

Are You Losing Because of the "Spread"?You've been working on your tennis technique, your tactical and mental game and are physically well prepared and yet, for some reason, you still make too many unforced errors. The reason for your mistakes may lie in the "spread". What is the "spread"? Here's an example (picture 1) of where the balls landed, when I asked the player (intermediate level) to hit the cone. I was feeding the balls nicely so that the player did not have to move and was trying to hit the cone from the baseline with a forehand cross court shot. (I put the balls in the place where the player's shots landed) The main reason for making too many unforced errors can therefore lie in the fact that your imagined target is too close to the sideline or baseline and that some of the shots that you spread around your target will land outside. (picture 2) That will make the "spread" area elliptical and not a symmetrical circle! This fact also gives you an idea where to position your imagined target - it can be slightly closer to the sidelines and farther away from the baseline. The width and length of the spread area is determined by: - your skill level - professionals have a much smaller spread area than club players - your position - the longer the distance to your imagined target, the more you will miss it - movement - your spread area is much bigger if you are moving than if you are standing still (when hitting) Once you understand this, and especially the last two factors, you'll know how to force your opponent to play less accurately - make him move and keep him far behind the baseline! Reducing the spread area is the main objective of tennis training. In fact, when it comes to the professional level, players practice every day for 4 to 5 hours and most of this time is spent working on hitting closer to the desired target in various difficulty conditions: (moving forward, backward, running, attacking, defending, ...) And how exactly does one reduce the spread area? Simple: try to hit the target and notice where the ball lands. Then adjust. See the 4 Mistakes article for a more in-depth explanation... How the Pros Play Professional tennis players are well aware of the spread and they play most of the shots very safely - away from the baseline and away from the sidelines. Observe the rally in the video below and put a dot on a picture of the court for every ball that is hit during this rally. Here's how the picture would look for this great point: See where the balls landed? Most of them (blue ones) are far away from the baseline and the sidelines. Also note that two (one from Nadal and one from Federer) of the red shots that landed close to the lines were defensive shots... This leaves only 3 shots in the whole rally that landed close to the sidelines, because the player was trying to hit an offensive shot with some degree of risk. (I chose this point to illustrate the idea of spread. If you observe lots of points played and where the balls land, you'll see a very similar pattern.) And if you could see the rally from a lower camera position, you would also see that players play safely ABOVE the net. There is, of course, a spread area around your desired height too. Obviously, it's almost impossible to hit the exact height you're aiming for, so you need to make sure that even you when you miss that height, the ball still goes above the net and into the court. |Some players (juniors and club level) are aware only the of the direction and speed of their shots when they play. If I ask them how high above the net they were trying to play, they have no idea. No wonder that some many of their shots end up in the net.| EVERY shot you play has to clear the net and on every shot you need to decide how high above the net you want to play, in order to compensate for the spread of the height too. A tennis game requires you to direct a moving ball with a moving racquet, while you too are often moving. All of these factors make it very difficult to be accurate when aiming for a desired target on the the other side of the net. This inaccuracy shows as a spread of shots in the long term around your target area. Your goal, then, is to take into account this spread area (including the spread area around your desired height of the shots) and choose targets in a such a way that, even when you miss them (which is almost every time), your shots will still land in the court. If, of course, you choose to aim in the middle of your opponent's court, then you won't miss much; but you also won't put your opponent into trouble by making him move. So Where Should One Place Imagined Targets? Aim for the middle of the second half of the court on each side. The red dots in the picture show you the targets where you should aim most of the time, when playing from the baseline. This target will help you hit most of the shots in and when you happen to miss the shot slightly towards the baseline or the sideline, you will actually play a very good shot, forcing your opponent into defense. If you start watching more carefully where the shots from professional players actually land (or mark that on a piece of paper), you'll quickly be able to determine where their target lies on the court. Use that knowledge to take your game one level higher in a very short amount of time...

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en

A science team led by researchers at Rutgers University discovered a new tool for removing contaminants from water. Tiny glowing crystals designed... EPA is implementing a nationwide assessment to improve the National Pollution Discharge Elimination System (NPDES) permit programs Permitting for Environmental Results (PER). This is the result of a 16-month effort by the states and EPA to evaluate the management of NPDES programs. The culmination of this effort is documented in the 33 NPDES individual state profiles that are being released today, with the remaining state profiles released in early 2005. EPA and the states have been working through a detailed process to carefully assess each of their NPDES programs to gauge effectiveness, identify strengths and target areas for improvement. The profiles are intended as a guide for state and EPA managers as they work to strengthen and ensure the long-term success of each NPDES program. This effort began in August 2003, and includes three primary components to enhance the NPDES program: Integrity - Ensuring that NPDES programs have the information and tools they need to issue effective permits Program Efficiency - Providing tools to the states and sharing information among NPDES programs to streamline the permitting process to effectively apply resources where needed in each watershed Environmental Results - Identifying environmentally significant permits, prioritizing and reissuing them to improve water quality. EPA will continue to work with each program to address the needed improvements identified in the profiles and then track their progress. The Agency plans to formalize a management system for the NPDES program to ensure consistent quality and effectiveness across all NPDES programs. Under the Clean Water Act, the NPDES program regulates discharges to waters of the United States from point sources such as municipal sewage treatment plants and industrial facilities. States may seek authorization to operate the NPDES program, and, today, 45 states and the U.S. Virgin Islands have this authorization. EPA is the permitting authority in unauthorized states, territories and Indian country.

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en

Turn on the tap and there it is. Getting water is so easy that you’d be mistaken for thinking that there was an endless supply. But the world has a water shortage. 70% of the world is covered in water - we should call our planet ‘ocean’ not ‘earth’! But most of this water is salt water, leaving only a small percentage of fresh drinking water. Countries including Spain, Italy, Peru, China and South Africa actually import water from exporting countries such as the US, Australia and Argentina. 783 million people do not have access to clean water and 2.5 billion people do not have access to adequate sanitation. This global shortage is predicted to get worse as global temperatures rise. Every person in the UK uses about 150 litres of water a day - compare this to some countries where they only have 5-10 litres! Poor countries would be shocked to hear that we use drinking water to flush our toilets. There are many simple ways that we can reduce our water use. Let’s have a look at how you can help: How to help: - Get your teeth into it We brush our teeth twice a day and by turning the tap off while we brush we can save 5-10 litres of water. If every adult in the UK did this then we’d save enough water for 500,000 homes. So, kids - let’s show them how it’s done! - Bottle in your loo What? Put a bottle in your loo? That’s right. If it will fit, fill up a lemonade or cola bottle with water and pop it into your loo’s water tank. Then when you flush and the water fills back up you’ll save a bottle’s worth every time. - Rain Gain Collecting rainwater in a water butt in your garden is a great way of collecting and reusing the water to keep plants healthy in the summer. - Reuse Share bath water with your family to reduce costs and water use. Or, set yourself a challenge to cut down your shower time by 1 or 2 minutes. For more information take a look at our fun free magazine download called The Yippittee - this issue is all about water, where it goes and what happens to it after it disappears down the plughole and more.Read More: Rubbish

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CC-MAIN-2016-50

http://ypte.org.uk/factsheets/environment/water

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en

Modern skills in STEM subjects — science, technology, engineering and math — are increasingly important when it comes to career success in and beyond Dartmouth. That’s why we’ve designed our after-school STEM programs to be fun and engaging while encouraging kids to stay on track towards in-demand careers. In fact, Sylvan EDGE offers a unique blend of excitement and academic mastery, whether it's assembling a soaring super structure, coding a LEGO® robot or making an original video game from scratch. Kids are encouraged to make friends as they learn as well since teamwork, collaboration and camaraderie are also top priorities. Learn how your child can gain a valuable edge for the future when he or she attends your local Sylvan in Dartmouth. Unlocking Young Potential At Sylvan, we believe after-school learning should be about a lot more than repetitive drills and frustrating tasks. We developed our after-school programs to offer innovative learning environments that use the latest technology to combine fun activities with rewarding challenges. The results can’t be denied: kids who attend Sylvan in Dartmouth are more confident in their problem-solving skills, making them better able to reach their potential in and out of the classroom. That’s how we can make a difference.▼ Skills That Pay Off in the Long Run At Sylvan, you can help your child get on the right path with highly valued STEM skills. Our STEM-based programs — Robotics, Coding, Engineering and Math Edge — zero in on important 21st century competencies like advanced math, logic and computer programming. That means kids will be developing skills that will help them succeed in the future—and making lots of friends along the way! That's how having fun today can lead to bigger and better achievements in the future! In Dartmouth, Sylvan EDGE Programs Offer: - Math Edge: Making math interesting and engaging for kids is essential since it is the foundation all STEM subjects are built on. Our brain-exercising activities — like puzzles, brainteasers and progress challenges — will help your child develop solid problem-solving skills he or she needs in and out of the classroom. - Coding: You can look forward to your child coming home with plenty of exciting stories when you register him or her for our coding program, which includes cool, interactive challenges like building video games, and coming up with computer animations. - Engineering: Engineers make things like race cars, sprawling bridges and the highest of skyscrapers possible. With our engineering program, your child will learn how to turn his or her dreams into reality with hands-on activities and challenges that develop their problem-solving skills. - Robotics: Robots, friendships and confidence are only a few of the things your child will be building with our cutting-edge robotics program. Not to mention, building and bringing his or her very own LEGO® robot to life is the perfect challenge for any young, budding engineer.

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He was the son of Nikita Ivanovich Karapetov and Anna Joakimovna Karapetova. Karapetoff first studied at Petersburg State University of Means of Communication taking his first certification in 1897 and a second in 1902. During his studies he was a consultant to the Russian government and served as an instructor teaching electrical engineering and hydraulics in three of Saint Petersburg's colleges. In 1899, he went to the Technische Hochschule Darmstadt to study power systems, he wrote Über Mehrphasige Stromsysteme in 1900. In 1903 Karapetoff emigrated to the United States and apprenticed at Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company. The following year he began his long association with Cornell University as professor of electrical engineering. Karapetoff published the first part of his Engineering Applications of Higher Mathematics in 1911, and followed with parts two to five in 1916. That year he also published Electrical Measurements and Testing, Direct and Alternating Current. The American Institute of Electrical Engineers made him a Fellow in 1912. He became a charter member of the American Association of University Professors in 1915. Karapetoff was a research editor for Electrical World from 1917 to 1926. Karapetoff wrote several articles on special relativity to show that - much of the difficulty in understanding the subject lies in the popular effort to reconcile relativity with our every-day experience. Once this non-technical point of view, with its childish illustrations and analogs, has been abandoned, and the relativity space is considered mathematically per se, the treatment is not different from any other branch of mathematics. Certain postulates are made and a structure is built step by step on these, using mathematical logic and its recognized tools and operations. In the first three articles in the journal of the Optical Society of America, Karapetoff used the notion of a "velocity angle" α which expressed the relation of a velocity v to the speed of light by sin α = v/c. In the later articles he used instead the hyperbolic angle u called rapidity in relativity, and determined by tanh u = v/c. As explained in a footnote on page 73 of the 1936 article, when sin α = tanh u, one says that α is the Gudermannian angle of u, and u is the anti-Gudermannian of α. Thus he explains, "the present treatment is in terms of the anti-Gudermannian of the velocity angle previously used." The diagramatic treatments given by Karapetoff are frequently called Minkowski diagrams in physical science. In 1928 the Franklin Institute awarded him the Elliott Cresson Medal. Karapetoff was an accomplished cellist, and in 1934 was awarded an honorary doctorate in music by the New York College of Music. On November 25, 1936, he married Rosalie Margaret Cobb at Dobbs Ferry, New York. The Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute bestowed on him the degree of Doctor of Science in 1937. Karapetoff died in 1948, and is buried in Ithaca, Tompkins County, New York. - V Karapetoff (1924) "Aberration of light in terms of the theory of relativity as illustrated on a cone and a pyramid", Journal of the Optical Society of America 9(3):223–33. - V Karapetoff (1926) "Straight-line relativity in oblique coordinates; also illustrated by a mechanical model", Journal of the Optical Society of America 13:155. - V Karapetoff (1929) "Relativity transformation of an oscillation into a travelling wave, and DeBroglie's postulate in terms of velocity angle", Journal of the Optical Society of America 19:253. - V Karapetoff (1936) "Restricted relativity in terms of hyperbolic functions of rapidities", American Mathematical Monthly 43:70–82. - V Karapetoff (1941) "A general outline of restricted relativity", Scripta Mathematica 8:145–63. - V Karapetoff (1944) "The special theory of relativity in hyperbolic functions", Reviews of Modern Physics 16:33–52. - V Karapetoff (1945) "The constancy of the velocity of light", in A Collection of Papers in Memory of Sir William Rowan Hamiltion, Scripta Mathematica at Yeshiva College. - Brittain 1997 - SOCIALISTS NAME PROFESSOR in NYT on September 20, 1910 - C. E. RUSSELL FOR SENATOR in NYT on July 6, 1914 - Scripta Mathematica 8:162 - MISS R. M. COBB WED TO ITHACA EDUCATOR; Wife of Prof. Karapetoff of Cornell Since Nov. 25, 1936 in NYT on June 14, 1938 (subscription required) - Eta Kappa Nu Outstanding Technical Achievement Award - James E. Brittain (1997) "Vladimir Karapetoff: A Pioneer Electrical Engineering Educator", Proceedings of the IEEE 85(10):1662, weblink from IEEE Explore. - Allen G. Debus (1968) "Vladimir Karapetoff", Who's Who in Science, Marquis Who's Who. - THINKS ELECTRON DIVISIBLE; Karapetoff Also Predicts Wave Velocity Greater Than That of Light in NYT on February 14, 1930 (subscription required) - V. KARAPETOFF DIES in NYT on January 12, 1948 (subscription required)

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1 Answer | Add Yours The original question had to be edited. I would suggest that Othello's downfall is quite convincing. Othello's downfall is caused by his own insecurity. It is doubt in himself, in Desdemona, and in the world around him that plays a major role in Othello's downfall. This is shown in a convincing manner. Shakespeare shows this demise to be incremental as the play progresses. For Othello, the lingering doubts of himself as an "insider" from one who is an "outsider" become evident. These are what help to fuel his downfall. Jealousy replaces his confidence. Where there was certainty, there is now insecurity. I think that this is where his downfall becomes convincing. Shakespeare shows how the most lauded of individuals can become "undone" through their own sense of unchecked doubt and insecurity. It is unravelling for Othello to be immersed in a condition where he constantly undergoes self- doubt and uncertainty. From a man who could fend off external armies and threats from abroad, Othello becomes a man whose worst enemy is himself. This is shown in a convincing manner, taking a toll on both himself and Desdemona. We’ve answered 318,917 questions. We can answer yours, too.Ask a question

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It has been 10 years since Hugo Chávez was elected president of Venezuela and set out to overhaul the country's largely discredited political system. His first major achievement, the enactment of a new constitution in 1999, offered an extraordinary opportunity for the country to shore up the rule of law and strengthen the protection of human rights. The 1999 Constitution significantly expanded human rights guarantees by, among other things, granting Venezuela's international rights obligations precedence over domestic law. It also created a new Supreme Court and sought to provide this court with the institutional independence it would need to serve as the ultimate guarantor of these fundamental rights. But this historic opportunity has since been largely squandered. The most dramatic setback came in April 2002 when a coup d'état temporarily removed Chávez from office and replaced him with an unelected president who, in his first official act, dissolved the country's democratic institutions, suspending the legislature and disbanding the Supreme Court. Within 40 hours, the coup unraveled, Chávez returned to office, and the constitutional order was restored. But while this derailment of Venezuelan democracy lasted less than two days, it has haunted Venezuelan politics ever since, providing a pretext for a wide range of government policies that have undercut the human rights protections established in the 1999 Constitution. Discrimination on political grounds has been a defining feature of the Chávez presidency. At times, the president himself has openly endorsed acts of discrimination. More generally, he has encouraged his subordinates to engage in discrimination by routinely denouncing his critics as anti-democratic conspirators and coup-mongers-regardless of whether or not they had any connection to the 2002 coup. Another defining feature of the Chávez presidency has been an open disregard for the principle of separation of powers enshrined in the 1999 Constitution-and, specifically, the notion that an independent judiciary is indispensable for protecting fundamental rights. After the 2002 coup, the most damaging blow to the rule of law in Venezuela was the political takeover of the Supreme Court by Chávez and his supporters in 2004. In the absence of credible judicial oversight, the Chávez government has engaged in often discriminatory policies that have undercut journalists' freedom of expression, workers' freedom of association, and civil society's ability to promote human rights in Venezuela. This book examines the current state of Venezuelan democracy from a human rights perspective.It does not address all the pressing human rights issues facing the country today, many of which pre-date the Chávez presidency. Rather, it focuses on the impact that the Chávez government's policies have had on institutions that play key roles in ensuring that human rights are respected: the courts, the media, organized labor, and civil society. The book's findings are based primarily on research that Human Rights Watch conducted during multiple visits to Venezuela between December 2006 and July 2008. It also draws on research carried out during previous visits dating back to 2002. While in Venezuela, Human Rights Watch conducted extensive interviews with government officials, judicial authorities, jurists, academics, human rights advocates, trade unionists, and journalists. The Venezuelan government under President Chávez has tolerated, encouraged, and engaged in wide-ranging acts of discrimination against political opponents and critics. Chapter 2 documents how the government has: - Fired and blacklisted political opponents from some state agencies and from the national oil company; - Denied some citizens access to social programs based on their political opinions; and - Discriminated against media outlets, labor unions, and civil society in response to legitimate criticism or political activity. Chávez assumed the presidency in part on the promise to free Venezuela from its entrenched patterns of political exclusion. However, while his government has uprooted established networks of political patronage, it has replaced them with new forms of discrimination against its own critics and opponents. While Chávez himself has at times recognized that discrimination is a problem and spoken out against it, his routine expressions of political intolerance have served to undergird the discriminatory actions of his supporters. On occasion, Chávez has openly advocated political discrimination against opponents, as when he publicly supported declarations by his energy minister that the state oil company would remove employees who did not support the president. Human Rights Watch recommends that the Venezuelan government take concrete steps to end political discrimination. In particular, the president and other top officials should refrain from public statements that appear to endorse discrimination. The government should give clear instructions to all government officials explicitly prohibiting political discrimination in the hiring and firing of employees and in the access to government programs. It should also carry out prompt and thorough investigations into all credible allegations of politically motivated discrimination and sanction officials found to be responsible. The government under President Chávez has effectively neutralized the judiciary as an independent branch of government. Chapter 3 documents how the president and his supporters carried out a political takeover of the Supreme Court in 2004, and how the court has since largely abdicated its role as a check on arbitrary state action and a guarantor of fundamental rights. When Chávez first assumed the presidency, there was broad public support for his calls to clean up a judiciary that was dysfunctional and profoundly discredited. The 1999 Constitution created a new Supreme Court and sought to guarantee its integrity and independence. But in 2004 Chávez signed legislation that made it possible for his supporters in the National Assembly to both pack and purge the Supreme Court. The governing coalition implemented this court-packing legislation by filling the 12 new seats (in what had been a 20-member court) with political allies. This packed Supreme Court subsequently fired hundreds of lower court judges and appointed hundreds more. Since this takeover occurred, the court's response to government measures that threaten fundamental rights has typically been one of passivity and acquiescence. It has failed, in particular, to counter assaults on the separation of powers, such as the 2004 court-packing law and, more recently, a 2007 constitutional reform package. It has also failed to safeguard fundamental rights in prominent cases involving the media and organized labor. Human Rights Watch recommends that steps be taken to reverse the damage done by the 2004 court-packing law. After the next legislative elections in 2010, the new National Assembly should implement a one-time ratification process to legitimize the composition of the Court by, for example, requiring a two-thirds majority affirmation vote for each Supreme Court justice who has been appointed since the passage of the 2004 Supreme Court law. Measures should then be taken to permit the lawful removal of any justice who does not receive a two-thirds majority vote during this process. Any resulting vacancies should be filled through a selection process that is open, transparent, and ensures broadest possible political consensus. The legislature should also immediately repeal the 2004 provisions that allow justices to be removed by a simple majority vote. The Venezuelan government under President Chávez has undermined freedom of expression through a variety of measures aimed at reshaping media content and control. Chapter 4 documents how the government has: ·Expanded the scope of insult laws, which punish disrespectful expression toward government officials, and toughened penalties for criminal defamation and libel; ·Expanded and toughened the penalties of vaguely defined "incitement" provisions that allow for the arbitrary suspension of TV and radio channels; ·Restricted public access to official information; and ·Abused the state's control of broadcasting frequencies to threaten and discriminate against stations with overtly critical programming. Venezuela still enjoys a vibrant public debate, in which anti-government and pro-government media are equally vocal in their criticism and defense of Chávez. However, whereas Chávez faced an almost entirely hostile private media at the time of the 2002 coup, he has since significantly shifted the balance of the mass media in the government's favor. This shift has been accomplished, not by promoting more plural media, but by stacking the deck against critical opposition outlets while advancing state-funded media that represent the views only of Chávez's supporters. By expanding and toughening the penalties for speech and broadcasting offenses, Chávez and his legislative supporters have strengthened the state's capacity to limit free speech and created powerful incentives for critics to engage in self-censorship. Journalists working for opposition media have borne the brunt of prosecutions under these laws in recent years, generating pressure on these media to tone down criticism. Should the government choose to utilize the expanded speech and broadcasting offenses more aggressively, the space for political debate in Venezuela could be severely curtailed. One area where the government's media policy has produced positive results is broadcasting at the community level. The government has actively supported the creation of community radio and TV stations, whose broadcasting contribute to media pluralism and diversity in Venezuela. Human Rights Watch recommends that the National Assembly repeal all existing legislation that contravenes international norms on freedom of expression, including insult laws, laws criminalizing defamation of public officials and institutions, and the overly broad incitement provisions of its broadcasting law. It should also pass legislation to implement the constitutional right of access to information held by public entities in an effective and non-discriminatory manner. In addition, after the next legislative elections in 2010, the National Assembly should establish a new state agency to administer broadcasting frequencies and enforce broadcasting laws. Steps should be taken to ensure that this new agency possesses the institutional autonomy that CONATEL is formally granted by law but lacks in practice. The Venezuelan government under President Chávez has sought to remake the country's labor movement in ways that violate basic principles of freedom of association. Chapter 5 documents how the government has: - Undermined workers' right to elect their representatives by requiring state oversight and certification of union elections; - Denied the right to bargain collectively to unions which do not receive state approval of election results; - Undermined workers' right to freely join the labor organization of their choosing by engaging in favoritism toward pro-government unions; and - Undermined workers' right to strike by banning legitimate strike activity and engaging in mass reprisals against striking oil workers. President Chávez and his allies have tried to justify these actions as part of a broader effort to "democratize" the labor movement by safeguarding workers' rights against allegedly corrupt and co-opted union leaders. However, firing workers who exercise their right to strike, denying workers their right to bargain collectively, and discriminating against workers because of their political beliefs does not promote union democracy. Moreover, it is a central principle of the international law protecting workers' rights that states should not interfere in the internal affairs of unions, including their leadership elections. This prohibition-enshrined in the conventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO) to which Venezuela is a party-exists to prevent the political manipulation and state control that can often result from state interference in union affairs. Through its systematic violation of workers' right to organize, the Chávez government has undercut established unions and favored new, parallel unions that support its political agenda. For example, it has denied established unions the right to bargain collectively until they hold state-certified elections-which have been delayed and even blocked by electoral authorities-while negotiating with new pro-Chávez unions exempt from electoral requirements. It has fired and blacklisted thousands of workers in the state oil company who engaged in legitimate strike activity, and later threatened to remove all remaining workers who did not support Chávez. And it has promoted the formation of alternative workers' organizations that could be used to suppress legitimate worker organizing, undermine existing unions, and circumvent the country's labor laws. Human Rights Watch recommends that the government cease intervening in union affairs and engaging in political discrimination against workers. Specifically, the government should promote legislation to make state oversight and certification of union elections strictly optional (in the absence of a court order) and to eliminate political discretion in the choice of collective bargaining partners. It should also refrain from reprisals against workers engaged in legitimate strike activity and permit strikes grounded in economic and social policy demands, as required by international law. And it should amend existing and proposed legislation on alternative workers' associations to ensure that they are not used to subject organized labor to state control, block legitimate worker organizing, or evade national labor legislation. The Venezuelan government under President Chávez has undermined its own ability to address the country's long-standing human rights problems through its aggressively adversarial approach to local rights advocates and civil society organizations. Chapter 6 documents how the government has: - Subjected rights advocates to criminal investigations on groundless or grossly exaggerated charges; - Sought to discredit and undermine rights organizations through unfounded allegations of complicity in subversion; - Sought to exclude organizations receiving foreign funding from participation in international forums; and - Promoted legislation that would allow arbitrary state interference in rights organizations' fundraising and operations. President Chávez and his supporters have tried to justify these measures by arguing that rights advocates and civil society organizations were pursuing a partisan political agenda aimed at destabilizing the country and toppling President Chávez. Yet, while it is reasonable for a government to investigate and prosecute credible allegations of criminal activity, as well as to regulate foreign funding of civil society groups to promote greater transparency, these measures have gone beyond these legitimate forms of accountability and regulation. Given the gravity of the human rights problems facing Venezuela, the government could greatly benefit from the expertise and input of the country's human rights advocates and organizations in developing and implementing needed reforms. Instead authorities have harassed and intimidated leading human rights advocates, marginalizing them from policy discussions. In one notable exception, the government incorporated civil society experts in a commission set up to analyze and make proposals to reform Venezuela's police forces. Unfortunately, however, the commission on police reform is merely the exception that proves the rule regarding the cost of the government's adversarial approach to Venezuelan civil society. The Chávez government should abandon its aggressively adversarial posture toward local human rights defenders and civil society organizations. As the experience with police reform demonstrates, even in the midst of a polarized political situation, constructive engagement is possible and can contribute to finding solutions to the country's chronic human rights problems. The Future of Venezuelan Democracy The recommendations outlined in this book are fully consistent with the broader goal enshrined in the 1999 Constitution-and publicly espoused by the Chávez government-of promoting a more inclusive democracy in Venezuela. Indeed, Human Rights Watch believes that the recommended steps are prerequisites for any serious effort to pursue this vital and ambitious aim. A country's citizens cannot participate fully and equally in its politics when their rights to freedom of expression and association are at risk. Ensuring these essential rights requires more than constitutional guarantees and political rhetoric. It requires institutions that are capable of countering and curbing abusive state practices. Above all, it requires a judiciary that is independent, competent, and credible. It is also critical that non-state institutions-such as the media, organized labor, and civil society-are free from government reprisals and political discrimination. President Chávez has actively sought to project himself as a champion of democracy, not only in Venezuela, but throughout Latin America. Yet his professed commitment to this cause is belied by his government's willful disregard for the institutional guarantees and fundamental rights that make democratic participation possible. Venezuela will not achieve real and sustained progress toward strengthening its democracy-nor will it serve as a useful model for other countries in the region-so long as its government continues to flout the human rights principles enshrined in its own constitution. Political discrimination has long plagued Venezuela. For decades, government patronage and spoils were divided along party lines at the expense of large sectors of Venezuelan society. Chávez assumed the presidency in part on the promise to free Venezuela from its entrenched patterns of political exclusion. While his government managed to uproot the established system of political discrimination, it has replaced it with new forms of discrimination against real and perceived political opponents. The Chávez government proclaims a commitment to political inclusion, but has openly discriminated against those who do not share its views. Government officials have removed scores of detractors from the career civil service, purged dissident employees from the national oil company, denied citizens access to social programs based on their political opinions, and denounced critics as subversives deserving of discriminatory treatment. The Chávez administration's exclusion and harassment of those who voice their dissent belie its banner of democratic pluralism. Political discrimination under Chávez was most pronounced in the aftermath of the 2004 recall referendum on Chávez's presidency. Citizens who exercised their right to call for the referendum-invoking one of the new participatory mechanisms championed by Chávez during the drafting of the 1999 Constitution-were threatened with retaliation and blacklisted from some government jobs and services. After denouncing the referendum effort as an act "against the country", Chávez requested that electoral authorities give legislator Luis Tascón a list of those who signed the referendum petition, which was made publicly available on the internet. The "Tascón list" and an even more detailed list of all Venezuelans' political affiliations-the "Maisanta program"-were then used by public authorities to target government opponents for political discrimination. (There were also reports that private sector employers utilized the lists to discriminate against Chávez supporters.) In one prominent case from 2004, a government banking agency used the lists in compiling political profiles of its employees and then fired more than 80 employees deemed to be part of the political opposition. In a similar case shortly after the referendum, government officials refused to renew a contract with a cooperative that made school uniforms on the grounds that cooperative members had appeared on the Tascón list and thus did not "deserve" the benefits of the program. Political discrimination has been openly endorsed and practiced in the oil industry, which is one of the country's largest sources of employment and the backbone of the national economy. After a two-month-long strike in December 2002, the government fired close to half of the workforce from the state oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), and blacklisted them from future employment in the oil sector. A month before the 2006 presidential election, the energy minister (who also serves as PDVSA president) boasted that the company had "removed 19,500 enemies of the country from the [oil] business" and would continue to do so, telling PDVSA employees that anyone who disagreed with the government "should give up their post to a Bolivarian." Although the minister issued a memo almost a year later proscribing political discrimination, there is credible evidence that the discriminatory mindset reflected in his initial remarks was also embodied in actual employment policies in some departments of PDVSA. Political discrimination has been a recurring feature of the government's policies and actions in a wide variety of areas. Subsequent chapters of this report show how political discrimination has affected the media, organized labor, and civil society. The government has threatened opposition journalists and media outlets with criminal prosecution and termination of broadcasting licenses. It has favored the formation of new pro-government unions, while refusing to bargain collectively with those associated with the opposition. And it has also harassed prominent human rights advocates and NGOs critical of the government. Government officials have attempted to defend acts of political discrimination as a necessity, either to contain a political opposition allegedly intent on overthrowing the government or to establish a government capable of undertaking a "revolutionary" project. One government minister called the 2004 recall referendum effort an act of "terrorism" and urged the dismissal of those not "committed to the revolutionary process." Other officials claimed that large groups of civil servants were political appointees who merited dismissal for having signed petitions calling for the referendum. Chávez himself has sent mixed messages regarding political discrimination. At times he has recognized that discrimination is a problem and spoken out against it. For example, he directed employers to "bury" the Tascón list due to reports he received of employment discrimination (although he waited a full year after the list's implementation to do so). He also promoted a constitutional reform proposal to explicitly bar discrimination based on political orientation. Yet Chávez has also at times openly advocated political discrimination against opponents of the "revolution." For example, after his energy minister told PDVSA workers they should give up their jobs if they were not Chávez supporters, Chávez publicly defended this openly discriminatory message and called on all oil workers who were not committed to the "revolution" to abandon their jobs and "go to Miami." Such expressions of political intolerance have served to undergird the discriminatory treatment applied by his supporters. Political Discrimination under International Law Discrimination against individuals for exercising democratic rights is proscribed under international law. Under Article 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), states must respect and ensure the rights recognized in the covenant "without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status" (emphasis added). Although race and gender discrimination have occupied the attention of the international community, the ICCPR makes no distinction, in terms of gravity, between these different manifestations of discrimination. International law specifically bars discrimination in public sector employment. Article 25c of the ICCPR requires that "every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in Article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions, to have access on general terms of equality to public service in his country." In its general comment on this article, the Human Rights Committee noted that to ensure equal access, "the criteria and processes for appointment, promotion, suspension and dismissal in public service positions must be objective and reasonable." Governments that bar entry to their opponents or fire those already in government jobs solely because of their political opinions would be in violation of their obligations under Articles 2 and 25. The Human Rights Committee has stressed that "the principle of access to public service on general terms of equality implies that the State has a duty to ensure that it does not discriminate against anyone. This principle is all the more applicable to persons employed in the public service and to those who have been dismissed." International labor standards, specifically Convention 111 of the International Labour Organization (ILO), also prohibit discrimination on the basis of political opinion in access to jobs and in terms and conditions of employment. It is generally accepted that governments may apply political criteria in recruiting decision-makers at the top levels of public administration, and most governments do so. But these political appointments must be clearly defined and limited in nature so as to prevent abuse. It is a different matter when career civil servants are hired or dismissed in blanket fashion solely because of their presumed political views, whether such discrimination operates by law or occurs informally. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has expressed concern about political discrimination in Venezuela. As it wrote in its 2005 report: The Commission finds that dismissing employees and obstructing access to social benefits, among other measures, to punish those persons who express their voice of dissent from the administration are violations of human rights and should be subject to generalized censure, and should be investigated. Political Discrimination under Venezuelan Law Venezuela gives constitutional rank to international human rights treaties; as such, no domestic laws can violate the international proscription on political discrimination described above. In addition, the 1999 Constitution expressly prohibits "political discrimination" in employment. Finally, and more broadly, it bars "any discrimination with the intent or effect of nullifying or encroaching upon the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on equal terms, of the rights and liberties of every individual." Given that discriminatory actions based on political belief frequently result in a diminution of other rights, this broader prohibition can be read to provide general protections against political discrimination. Political Patronage and Discrimination Before Chávez Political discrimination is not new to Venezuela. For at least 30 years before Chávez's election, political allegiance was the passport to jobs in the public sector, as well as government contracts and services. Patronage-the provision of benefits, jobs, and services to those with party connections in exchange for political loyalty-was a pervasive feature of the power-sharing agreement between political parties known as the Punto Fijo pact. The Punto Fijo pact was based on a system of political accommodation and a division of state jobs, contracts, and spoils between the two dominant political parties. As Human Rights Watch noted in a report published in 1993, "jobs in the public sector were allocated with calculated discrimination through the political parties, forming an important element in the stream of patronage descending from the top of each party to its bases throughout the nation." The main losers of the political arrangement were the millions of poor Venezuelans outside the public sector of the economy. Many of these voters supported Chávez in 1998, partially with the hope of bringing an end to the corruption and exclusion of the Punto Fijo era. The old system of patronage was largely uprooted with Chávez's election, which ended the dominance of the two main political parties. Beginning in 2003, the Chávez government launched a series of "missions" that delivered social services directly to the poor, circumventing existing state institutions that had been criticized for distributing aid based on political criteria. Yet while the Chávez government replaced the old, discriminatory system for allocating public jobs and services, it has replaced it with new forms of exclusion based on political loyalty. Blacklisting: The "Tascón List" and "Maisanta Program" Two lists have been key instruments for giving effect to political discrimination under Chávez: the "Tascón list" and the "Maisanta program." While ostensibly designed for legitimate electoral purposes, several high-ranking government officials encouraged or threatened to use the lists to retaliate against those identified as critical of the government. In the aftermath of a contentious 2004 referendum to recall Chávez from the presidency, some government officials blacklisted those who called for the removal of Chávez from government jobs, contracts, and services. Chávez encouraged holding those who signed the petition for a recall referendum on his mandate "accountable" for their decision, although he stopped short of endorsing political discrimination. In October 2003, Chávez insinuated that there might be future uses of the petition: "Those who sign against Chávez, in truth are not signing against Chávez. They will be signing against the country…. They will be recorded in history, because [the CNE] will have to register their name, their surname, their signature, their ID, and their fingerprints." In January 2004, Chávez wrote to then-CNE president Francisco Carrasquero to inform him that he had authorized his campaign manager, Congressman Luis Tascón, to obtain copies of the forms with over three million signatures in support of the recall referendum from the CNE. Chávez announced on television that he intended to use the list to expose what he claimed were bogus signatures. Having obtained the election forms, Tascón posted the list of names on his website so that any individual was able to consult the "Tascón list," ostensibly to verify their signature. The creation of a list of those who signed for the recall referendum was not objectionable in itself. By supporting the call for a referendum, citizens were not voting in an election or even expressing a political preference. The petition for a recall referendum was a matter of public record in which the publication of signatures could increase the transparency of the process. What was impermissible was the use of the list to discriminate against signers. Several high-ranking government officials explicitly threatened retaliation against signers. In one prominent expression of support for political discrimination, then-Health Minister Roger Capella, told members of the press in March 2004 that health workers and doctors who had signed the recall referendum would be fired because to sign the petition was "an act of terrorism." Capella added that "the only doctors who will work in the country's hospitals will be comrade medics committed to the revolutionary process." On the following day, Capella rectified his comments, stating that they had a "personal connotation" and that discrimination on political grounds is unconstitutional. Nonetheless, given that Capella made his initial statements in a public forum, speaking as a government official, they could not be easily retracted or lightly forgotten. In another example of the political pressure placed on public sector employees, then-PDVSA President Alí Rodríguez warned of potential firings in the oil company for signing for the referendum, saying that "it wouldn't surprise me" if workers who signed the referendum petition were fired from their jobs. Some PDVSA employees later reported to the press that they had been fired and, when they asked for the reason, they were told it was because they had signed the referendum petition. Over a year after ordering the creation of the Tascón list, Chávez himself acknowledged the discriminatory purposes for which the list had been used. In April 2005, having won the referendum, Chávez called on employers to archive and "bury" the list on public television: It was a moment that we've put behind us. If one of us who has to take a personal decision about someone goes to consult the list, what they are doing is dragging past situations into the present, and helping to recreate them … the famous list certainly fulfilled a useful role at a given moment, but that moment has passed. We're asking the whole country to build bridges. I say this because I've been receiving some letters-of all the papers I receive-that make me think that in some spaces they still have the Tascón list on the table to decide whether somebody is going to work or is not going to work. Bury the Tascón list! Chávez almost certainly knew in 2004 of allegations that government departments were using the Tascón list to fire workers and block job applications. In fact, according to the state radio station, Tascón said in April 2004 that he had spoken to Chávez personally about cases of discrimination by both anti-Chávez private employers and pro-Chávez government institutions and urged Chávez to halt the continuing abuse of the list.Nonetheless, it took Chávez over a year from his first order to compile the list-in which time, as noted above, several high-ranking government officials endorsed the use of political discrimination-to give clear instructions that the information should not be used for discriminatory purposes. Following Chávez's statements, the Attorney General's Office opened an investigation in April 2005 to determine if private employers or public institutions used the Tascón list to discriminate against those who signed in favor of a recall referendum. However, to our knowledge, no convictions resulted. Moreover, Chávez's call to "bury" the Tascón list did not end political discrimination. While his announcement was welcome, some supporters responded by developing more sophisticated tools with which to discriminate. During the 2005 congressional elections, pro-Chávez campaigners designed a database known as the "Maisanta program". Unlike the Tascón list, which contained only the names of those who had signed for the recall referendum, the Maisanta program contained detailed information on all registered voters, totaling over 12 million citizens. It informed the user if voters had signed the recall referendum against Chávez, abstained in earlier elections, participated in the government's missions, and signed the counter-petition for a recall referendum against opposition legislators. The designers of the Maisanta program justified the program as an effort to democratize access to information. The database could indeed prove useful for campaign purposes. However, like the Tascón list, the Maisanta software was used for more than just electoral ends. Hundreds of allegations emerged starting in 2004 and 2005 that government officials in different branches of public administration were using the Tascón list, the Maisanta program, or both, to fire and screen applicants for government jobs and programs. Even Tascón acknowledged that there were cases of "people who were not given documents, who faced delays in completing paperwork, and who were denied the ability to work" because they signed for the referendum. The vast majority of allegations of political discrimination were leveled by members of the opposition against government ministries and agencies, according to the nonpartisan Venezuelan human rights NGO, PROVEA. However, there were also reports of political discrimination against Chávez supporters in lower levels of public administration, state and municipal governments, and the private sector. In most cases, it was not possible to prove political discrimination-with rare exceptions, citizens were given no grounds at all for the actions taken-yet many were told informally that they were losing their jobs, contracts, or services for having signed the referendum petition. For example, in one case reported to Human Rights Watch, a 98-year-old woman was denied medicines that she had long received from a state development agency because, as her family was told by the program secretary, she had signed the referendum petition. Human Rights Watch documented several representative cases, detailed below, in which government officials employed the Tascón list or Maisanta program to target individuals for discriminatory actions. Fund for the Guarantee of Deposits and Banking Protection Among the cases of alleged politically motivated firings, one of the most prominent was the dismissal of more than 80 civil servants from a government banking agency, the Fund for the Guarantee of Deposits and Banking Protection (Fondo de Garantías de Depósitos y Protección Bancaria, FOGADE), in 2004. All the fired employees reportedly had been named as members of the political opposition on a list, based in part on the Tascón list, circulated within the agency. While the workers were fired without explanation, the president of the agency openly stated that the employees were being dismissed to make way for those "that adhered to the government project." According to former employees, in May 2004 a group of FOGADE employees who belonged to a Bolivarian Circle-a type of grassroots political group supported and funded by the government-along with a senior official in the human resources department, created and circulated a list of the political affiliations of FOGADE's more than five hundred employees. Alongside each name was a handwritten number indicating the employee's political profile based on perceived political inclinations-ranging from "1" for a hard-line Chavista to "6" for "radical political opposition"-and an initial noting whether the employee had signed the petition for the recall referendum based on the Tascón list. The president of FOGADE, Jesús Caldera Infante, seemed to endorse the use of the list to purge the organization of government opponents, stating in a television interview that, "The revolution touched the soul and essence of FOGADE and … we are going to carry out the necessary changes." In June 2004, Caldera Infante announced on television that numerous employees, "many of whom had held their positions for over 19 years," had been dismissed because they "came from a culture that did not conform to the project envisioned by the Constitution for socioeconomic development" and that they would be substituted with officials "that adhered to the government project." Eighty FOGADE staff members had lost their jobs by August 2004, and, according to former employees, they all had been ranked as government opponents on the list. Among the dismissed employees was Yadira Pérez, a secretary who had worked for FOGADE for 11 years until she was fired in June 2004. Pérez had signed for the recall referendum. Pérez told Human Rights Watch that her dismissal notice stated that her job qualified as a political appointment, allowing FOGADE to fire her without cause. However, Pérez was long considered a career civil servant and decided to fight her case in court. FOGADE claimed that the firings were legally permissible because all the employees held political appointments from which they could be fired without explanation, and even for political reasons. An administrative decree from the president of FOGADE, shortly prior to the firings, established that all bank employees were political appointees because they handled sensitive information. "They are 'at will' [libre nombramiento y remoción] employees so we fired them at will," Caldera Infante explained. The court would eventually determine that the FOGADE employees were civil servants, and that the administrative order violated constitutional provisions protecting civil servants against politically motivated or arbitrary dismissals. The court ordered Pérez and several other FOGADE employees reinstated. National Council of Frontiers (CNF) In another case that suggests politically motivated discrimination, an employee at the National Council of Frontiers (Consejo Nacional de Fronteras, CNF) was told by her boss that she and three other employees had been fired solely because they signed for the recall referendum. Since 1996, Rocío San Miguel had worked as a contract employee and legal counsel to the CNF, a government agency attached to the office of the vice-president. Four of the council's 22 employees-Magally Chang, Jorge Guerra, Thais Peña Rocío, and San Miguel-were fired on March 22, 2004. The dismissal letters gave no reasons for their termination. San Miguel discovered that of the CNF's 22 employees only she and the other three who were fired were listed as having signed the referendum petition. One of the employees, Guerra, was eventually allowed to keep his job, after he insisted his ID card had been fraudulently used and that he would withdraw his name from the petition. After receiving her dismissal letter, San Miguel told Human Rights Watch that her supervisor explained to her in a telephone conversation that she was a political appointee and therefore was being dismissed for "showing disloyalty" by signing the petition for the recall referendum. But San Miguel was in fact a contract employee, not a political appointee. While the council had the right not to renew her annual contract-though it had chosen to do so for eight years-her political beliefs should not have factored into any decision about her continued employment. National Electoral Council (CNE) Political discrimination has also extended to unpaid public service positions. In the months prior to the recall referendum, the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral, CNE) dismissed volunteer members of municipal electoral councils, explicitly stating in dismissal letters that they were removed for having signed the recall referendum petition. The council members were citizens fulfilling their assigned civic duties, only to find their ability to render their services contingent on their political opinions. Local electoral boards (juntas municipales electorales) are composed of unpaid citizens who are selected by public lottery to assist with elections as part of their duties as voting citizens. Human Rights Watch interviewed one former member of these boards, Jorge Luis Suárez, who had served as president of the municipal electoral board of El Hatillo, a middle-class municipality of Caracas. Suárez, a lawyer, was selected by lottery to serve on the board to oversee the recall referendum in February 2004. But just days prior to the referendum, on August 11, 2004, Suárez received a letter from the regional director of the CNE informing him that the CNE had decided to "replace as members of the municipal electoral boards all those who signed [petitions calling] for a referendum on the presidency [or for a referendum against opposition] deputies of the National Assembly; accordingly it has resolved to replace you in your capacity as principal member of said electoral board." The letter cited a CNE resolution to this effect, dated July 30, 2004. Suárez told Human Rights Watch that four out of five members of the El Hatillo electoral board received similar discharge letters from the CNE. All four had signed for the referendum to recall President Chávez; the fifth member had not signed it. According to Suárez, the municipal board members were replaced by government supporters handpicked by the CNE just days prior to the referendum, although Venezuelan law requires that municipal board members be selected by public lottery at least two months prior to a referendum. Suárez said that when he went to retrieve his personal belongings from the municipal office, the new members-all dressed in red, the color of the government-would not let him in. Suárez told Human Rights Watch that he had never received a copy of the CNE resolution referred to in his discharge letter, but he knew of municipal board members in other districts who were also dismissed for having signed for the recall referendum against President Chávez. Suárez did not know of any cases of municipal board members dismissed for having signed a simultaneous counter-petition for recall referenda against legislators belonging to opposition parties. Former vice-president of the CNE, Ezequiel Zamora, told Human Rights Watch that the resolution was applied nationwide, but that only those who signed the petition to recall President Chávez were dismissed. Human Rights Watch was unable to find any cases of individuals suspended for signing for the referendum to recall opposition legislators. Even if the CNE resolution had been applied evenhandedly, it would have been improper: the exclusion of citizens from civic service because of their political beliefs violates the basic guarantees of equality and freedom of opinion essential to democratic government. Leaving aside the question of whether a signature in support of a recall referendum is a statement of political opinion, political belief should not be a disqualification for civic service. Single Social Fund (FUS) and Fund for Microfinanced Development The Tascón list was also applied to allocate government contracts. In one case from 2004, a cooperative lost an important government contract because, according to a letter from the government agency responsible for the contract, the cooperative's directors had signed the referendum petition and thus did not "deserve" the benefits of the contract. The Single Social Fund (Fondo Único Social, FUS), a government agency that administers social development projects, had bought school uniforms from Coprotene, a cooperative in the state of Nueva Esparta, since 2001. In 2004, FUS decided not to renew the annual contract. According to a letter from the president of the Nueva Esparta division of FUS, Coprotene was denied the contract to give an opportunity to cooperatives "truly committed to the revolutionary process and followers of our maximum leader President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías." The letter pointed out that FUS had checked the "signature status" of Coprotene's members and discovered "to its great surprise" that one of Coprotene's representatives, as well as her husband and the cooperative's treasurer, had all signed against Chávez. According to the FUS letter: DUE [the school uniform program] depends strictly on the president of the republic and if they signed against the president, they cannot now claim to deserve the benefits of a program that they themselves wanted to eliminate through the signatures. As such, with a resounding "NO," we said that Coprotene cannot participate in the DUE Program, nor can any other cooperatives or microenterprises that have shown their willingness to remove the top leader of the Bolivarian revolution, our President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías. The discriminatory use of the Tascón list appears to have been practiced by other state agencies as well. María Isabel Graciani, a former employee at the Fund for Microfinanced Development (Fondo del Desarrollo de la Microempresa, FONDEMI), a government development agency that provides small loans to cooperatives and social projects, told Human Rights Watch that she received orders from her superiors to use the Tascón list to weed out applications for loans, but that she refused to apply the list. Discrimination in PDVSA Political discrimination has been openly practiced in the state oil company, PDVSA. PDVSA fired more than 18,000 employees who participated in a two-month-long strike in 2002 in a mass reprisal for legitimate strike activity. (The oil strike and mass firing are analyzed in detail in chapter 6.) In following years, the government used participation in the strike much like it used participation in the recall referendum effort: to identify targets for discriminatory treatment. PDVSA blacklisted the dismissed employees from future employment in the oil sector as well as in its subsidiaries and contractors. The energy minister and Chávez suggested that all of the company's workers must support the government or leave. There is credible evidence that the discriminatory mindset reflected in these public statements also was embodied in actual employment policies in some departments of PDVSA. Blacklisting Oil Strikers In the aftermath of the oil strike, PDVSA purged its ranks of thousands of workers who participated in the strike. The government justified the mass firings by arguing that the workers' sole objective was "to overthrow the President." When the ILO reviewed the case, however, it determined that reasons for the work stoppage included worker demands relating to government economic policies and it therefore fell within the scope of legitimate trade union activity. The ILO concluded that the mass dismissal of thousands of workers and refusal to rehire them constituted reprisals in violation of international law. For several years after the strike, the government blacklisted the fired workers from employment in the oil sector. PDVSA wrote a letter to its subsidiaries and contractors, warning them not to hire the dismissed workers. In one letter sent in May 2005 to senior officials of contracting companies operating in the Orinoco Belt, the PDVSA official responsible for hiring workers in allied companies pointed out that PDVSA maintained a policy "of not contracting people responsible for conduct against the interests of the company during the events of December 2002 [the oil strike]." Another contractor, the Cypriot Hanseatic Shipping Company, allegedly received a similar letter from PDVSA in 2003 specifically mentioning that 168 employees had participated in the oil strike and could no longer be employed by the shipping company. PDVSA's hiring guidelines from July 2007 (which are still in force, to the best of our knowledge) stipulated that an applicant who is in the company's database as "the author of an action under investigation-the oil stoppage" is "unsuitable" for hiring. PDVSA also reportedly circulated lists of names of dismissed employees that should not be rehired. Some officials suggested that blacklisting striking workers was appropriate as a way of promoting accountability for crimes. As Labor Minister Roberto Hernández later explained, the government fired and refused to rehire thousands of oil workers because "those were 23,000 criminals." Such an approach might have been reasonable had it been limited to specific individuals facing well-substantiated charges of criminal activity who were then investigated and prosecuted with appropriate due process guarantees. Instead, the company applied the policy to exclude any employee who participated in the strike and therefore presumably opposed the government. Chávez himself publicly denounced these workers as "traitors" and declared that Venezuela could "not afford the luxury of having such people in PDVSA." A "Revolutionary" Workforce The allegedly subversive actions of the striking oil workers were used to encourage political discrimination within PDVSA. Both the energy minister and Chávez himself made clear that workers at PDVSA must support the "Bolivarian process," and employment policies in some departments of the company appeared to follow these government statements. One month before the December 2006 presidential election, Energy Minister and president of PDVSA Rafael Ramírez gave a speech to PDVSA employees, which was clandestinely filmed and later broadcast on television, in which he told workers that those who did not support Chávez should leave the company: PDVSA is red, red, from top to bottom…. Let no one be left with even a grain of doubt that the new PDVSA is with President Chávez…. it is a crime, a counter-revolutionary act for anyone here from management to try to suppress or cool the political expression of our workers in support of President Chávez. We are going to do everything necessary to support our president. Whoever feels uncomfortable with this [word indistinct] should give up their post to a Bolivarian." In the speech, Ramírez made clear to workers that this was not merely an idle threat. Referring to the mass dismissals that followed the oil strike, he told them: "Our pulse won't falter. We removed 19,500 enemies of the country from this business and we are ready to go on doing it." For his part, President Chávez, rather than refute the overtly discriminatory message, publicly endorsed it on national TV, calling on his energy minister to repeat it "100 times," and declaring that "PDVSA workers are part of this revolution, and whoever is not should go somewhere else, go to Miami." The statements of Rodríguez and Chávez were applied in at least some divisions of the company. In one case, the electric distribution division of PDVSA established a strategy to force political opponents out of PDVSA, according to internal company documents provided to Human Rights Watch by former employees. In a meeting on October 16, 2006, division managers agreed to drive out critics of the Chávez government. The minutes of the meeting describe the agreement: "All individuals (from leaders down) that are not identified with the process will be assigned to irrelevant activities, overtime will be eliminated for them and they will be taken out of activities on Saturday and Sunday. Those who are not with Chávez must not be in PDVSA." One PDVSA subsidiary, Sincor, reportedly maintained a list of employees divided into "suitable" and "unsuitable" categories based on their political views. The newspaper Tal Cual reported that Sincor fired four young contract workers in 2007 because they were considered politically "unsuitable." The press office of Total, the French multinational that partially owns Sincor, seemed to acknowledge there were problems, stating in response to Tal Cual's inquiry about the company's employment policies and the dismissal of the four contract workers: "[A]s [Sincor's] procedures could create operating risks, we are working with PDVSA to limit the consequences of this internal process and we hope that it will cease and that the people will be reincorporated." Official encouragement of political discrimination also has led companies that work with PDVSA and need to gain government contracts to engage in political discrimination. In a job announcement in October 2007, Trical de Venezuela, C.A., a private company that manufactures industrial products and sells materials to PDVSA and other state companies, did so explicitly. Trical specified the political orientation it was looking for in prospective hires as follows: "Preferably not identified as from the opposition. Not present on public lists at odds with the Government. Preferably sympathetic to the Bolivarian Government." A year after Ramírez's remarks that PDVSA must be "red, red,"-perhaps under pressure from Total and other companies to reinstate meritocratic hiring practices-Ramírez appeared to acknowledge that discriminatory employment practices were being used in PDVSA and called for them to end. Ramírez sent a memo to PDVSA managers on July 31, 2007, expressly prohibiting the use of discriminatory "lists": In no case may general lists be applied which have no relevance to the hiring in progress and which do not justify the exclusion and/or disqualification of the applicant or provider…. The present resolution revokes any internal norm, resolution or decision that contradicts it and will be applied preferentially in all cases. While the affirmation of non-discrimination in employment represented a positive step forward for PDVSA, the specific mention of the need for current norms to supersede past practices also appears to confirm that the lists had indeed been in circulation and applied to hiring policies in some branches of the company. Discrimination in Other Areas Political discrimination has underpinned and tarnished the government's actions in a wide variety of areas. As subsequent chapters of this report document, political discrimination has affected government decisions with respect to the media, organized labor, and civil society. Legitimate criticism has been used by some government officials as the basis for excluding dissident voices from the airwaves, collective contract negotiations, and civil society meetings. The Chávez government has punished media outlets for their criticism of the government. As we document in chapter 5, the government has also threatened legal action or administrative sanctions against opposition stations, and blocked applications by a station critical of the government for frequencies to extend its coverage. In the most notorious case, the government refused to renew the license of the opposition television station RCTV in May 2007 because of its obstinate refusal to soften its editorial line. While the decision was nominally justified by the need to use the RCTV frequency to set up a new public channel, the government had other frequencies at its disposal and at the time had renewed the licenses of channels that supported the government or had moderated their criticism. Labor unions which fall into disfavor with the government have faced obstacles to collective bargaining. As we document in chapter 6, contrary to international law on the right to association in particular as it relates to trade unions, the government has denied established unions the right to bargain collectively until they hold state-supervised leadership elections. At the same time, the government has negotiated with new, pro-government unions, which are exempt from electoral requirements when first formed. Government officials have also made unfounded accusations against civil society organizations and harassed human rights defenders because of their real or alleged political positions. As we document in chapter 7, during the Chávez presidency rights advocates have faced prosecutorial harassment, public denunciations, discriminatory efforts to exclude them from international forums, and efforts to restrict their access to international funding. The Venezuelan government should take active steps to prevent political discrimination. In particular, the executive branch should implement a "zero tolerance" policy with regard to politically based discrimination. Specifically, it should: - Issue clear and unequivocal directives to all government agencies prohibiting all forms of political discrimination in the hiring and firing of employees and in the provision of public services; - Ensure that effective mechanisms and procedures exist to receive and respond to complaints of political discrimination; and - Conduct rigorous investigations into all credible allegations of political discrimination and, when appropriate, sanction those responsible in a timely fashion. In view of the government's past support for political discrimination in the hiring and firing of PDVSA employees, it is particularly important that this "zero tolerance" policy be implemented immediately by the Ministry of Energy. It addition, the PDVSA should: - Allow former employees dismissed for their participation in the strike of 2002, who were not convicted of criminal behavior during the strike, to compete for job opportunities in PDVSA and its subsidiaries. If there was a single point on which most Venezuelans were in full agreement when Chávez first took office, it was the need to overhaul the country's judiciary. Decades of rampant corruption and political meddling had left Venezuela's justice system dysfunctional and profoundly discredited. As a result, Chávez's call for drastic measures to clean up the courts enjoyed support from even his most ardent critics. The enactment of the 1999 Constitution provided an opportunity for Venezuela to salvage its judicial branch. The constitution created a new Supreme Court and established essential protections for judicial independence, such as the requirement of a two-thirds majority vote of the National Assembly to impeach a justice. It thus laid the groundwork for the judiciary to fulfill its essential role as guarantor of the rule of law and protector of basic rights. Unfortunately, however, the Chávez government has since abandoned this commitment to judicial independence. In 2004, displeased with a series of controversial judicial rulings, the president and his supporters in the National Assembly launched a political takeover of the Supreme Court. They enacted a new law expanding the court from 20 to 32 members. Since the law allowed the legislature to select new members by simple majority vote, this meant the governing coalition was able to use its then slim majority in the National Assembly to obtain an overwhelming majority of seats on the court. (At the time the court was believed to be evenly divided between Chávez allies and critics.) The law also gave the National Assembly the power to remove justices from the bench with a simple majority vote rather than the two-thirds majority required by the 1999 Constitution. The law, in short, made it possible for the governing coalition to both pack and purge the country's highest court. Chávez supporters attempted to justify the law as a response to efforts by some government opponents to subvert the rule of law. They claimed, in particular, that Supreme Court justices who opposed Chávez had been disregarding the dictates of the law and deciding cases to advance the opposition's political agenda. It is certainly true that some members of the opposition had subverted the rule of law during the 2002 coup. It might also be true that some judges had allowed their political convictions to unduly influence their application of the law. But if so, the appropriate response would have been to pursue measures aimed at limiting such political interference and promoting judicial independence. Instead, Chávez and his allies chose to rig the system to favor their own interests. Within weeks of the law's enactment, the three Supreme Court justices responsible for the rulings that had most angered the Chávez camp were gone from the bench. In December 2004 the governing coalition in the National Assembly filled their vacancies, as well as the 12 new seats, with political allies. Over the next few years, this packed Supreme Court fired hundreds of lower court judges and appointed hundreds more to permanent judgeships. The political takeover of the Supreme Court effectively neutralized the judiciary as an independent branch of government. The packed court has largely abdicated its role as a check on arbitrary state action. When the Chávez government has pursued measures that undermine human rights protections, the court's response has typically been one of passivity and acquiescence. It has failed, in particular, to counter assaults on the separation of powers, such as the 2004 court-packing law and, more recently, a 2007 constitutional reform package. It has also failed to safeguard fundamental rights in prominent cases involving the media and organized labor. International Norms on Judicial Independence The OAS and the Inter-American Democratic Charter Democracy is indispensable for human rights, and an independent judiciary is indispensable for democracy. The 34 foreign ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS) recognized these propositions when they adopted the Inter-American Democratic Charter in 2001. The Charter defines the "[e]ssential elements of representative democracy" to include "access to and the exercise of power in accordance with the rule of law" and "the separation of powers and independence of the branches of government." The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights emphasized this link between judicial independence and democratic rule of law in its 2003 report on Venezuela: The observance of rights and freedoms in a democracy requires a legal and institutional order in which the laws prevail over the will of the rulers, and in which there is judicial review of the constitutionality and legality of the acts of public power, i.e., it presupposes respect for the rule of law. Judiciaries are established to ensure compliance with laws; they are clearly the fundamental organs for preventing the abuse of power and protecting human rights. To fulfill this function, they must be independent and impartial. International Human Rights Treaties In addition to its commitment to democracy under the Inter-American Charter, Venezuela is party to human rights treaties-including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the American Convention on Human Rights-that require it to safeguard the independence and impartiality of its judiciary. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, that monitors the implementation of the ICCPR by states party, has ruled that for a tribunal to be "independent and impartial," the executive must not be able to control or direct the judiciary,judges "must not harbor preconceptions about the matter put before them, and … must not act in ways that promote the interests of one of the parties." The practical safeguards that this obligation entails are set forth in a series of "basic principles" on the independence of the judiciary endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly. These principles include: - The judiciary shall decide matters before them impartially, on the basis of facts and in accordance with the law, without any restrictions, improper influences, inducements, pressures, threats, or interferences, direct or indirect, from any quarter or for any reason. - Any method of judicial selection shall safeguard against judicial appointments for improper motives. - The term of office of judges, their independence, security, adequate remuneration, conditions of service, pensions, and the age of retirement shall be adequately secured by law. - Judges, whether appointed or elected, shall have guaranteed tenure until a mandatory retirement age or the conclusion of their term of office, where such exists. - A charge or complaint made against a judge in his/her judicial and professional capacity shall be processed expeditiously and fairly under an appropriate procedure. The judge shall have the right to a fair hearing…. - Judges shall be subject to suspension or removal only for reasons of incapacity or behavior that renders them unfit to discharge their duties. - All disciplinary, suspension, or removal proceedings shall be determined in accordance with established standards of judicial conduct. As this chapter shows, in the past several years, Venezuela has flouted all of these principles. In doing so, it has undermined its rule of law and degraded its democracy. The Pre-Chávez Judiciary When Chávez became president in 1999, he inherited a judiciary that had been plagued for years by influence-peddling, political interference, and, above all, corruption. In interviews with Human Rights Watch, lawyers from across the political spectrum described a system in which justice had often been for sale to the highest bidder. Former Attorney General Isaías Rodríguez recalled how the country's top administrative court in the past actually established set fees for resolving different kinds of cases. A 1996 report on the Venezuelan justice system by the Lawyer's Committee for Human Rights painted a grim portrait of the judiciary: Rather than serving the constitutional role of defender of the rule of law and protector of the human rights of Venezuelan citizens against the government, the courts had often become highly politicized adjuncts of the parties. They were manipulated by groups of lawyers, judges, political and business actors for private economic gain. And court procedures had become so slow, cumbersome and unreliable that disputants avoided them at all costs. In terms of public credibility, the system was bankrupt. A 1998 survey by the United Nations Development Program found that only 0.8 percent of the population had confidence in the judiciary. That distrust translated into public outrage, and in the presidential election of that year, candidates across the political spectrum-including Hugo Chávez Frías-promised to clean up the system. Reforming the Justice System Once in office, President Chávez launched an ambitious effort to reform the Venezuelan state that included holding a referendum to convene a National Constituent Assembly, which then drafted a new constitution that went into effect in December 1999. One of the first acts of the National Constituent Assembly was to declare, in August 1999, that the judiciary was in a state of emergency. It suspended the tenure of judges and created an emergency commission which it empowered to suspend judges who showed signs of wealth incommensurate with their salaried income, and to remove judges who, for example, had adopted decisions "manifestly disregarding the law." In the following months, the emergency commission removed hundreds of judges from their posts. The 1999 Constitution created a new Supreme Court, with twenty seats, and established protections for judicial independence, such as the requirement of a two-thirds majority vote of the National Assembly to impeach a sitting justice. In March 2000, the Constituent Assembly selected 20 justices, with a nearly unanimous vote, to sit on the new court. The new constitution also established that international human rights treaties ratified by Venezuela have precedence over domestic laws. Consequently, the new Supreme Court would have the authority as well as the responsibility to ensure that the government "immediately and directly applied" the rights set forth in those treaties. Due to the overwhelming public consensus that judicial reform was needed, these measures to overhaul and strengthen the courts had broad support from across the political spectrum. A Polarized Supreme Court The consensus around the need to strengthen the judiciary largely dissolved as the country, including its Supreme Court, grew increasingly polarized during President Chávez's first term in office. This polarization intensified as a divided court delivered controversial rulings on issues that were central to the political struggle between the Chávez government and its opponents, including the 2002 coup and the 2004 recall referendum. By early 2004, it was common wisdom within Venezuela's legal community that the 20-member Supreme Court was evenly divided between opponents and allies of President Chávez. Each camp controlled some of the court's six chambers. The opposition camp was said to have a majority of seats in the electoral chamber, while the pro-Chávez camp had a majority in the constitutional chamber, as well as on the six-member Judicial Commission that handles many of the court's administrative affairs. The court's president at the time, Iván Rincón Urdaneta, was considered to be an ally of President Chávez. The first of the controversial rulings came in August 2002, four months after the attempted April 11 coup d'etat against President Chávez. A slim Supreme Court majority held that it did not have enough evidence to initiate a criminal investigation of four generals accused of participating in the coup. The ruling was adopted after the court had recused two pro-Chávez justices and appointed substitute justices to the panel hearing the case. The ruling immediately provoked expressions of outrage from Chávez and his supporters. And the following day, the Chavista majority in the National Assembly created a "Special Commission to Investigate the Crisis in the Judicial Branch regarding alleged irregularities committed by Supreme Court Justices", which a few months later recommended removing one justice, on grounds unrelated to the decision (see discussion below), and investigating another who participated in this decision. The second explosive issue-the recall referendum to remove Chávez from office-produced an open confrontation within the Supreme Court. In March 2004, the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral, CNE) invalidated 876,017 of the 2,708,510 signatures that the opposition had obtained in favor of holding a recall referendum, leaving the opposition short of the number of signatures required to compel such a referendum. After a group of NGOs presented a constitutional challenge against CNE's decision, the Supreme Court's electoral chamber-with a majority of opposition judges-held that the signatures were valid and the referendum should be carried out. A week later, the constitutional chamber, composed of a pro-Chávez majority, decided that it had jurisdiction to review the electoral chamber's decision and overruled it. As a result, the opposition launched a new petition drive to obtain the number of signatures necessary to carry out the recall referendum. The 2004 Court-Packing Law In May 2004, President Chávez signed a law that severely undermined the independence of the country's judicial branch, just a day after the National Assembly had passed it. The new Organic Law of the Supreme Court (Ley Orgánica del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia, LOTSJ) fundamentally altered the composition of the country's highest court, as well as its relationship to the other branches of government. Power to Pack the Court The new court-packing law increased the Supreme Court from 20 to 32 justices, adding two justices to each of the court's six chambers. The new justices could be selected with a simple majority vote of the National Assembly: a nominee who failed to receive a two-thirds majority in the first three votes could be selected by a simple majority on the fourth vote. In contrast, the 20 existing justices of the Supreme Court had all received at least a two-thirds majority confirmation vote. Some proponents of the law justified this increase as a measure for alleviating the justices' workload. This justification is dubious, at best. Four justices who were in office in 2004, as well as one ex-justice at the time, told Human Rights Watch that only two of the six chambers had any difficulty keeping up with their caseloads (the constitutional chamber and the "political administrative" chamber). According to Iván Rincón Urdaneta, who was then the court's president and considered a Chávez ally, the only justification for increasing the number of justices in the other chambers was to help them handle administrative tasks. However, it is not difficult to imagine other means to alleviate the administrative responsibilities of the justices, such as by having them delegate the work to their staff. Nor, for that matter, is it difficult to imagine ways to alleviate the caseload of those chambers with more cases, such as by assigning them more clerks or creating adjunct tribunals to handle cases in which the jurisprudence is already clearly established. Whatever the justification, however, the impact of the increase in judges on the judiciary's independence was unmistakable. It allowed the governing coalition in the National Assembly, which at the time enjoyed a slim majority of seats, to radically alter the balance of power in the country's highest court, ensuring that each of its chambers was controlled by justices sympathetic to the government's political agenda. Power to Purge the Court Venezuela's 1999 Constitution seeks to guarantee the independence of justices by granting them a single 12-year term and establishing an impeachment process that requires a two-thirds majority vote by the National Assembly, after the "citizen branch"-which consists of the "Moral Council," composed of the attorney general, the ombudsman, and the comptroller-has determined that the justice has committed a "serious offense" (falta grave). The 2004 law eliminated this guarantee. While the impeachment of justices still requires a two-thirds majority vote, the law creates two new mechanisms for removing justices, short of impeachment and without the need for a two-thirds majority. One entails suspending justices pending an impeachment vote, the other entails nullifying their appointments. The first mechanism is found in a new provision which establishes that when the "citizen branch" determines that a justice has committed a serious offense, and unanimously recommends the justice's dismissal, then the justice will be automatically suspended pending an impeachment vote by the National Assembly. The law requires that the president of the assembly call for a hearing and an impeachment vote within 10 days. However, such deadlines are habitually disregarded by the assembly, and there is no effective mechanism for enforcing them. Consequently, if the president of the assembly chooses not to bring the issue to a vote, the justice could remain suspended indefinitely. The definition of "serious offense" is broad and includes highly subjective categories such as "threaten or damage public ethics or administrative morale" and "made decisions that threaten or damage the interests of the Nation." The National Assembly has also bestowed upon itself the power to "nullify" justices' appointments by a simple majority vote in one of three circumstances: the justice provided false information at the time of his or her selection to the court; the justice's "public attitude … undermines the majesty or prestige of the Supreme Court" or of any of its members; or the justice "undermines the functioning" of the judiciary. This provision is a clear ploy to circumvent the constitutional requirement that justices must be removed with a two-thirds majority vote of the National Assembly. Calling this action the "nullification of appointment" cannot disguise the fact that it entails firing the justice. What makes the provision particularly dangerous is the fact that two of the three criteria for "nullification" are entirely subjective and, therefore, allow the assembly's majority to target justices identified with the political opposition. In fact, at the time, a leading member of the National Assembly's pro-government coalition, Iris Varela, explicitly acknowledged this as the law's intent, saying "the 10 coup-backing justices (magistrados golpistas) who supported the de facto government of Pedro Carmona Estanga should be off the Supreme Court, and the new law passed in the National Assembly will achieve this goal." Implementation of the Court-Packing Law The new law provided the basis for a political takeover of the Supreme Court. Within weeks of its passage, the three justices responsible for the rulings most criticized by the Chávez camp were off the court. And, by the end of the year, pro-government members of the National Assembly had filled their seats, as well as the 12 new seats created by the law, with people known to be political allies. The impact of this political takeover soon extended to the entire judiciary. The packed Supreme Court, in charge of appointing and removing lower court judges, significantly altered the composition of the judiciary. Removal of Arrieche Less than a month after the court-packing law was passed, the pro-government majority in the National Assembly used it to remove Franklin Arrieche Gutiérrez, the justice who had penned the Supreme Court's ruling on the 2002 coup. Instead of following the constitutional procedure to impeach the justice, which would have required a two-thirds majority, the National Assembly used the court-packing law, which allowed it to annul his designation with a simple majority vote. The effort to remove Arrieche had begun the day after the court delivered the controversial ruling in August 2002. Outraged by the ruling, Chávez supporters in the National Assembly created a "Special Commission to Investigate the Crisis in the Judicial Branch regarding alleged Irregularities Committed by Supreme Court Justices." Four months later, the assembly voted to approve the commission's recommendation to annul Arrieche's appointment as Supreme Court justice. The grounds for removal had nothing to do with the ruling on the coup. Instead, the commission based its recommendation on a finding that Arrieche had provided false information to the National Constituent Assembly when it appointed him to the court two years earlier. Specifically, while Arrieche claims he met the constitutional requirements to become a justice, the commission ruled that he did not. Arrieche successfully appealed to the Supreme Court to block his removal, arguing that he had never been granted an opportunity to refute the allegations before the commission, and that that the removal violated the constitutional requirement of a two-thirds majority vote. The court issued a temporary injunction, blocking Arrieche's removal, while it decided his constitutional challenge. Two years later, the injunction remained in place-preserving Arrieche's position as a justice-as the court had yet to rule on the merits of the case. In June 2004, a month after the National Assembly passed the court-packing law, the pro-government coalition used it to do what it had been unable to do two years earlier: remove Arrieche without a two-thirds majority vote. The coalition applied the provision of the new law that allows for the annulment of judicial appointments with a simple majority vote. Arrieche again appealed to the Supreme Court. This time, however, the constitutional chamber rejected his petition, arguing that the National Assembly was merely applying the new law. The chamber inexplicably disregarded the fact that the removal of a justice without a two-thirds majority vote violates the 1999 Constitution and failed to consider that Arrieche's removal was incompatible with Venezuela's international human rights obligation to guarantee the independence of the judiciary. A few months after Arrieche's removal, the constitutional chamber revoked the Supreme Court's decision on the April 11 coup that the justice had drafted in 2002. Retirement of Martini and Hernández In July 2004, a month after Arrieche's removal, two justices responsible for another Supreme Court ruling that had outraged the Chávez government left the court. Facing the risk of being indefinitely suspended as a consequence of the new law, Alberto Martini Urdaneta and Rafael Hernández Uzcátegui resigned from the court. Martini had written and Hernández had signed the March 2004 electoral chamber ruling that overturned the National Electoral Council's invalidation of thousands of signatures calling for a recall referendum. (The third justice who signed the decision was a substitute justice filling in on that particular case.) The ruling had generated a strong reaction from the government, including statements by then-Vice-President José Vicente Rangel, who held it was a "mafia-type and immoral" ruling issued by "perpetrators of a coup." Two days later, the "Moral Council" announced that it would investigate the justices' performance in this case. And, in June 2004, it decided that the justices had committed a "serious offense" and sent the cases to the National Assembly for it to decide whether or not to vote the justices off the court. Facing the threat of an indefinite suspension as a consequence of the court-packing law, the two justices opted for retirement. Under the new law, justices accused by the "citizen branch" of committing a "serious offense" are indefinitely suspended from their positions until the National Assembly votes on whether or not to remove them from the court. According to Radio Nacional de Venezuela, an official radio station, the two judges requested their retirement in order to avoid the consequences of the sanction that the Moral Council would impose due to their participation in the ruling on the 2004 referendum. Two sources very close to the case confirmed this explanation to Human Rights Watch. Packing the Court In December 2004, the pro-Chávez majority in the National Assembly filled the 12 new seats created by the court-packing law, as well as five vacancies (which included the seats previously occupied by Arrieche, Martini, and Hernández). The assembly also appointed 32 substitute justices-who temporarily fill in for justices who are on leave or recused in a specific case-bringing the total to 49 appointees in one day. Leaders of the congressional majority made it clear they were only appointing individuals who would not rule against the government. "This time we will not score own goals," declared Pedro Carreño, a pro-government congressman, immediately before the list of appointments was made public. "[I]n the list of potential candidates there is no one who will act against us." Impact on Lower Court Judges The impact of the court-packing law extended to the entire judiciary. Over the next several years, the newly packed Supreme Court would fire hundreds of judges and appoint hundreds more. This massive turnover of judges only compounded the damage already done to the credibility of Venezuela's judiciary. Under Venezuelan law, the Supreme Court is responsible for the appointment and removal of all the country's lower court judges through a "Judicial Commission" made up of six justices. After the court-packing law was passed in May 2004, one of the law's principal sponsors, the prominent Chavista legislator Luis Velázquez Alvaray, was appointed by his colleagues in the National Assembly to fill one of the new seats on the Supreme Court. He was then was appointed by his colleagues in the packed court to serve as president of the Judicial Commission. From that position, Velázquez Alvaray presided over the removal of 400 lower court judges from their posts. At the time, 80 percent of Venezuela's judges held provisional or temporary posts and therefore, under Venezuelan law, could be summarily fired. In addition, the Judicial Commission under Velázquez Alvaray appointed hundreds of permanent lower court judges. In theory, one positive effect of the overhaul of the judiciary has been reducing the number of provisional and temporary judges. In 2004 only 20 percent of the country's 1732 judges held permanent appointments and enjoyed the rights established in the constitution. According to information provided by the Venezuelan government to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, as of December 2007 almost 1000 judges (or 54 percent) were tenured. Unfortunately, however, the value of this development, in terms of strengthening the independence and credibility of the judiciary, is overshadowed by the fact that it was carried out by the Judicial Commission of a Supreme Court that was itself subject to a political takeover. A Compliant Court Since the political takeover of 2004, the Supreme Court has repeatedly failed to fulfill its role as a guarantor of the rule of law in the face of arbitrary state action. When President Chávez and his supporters in the National Assembly have pursued measures that undermine the protection of human rights, the Supreme Court's response has typically been one of passivity and acquiescence. The court has failed, in particular, to respond to assaults on the separation of powers, such as the 2004 court-packing law and the 2007 constitutional reform package. On occasion, the court has issued rulings upholding human rights in discrete cases, but it has repeatedly failed to do so in the most prominent and politically sensitive cases of arbitrary state action by the Chávez government. The 2004 Court-Packing Law Shortly after Chávez signed the court-packing law, several prominent Venezuelan jurists filed petitions with the Supreme Court challenging its constitutionality. Among other issues, their petitions challenged new provisions for removing justices on the grounds that such measures did away with the constitutional requirement of a two-thirds majority vote. Despite the urgent nature of these appeals, it took the court three years to rule on the petitions, at which time it dismissed them on procedural grounds without ever addressing the merits. The court attempted to justify this evasion by claiming, inaccurately, the petitioners were no longer "interested" in the matter. The evidence the court provided for this inaccurate claim was the fact that there had been "no procedural activity" by the petitioners for over a year. Yet it was the court, not the petitioners, that was responsible for the inactivity. As one justice (who disagreed with the court's handling of these cases) explained to Human Rights Watch, the petitioners had already completed their submissions and were waiting for the court to respond. In one case, for example, what was pending was a determination by the court as to whether it would handle the case as a "purely legal matter" (cuestion de mero derecho), requiring only "a final report" from the petitioners, or as a case in which petitioners would need to provide empirical evidence to substantiate their claims. Moreover, even if there had been omissions on the part of the petitioners, the Supreme Court could still have addressed the merits of the case. Indeed, the 2004 Supreme Court law expressly establishes that the court can "supplement, de oficio, the deficiencies of petitioners" in cases involving constitutional challenges like these. Moreover, the court itself has ruled that it can address a constitutional violation, de oficio, even when the petitioners have not themselves identified that particular violation, or when their petition is somehow "deficient," or even when the court considers the petitioners' claim inadmissible. The 2007 Constitutional Reform Process The Supreme Court similarly avoided addressing challenges to efforts by Chávez and his congressional supporters to enact sweeping reforms of the constitution in 2007. The reforms included measures that would have dramatically expanded the powers of the executive branch by, among other things, authorizing the president to suspend fundamental rights indefinitely during states of emergency without any Supreme Court oversight. Specifically, the proposed changes would have eliminated the constitutional prohibition on suspending due process guarantees during states of emergency-including the presumption of innocence, the right against self-incrimination, and other guarantees of a fair trial-in violation of international law. The reform would also have made it possible for a wide range of other fundamental rights to be suspended indefinitely, including the guarantee of equality and non-discrimination, and the freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, all of which are considered so fundamental that countries are not permitted to derogate from their obligations to respect them even in a state of emergency. In addition, the reform would have eliminated specific time limits on states of emergency and it also would have lifted the requirement that the Supreme Court review the constitutionality of any emergency decree that suspended rights. Petitioners questioned before the Supreme Court both the content of the reforms and the process through which Chávez and his supporters were seeking to enact them. In terms of process, petitioners objected to Chávez and his congressional supporters seeking to enact a major reform package, with 69 amendments, through a single yes-or-no vote in a national referendum. They argued that this procedure violated the constitutional provision that requires that a constituent assembly be convoked to enact any reforms that modify the "fundamental principles and structure" of the document. The Supreme Court declined to address any of these challenges. It argued that it could not review them until after the referendum had been held. According to the court, given that that the constitutional reform process is "complex" and composed of various steps, the process could not result in any effects (gravamen) on individuals until it concluded. (In a dissenting opinion, Justice Pedro Rafael Rondón Haaz held that the court could review the procedure that was being implemented to reform the 1999 Constitution, and that the proposed reform would in fact modify the constitution's structure and fundamental principles.) Conflicts of Interest The credibility of the rulings in both the court-packing and constitutional reform cases was further marred by the Supreme Court's unwillingness to recognize and address the blatant conflicts of interest of certain justices in each case, thus compromising their impartiality. In the case of the court-packing law, the Supreme Court rejected a request to recuse three justices who had been appointed to fill the new seats created by the law, including Justice Luis Velázquez Alvaray, who had been a principal sponsor of the law as a member of the National Assembly. Clearly, the three justices had a direct interest in the final decision of the case, given that if the law were annulled, their appointments would no longer be valid. Yet the court argued, inexplicably, that there was not even "a possibility" that this could influence their decision. Disregarding the evident conflict of interest that was the basis of the recusal request, it claimed that these arguments did not overturn the presumption that justices are supposed to be honorable. According to the court, their honorability "cannot be doubted given that they must decide on the validity of a law that could affect them indirectly." In the case of the constitutional referendum, the court rejected a request to recuse Justice Luisa Estella Morales Lamuño, who had participated in the drafting of the reform proposal that the petitioners were challenging. Morales, then-president of the Supreme Court, had been appointed by Chávez himself in January 2007 to serve as the executive secretary of the presidential commission that drafted the original version of the reforms. According to the rules governing the presidential commission, it had to "permanently inform the president" about its work, which would be carried out "in conformity with guidelines established by the head of state in strict confidentiality." The court simply argued that there was no evidence that Morales's participation in such a commission would undermine her independence when deciding the case. Yet, while serving as executive secretary of the presidential commission that drafted the reform, she had publicly argued that it was unnecessary to carry out a constituent assembly to modify the constitution, which was one of the key questions the court was being asked to rule on. Failure to Uphold Fundamental Rights The packed Supreme Court's pattern of passivity and acquiescence has been evident as well in critical cases involving government infringement on fundamental rights. On occasion, the court has issued rulings protecting basic human rights. For example, in October 2005, it protected the right to freedom of expression when it ruled that the attorney general could not sue the newspaper El Universal for an editorial criticizing his office and the judiciary, given that the article was an expression of opinion and did not amount to an institutional insult. In April 2006, it upheld Ibéyise Pacheco Martini's right to due process, finding that the prosecutor who accused her of perjury had failed to ensure that Pacheco was legally represented at the hearing at which she was charged, and had denied her the right to be heard. However, the court has failed to uphold basic rights in several of the most prominent and politically sensitive cases. Freedom of Expression The Supreme Court failed to protect the right to freedom of expression and the right to due process and the rule of law in the high profile case of Radio Caracas Television (RCTV). As we document more fully in chapter 4, the court, by failing to resolve key rights issues, allowed the government to use its regulatory power in a discriminatory and punitive manner against a channel because of its critical coverage of Chávez and his government. In December 2006, Chávez announced his decision not to renew RCTV's broadcasting license, which was due to expire the following May, explaining that Venezuela would not tolerate a channel that was "at the service of coup-plotting" and "against the dignity of the Republic." Chávez had repeatedly threatened such non-renewal in response to critical media coverage, accusing RCTV of involvement in the 2002 coup. Three months later, his communication and information minister formally adopted a decision to refuse to renew RCTV's license, without giving RCTV an opportunity to respond to the public accusation of criminal actions and broadcasting infractions cited by government authorities as grounds for the decision not to renew its concession. The government did, however, renew the license of Venevisión, a rival channel that Chávez had also repeatedly accused of involvement in the coup but that had since cut its overtly anti-Chávez programming. RCTV and some of its supporters turned to the Supreme Court for relief, submitting appeals aimed at blocking the implementation of the president's decision. RCTV journalists and owners requested the court to protect their rights to freedom of expression, due process, and equal treatment. The Supreme Court, however, failed to protect these fundamental rights. Instead, the court put off making a final judgment on the claims and refused to issue a temporary injunction to protect the petitioners while they awaited that judgment. In decisions by two separate chambers, the court, in questionable maneuvers-including disregarding key facts-evaded addressing the petitioners' claims. At this writing, more than a year after RCTV's license expired and it was taken off the public airwaves, the court still had not issued a final judgment on the legality of the government's actions. In stark contrast with its handling of the RCTV petitions, the Supreme Court responded immediately to a petition by opponents of RCTV, issuing an injunction that allowed a newly created state channel to take control of RCTV's transmitters so that it could broadcast across the country. Freedom of Association The Supreme Court similarly failed to uphold the freedom of association of Venezuelan workers when it dismissed a petition to clarify the proper role of the state in union leadership elections. As we document in chapter 5, state interference in union elections, in direct violation of international standards on labor law practice, has been a widespread problem in Venezuela throughout Chávez's presidency. The court's failure to issue a clear ruling has effectively allowed the government to continue to violate workers' basic right to freely elect their representatives. The Chávez government has interpreted the 1999 Constitution to require that all union elections be supervised and certified by a state institution, the National Electoral Council, and has exploited this requirement in ways that have undermined public sector unions identified with the political opposition. At the same time, when questioned by the International Labor Organization (ILO) about this practice, which is inconsistent with international law, the government has claimed that state certification of union elections is not in fact mandatory. In May 2006, the National Press Workers' Union asked the Supreme Court to resolve this ambiguity and bar mandatory government involvement in union elections. The union argued that such mandatory state organization of elections violates international law and thus contravenes the Venezuelan constitution. Rather than affirm workers' right to freely elect their representatives, the Supreme Court skirted the issue. The court dismissed the request for legal interpretation on the grounds that there was no contradiction between Venezuelan and international law. Yet it failed to indicate which of the two contradictory interpretations of the law-the one that the government presented before the ILO or the one that it applied in practice in Venezuela-was the correct one. As such, the Supreme Court left the ability of workers to freely organize their elections in limbo. At this point, there is no easy way to reverse the damage done to the independence of the Venezuelan judiciary by the 2004 court-packing law, especially given the fact that the credibility of the National Assembly, which is responsible for judicial appointments, was itself damaged by the opposition's boycott of the 2005 legislative elections. Under these circumstances, Human Rights Watch recommends as an extraordinary measure that, afterthe 2010 legislative elections, the new National Assembly implement a one-time ratification process to legitimize the composition of the Court, for example, by requiring a two-thirds majority affirmation vote for each Supreme Court justice whose appointment occurred after the passage of the 2004 Supreme Court law. Measures should then be taken to permit the lawful removal of any justice who does not receive a two-thirds majority vote during this process. Any resulting vacancies should be filled through a selection process that is open, transparent, and ensures broadest possible political consensus. More immediately, the current National Assembly should: - Repeal the provisions of the Supreme Court law that undermine the court's independence by allowing justices to be removed by a simple majority vote. Once the National Assembly has completed the ratification process, the new Supreme Court should seek to reassume its role as an independent guarantor of fundamental rights. Specifically it should: - Resolve quickly and impartially appeals involving allegations of infringements of fundamental rights, particularly if the court's delay would result in an irreparable harm; and ·Recuse justices who face clear conflicts of interests to ensure that all decisions are adopted impartially, and that the court is seen to be impartial, as well as acting impartially. President Chávez and his supporters in the Venezuelan Congress have undermined freedom of expression through a variety of measures aimed at influencing the control and content of the country's mass media. They have extended and toughened penalties for speech offenses; implemented a broadcasting law that allows for the arbitrary suspension of channels for a vaguely defined offense of "incitement"; limited public access to official information; and abused the government's control of broadcasting frequencies to punish stations with overtly critical programming. After nine years during which the country has been polarized between Chávez's supporters and detractors, Venezuela still enjoys a vibrant public debate in which anti-government and pro-government media are equally vocal in their criticism and defense of Chávez. However, in its efforts to gain ground in this "media war," the government has engaged in discriminatory actions against media airing opposition viewpoints, strengthened the state's capacity to limit free speech, and created powerful incentives for government critics to engage in self-censorship. Should the government choose to utilize the expanded speech offenses and incitement provisions more aggressively to sanction public expression, the existing political debate could be severely curtailed. Chávez and his supporters have attempted to justify media restrictions as a response to what they consider to be irresponsible reporting and excessively partisan coverage by journalists and broadcasters. They accuse opposition media of conspiring to remove Chávez from office, and even participating directly in the 2002 short-lived anti-Chávez coup. They also justify the measures as being part of a broader effort to "democratize" the media so that it reflects viewpoints that were largely excluded from the commercial media in the past. States have a right to sanction media that incite violence, the commission of crimes, or breaches of public order. However, under international norms on freedom of expression, broadcasting regulations must be precisely defined in order to avoid overbroad or arbitrary interpretation by officials that constrain free expression and the public's access to information and opinion. Permissible restrictions on speech do not include sanctions for expressing critical opinions of government officials, however offensive they may be. Governments are also fully justified in seeking to regulate the concentration of media ownership and in backing public service and community outlets in order to promote a more diverse and plural public debate. However, governments may not abuse their control of broadcasting frequencies to discriminate against outlets whose editorial line is not to their liking. The Venezuelan government's "media democratization" efforts have produced positive results in at least one area. By licensing and giving financial support to hundreds of start-up community broadcasting ventures, the Venezuelan government has taken a leading role in the region in promoting local radio and TV stations. However, the government's legitimate efforts to promote alternative media at the local level have been overshadowed by its efforts to restrain critical opinion. Chávez and his supporters in the National Assembly have resorted to actions and measures, aimed at influencing large-scale print and broadcast media, that run counter to international norms and threaten freedom of expression. Specifically, they have: ·Expanded the scope of insult laws (desacato), which punish disrespectful expression toward government officials, and toughened penalties for criminal defamation and libel. Chávez and his supporters in the National Assembly have expanded the scope of laws punishing expression deemed to insult public officials and established draconian penalties for defamation, including increased prison sentences and onerous fines. Under reforms to the criminal code enacted in 2005 they increased the number of public officials benefiting from the protection of insult laws and greatly increased penalties, including prison terms, for criminal defamation. These measures are inconsistent with Venezuela's obligations under international legal norms of press freedom. Journalists working for opposition media have borne the brunt of prosecutions under these laws in recent years, generating pressure on these media to tone down criticism. Were the government to aggressively pursue prosecutions under the new provisions, it would dramatically shrink the space for free expression in Venezuela. ·Expanded and toughened the penalties of vaguely defined "incitement" provisions that allow for the arbitrary suspension of TV and radio channels. The 2004 Law on Social Responsibility in Radio and Television (hereinafter Social Responsibility Law), which replaced broadcasting regulations enacted in 1984, expanded the scope of an already broad prohibition on incitement and established severe penalties for broadcasters that violated it. Under the 2004 law, broadcast media can face suspension and ultimately revocation of their licenses for broadcasting material deemed to "promote, justify, or incite" war, breaches of public order, or crime. The transmission of such material can also be banned under this law. The broad and imprecise wording of the incitement provisions, the severity of the penalties, and the fact that the law is enforced by an executive branch agency all increase the broadcasts media's vulnerability to arbitrary interference and pressure to engage in self-censorship. On several occasions officials have warned channels covering protests or showing repeated images of violence in demonstrations that they could be sanctioned under the incitement provisions. Given that government officials often claim there are subversive intentions behind critical news coverage, journalists and broadcasters have good reason to fear that these loosely-worded provisions could be used to sanction them for legitimate news coverage. ·Restricted the public's access to information held by public officials. Government officials routinely deny or fail to respond to requests for information by the press and the public. This lack of transparency contravenes Venezuela's obligation under international law to guarantee the right to "seek, receive, and impart" information-which includes a positive obligation to provide access to official information in a timely and complete manner. Access to official information is crucial to ensure democratic control and transparency, and to promote accountability within the government. While the right to official information is recognized in Venezuela's 1999 Constitution, the government has failed to promote legislation to define the grounds under which information may legitimately be denied. It has also failed to provide a mechanism to hold accountable those officials who arbitrarily reject or ignore requests for information. ·Abused state control of broadcasting frequencies by threatening or punishing channels for critical programming while favoring state-owned and commercial channels that refrain from strong criticism of the government. On numerous occasions since the 2002 coup, Chávez has personally threatened channels sympathetic to the opposition with revocation of their broadcasting licenses. Such threats appear to have led to editorial changes by some broadcasters, creating a media landscape more favorable to Chávez. In procedures lacking transparency, the national broadcasting authority blocked applications for frequencies by Globovisión, a news channel that refused to yield to such pressures, while granting them rapidly to newly created state channels. The most flagrant example of this discriminatory policy was the government's treatment of Radio Caracas Television (RCTV), Venezuela's oldest television channel and a constant critic of Chávez. On his orders, the government singled out RCTV-one of the four channels Chávez had accused of involvement in the coup-by refusing to renew its broadcasting license. At the same time, it renewed that of Venevisión, a rival channel that he had also repeatedly accused of involvement in the coup but had since cut its overtly anti-Chávez programming. Whereas Chávez faced an almost entirely hostile broadcast media early in his presidency, he has since significantly shifted the balance of media forces in the government's favor. This shift has been accomplished by stacking the deck against critical opposition outlets while advancing state-funded media that are heavily slanted in favor of the government. For example, TVES-the state-funded channel created to occupy the frequencies vacated by RCTV-has proven to be no less partial in its pro-Chávez coverage than other state channels, despite much fanfare that it would be Venezuela's first genuine public service channel. Instead of exercising its crucial role as guarantor of freedom of expression, the Supreme Court has effectively backed the government in these policies. It has declared insult laws to be constitutional and declared that the findings of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights are not binding on Venezuela if they conflict with the Constitution. Most notably, the court failed to protect the right to freedom of expression and respect for due process in the RCTV case. The court requisitioned RCTV's transmitters-without a time-limit or compensation-for use by a newly created state channel, and yet failed to address the central human rights issues of freedom of expression, due process, and discrimination affecting RCTV's journalists and owners. Venezuela's Polarized Media The print and broadcast media have been the site of intense political struggle throughout the Chávez presidency. Both the government and its critics have used the media at their disposal as tools to attack each other and to mobilize their own supporters. Media coverage has tended to be extremely partisan on both sides. During the early years of Chávez's government, four private television channels-Radio Caracas Television (RCTV), Venevisión, Televen, and Globovisión-dominated the public airwaves. Until 2004, all four stations sided openly with the opposition, providing uniformly partisan and anti-Chávez news coverage and commentary. This partisanship was most evident during the short-lived 2002 coup. All four channels gave extensive coverage to the opposition march on April 11, but on April 12 and 13, 2002-after Chávez had been taken by the military to an unknown destination and his supporters were filling the streets demanding his return-they substituted cartoons and old movies for news coverage. The news blackout of Chávez's return to power was followed by highly partisan coverage of the oil strike and opposition marches in December 2002 and January 2003, when opposition stations replaced commercial advertising with donated opposition political spots calling on people to join the protests. Apart from slanted news coverage, the private stations had interview programs dedicated to discrediting Chávez's policies, in which pro-government experts were rarely invited to participate. The print media was also predominantly in the opposition camp. Two long-established daily newspapers-El Universal and El Nacional-were persistent critics, and another critical paper, Tal Cual, although with a much smaller circulation, also had considerable influence. During the early years of his government, Chávez's administration had only one national television channel at its disposal (Venezolana de Televisión, VTV-Channel 8). Although VTV is a state channel with a mandate to be non-partisan, under Chávez it has been as partisan and biased as its private counterparts. Chávez ran and continues to run his own television and radio show on VTV and National Radio, "Hello President," as a vehicle to communicate directly with his supporters. "Hello President" became his preferred venue for announcing new policy initiatives and he often uses it to challenge his media critics and political enemies. One state television program openly attacks the opposition and the government's press critics. A nightly show on VTV, La Hojilla (The Razorblade), has used secretly recorded conversations, private documents, and similar material to expose or ridicule media critics. Chavéz often talks live on the phone to its host, Mario Silva, adding his own observations to Silva's attacks. Chávez also made up his media deficit by using presidential authority to order all stations-including private television and radio stations-to interrupt programming without prior warning and broadcast his speeches and other government events live, often for hours on end, at peak viewing hours. In the nine years of his government, the president has ordered 1,710 such mandatory broadcasts, totaling 1,048 hours or 43 days of uninterrupted transmission, according to a recent study. In the print media, two privately owned newspapers, Venezuela's largest selling daily, Últimas Noticias, and the Zulia-based newspaper Panorama, have been largely sympathetic to Chávez and his government. In addition to the opposition and government media, a vibrant community media sector has emerged since the events of April 2002. After decades of being shut out by the mainstream media, a network of community activists seized upon Chávez's 1998 triumph to push for state support for community radio initiatives. They worked with Chavista lawmakers to draft legislation on alternative media that is among the most advanced in the hemisphere. The Venezuelan law establishes a duty on the government to support community radio stations by granting licenses and providing seed capital, infrastructure grants, and training.Although the government was slow to implement the law, the licenses and financing began to flow after community radios proved their political value during the 2002 coup by breaking a news blackout by the private media and summoning Chávez supporters to the demonstrations that helped return him to power. By August 2007, 266 community radio stations and more than 30 community television outlets were licensed and operating, according to the National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL). The "Media War" After the 2002 coup was overturned, Chávez and his supporters adopted an increasingly adversarial approach to the private media. They accused the United States of leading the international media and their Venezuelan counterparts in a "media war" to smear and destroy his government. Government officials vigorously engaged the media "enemy." The communication and information minister said in an interview that the government was waging "a battle for the hearts and minds of the population," with the aim of gaining "state hegemony in communication and information." The minister described VTV's program La Hojilla as "a tool for the media war, whose purpose is to dismantle the false opinions created by the private media which hope to fool the people and destabilize the revolutionary process." In his speeches Chávez demonized his media critics as "fascists," "terrorists," "enemies of the people," "liars, "coup-mongers," "immoral," "trash," and "laboratories of psychological warfare," among other things. These tirades, often delivered in speeches all media were obliged to transmit, fueled street violence between Chavez's supporters and opponents. In the months following the reversal of the coup, Chávez followers physically attacked and threatened scores of journalists and cameramen working for opposition outlets. Although the number of such incidents declined after 2004, journalists working for media identified with the opposition have remained vulnerable to physical attack and threats of violence. The freedom of expression NGO Espacio Público reported 20 cases of aggression and intimidation of journalists during 2007, including three cases in which journalists' cars were reportedly set on fire while parked outside their homes. In July 2008, as the campaign for the November 2008 regional elections gathered steam, press monitoring groups reported several new cases. Such attacks are encouraged by the fact that those responsible for previous incidents have rarely, if ever, been identified and prosecuted. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights is currently considering the cases of 44 journalists and workers at Globovisión and of 20 journalists and workers at RCTV who allege they were victims of physical attacks or threats, among other violations of free expression. Alongside its verbal onslaught against the private media, the government expanded the number of outlets under its control. In addition to VTV it now also controls or owns three recently created channels: Vive TV, a cultural and educational channel founded in 2003; Telesur, an international cable channel which transmits nationally on public airwaves using the frequency once occupied by the private Canal Metropolitano de Televisión (CMT); and Venezuelan Social Television (Televisora Venezolana Social, TVES), set up in May 2007 to occupy RCTV's nation-wide frequencies. In addition, the National Assembly, now composed exclusively of pro-Chávez legislators, has its own cable television channel, Asamblea Nacional Televisión (ANTV), which transmits on public airwaves in Caracas. The more recently created public stations rarely transmit programs challenging the government view. In addition to creating new state-financed channels, Chávez and his supporters have taken steps to limit broadcasting they deem unacceptable. The Social Responsibility Law introduced wide-ranging restrictions on the content of radio and television broadcasting. As this chapter details below, these legal constraints gave the state tools with which to interfere in free expression and intimidate media critics. In 2005 two of the stations that had previously given full support to opposition campaigns, Venevisión and Televen, pulled controversial opinion shows and ceased to engage in overtly anti-Chávez commentary. Only RCTV and Globovisión retained their clearly critical editorial line. Despite his repeated threats, Chávez refrained for years from closing down any media outlet. Indeed, prior to 2007, the only interruptions of broadcasting came during the short-lived coup of 2002, when coup supporters backed by police shut down VTV and National Radio and the police raided three community television and radio stations. However, in December 2006, Chávez abruptly announced that he would not renew RCTV's 20-year broadcasting license when it expired the following year. Despite a national and international outcry, RCTV-the only remaining channel left on nation-wide public airwaves with an overtly critical line- was taken off the air on May 27, 2007. Its frequencies and national network of transmitters were taken over by a new government-funded channel, TVES, which has failed to deliver the plural and balanced public service broadcasting the government promised it would. RCTV was obliged to convert to cable in order to continue broadcasting. Although the government has significantly shifted the constellation of broadcast media forces in its favor, political opponents continue to have access to critical outlets, albeit fewer in number. They include the cable channel RCTV International (the subscription channel through which RCTV reinstated its transmissions), Globovisión, Unión Radio, and several major national newspapers. Nevertheless, as the rest of this chapter shows, the government now has an array of legal weapons with which it can clamp down on government critics at any moment. By promoting self-censorship, these laws constrain the expression of critical opinion, even when they are not rigorously enforced. The government's discriminatory use of its control of the airwaves and its repeated threats to use this control against critical channels also represent significant threats to freedom of expression. Toughening Speech Offenses In March 2005, Chávez and his supporters in the National Assembly expanded existing speech offense laws and established draconian penalties, including increased prison sentences and onerous fines for expression deemed to "offend" government officials. These measures are inconsistent with international legal principles on press freedom. International human rights bodies have long called on governments around the world to decriminalize speech that may displease public officials so as to allow the press to effectively monitor government actions. But Venezuela has gone in the opposite direction. It has reaffirmed and extended insult laws (desacato)-which directly violate international freedom of expression norms-and introduced prison sentences of up to four years for defamation. Insult laws (known in Spanish as leyes de desacato), which criminalize expressions deemed to offend the honor of public officials and institutions, directly contravene international human rights norms. The Inter-American and European systems on human rights both consider insult laws incompatible with the free debate essential to democratic society. In a landmark 1995 report, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) concluded that these laws are incompatible with Article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights, which protects the right to freedom of thought and expression. The commission wrote, "[t]he special protection desacato laws afford public functionaries from insulting or offensive language is not congruent with the objective of a democratic society to foster public debate." It also noted that in democratic societies, political and public figures must be more, not less, open to public scrutiny and criticism. "Since these persons are at the center of public debate, they knowingly expose themselves to public scrutiny and thus must display a greater degree of tolerance for criticism." The commission also noted that insult laws have a chilling effect, since "the fear of criminal sanctions necessarily discourages people from voicing their opinions on issues of public concern particularly when the legislation fails to distinguish between facts and value judgments." More recently, in Palamara Iribarne v. Chile (2005), the Inter-American Court of Human Rights held that "in the case of public officials, individuals who perform public services, politicians, and government institutions a different threshold of protection should be applied, which is not based on the specific individual, but on the fact that the activities or conduct of a certain individual is of public interest." The European Court of Human Rights has stressed that the protection of freedom of expression must extend not only to information or ideas that are widely accepted, but also to those that "offend, shock or disturb." As the European Court noted in a case involving a politician accused of insulting the government of Spain, "Such are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no democratic society." In a joint declaration, the Special Rapporteurs on Freedom of Expression of the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the Organization of American States recommended in 2000 that "laws which provide special protection for public figures, such as desacato laws, should be repealed." The experts also recommended that "the State, objects such as flags or symbols, government bodies, and public authorities of all kinds should be prevented from bringing defamation actions." International rights bodies also hold that defamation involving public officials should be decriminalized in the interest of promoting the vibrant public debate necessary to a democracy. The Principles on Freedom of Expression adopted by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in 2000 assert that protection of the reputation of public officials should be guaranteed only by civil sanctions. In other words, no one should go to prison for criticizing or offending a public servant. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has held recently that the use of criminal proceedings for defamation must be limited to cases of "extreme gravity," as a "truly exceptional measure" where its "absolute necessity" has been demonstrated, and that in any such case the burden of proof must rest with the accuser. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights' Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression also holds that for a court to establish defamation it must be proven that "in disseminating the news, the social communicator had the specific intent to inflict harm, was fully aware that false news was disseminated, or acted with gross negligence in efforts to determine the truth or falsity of such news." Even while decriminalizing defamation is the more urgent task, excessive civil damages can also close down freedom of expression and should be prohibited. As the joint declaration of the UN, OSCE, and OAS experts stated, "civil sanctions for defamation should not be so large as to exert a chilling effect on freedom of expression and should be designed to restore the reputation harmed, not to compensate the plaintiff or to punish the defendant; in particular, pecuniary awards should be strictly proportionate to the actual harm caused and the law should prioritize the use of a range of non-pecuniary remedies." In his report covering the Americas for 2006, the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression of the OAS concluded that "the continuous use of criminal trial proceedings against journalists for desacato and defamation demonstrates, in the great majority of cases, both State intolerance of criticism and the use of these to frustrate investigations of acts of corruption." Under Chávez, Venezuela has bucked the international trend to eliminate insult laws. Ever since its ground breaking report on insult laws was published in 1995, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has urged OAS member states to repeal these provisions from their criminal codes. Ten member states of the OAS, including Argentina, Chile, Peru, Paraguay, and Panama have now done so. Venezuela's Supreme Court, however has adopted a position contrary to this trend that openly defies international norms. In 2003, in response to an appeal against speech offense provisions of the criminal code filed by a human rights lawyer, its constitutional chamber ruled unanimously that Venezuela's insult provisions were constitutional. In refusing to align Venezuelan constitutional protection of freedom of expression with international standards it noted that the IACHR's recommendations were not binding on the state, and expressed the opinion that applying the norms set out by the IACHR could even endanger it and threaten its independence if implemented. Rather than eliminate Venezuela's insult laws, Chávez and his supporters enacted legislation in 2005 that increases the range of public officials who may resort to insult prosecutions when faced with unfavorable press. Before the legislature enacted reforms in March 2005, only the president, the vice-president, government ministers, state governors, mayors, and justices of the Supreme Court could initiate prosecutions for an insult. The reformed code added to the list members of the National Assembly, electoral council officials, the attorney general, the public prosecutor, the human rights ombudsman, the treasury inspector, and members of the military high command. In fact, all top Venezuelan officials now enjoy enhanced legal protection against media criticism. Because the crime of insult does not require that the speaker or writer accuse an official of specific actions but merely that he or she use language that subjectively "offends" or "disrespects" a public official, defendants in insult prosecutions cannot escape conviction by proving the truth of what they assert. Whether the assertion amounts to an insult and how serious it is are matters left entirely to the opinion of the court. The wording of the law ("offends by word or deed, or shows lack of respect in any other way") is vague, broad, and subjective, making legal defense against a charge of this nature difficult. Journalists must choose their language carefully and conservatively to avoid offending the officials they write about. The March 2005 reforms left unchanged a separate insult provision that penalizes insults directed not at officials but at institutions of state (an offense known as denigration [vilipendio]in Venezuela).Under this article, people held to have insulted the legislature, the Supreme Court, the cabinet, state legislative councils, or the higher courts can go to prison for up to 15 months. The notion that a state institution can bring insult actions resulting in prison sentences is a dangerous interference with freedom of expression that could seriously hamper the press from serving its role as watchdog in a free society. All insult crimes in Venezuela carry prison sentences, and the higher the office, the greater the penalty. This reverses the democratic principle that public officials with greater public roles and responsibilities must be open and liable to greater degrees of criticism than ordinary citizens. Penalties range from a maximum sentence of 20 months in the case of justices of the Supreme Court, legislators, and the government officials listed above except for mayors, to 40 months in the case of the most serious offense against the president. Venezuelan law also contradicts international norms by establishing that prison sentences can be imposed on anyone who "imputes to somebody a specific act that may expose them to public disdain or hatred, or harm their honor or reputation." Rather than eliminate these penalties, Chávez and his supporters in the legislature have increased them significantly. While some governments in the region are considering legislation to decriminalize defamation in the case of public officials or persons in the public eye, Venezuela has once again moved in the opposite direction. Amendments enacted in March 2005 increased the minimum penalty for defamation from three months of imprisonment to one year. The maximum was increased from thirty months to four years if the offense is committed "in a public document, in writing or drawings distributed or exposed to the public, or through other forms of publicity." In addition, the new article prescribes substantial fines not present in the previous law, ranging from 100 tax units to 2,000 tax units (US$2,145 to US$42,898, at current rates). It is also a form of defamation, injuria (roughly translated as "libel"), to "offend the honor, reputation and decorum of someone" without attributing to them a specific act. Under the new legislation the minimum prison sentence for this offense rose from three days to six months, the maximum from three months to two years. Fines, which were previously insignificant, were increased from a minimum of 50 tax units to a maximum of 500 tax units (US$1,071 to US$10,710 at current rates). In addition, the reforms to the criminal code provide that the statute of limitations of one year that applies to defamation cases, and of six months in cases of injuria, may now be interrupted by "any action" of the plaintiff. This makes it easier for the litigant to extend the period of investigation. A notable feature of defamation prosecutions in Venezuela is that many stay open in the courts without progress or conclusion for years on end. These lengthy proceedings can take a heavy toll on the professional and personal lives of journalists. Speech Offense Prosecutions While these speech laws have not been enforced systematically, they are more than just a latent threat. As the following cases demonstrate, speech offense laws have been employed against journalists in a wide array of cases. The prosecution of Napoleón Bravo for offending the honor of the Supreme Court exemplifies an insult prosecution that violates article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights. In February 2006, at the request of the Supreme Court, the state prosecutor opened legal proceedings against José Ovidio Rodríguez Cuesta (a television celebrity known in Venezuela as Napoleón Bravo) for insulting the court. The alleged offense occurred in September 2004 when Bravo's political program, "24 Hours," was covering the hunger strike of a sex abuse victim who was protesting the court's long delay in resolving her case. While the camera showed images of the protester, Bravo suggested, apparently with ironic intent, that the court served no purpose and should be made into a brothel. The then-chief justice asked the attorney general to open proceedings against Bravo. The prosecutor formally accused him of insulting the court's honor. Bravo was subjected to a two-year investigation followed by two years of proceedings in the Venezuelan courts. The case against him remains open today. A constitutional lawyer and academic, Tulio Alvarez was convicted of criminal defamation for publishing an article in which he cited an official report that he claimed implicated a congressman in financial mismanagement. He was convicted in February 2005 and given a suspended sentence of two years and three months imprisonment. (Under Venezuelan law, those sentenced to not more than five years in prison for a first offense may apply to a court for their prison sentence to be conditionally suspended.) Alvarez's article, published in a May 2003 edition of the newspaper Así es la Notícia, suggested that a prominent congressman had used funds from the savings of National Assembly employees and former employees for other congressional purposes, leaving an unpaid debt to the employees' savings fund of 1,707,723,317 Bolívares (about US$792,000). Alvarez was representing the National Assembly employees' union in a legal case against the congressman, and had access to a report on the case issued by the superintendency of savings banks, a body attached to the Ministry of Finance. In December 2003, the congressman filed a complaint against Alvarez for defamation. A year later, the court barred Alvarez from leaving the country as a "precautionary measure" to prevent him escaping justice. In February 2005, the court convicted Alvarez and sentenced him to two years and three months in prison, suspended. The court found that Alvarez had defamed the congressman by insinuating his guilt because the report he citedonly established that the moneyowed to the savings bank had not been paid, and not that the congressman was guilty of malfeasance. Julio Balza, a veteran journalist who writes a weekly column for the opposition newspaper El Nuevo País, has faced four defamation prosecutions since 2004 for his criticism of public officials. In July 2006 Balza was given a suspended prison sentence of two years and eleven months and fined about US$12,500 for calling a government minister "imprudent, mendacious, negligent and incompetent" after the viaduct linking Caracas's Maiquetía airport with the capital was taken out of service in March 2006 due to risk of its collapse. The minister had headed long and unsuccessful efforts to reinforce the structure, which Balza had criticized in the paper. The Caracas Appeals Court confirmed the sentence in December 2006, and in April 2007 the Supreme Court declared a final appeal inadmissible. In this case the three impugned articles made no specific accusations but simply expressed a strongly worded opinion about the minister's competence. In previous years, Julio Balza had been accused three times of defamation by officials of the Maiquetía airport authority for accusing them of corruption. Two of the cases were settled out of court. In one case, Balza agreed to publish three successive articles apologizing for the harm caused to the institution, and to write to its director promising not to attack the airport's honor and reputation in the future. Henry Crespo and Miguel Salazar In May 2006, a Caracas court sentenced journalist Henry Crespo, a columnist for Las Verdades de Miguel-a periodical with a long record of investigating corruption cases and political intrigue-to an 18-month suspended jail term for defaming the governor of GuArico state. Las Verdades de Miguel had run a series of reports on a congressional investigation into financial irregularities involving four projects undertaken by the Gúarico state government. The court considered that a comment cited by Crespo that the governor's actions were a "compendium of the criminal code" was defamatory, as were other articles Crespo wrote in Las Verdades de Miguel denouncing corruption in government projects. The governor and two close political associates also filed a defamation action against the magazine's editor, Miguel Salazar, for publishing articles about alleged corruption and accusing the governor of hiring someone to kill him. Salazar's trial began in April 2007 and continued as of this writing. The only person convicted of a speech offense in recent years who has served prison time was not a journalist but rather a retired military officer who was prosecuted under the military criminal code for a comment he made on a television talk show. Gen. (Rtd.) Francisco Usón, an outspoken critic of the ChAvez government, was sentenced by a military court in November 2004 to five years and six months in prison for "insulting the armed forces." Usón was convicted for comments he made in April 2004 as a guest on Televen's television show "La Entrevista" ("The Interview"), hosted by opposition journalist Marta Colomina. Part of the interview concerned events in the Mara Fort (Fuerte Mara) in February 2004, when eight soldiers being held in a punishment cell were severely burned. Two of them later died of their injuries. The soldiers' deaths caused an outcry in the opposition press. A day before the program was aired, a prominent critic of the government, Patricia Poleo, had published an article alleging that the fire had been caused by a flamethrower. Interviewing Poleo and Usón, the program's host, Marta Colomina, asked Usón for a technical opinion on the use of a flamethrower. He said that to use it a mixture of gasoline and napalm had to be prepared beforehand, implying that if a flamethrower had been used such an action would have been premeditated. "If that turns out to be true, it would be very, very serious," he said. Although he had retired from the army a year before the interview, Usón was charged under an article of the military criminal code that punishes anyone who "insults, offends or disparages the armed forces." In November 2004 a military court convicted Usón in a rapid trial that was closed to the public. Over the next few months, both a Martial Court and the Supreme Court rejected Usón's appeals against the sentence. Usón was released on parole in December 2007. In some cases, prosecutors investigating alleged abuses or cases of corruption reported by journalists subsequently level charges at the journalists, even though the officials accused in their articles did not sue for defamation. Such was the case with Marianella Salazar, who faces criminal charges of maliciously accusing a public official (slander, calumnia)more than four years after the publication of the article in dispute. In Venezuela, to engage in malicious accusation (calumnia) is to accuse someone of a crime in the presence of a judicial authority knowing the accusation to be false. The article, published in the newspaper El Nacional in June 2003, was about an allegation that two government ministers were involved in a plan to acquire electronic spying equipment from a European defense agency. The article described an alleged dispute between them over lucrative commissions expected from the deal. In accordance with a procedure laid down in the law, the two ministers asked the public prosecutor to investigate the allegations made by Salazar in order to clear their names, but did not sue her for defamation. After interrogating Salazar and two men named in the article, the prosecutor concluded that the author had been unable to supply proof and that her allegations were unfounded. Subsequently, the prosecutor accused Salazar of calumnia because she had shown him, in the course of his investigation, an article by a third party that had corroborated her story. The case brought by the prosecutor against Salazar was still open at this writing, although the prosecutor's accusation presents no evidence to support the notion that Salazar knew the information to be untrue. In October 2004 another prosecutor opened criminal proceedings against an investigative journalist after examining allegations she made against several government officials and finding them to be without substance. The prosecution again originated in an investigation requested by government ministers in reaction to allegations, in this case published by opposition columnist Ibéyise Pacheco in the newspaper El Nacional. Like Salazar, Pacheco was prosecuted not for these allegations but for evidence she submitted to the prosecutor in the course of his investigation, in her case for perjury. The investigation was eventually annulled on due process grounds. In a May 2003 article entitled "Between Delinquents," featured in El Nacional,Pacheco published an alleged conversation between Hugo ChAvez, Vice-President José Vicente Rangel, other officials, pro-government legislators, and military officers that supposedly took place in Miraflores (the presidential palace) the previous February, two months before the short-lived coup. Among the plans allegedly approved was one to kidnap union leader Carlos Ortega and blame the crime on an extreme left-wing Chavista group, another to intimidate the press, and another to organize fake terrorist attacks and assassinate opposition figures. After interviewing all the alleged participants in the conversation, the prosecutor concluded that it was fictitious, and closed the investigation. The prosecutor then concluded that Pacheco had lied during the investigation about the transcription of an alleged tape recording on which the article was based. Based on a discrepancy between her version and the evidence of a fellow journalist, the prosecutor opened proceedings against Pacheco for perjury that lasted for two-and-a-half years. Her lawyers filed an appeal to the Supreme Court alleging that Pacheco's rights to due process had been violated. They argued that she had been charged without having legal representation and being given an opportunity to defend herself, in violation of Venezuelan law. Finally, in April 2006, the Supreme Court's Cassation Chamber granted the appeal and annulled the trial, finding that the prosecutor had failed to ensure that Pacheco was legally represented at the hearing at which she was charged, and moreover had denied her the right to be heard. Luz Mely Reyes Most of the journalists who have faced legal action for their reporting have been outspoken ChAvez opponents, or have worked for strongly antigovernment media. However, investigative reporters working for pro-government media have not been immune from legal intimidation by government officials. In March 2007, Luz Mely Reyes, an investigative reporter for the generally pro-government tabloid Últimas Noticias, received a letter from a cabinet minister threatening to have her prosecuted for conspiracy for a series of reports alleging irregularities in a major government development project. On March 11, 2007, Reyes published the first of a series of weekly articles in the newspaperdescribing how contracts for government development projects had been traded in exchange for million-dollar commissions, with an estimated loss to the state of about US$117 million. The projects were part of a joint development plan with Iran to install corn and milk production facilities in different parts of Venezuela. Execution of the plan was entrusted in March 2006 to the Ministry of Communal Economy, and was supposed to take six months. However, by the time the articles appeared none of the projects were operational and widespread management irregularities had been detected. At the center of the controversy were various successive communal economy ministers. On March 18 during a "Hello President" transmission from the state of Barinas, ChAvez complained about a reference to Iran in the title of one of the articles, accusing the paper of being manipulated by powerful groups in the country, which he did not identify. Reyes and the paper's director, Eleazar Díaz Rangel, later received a letter from the communal economy minister, threatening both of them with prosecution for criminal conspiracy under a provision of the criminal code that punishes those who "conspire or rebel in order to violently change the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela." This grave political crime carries a prison sentence of up to 24 years. The minister expressed concern that the article could be part of a "campaign destined to encourage disloyal competition or simply cause economic damage to people, enterprises and institutions." Although the Attorney General's Office never took up the case, the minister's threatening letter was itself problematic, since threats by officials of legal action in response to publications can lead to media self-censorship and hence indirectly limit freedom of expression. Laureano MArquez and Teodoro Petkoff In February 2007, a court specializing in child welfare cases fined author Laureano MArquez for publishing a letter to ChAvez's nine-year-old daughter Rosinés, satirizing ChAvez's authoritarian style of government, which appeared on the cover of the newspaper Tal Cual on November 25, 2005. The newspaper's director, Teodoro Petkoff, was also fined. The fines totaled nearly US$50,000. The imaginary letter asked ChAvez's daughter to persuade her father to soften his attacks on his political opponents. A child welfare judge ruled that it violated the child's right to honor, reputation, and privacy, which are protected under the Organic Law for the Protection of Children and Adolescents (LOPNA) as well as Venezuela's law approving the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. But more was at stake than the child's privacy. The court found that the article "incited disrespect for symbols of the nation and for her father, since, regardless of the office he holds, he deserves his children's respect, and a medium of communication should not encourage a young girl to despise her father, or involve a girl in political argument concerning the post that he holds, nor does the girl need to have direct knowledge of the political objections of the citizens…." The judge concluded that the child's rights to honor, peer-group relations, family life, and social development had been gravely affected. In the newspaper's defense Petkoff claimed that it was ChAvez himself who had made his daughter into a public figure by mentioning her repeatedly in his speeches. A few days before the article appeared, ChAvez had suggested in his "Hello President" broadcast that the national coat of arms should be changed because his daughter had pointed out that the white horse on the emblem was looking the wrong way, an event which in fact came to pass. Article 65 of the LOPNA protects children's "right to honor, reputation, self image, private life, and family privacy, which may not be subject to arbitrary and illegal interference." While the judge found that the article had "seriously compromised" these rights, she did not explain how she reached this conclusion. According to her finding, "there is no report to determine how her rights were damaged, what were the disturbances in her family life, what was the harm caused, but we know that it is so, since we have all been children…." The judge added, "it is also evident, and follows from the [president's] speeches on 'Hello President' that neither the father, nor the child herself, agrees with the publication." The judge was referring to remarks by ChAvez in his weekly broadcast two days after the publication of the Tal Cual article. ChAvez had criticized the writer's reference to his daughter, describing her reaction to the article with pride: "She said to me: 'Papi, it's a lack of respect for the coat-of-arms.' She didn't complain about herself, but about the coat-of-arms, you see? How fantastic children are! How fantastic children are to teach a lesson to those animals infesting the sewers!" The prosecution of Tal Cual seemed to follow the cue of the president's objections. Regulating Media Content In December 2004, the Law on Social Responsibility in Radio and Television ("Social Responsibility Law"), a comprehensive statute that regulates television and radio content, came into force. The new law, which replaced broadcasting regulations enacted in 1984, contained detailed regulations to protect minors from exposure to unsuitable content, established programming obligations in order to promote Venezuelan music and national producers, and allowed audience groups to participate in broadcasting regulation. The law also expanded the scope of an already broad prohibition on incitement and established severe penalties for broadcasters that violated it. The broad and imprecise wording of the new incitement provisions, the severity of the penalties, and the fact that the law is enforced by a body dependent on the executive branch all increase the broadcast media's vulnerability to arbitrary interference and pressure to engage in self-censorship. It is generally recognized that incitement to violence may legitimately be subject to legal sanctions on public order grounds. But the power to prohibit such speech is not unlimited. Because of the importance of allowing a full and free public debate, the government must only impose restrictions on grounds of incitement where there is a direct relation between the speech in question and a specific criminal act. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, for example, held that the "direct" element of incitement implies that the incitement "assume a direct form and specifically provoke another to engage in a criminal act," and that "more than mere vague or indirect suggestion goes to constitute direct incitement....The prosecution must prove a definite causation between the act characterized as incitement ... and a specific offense." In Incal v. Turkey, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Turkey had violated the European Convention on Human Rights by sentencing a Turkish national to prison because he had written a propaganda leaflet that, according to the government, incited hatred and hostility through racist words and advocated illegal forms of protest. The court agreed that the leaflet included a number of "virulent" criticisms of the government's policies towards the Kurdish minority, and called on Kurdish citizens to "oppose" these policies by forming "neighborhood committees." The court concluded, however, that these appeals could not be taken as incitement to the use of violence, hostility, or hatred between citizens. It also considered that a prison sentence was "disproportionate to the aim pursued and therefore unnecessary in a democratic society." As these judgments illustrate, governments are required to tread with care to avoid endangering freedom of expression in efforts to prevent violence or the disruption of public order. Moreover, because the crucial link between speech and action must be demonstrated by interpretation and argument, it is essential that the procedures under which cases are examined are transparent and impartial. The Social Responsibility Law, which applies to all television and radio broadcasters except international cable channels, contains broad and imprecise provisions on incitement whose infringement can lead to a channel having its broadcasting license suspended or revoked. According to article 29 of the law, stations which transmit messages that "promote, defend or incite war,… disturbance of public order,… crime…, or are a threat to national security" may have their license suspended for 72 hours or revoked for up to five years on a second offense. In addition, once an investigation under article 29 is underway, the law permits the government telecommunications commission, CONATEL, to censor the broadcaster's messages if they are considered to violate the article's provisions. The Social Responsibility Law was intended to modernize broadcasting regulations which date from 1984, but the overly vague incitement provisions of those regulations were retained and expanded. Whereas the 1984 regulations referred only to "incitement," article 29 of the new law also makes it an offense to "promote" (promover) or "defend" (hacer apologia) disturbances, crimes, or threats to national security. Under the new law, broadcasters can be sanctioned for commentary that appears to justify actions that already occurred. The lack of clear language limiting the application of these terms increases the possibility of arbitrary application, and also offends the principle that laws must be of sufficient certainty and legal precision that people are able to regulate their conduct to avoid infringement. This principle of legality is infringed where it would be particularly difficult to distinguish between the circumstances in which a message would be considered as public "promotion" or "defense" of an act of public disorder and those in which it would represent the legitimate exercise of the right to express an opinion. The Social Responsibility Law also greatly increased penalties for infractions. Under the 1984 broadcasting regulations fines had become trifling, not exceeding 4,000 Bolívares (a little over US$2.00 in 2004). Channels or stations that violate the regulations to protect children now face fines of up to 2 percent of their income in the previous tax year. Whereas in the 1984 broadcasting regulations, incitement of rebellion was subject to a fine or suspension, in the Social Responsibility Law, incitement is punishable by suspension on a first offense. Dangers of Broad and Imprecise Wording This latitude in the current provisions is particularly troubling given the penchant of ChAvez and government officials to categorize dissent as subversion, treason, or incitement of violence. They often describe protests as a cover for destabilizing action and as being manipulated by the "oligarchy," "fascists," or the "imperial power." ChAvez, for example, referred to the largely peaceful student protests against the non-renewal of RCTV's broadcasting license in 2007 as a "soft coup" (golpe blando). Similarly, the current communication and information minister referred to the boycott of the 2005 congressional elections as "a new coup d'état" and as being "contrary to democracy." While electoral abstention may be harmful if its effect is to weaken democratic checks and balances, it is also an exercise of the right to engage in peaceful protest. To describe it as tantamount to a coup is at best misleading and inaccurate and worst another threat against non-violent expression, especially given that neither participation in elections nor voting are obligatory in Venezuela. Vice-President José Vicente Rangel even described opposition candidate Manuel Rosales's suggestion that the election be postponed as being "in the same line as the April 12 coup." Following the government's logic, any radio or TV broadcasts deemed to have incited, promoted, or merely defended participation in the protests, the electoral abstention, or the postponement of elections could be accused of violating the Social Responsibility Law, and the broadcaster would be liable to suspension or ultimately revocation of its license for five years. Lack of an Independent Regulatory Body The bodies responsible for investigating and sanctioning infractions under the Social Responsibility Law do not enjoy sufficient guarantees of independence to protect them from political interference. The decision to open an investigation and the application of sanctions for infractions of broadcasting laws are the responsibility of the National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL), a body attached to the Ministry of Communication and Information. CONATEL also decides on the application of preventive measures, which as noted can include prohibiting transmissions. While defined in law as an autonomous body, CONATEL's four-person board of directors and its director general are all appointed by the president of Venezuela and can be dismissed at his discretion. The government also has a majority on the Directorate of Social Responsibility, the body created under the Social Responsibility Law to analyze infractions and impose sanctions. The directorate is headed by CONATEL's director general, and includes six officials selected by ministries and state institutions, two representatives of audience groups organized by CONATEL, a university representative, and a church representative. The danger of overbroad interpretation of the vague incitement provisions could be limited if the enforcement body were independent from the executive branch and staffed by professionals who have suitable qualifications, serve fixed terms of office, and enjoy security of tenure while in office. While the directorate includes members from different sectors of society, the law does not state the criteria required for appointment to the directorate or the period of office of its members, and it does not protect them from arbitrary or politically motivated dismissal. Government Use of Incitement Provisions To Human Rights Watch's knowledge, CONATEL has not at this writing imposed any sanction under article 29 of the Social Responsibility Law. Yet officials have repeatedly invoked these provisions in warnings issued to television stations at moments of political tension, and in circumstances in which their application would have been unjustified and hence an arbitrary interference in freedom of expression. Coverage of Anti-Crime Protests In April 2006, for example, CONATEL's director general invoked the incitement provision of the Social Responsibility Law in response to private stations' coverage of street protests sparked by a violent crime. In letters to the directors of Globovisión and RCTV, the official warned them against inciting breaches of public security and crime and reminding them that the station could be punished for failing to comply. The provisions of article 29 of the Social Responsibility Law were underscored in the letters. Globovisión and RCTV had been covering the discovery of the bodies of three teenage brothers and their driver who had been kidnapped for ransom and ultimately executed. The shocking murders sparked street protests-extensively covered by the two channels-against the government's failure to tackle the problem of rising violent crime. These brutal murders and the protests they sparked were clearly matters of public interest, and therefore legitimately the subject of extensive coverage. The government was not justified in invoking the incitement provisions as a lever to persuade the channels to change their editorial decisions, whether or not they believed the channels had political motives in making such decisions. Coverage of RCTV Case Government officials also invoked the incitement provisions in response to media coverage of RCTV's removal from the public airwaves after its license expired. When this event sparked large student demonstrations across Venezuela, the Directorate of Social Responsibility warned about transmitting messages that incite hatred and lawbreaking, and announced that it was, in permanent session, monitoring media coverage of the protests. The government objected specifically to the media's presence at a press conference that the Inter American Press Association (IAPA) held in Caracas. The Ministry of Communication and Information's delegate on the directorate claimed that an IAPA statement read at the conference invited Venezuelans not to recognize the government's decision not to renew RCTV's broadcasting concession. She said that the IAPA's declarations violated the Social Responsibility Law and called on the channels not to broadcast them. The official warned the audiovisual media that they could face a 72-hour shutdown if they disseminated messages "promoting discrimination or inciting war." The accusation that IAPA had incited disobedience of the law was unfounded. The IAPA press release described the RCTV decision as an "abuse of power" and called the Venezuelan government "undemocratic" for declining to renew RCTV's license. While the press release might have encouraged some people to discuss the issue or express comparable views, it could not have "incited" illegal acts preventing the decision from taking effect because only the government or the courts could have prevented its implementation. In any case, the media had a right to report on what the press association said at its press conference, whether or not it was critical of the decision and the government. Coverage of Electoral Boycott In December 2005, CONATEL invoked the Social Responsibility Law's incitement provisions in response to media coverage of the campaign leading up to the congressional elections of that month, during which the main opposition parties announced they were pulling out and called on voters to boycott the vote. The government was concerned that the private media were themselves encouraging the election boycott. Top government officials including ChAvez and Vice-President José Vicente Rangel accused opposition parties advocating abstention of fomenting an "electoral coup", instigated by the United States embassy. ChAvez, on a national broadcast, warned RCTV and Globovisión that "the permissive ChAvez was buried in 2002" and he would not allow further calls for "destabilization." Within hours of ChAvez's national address, CONATEL summoned media directors to a meeting to discuss coverage of the National Assembly elections after opposition candidates announced that they were withdrawing from the race in protest at alleged electoral irregularities. A CONATEL official who was present at the meeting told the press afterwards that he had merely "refreshed" the managers' memories about their legal responsibilities. But more specifically, according to Venevisión's vice-president, the directors were urged to make sure their coverage did not incite crime, attack national security, or call for war-the three offenses listed in article 29 of the Social Responsibility Law. CONATEL official told Human Rights Watch there was no reason to be concerned about what took place. "The meeting was to evaluate with [the directors] how to interpret the norms in force and to request their cooperation. It was just a preventive measure, and there were no problems afterwards." However, what was troubling about the meeting was that the central issue was the channels' coverage of abstention calls made by the opposition candidates. While the electoral boycott was controversial, opposition calls for abstention and opposition demonstrations challenging the electoral process were clearly matters of public interest. Covering the abstention campaign was a legitimate activity and cannot be said to have constituted incitement to crime or violence or a threat to national security. Other Incidents of Threatened Action against Broadcasters In addition to threatening sanctions under the Social Responsibility Law, the government has pressed for criminal investigations against Globovisión on highly dubious allegations. In May 2007, at the request of the communication and information minister, the attorney general launched an investigation to establish whether Globovisión had transmitted messages inciting Venezuelans to assassinate ChAvez. The minister said he believed the station had urged the president's assassination by transmitting a news archive clip of the gun attack on Pope John Paul II with an accompanying soundtrack of a song by salsa star Rubén Blades.The communication and information minister sent the complaint to the attorney general, insisting that communications experts who had analyzed the clip concluded that it contained a subliminal message inciting violence against the president. The clip in question was transmitted by Globovisión as part of the political comment program "Hello Citizen," during an interview with RCTV's president, after RCTV's license renewal had been refused. During commercial breaks the station was airing clips from RCTV's 53-year history covering world events, including the sequence of the gun attack on the pope. The soundtrack from the Blades song "Have Faith," contained the words "Have Faith, it's Not Over Yet!" (Tengan fe, que esto no se acaba aquí) and had already been transmitted several times that week on the program. There is nothing to suggest that the lyrics are about anything other than hope and perseverance, and Globovisión, in fact, claimed that its commentators had urged participants not to resort to violence. Although the attorney general began an investigation into the minister's complaints, and technicians who worked on "Hello Citizen" gave evidence as witnesses, nothing was heard of the investigation afterwards. In another case in October 2007, the interior and justice minister asked the attorney general to investigate an amateur video aired by Globovisión that showed a robbery in progress on a main road in Caracas. The minister accused the station of engaging in a psychological campaign to generate anxiety and fear in the population, and said he suspected that the video has been "prepared" to attack the government's anti-crime record. The beginning of the investigation was widely reported in the press, but it too was discontinued. ChAvez's professed commitment to broadening popular participation in the political process has led neither to greater openness and transparency in government nor to easier public access to information held by government officials. Journalists and the public often experience difficulty in gaining access to what should be public information, and there is no legislation to provide effective redress in such circumstances. The right to "seek, receive, and impart" information is recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the American Convention on Human Rights. There is growing international recognition that the right to seek, receive, and impart information encompasses a positive obligation of states to provide access to official information in a timely and complete manner. Both regional and international organizations have held that the right of access to official information is a fundamental right of every individual. In the Americas, the Inter-American Court on Human Rights has held that article 13 of the ACHR (on the right to freedom of expression) entails the right to receive information held by government offices, as well as these offices' obligation to provide it. Moreover, it is internationally recognized that this right is crucial to ensure democratic control of public entities and to promote accountability within the government. The right of access to information is governed by the "principle of maximum disclosure," meaning the government is presumed to be under an obligation to disclose information. This presumption can only be overridden under circumstances clearly defined by law in which the release of information could undermine the rights of others or the protection of national security, public order, or public health or morals. Access to Information under Venezuelan Law Venezuela's 1999 Constitution guarantees the right of access to government files and records, "without prejudice to the limits acceptable in a democratic society concerning interior and external security, criminal investigation, and the intimacy of private life, in accordance with the law regulating the classification of documents whose contents are confidential or secret." The constitution also guarantees the right to "timely and truthful" information about official procedures affecting individuals directly, and access to any official resolutions adopted. And it establishes that "no censorship by public officials affecting the provision of information on matters under their responsibility will be permitted." In furtherance of the right to information, the 2001 Organic Law of Public Administration establishes that anyone can submit a written request to a state entity for a specified document and has a right to receive a copy at his or her own expense.By default, all requests or petitions directed to an administrative authority, whatever their nature, must receive a reply within 20 days. Officials who do not reply face a possible fine of between 5 and 50 percent of their monthly salary. Even though the obligation to provide information exists in law, there is no law that specifies the circumstances in which access to public documents may be denied. Nor is there any enforcement mechanism to address situations where officials fail to respond satisfactorily to requests for information. Officials at the Ministry of Communication and Information told Human Rights Watch that Andrés Izarra, during his first term as minister, presented a draft bill to the National Assembly to strengthen access to information that was discussed in the Assembly's sub-committee on media. Human Rights Watch was unable to confirm this information, but to our knowledge no such bill has been discussed on the floor of the National Assembly. The Venezuelan section of Transparency International presented its own bill in 2007 to the president of the National Assembly's sub-committee on media. As of July 2007 the organization had been unable to get the endorsement of three legislators, the minimum required for introducing a draft law for consideration. In June 2008 the president of the sub-committee said that the sub-committee had "other priorities" and claimed that progress on the law had been held up by the attempts of some journalists to politicize the issue. Failure to Respect the Right of Access to Information Government officials routinely deny or fail to respond to requests for information by journalists. According to an investigation by Últimas Noticias, a generally pro-government newspaper, journalists have encountered obstacles in obtaining information from the police on crime statistics, judges and court officials, hospitals, state enterprises such as PDVSA, the comptroller general's office, and various ministries. According to a log publicized by the newspaper El Mundo, only 37.5 percent of the officials responded to requests for official information made by its investigative reporters in 2007. The average wait for a reply was 38 days, almost twice the legal maximum. For example, a reporter approached the Ministry of Planning and Development to get information about the salaries of public employees. It took seven months, three letters, and a change of vice-minister before a reply was received. Similarly, it proved impossible to obtain information from the civil register (ONIDEX) on the number of Venezuelans who had left the country since 1997. For NGOs, obtaining official information can be even more difficult. In a study conducted by the human rights NGO Espacio Público, 46 requests for information were made to the same number of government ministries and departments in 2007. The requests were for information about salaries, advertising expenditure, and a copy of the bill on access to information supposedly in the National Assembly. Only 4 percent of the requests received a positive reply. Eight-seven percent were rejected or not answered. In the absence of an enforcement mechanism, neither journalists nor NGO representatives have any means of compelling officials to disclose the information that is withheld. Controlling the Airwaves The government has misused its control of broadcasting frequencies to discriminate against channels that are political opponents. In the most prominent and egregious case, ChAvez gave orders not to renew the concession of Venezuela's oldest television channel, Radio Caracas Television (RCTV), because it refused to tone down its hostile editorial stance. Evolving norms in international law have strengthened the obligation of governments to promote pluralism in broadcasting. In 2001, in a joint declaration, the special rapporteurs on freedom of expression for the United Nations, the OAS, and the OSCE, determined that: Promoting diversity should be a primary goal of broadcast regulation; diversity implies gender equity within broadcasting, as well as equal opportunity for all sections of society to access the airwaves; broadcast regulators and governing bodies should be so constituted as to protect them against political and commercial interference. The special rapporteurs issued a further declaration in 2007 stressing that media regulation to promote diversity must be protected from political interference: Regulation of the media to promote diversity, including governance of public media, is legitimate only if it is undertaken by a body which is protected against political or other forms of unwarranted interference, in accordance with international human rights standards. Moreover, regional human rights norms on free expression do not allow states to use their control of radio-electrical frequencies to "impede the communication and circulation of ideas and opinions." Nor may they use such control to "put pressure on and punish or reward and provide privileges to social communicators and communications media because of the opinions they express." To safeguard against bias, political favoritism, and corruption, the procedures for granting or refusing broadcasting licenses should be open, impartial, and transparent. As the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights pointed out in a press release on the RCTV case: [I]n competitions for or in the awarding of licenses for the use of wave bands, in accordance with the principle of equality of opportunity, states must promote open, independent and transparent procedures with clear, objective and reasonable criteria that avoid any political discrimination on the basis of the editorial line of a media outlet. Political Use of Discretionary Powers Venezuelan law bestows the power to award radio and television concessions on the communication and information minister following prior technical evaluations carried out by CONATEL. Although CONATEL is technically an autonomous agency, its four directors, like the communication and information minister, are all appointed by the president of the republic and can be dismissed at his discretion. There are no institutional controls to ensure that such decisions are based on an impartial consideration of the public interest rather than the government's political objectives. In the case of free-to-air radio and television, concessions are decided on an individual basis, rather than through a competitive bidding process or lottery, as is the practice for other users of the airwaves. This means that the minister-and, by extension, the president-has full discretion to accept or reject applications. The absence of clear criteria for awarding concessions and the lack of impartial regulation of the process open the door to politically motivated and discriminatory decisions. In December 2006, ChAvez announced on a nationwide broadcast that he would not renew the broadcasting license of RCTV, Venezuela's oldest and one of its most popular television stations. Filmed standing on a military parade ground, he said that Venezuela would no longer tolerate private media "at the service of coup-plotting, against the people, against the nation, against the independence of the nation, and against the dignity of the Republic!" ChAvez had repeatedly threatened not to renew the broadcasting concessions of the country's main private television channels in response to critical coverage of his government. While he pointed to the channels' role in the 2002 coup as a justification, he also made clear that the threatened action would be in response to the continuously critical coverage of some of the channels. In March 2007, three months after ChAvez announced his decision, the Ministry of Communication and Information published The White Book of RCTV (El libro blanco sobre RCTV), a compendium of the government's accusations against the channel. During the same month RCTV received a resolution and cover letter from the communication and information minister-the official responsible for television concessions-formalizing ChAvez's decision. Yet neither the official resolution nor the letter mentioned any of the accusations publicly leveled by ChAvez against the channel as grounds for the decision not to renew the license. After the Supreme Court rejected RCTV's legal appeals for an injunction, the channel stopped broadcasting on public airwaves on May 27, 2007. While the ChAvez government was under no obligation to renew RCTV's concession, it improperly used its regulatory power to punish anti-ChAvez programming, discriminating against RCTV on political grounds and disregarding due process considerations. A Discriminatory Decision As noted, one of the principle justifications that ChAvez and his supporters offered for denying RCTV a concession renewal was its role during the 2002 coup. Ever since the events of April 2002-which he accused the media of fomenting-ChAvez had threatened the four largest private channels (RCTV, Venevisión, Televen, and Globovisión) with revocation of their broadcasting licenses. From June 2002 until he made the announcement in December 2006, ChAvez had made such threats on at least eight occasions in public broadcasts or interviews. On the last of these occasions, in November 2006, ChAvez warned that some of the licenses were due to expire the following year. "No one should be surprised if on March 27 [sic] I tell them their license is up." Two private stations' licenses were in fact due to expire on May 27, 2007-RCTV's and Venevisión's. But in his December 2006 speech ChAvez made no mention of Venevisión-a channel he had accused with equal vehemence for its conduct during the coup-and its license was duly renewed for five years on its expiry. If the non-renewal of RCTV's license was indeed a belated sanction for the channel's conduct during the coup, Venevisión should have received the same treatment. But after ChAvez's victory in the recall referendum in August 2004, Venevisión (along with Televen) pulled its adversarial political opinion shows and drastically reduced its coverage of opposition news. In contrast, RCTV (along with Globovisión) continued to cover protests extensively and broadcast comment that was uniformly critical of the government. RCTV was singled out evidently because of its refusal to tone down this criticism. In fact, in June 2006, six months before ChAvez announced his decision, he himself pointedly compared the conduct of some stations, in an apparent reference to RCTV and Venevisión. At a televised ceremony handing over Russian rifles to the army, ChAvez ordered his ministers and CONATEL's director general to review private television concessions, placing a question mark over their renewal the following year. After complaining that some channels still acted like "fifth columns," he noted that other channels that he accused of supporting the coup had "given signs of wanting to change, and look like they intend to respect the Constitution and the law." The communication and information minister went further: If we analyze the conduct of some channels that were openly in the coup and we compare it with today, there are qualitative changes: in programming, in reporting, in editorial line, in respecting the rights of users and fulfilling the obligations of public service providers. In other cases, there is no sign of any rectification and they stubbornly stick to their old ways." Neither ChAvez nor the minister mentioned the channels they were referring to, but it was widely understood that the government's sights were on RCTV. The discriminatory use of the government's regulatory authority was also made clear by the fact that ChAvez had issued his threats of non-renewal in response to critical coverage of his government. For example, the last such threat he made before announcing his decision on RCTV was during a televised address just weeks before the 2006 presidential election in which he denounced private stations for broadcasting a clandestine video of his energy minister calling on employees in the state oil company to abandon their jobs if they did not support ChAvez. Lack of Due Process As already noted, in March 2007, at the height of the controversy over RCTV, the Ministry of Communication and Information published the White Book on RCTV, a 360-page compendium of alleged malfeasance by the station. The documented cited several actions of RCTV as evidence of its involvement in the coup: its coverage of the street demonstrations which precipitated the coup; its splitting its screen during a presidential broadcast in order to continue showing scenes of the protests; repeated transmissions of speeches and comments by opposition leaders blaming the government for the violence; its refusal to transmit news of ChAvez's illegal arrest by the coup plotters; and its blacking out coverage of pro-ChAvez demonstrations as the coup unraveled. Yet none of these actions were formally investigated in an administrative or judicial hearing, and RCTV was not given an opportunity to defend its record. The White Book also charged RCTV with monopolistic practices, incitement to violence, non-compliance with standards protecting children, and tax evasion. Yet the book did not show that any of these allegations had been proven, either in court or in an administrative investigation by the broadcasting authorities. TVES: Democratization or Damage Control? In March 2007, after an international outcry about ChAvez's announcement, Communication and Information Minister Jesse Chacón, sought to recast ChAvez's decision. In a resolution notifying the station of the expiry of its concession, Chacón presented the matter as a purely technical issue without any reference to the accusations. The government, Chacón stated, had "a peremptory need for…an open access television network with national range, like that which will become available when RCTV's concession expires." In a cover letter to the station's legal representatives, Chacón insisted that that "the expiry of a term is not a punishment," and that due process guarantees were not applicable to the case. If the government's reason for not renewing RCTV's license had been, as Chacón claimed, to free up the frequency for a use that was in the public interest, the non-renewal would seem to be far more justifiable. However, the government appears to have had no such plans when ChAvez announced his decision in December 2006. For several months after his announcement the actual proposals for RCTV's replacement were extremely vague, even though the law requires that the potential grantee of a concession provide CONATEL with detailed proposals and technical plans, and even though their evaluation is normally a lengthy process. Not until mid-May 2007-two weeks before the new station was due to go on air for the first time-was the creation of the station, Venezuelan Social Television (Televisora Venezolana Social, TVES) officially announced. Moreover, the government never explained satisfactorily why it did not use frequencies that were already at its disposal to create a new station. Chacón claimed that the VHF frequency used by RCTV was the best available for the purpose of creating a national network, and that other VHF frequencies were not practicable. However, at the time the government had 26 unused VHF frequencies that could have provided coverage similar to the RCTV concession. Failing that, the government could have used UHF as an alternative, as it did successfully when it launched Vive TV in 2003. The government's improvised response to the future vacancy of the RCTV frequency was also apparent in its lack of technical preparation. CONATEL had not secured the technological capacity to transmit TVES's signal throughout Venezuela's territory before the expiry of RCTV's concession. According to Jesse Chacón, at the time of the hand-over TVES only had three transmitters functioning, two in Caracas and one in Maracaibo. The government had stressed that it had no plans to expropriate RCTV's transmitters. As the crucial date neared, the audience groups registered with CONATEL provided a way out for the government. Eleven of them requested the Supreme Court to deliver an injunction obliging CONATEL to provide all Venezuelans with access to the station about to air for the first time. With unusual speed (the court had delayed for months before rejecting an appeal for an injunction filed by RCTV to keep it on the air), it granted the audience groups' appeal, and ordered the military to secure RCTV's transmitters across the country so that CONATEL could use them to transmit the TVES signal. Chacón argued that the RCTV decision meant Venezuela's first public service outlet would contribute to the democratization of the media. After a year in operation, TVES has shown no signs of genuine independence of the government or editorial pluralism. The channel is funded by the government, its director and five of its seven governors are government appointees, and there are no safeguards to ensure representation of different sectors of opinion. An analysis of 42 hours of programming in June 2007 revealed that 8 percent consisted of repetitive government messaging, more than the 6 percent dedicated to news. The news coverage itself consisted largely of government information, and downplayed opposition opinion or stories that reflected badly on government authorities. A study of media coverage of the December 2007 referendum campaign revealed that TVES had coverage no less biased toward the Yes vote than the state channel VTV. With RCTV's removal from the public airwaves, only Globovisión, whose 20-year license is due to expire in 2015, remains as a station with an unequivocal opposition editorial line. But Globovisión transmits a free-to-air signal only in Caracas and Valencia, enjoying only a fraction of RCTV's reach. Globovisión has also been under pressure from the government for years because of its political line. It has received warning letters from CONATEL because of the political tone of its reporting, it has been frequently refused entry to government press conferences, and its reporters and cameramen have been physically attacked and threatened by ChAvez supporters. Although government officials have recognized its broadcasting concession as legal, Globovisión, founded in 1994, still has not received a reply to an application for the validation of its license, a mandatory procedure for broadcasters whose license predated the Organic Law of Communications of 2000. Under this law, CONATEL was obligated to complete the validation process by June 2002, but it still had not done so at this writing. Globovisión executives complain that its many submissions to CONATEL for extended coverage have been denied or more often ignored. In 1998, in the final year of the Caldera administration, CONATEL assigned Globovisión two extra frequencies in the states of Vargas and Monagas, with a one-year deadline to install its transmitters. According to Globovisión, it filed a request in May 1999 to CONATEL for an extension of the deadline. Having received no reply, it submitted further applications for the frequencies in August 1999, January 2002, April 2002, June 2002, and February 2005, all without result. On top of failing to respond to Globovisión's requests, the government decided to free the frequencies that the company had been trying to secure for years. In September 2005 CONATEL began an administrative investigation against Globovisión for its failure to occupy these frequencies. Globovisión protested that it had not received legal authorization to use them after it missed the initial deadline, and that to do so without authorization would be illegal. Three months later, the Ministry of Infrastructure decided Globovisión was not at fault and ordered CONATEL to investigate the legal status of the frequencies. In April 2006 despite Globovisión's numerous applications for the frequencies over several years, CONATEL published a resolution freeing them for use by other service providers, without explaining to Globovisión the outcome of its long-delayed applications. The Supreme Court supported the government's refusal to address Globovisión's claims. Globovisión had filed a writ in the Supreme Court to annul CONATEL's April 2006 resolution, alleging it had been denied a fair hearing. It also requested the court to issue a temporary injunction to suspend the effects of that resolution until the court had ruled on its legality. In November 2006, the Supreme Court's Political Administrative Chamber rejected Globovisión's request for an injunction, arguing that CONATEL's lack of response should be interpreted as a denial of Globovisión's requests. Two years later, the court has yet to rule on the legality of CONATEL's resolution. In stark contrast to the bureaucratic obstacles faced by Globovisión in its efforts to reach a wider public, state-owned Vive TV, a cultural channel founded by the government in 2003 (nine years after Globovisión's inception), is currently transmitting on public airwaves to Caracas and all 23 of Venezuela's states. As we have seen, the government's most recently created channel, TVES, obtained in a matter of days nationwide frequencies and a network of national transmitters which RCTV was obliged to surrender indefinitely without a judicial hearing. Vale TV (Channel 5) CONATEL's treatment of Vale TV is another example of the lack of transparency and apparent arbitrariness of the government's administration of broadcasting frequencies. In this case, the reason for discrimination was less political (Vale TV's programming was politically innocuous), but appeared to be based on the government's conviction that the station's frequencies legitimately belonged to the state. During the 1990s Channel 5 (then TVN-5), Venezuela's oldest state channel, was virtually defunct, only retransmitting sports programs from the main state channel (VTV) for a few hours a day. In 1998 the Archbishop of Caracas proposed to then-President Rafael Caldera to replace it with a new public service non-profit educational and cultural channel, with commercial and technical backing from Venevisión, RCTV, and Televen. In December 1998 CONATEL reserved Channel 5's 27 frequencies across the nation for use by Vale TV and authorized it to begin transmissions. The transfer of Channel 5 to the private sector attracted widespread criticism at the time, mainly because it was seen by media commentators on the left as a covert privatization. Upon assuming office, the ChAvez government began proceedings to recover the frequencies. On December 14, 2005, CONATEL annulled the concession approved under the Caldera government, arguing that it had been assigned illegally, and took back the 26 frequencies outside Caracas that it had conceded to Vale TV in 1998. Vale TV was told to submit a new application for the Caracas frequency, and was given temporary authorization to transmit in Caracas while the application was being processed. Vale TV asked CONATEL to reconsider, but received no reply. In April 2006, without any further consultation with Vale TV, CONATEL announced that the 26 frequencies had now passed to the state, and were now free for assignation to other users. In March 2007 Vale TV submitted to CONATEL the required application for its Caracas frequency and also for four of those it had originally possessed in other states (Lara, Bolívar, AnzoAtegui, and Carabobo). At this writing, CONATEL had ratified only the Caracas frequency, thus by default restricting Vale TV's coverage to the capital. To our knowledge, the 26 frequencies the state reclaimed from Vale TV have still not been assigned to other users. Community Radio and Television At the same time as the Venezuelan government has engaged in political discrimination in the distribution and administration of radio-electrical frequencies, it has also gone further than many Latin American countries in opening opportunities for broadcast media at the community level. The government's support for these media has contributed to a dramatic increase in the number of licensed community radio and television outlets in recent years, which has given new opportunities for public expression to residents of many poor communities in Venezuela. The United Nations has recognized the role of community media in fostering sustainable development objectives for more than a decade. International bodies like UNESCO and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have stressed the importance of non-profit community media for the poorest sectors of the population who normally have very restricted access to the conventional media. In his 2002 report, the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression of the OAS, Eduardo Bertoni, recognized their role in expanding the scope of free expression in societies with significant levels of poverty. Since the 2002 coup, CONATEL has provided millions of dollars to support incipient community media across the country. Government support was in part given in recognition of the role community radio played during the news blackout during the coup. While the mainstream commercial media were reporting that ChAvez had resigned, and with VTV and National Radio out of action, only a few community radio frequencies reported that he had in fact been arrested, calling ChAvez supporters' from the barrios onto the streets to protest the coup and demand his return. Some paid an immediate price for their reporting: two community outlets, Radio Perola and Catia TV, were raided by police after Carmona's illegal swearing in. Long before the coup, however, the ChAvez government had committed itself to supporting alternative community-based media. After more than two decades of neglect and marginalization, community media were formally included for the first time in the telecommunications sector in the Organic Law of Telecommunications, enacted in 2000. The promotion of community media "for the exercise of the right to free and plural communication" is named second in a list of the law's objectives. The Regulations for Non-Profit Public Service Community Radio Broadcasting and Open Community Television (hereinafter "the Regulations"), which came into force in November 2001, encourage community broadcasting. They allow anyone with appropriate skills to obtain a license to operate a community radio or TV station after a feasibility evaluation by CONATEL, and provided that conditions on financial independence and diversity are met. CONATEL provided technical support to start-up community media for a year after the Regulations came into force, including non-reimbursable grants for infrastructure, as well as training. In October 2003, ChAvez announced that five billion Bolívares (approx. $2,300,000, at current rates) would be donated to a fund to be administered by a cooperative of community media operators to finance seed capital, infrastructure, and training. By 2006, some 3,994,008,000 Bolívares (about $1,860,000, at current rates) of the money had been spent, benefiting 109 community radio and television stations. By August 2007, 266 community radio stations and more than 30 community television outlets were licensed and operating, according to CONATEL. During visits to Venezuela in 2007, Human Rights Watch interviewed staff at five community radio stations in Caracas and Maracaibo. Four had received money from CONATEL for equipment such as computers, sound equipment, or aerials, and some were operating from premises loaned by the municipal government or other government bodies. Radio Voces Libertarias, which houses a school that trains young people in radio and computing skills, had five unpaid permanent volunteers, and a transmitter and computers lent by the municipality, which also owns the building from which it operates. CONATEL was hiring more experienced workers at the station to organize training workshops in other parts of the country. Radio Nuevo Día in the low income neighborhood of Catia also received government support. "Everything you can see here we got with CONATEL's help," its director told Human Rights Watch. Some community radios also receive income from government advertising. The legal regime governing community broadcasting contains norms to protect stations from government or other external interference. Under the Regulations, discrimination in access to the services provided is proscribed; stations are protected from being taken over by any particular political or religious group; state aid may not be made conditional on the donor's influence over program content or other controls; programming cannot be monopolized by an individual or a single group; and the re-transmission of government broadcasts is only acceptable within certain time limits. The Regulations also establish that the "foundations" set up to start a community radio project must be run on democratic, participatory, and plural lines, with a governing council which is elected every three years, if not earlier. Certain people may not hold official positions on community radio foundations, such as public officials, members of the military, leaders of political parties at any level, leaders or representatives of labor unions, or business associations. As well as these controls, there is an express provision in the law that prohibits discrimination in accessing community media. Foundations must provide "equal access of all the members of a community to the services they provide," and may not "do anything by action or omission to discriminate and prevent access to the medium of some individual or group." Operators must provide airtime so that members of the community can participate in programs directly. Discrimination on the basis of "political beliefs, age, race, sex, creed, social condition, or any other condition" is not allowed. Operators must abstain from transmitting party or propaganda messages of any kind. A large majority of community radio stations are supportive of the ChAvez government. However, they are not politically homogeneous, and by no means uncritical. Most are associated with the National Association of Free and Alternative Community Media (Asociación Nacional de Medios Comunitarios Libres y Alternativos, ANMCLA), which was formed after a split in the Venezuelan Network of Community Media (Red Venezolana de Medios Comunitarios, RVMC), which helped the government draft the community radio regulations. The RVMC now has about 70 radio stations compared to ANMCLA's 130. Not all community-run outlets are pro-ChAvez, and even those that are frequently criticize corruption, mismanagement, or malfeasance by local officials. Among non-profit radios that have maintained an independent journalistic line is the Jesuit network Fe y Alegría, which has been involved for decades in popular education in some of the poorest parts of Venezuela, and has won awards from the government as well as from the opposition. There are several stations licensed by CONATEL that are overtly critical of ChAvez, such as Radio Tropical Stereo in Venezuela's second largest city, Maracaibo. Radio Tropical Stereo's director told Human Rights Watch that CONATEL imposed no political conditions when its license application was under consideration in 2003. Although Human Rights Watch has not documented any cases of government discrimination against community broadcasters, the dependence of most community stations on the state for funding and broadcasting licenses makes them vulnerable to potential political interference in the future, particularly in light of the concerns noted above about the independence of CONATEL. Lack of Judicial Protection of Freedom of Expression The Supreme Court has not fulfilled its role as a defender of the fundamental right to freedom of expression from threats by the executive branch or the legislature. As noted earlier in this chapter, it upheld the constitutionality of insult laws that are contrary to freedom of expression norms binding on Venezuela, and invoked these laws itself against a media critic. In its handling of the RCTV case in 2007, the Supreme Court failed to ensure that decisions on the allocation and renewal of broadcasting frequencies are made transparently, without discrimination, and with respect for due process. The Court's Handling of the RCTV Case As we saw earlier in this chapter, the ChAvez government refused to renew RCTV's license, abusing its regulatory power to punish anti-ChAvez programming and showing utter disregard for due process considerations. At the time, RCTV and some of its supporters turned to the Supreme Court for relief, submitting appeals aimed at blocking implementation of the president's decision to deny RCTV a renewal of its license. The Supreme Court, rather than addressing issues of protection of free speech and due process, engaged in a variety of dubious measures-including delaying urgent rulings, failing to address central issues, disregarding key facts, and miscasting the claims of the petitioners-before deciding in favor of the government. The RCTV lawyers submitted their first appeal on February 9, 2007, six weeks after ChAvez announced the decision to deny the company a concession renewal. The appeal was directed to the Supreme Court's Constitutional Chamber, seeking protection of the rights of RCTV journalists and owners to free expression, due process, and equal treatment. Specifically, the station sought an injunction (amparo constitucional) against ChAvez and Communication and Information Minister Jesse Chacón, to prevent them from taking measures to force the station to stop transmitting when its license expired. Under Venezuelan law, the court is required to expedite the resolution of such constitutional appeals but instead, for three months, the Constitutional Chamber remained silent on the matter. Only after the government had formally adopted the president's decision not to renew the license, and ten days before the license was to expire, did the constitutional chamber finally issue a ruling. The chamber denied the petitioners' request, rejecting some of their claims and deferring others to another chamber of the court, the Political Administrative Chamber (Sala Político Administrativa, SPA). The SPA was, at that point, already reviewing a separate and similar appeal that RCTV lawyers had filed in April, after more than two months of waiting in vain for a ruling by the Constitutional Chamber. In this second appeal, the petitioners argued that the government's resolution formalizing the president's decision was unconstitutional, and requested a temporary injunction (medidas cautelares) to prevent its execution until the court reached a final decision on the case. The SPA issued its own ruling five days after the Constitutional Chamber did, declaring that the majority of claims were too complex to be resolved at that point and would instead be addressed in a final judgment on the merits of the case in the indefinite future. It also refused to grant RCTV a temporary injunction while it considered the merits of the case, thereby allowing the government's decision to go forward and RCTV to lose its concession notwithstanding the potential illegality of the decision and the inevitable and perhaps irreparable damage that RCTV would suffer as a result. At this writing, more than a year after RCTV's license expired, the court still had not issued a final judgment. In addition to putting off making a final judgment, both chambers of the Supreme Court made use of highly questionable arguments as they sought to justify their refusal to address RCTV's claims. For example, the Constitutional Chamber rejected the appeal against ChAvez's decision on the grounds that the president was not legally responsible for the decision to deny RCTV the concession renewal. The court argued that the administration of broadcasting frequencies was exclusively the responsibility of CONATEL. While this is correct in general terms, the court appeared to ignore that Venezuelan law expressly provides that free-to-air television and radio concessions are adjudicated directly, not by CONATEL, but by the Ministry of Infrastructure (now the Ministry of Communication and Information), an official who is directly subordinate to the president. ChAvez was therefore perfectly within his powers to order the minister to rescind the decision not to renew RCTV's license, as the petitioners had requested, whether he had taken it personally or his minister had. In fact, ChAvez himself had made it emphatically clear in public statements that he had personally taken the decision, a fact that the court disregarded completely. The SPA, meanwhile, dismissed the request for a temporary injunction claiming that the government's action did not pose a threat to freedom of expression. According to the court, RCTV would be able to continue broadcasting its views as a cable channel, and the station's large national audience would still be able to view "many other private channels." Absent from the SPA's reasoning was any consideration of the fact that RCTV was the only remaining channel on public airwaves with national coverage that was openly critical of the government, as well as the fact that large segments of RCTV's national audience had no access to cable. The SPA also failed to consider the broader impact that the president's openly political and discriminatory handling of the case could have on freedom of expression in Venezuela. Similarly, when analyzing the temporary injunction request, the court dismissed RCTV's claim that its right to due process had been violated. RCTV argued that it had no opportunity to respond to the public accusation of criminal actions and broadcasting infractions cited by government authorities as grounds for the decision not to renew its concession. However the court based its ruling solely on an analysis of the resolution and letter issued by the communication and information minister in March 2007-two documents which carefully avoided any punitive language. It avoided mention of ChAvez's public justifications for his decision, as well as the White Book that detailed RCTV's alleged transgressions to justify the non-renewal of the concession. Based on this highly selective analysis, the court found that RCTV's assertion regarding its right to due process was misplaced. Supporting the New State Channel The Supreme Court's response to petitions by opponents of RCTV was dramatically different. Five days before RCTV's concession expired, the Constitutional Chamber received a petition from 11 pro-ChAvez audience groups seeking an injunction to guarantee viewer access to TVES, the state channel that was to replace RCTV after its license expired. It took the court only three days to admit the case and grant the petitioners a temporary injunction. As noted earlier in this chapter, TVES was set up only two weeks before RCTV's frequency became available. As the date for TVES's launch neared, ministers recognized that the government had few transmitters of its own to broadcast its signal throughout the country. The 11 audience groups argued in their appeal that if TVES's broadcasting range did not cover the entire country, it would violate their right not to be discriminated against, as well as their right "to obtain a quality public television service." The charge of discrimination was based on statements made by TVES executives that for the time being the TVES signal would be limited to the cities of Caracas and Maracaibo and would only be available by cable to viewers living outside these cities. The constitutional chamber immediately admitted the petition and issued a temporary injunction assigning RCTV's transmitters and broadcasting equipment to CONATEL for use by TVES. The court also ordered the defense minister to secure and protect the broadcasting installations. In order to justify this measure, the Constitutional Chamber held that the temporary injunction would not affect RCTV's property rights, despite the fact that it was assigning control over them to the state. However, the court did not fix a time-limit by which CONATEL would have to return the facilities to their owner or initiate proceedings to expropriate them. As of July 2008, more than a year after the court decision, TVES continues to use the transmitters. The court used a petition seeking precisely the opposite outcome-blocking removal of RCTV from the public airwaves-to reiterate its decision that RCTV's equipment should be assigned for use by TVES. The Interactive Radio Listeners (Oyentes Interactivos de Radio, OIR), an audience group opposed to ChAvez, requested an injunction to prevent ChAvez and Chacón from taking steps to have RCTV removed from the air, arguing they had a right to continue watching RCTV. The court argued that their "right" was met by having access to a television service of quality, not by access to any particular broadcaster, and that the injunction enabling TVES to broadcast from RCTV's old transmitters satisfied any claims they might have. In both rulings, the court stated in no uncertain terms that petitions for injunctive relief required immediate resolution by the court: [O]n some occasions the object of judicial protection requires expedited protection, which in turn responds to the need to ensure the effectiveness of the court's future pronouncement, and to avoid the risk that a possible finding in favor of the claim is rendered ineffective by the irreversible consolidation of situations contrary to law or to the interest recognized by the court at the time. This is exactly what the court failed to do when responding to the petitions by the RCTV journalists and owners. To prevent future acts of violence and intimidation against journalists, the government should: ·Ensure that all attacks on journalists are investigated promptly and thoroughly; and ·Avoid inflammatory public statements that could be construed as condoning such attacks. The National Assembly should repeal all legal provisions which contravene international norms on freedom of expression and generate undue pressure for self-censorship. Specifically, it should: ·Repeal all insult laws (desacato); ·Repeal all laws that criminalize defamation of public officials and institutions; ·Ensure that civil damages for defamation are limited so as to avoid a chilling effect on free expression; and ·Amend the language of article 29(1) of the Social Responsibility Law to ensure that the offense of incitement is clearly defined and restricted to situations in which broadcasters directly and explicitly incite the commission of crimes. The government should ensure the impartiality and due process in the procedures by which broadcasting laws are enforced. Specifically, it should: ·Ensure that investigation and sanctioning of alleged infractions of broadcast laws are carried out by an impartial and independent body protected from political interference; and ·Ensure that alleged violators of broadcast regulations are guaranteed the right to contest the charges against them. To safeguard the right of access to information and increase the transparency of government and the accountability of government officials, the government should: ·Introduce legislation to implement effectively and without discrimination the constitutional right of access to information held by public entities. To ensure the impartiality in the criteria used for the granting and renewal of broadcasting decision, the government should: ·Give applicants for concessions and frequencies opportunities to present their cases and be heard in a manner that follows appropriate due process, and includes safeguards against political interference. The Venezuelan government under President ChAvez has sought to remake the country's labor movement in ways that violate basic principles of freedom of association. The government has systematically flouted its obligations under the conventions of the International Labour Organization (ILO) by promoting state interference in union elections, refusing to bargain collectively with established unions, and engaging in favoritism toward pro-government unions. It has also punished workers with job dismissals and blacklisting for legitimate strike activity. And it has supported the creation of alternative labor organizations that undercut the country's labor laws, risk undermining established unions, and leave workers particularly vulnerable to political discrimination. President ChAvez and his allies have attempted to justify these violations as part of a broader effort to "democratize" the labor movement by safeguarding workers' rights against allegedly corrupt and co-opted union leaders. In particular, the government has argued that trade unions have failed to hold regular elections, thereby allowing union leaders to monopolize power and sacrifice workers' interests to their own political agendas. Yet there is nothing "democratic" about firing workers who exercise their right to strike, or denying workers their right to bargain collectively, or discriminating against workers because of their political beliefs. Moreover, for unions to be truly democratic, workers must also be free to elect their leaders and organize their affairs without being subject to unsolicited state interference and control. In fact, it is a central tenet of the international law protecting workers' rights that states should not interfere in the internal affairs of unions. This prohibition, established in ILO Convention No. 87 and repeatedly reaffirmed by the ILO, reflects the recognition that state interference in union affairs allows for political manipulation and control of organized labor in ways that severely impede workers' freedom of association. There are many ways in which the ChAvez government could address the alleged problems of the country's unions without violating this fundamental prohibition on state interference in union affairs. For example, if there were serious grounds for believing that the alleged corruption of individual union leaders rose to the level of criminal activity, the government could conduct investigations and press criminal charges. If there were concerns about possible financial mismanagement, it could require unions to regularly submit financial reports. If there were credible evidence that union actions contravened their internal rules, an independent body could provide limited supervision to promote compliance with these rules. And if unions were failing to hold periodic and fair elections, the government could require that elections be held at specified intervals (provided it left the exact election procedures up to workers) and strengthen the appeal process to make it easier for workers to challenge alleged fraud in the courts. But the ChAvez government has gone much further, routinely violating workers' rights, openly rejecting the notion that unions should be free from state interference, and intervening in union affairs in ways that favor its own political agenda. ChAvez has gone so far as to publicly rail against "the venom of union autonomy" and called for organized labor to serve as "the industrial arm" of his political project. And his government has promoted laws and measures that have allowed for significant state control over union affairs, enabling the government to weaken unions linked to the political opposition, and to foster the formation of parallel unions sympathetic to the government. Specifically, the ChAvez government has: ·Undermined workers' right to elect their representatives by mandating the organization and certification of union elections by a state institution; The government has promoted state interference in union elections by requiring that all union elections be organized and certified by the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral,CNE), a public authority. This mandatory oversight of union elections violates international standards, which guarantee workers the right to elect their representatives in full freedom and according to the conditions they determine. ·Denied unions which do not receive state approval of election results the right to bargain collectively; The government has refused to bargain collectively with established unions on the grounds that they failed to hold state-certified elections. While in practice, there is a clear need for union elections to be held, such refusals by the government to bargain collectively pending state approval of elections violate the right of workers' organizations to bargain collectively to defend the interests of their members. In the public sector alone, more than 250 collective bargaining agreements are reported to have expired while unions were waiting for the CNE to approve their requests to hold elections and certify their election results. The number of collective bargaining agreements plummeted in past years-from 854 in 2004 to 538 in 2006-in part because the Ministry of Labor blocked collective bargaining projects of established unions that had not held CNE-certified elections. ·Undermined workers' right to freely join the labor organization of their choosing by discriminating against established unions linked to the political opposition; The government has exploited the requirement that existing unions must hold routine elections to discriminate against public sector unions identified with the political opposition. Bypassing established unions on the grounds that they have failed to hold state-certified elections, the government has promoted and negotiated with new, pro-government unions that are exempt from electoral restrictions when first formed. This has created strong incentives for workers to switch labor organizations and join the new organizations preferred by the government. In one prominent case in 2004, the CNE ordered the largest public health workers' union to stop its elections the night before the vote. The union proceeded to hold the election without incident, but the CNE did not recognize the results for 17 months. While waiting for CNE approval, the Ministry of Health signed a collective bargaining contract with a newly formed, pro-government, minority health federation that had never held elections. ·Undercut the right to strike by banning legitimate strike activity and engaging in mass reprisals against striking oil workers; In response to the oil strike of December 2002, the government declared the actions of thousands of striking oil workers illegal, fired close to half of the workforce, and ordered private oil companies not to hire the dismissed workers, although the ILO, the highest international authority on labor rights, found that the workers had engaged in legitimate strike activity. The ChAvez government has further threatened workers' rights by supporting the creation of alternative labor organizations. One of the central initiatives of the ChAvez presidency has been the proposed creation of local-level councils, including workers' councils. Workers' councils potentially offer possibilities for greater workplace self-management, but as currently proposed, they would be granted ambiguous powers to prevent "destabilizing" labor activity-possibly including legitimate strikes-and would potentially be allowed to negotiate directly with employers on labor issues, undermining the right of established workers' organizations to bargain collectively. The ChAvez government has also strongly endorsed labor cooperatives, which can help informal workers form associations to improve their economic well-being. But cooperative workers are exempt from national labor laws. As a result, the government's support for cooperatives without the extension of protections for their workers has contributed to the expansion of a class of vulnerable workers whose rights to organize and bargain collectively are left unprotected. Workers' rights have been further jeopardized by the lack of effective judicial protection against government violations of workers' right to organize. Venezuelan law grants international human rights treaties and conventions constitutional status and precedence over domestic norms, but the Supreme Court has repeatedly failed to uphold international standards on freedom of association. Instead, the court has permitted the government to control union elections, block legitimate labor organizing, and retaliate against workers for their labor activities. After supporting grave violations of workers' right to organize and after backing unprecedented state interventions in union affairs, the ChAvez government has promised to take steps that could begin to restore workers' right to freedom of association. In 2007, ChAvez actively campaigned for a failed constitutional reform package that would have permitted state authorities to assist in union elections only at the request of the union or a court. Likewise, the government has promised for several years to reform the relevant labor and electoral laws to restrict state interference in union elections. Yet at the time of this writing, these proposals remain under discussion by the National Assembly and CNE. Until these and other necessary reforms-discussed below-are instituted, routine violations of workers' freedom of association will continue and labor rights will not be secure. Freedom of Association under International Law The right of workers to organize is clearly established under international human rights law. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) states that "everyone shall have the right to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and join trade unions for the protection of his interests." Likewise, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) recognizes the "right of everyone to form and join the trade union of his choice." The American Convention on Human Rights also provides for the right to associate freely for labor purposes. These instruments, to which Venezuela is party, clearly establish the right to freedom of association within the context of internationally protected labor rights. As the Inter-American Court has held, "in labour union matters, freedom of association consists basically of the ability to constitute labour union organisations, and to set into motion their internal structure, activities and action programme, without any intervention by the public authorities that could limit or impair the exercise of the respective right…. in trade union matters, freedom of association is of the utmost importance for the defence of the legitimate interests of the workers, and falls under the corpus juris of human rights." The conventions, recommendations, and jurisprudence of the ILO flesh out this right. The ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work recognizes freedom of association as one of the "fundamental rights" that all ILO members are obligated "to respect, to promote and to realize." Venezuela has ratified both of the ILO's core conventions on freedom of association-ILO Convention No. 87 concerning Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise and ILO Convention No. 98 concerning the Right to Organise and to Bargain Collectively-which set forth the key elements of this fundamental right. The Right to Freely Elect Representatives The right of workers to freely elect their representatives is a central component of freedom of association. Article 3 of ILO Convention No. 87 states, "Workers' and employers' organisations shall have the right to draw up their constitutions and rules, to elect their representatives in full freedom, to organise their administration and activities and to formulate their programmes." The prohibition on state intervention in union elections exists to guarantee the impartiality and objectivity of electoral procedures. As the ILO has cautioned, "Any intervention by the public authorities in trade union elections runs the risk of appearing to be arbitrary and thus constituting interference in the functioning of workers' organisations, which is incompatible with their right to elect their representatives in full freedom." It is therefore "the prerogative of workers' … organizations to determine the conditions for electing their leaders." States can play only highly circumscribed roles in union elections. For example, if an internal union dispute ensues between rival groups of union leaders, "competent judicial authorities" can supervise a trade union's elections. A trade union registrar, independent of state authorities and subject to appeal, can also catalog election results. However,the ILO makes clear that "[t]he situation is different … when the elections can be valid only after being approved by the administrative authorities," finding that, "the requirement of approval by the authorities of the results of trade union elections is not compatible with the principle of freedom of election." Similarly, the ILO has held that the "determination of conditions of eligibility for union membership or union office is a matter that should be left to the discretion of union by-laws" and that, therefore, legislation that limits the maximum tenure of trade union officers and re-election runs contrary to ILO Convention 87. The Right to Bargain Collectively The right to bargain collectively with employers is an essential component of freedom of association. ILO Convention No. 98 establishes that governments have a responsibility to promote and encourage collective bargaining. Given the centrality of collective bargaining to the ability of workers to defend their interests in the workplace, the ILO has found that "public authorities shall refrain from any interference which would restrict this right or impede the lawful exercise thereof." Collective bargaining takes a wide variety of forms across countries. The basic international standard establishes that if a union represents the absolute majority of workers in a workplace, it is incumbent on the government authorities to ensure "the employer's recognition of that union for collective bargaining purposes." In the case that no union commands the majority, "collective bargaining rights should be granted" to minority unions, at least on behalf of their members.And according to the ILO, even in cases in which majority organizations enjoy exclusive bargaining rights, minority unions should "at least … have the right to speak on behalf of their members and to represent them." Venezuelan law, as discussed below, requires that a union enjoy majority support before gaining collective bargaining rights. However, the ILO does not establish a specific method most appropriate for determining the most representative labor organization in a workplace. Instead, the ILO sets forth criteria for making such a determination, stating that it must be based on "objective and pre-established criteria so as to avoid any opportunity for partiality or abuse" that could arise from governmental discretion. The Right to Join the Organization of Choice Freedom of association requires that workers have the right to join the labor organizations of their choice. They have the right to form multiple trade union organizations within a given workplace or to choose to unite to form a single organization. The ILO has observed that in order to protect these rights, governments must treat labor organizations with complete impartiality so as not to influence the choice of workers. The government should play no role either to support or obstruct the formation of new organizations or otherwise interfere in the union formation process. Explicit state support of or preferential treatment for a particular organization risks influencing workers to select or form the organization favored by the government, rather than the one best suited to defend their occupational interests. The Right to Strike International law protects the right to strike. The ICESCR requires parties to the covenant to ensure "the right to strike." The ILO further explains that the "right to strike is an intrinsic corollary of the right to organize protected by Convention No. 87." The ILO has held that governments can ban strikes in only very limited circumstances, such as for a limited time for "an acute national emergency" and in "essential public services"-defined as a service whose stoppage poses "a clear and imminent threat to the life, personal safety or health of the whole or part of the population." These exceptions, however, are narrowly defined so as to prevent overly broad restrictions on the right to strike. To guarantee the right to strike, workers must be protected against reprisals. In particular, the ILO has noted, "The dismissal of workers because of a strike constitutes serious discrimination in employment on grounds of legitimate trade union activities and is contrary to Convention No. 98." Dismissals of strikers on a large scale, therefore, per se "involve a serious risk of abuse and place freedom of association in grave jeopardy." Likewise, refusing to reemploy workers as a result of their strike participation also violates their right to freedom of association. The ILO has noted that hiring discrimination-"blacklisting"-because of protected strike activity constitutes "a serious threat to the free exercise of trade union rights and, in general, governments should take stringent measure to combat such practices." Freedom of Association under Venezuelan Law The Venezuelan constitution guarantees freedom of association for workers. Venezuela also gives constitutional rank to international law; as such, no domestic laws can violate ILO conventions and jurisprudence. Nonetheless, Venezuelan labor law falls short of international standards, and the 1999 Constitution further restricted the right to freedom of association by mandating that state electoral authorities intervene in internal union elections, prohibiting the reelection of union leaders, and imposing term limits for union leaders. Venezuelan law makes the right to bargain collectively contingent on periodic union elections held according to state-specified rules, allows only majority unions to bargain collectively, grants government authorities broad discretion to select collective bargaining partners, and does not allow for strikes grounded in demands concerning the government's social or economic policy. The Right to Freely Elect Representatives Venezuelan law assigns the National Electoral Council (Consejo Nacional Electoral, CNE), an administrative body, a central role in internal union elections, including the certification of election results. Although ostensibly intended to guarantee the transparency of union elections, the required intervention of the CNE denies workers one of the most basic safeguards of union autonomy: the right to elect their representatives in full freedom. The 1999 Constitution mandated the alternation of union leaders at least every three years. The government argued that the provision was necessary to ensure that union leadership elections were held in practice and that union leaders did not monopolize power. However, the ILO has noted that decisions as to the alternation of trade union leadership must lie exclusively with workers' organizations and their members and that "provisions restricting or prohibiting the re-election of trade union officers are a serious obstacle to the right of organizations to elect their representatives in full freedom." To oversee union elections, the constitution assigned the CNE the responsibility to "organize union elections under the terms established by law." The constitution granted the CNE control over the elections of all trade unions and professional organizations, regardless of whether the organization asked for state assistance. The precise role of the CNE in the organization of union elections is established in the Statute on the Election of Union Leadership of 2004. The CNE is assigned detailed functions to regulate electoral processes from beginning to end. For instance, it authorizes the convocation of elections, dictates measures to guarantee impartiality, suspends elections when irregularities are suspected, and certifies election results. The ILO has clearly stated that the 2004 statute adopted by the CNE "constitutes a serious breach of Article 3 of Convention No. 87 and should be promptly amended so as to bring it into full conformity with Convention No. 87." The mere existence of a government body that is required to administer and certify the validity of all union elections violates workers' right to hold elections in full freedom and without state interference. The detailed and binding rules for the intervention of the CNE at all stages of union elections undermine workers' prerogative to determine the conditions for electing their leaders, and constrain their right to organize the internal administration of their organizations. Moreover, although unions can appeal administrative decisions of the CNE to electoral and constitutional courts, the appeal process can drag on indefinitely. During this time, the validity of the unions' electoral processes is in doubt and, as a result, unions are barred from exercising their collective bargaining rights, in violation of international standards. The government has provided three contradictory defenses of the role assigned to the CNE. First, the Venezuelan government has argued to the ILO that the CNE's responsibility to oversee union elections is consistent with international law because the CNE ensures the impartiality, reliability, and transparency of elections. The government defends state oversight as a needed antidote to an entrenched and monopolistic union leadership, which would not hold free and fair elections on its own accord. As the former CNE Director of Union Affairs Aníbal Galindo told Human Rights Watch, "Venezuela is the only country in the world where we had to create rules to protect freedom of association not from the state but from the union leadership itself." Despite the government's stated aim of improving union democracy, under international law the organization of union elections must be exclusively a matter for the unions concerned. Moreover, the optional participation of the CNE in union elections could achieve similar ends: if workers had concerns about upcoming electoral processes or suspected wrongdoings, they could request CNE assistance or appeal to a judicial authority. Second, the Venezuelan government has argued that the role assigned to the CNE is compatible with international law because the CNE "functions as an electoral tribunal." The government has posited that the CNE enjoys full independence from executive power, given that it is part of a separate branch of government (the electoral branch). Moreover, the directors of the CNE are appointed by the legislature, as are Supreme Court judges, and the decisions of the CNE can be appealed in a court of law. The ILO recognizes a role for the judiciary in union elections only in the event that elections results are challenged or otherwise disputed, not in the everyday oversight and certification of all elections. According to the ILO, the intervention of an independent judiciary is necessary in such cases to ensure "impartial and objective procedures." Furthermore, the ILO has determined that the CNE is not an independent judicial body. The CNE does not function like a judicial tribunal, with the full guarantees of defense and due process necessary to adjudicate disputes. Its members are not judges, although constitutionally they are supposed to be appointed through similar proceedings. In 2003 the government disregarded the nominating procedures established in the constitution and allowed the Supreme Court to designate the directors of the CNE, raising additional doubts about the CNE's autonomy. Finally, the government has defended the faculties assigned to the CNE on the false premise that CNE participation in union elections is optional. Relying on an opinion from the Ministry of Labor Legal Advisor's Office from 2003, the government told the ILO that "trade union organizations are independent and free to organize and carry out their electoral processes and that the participation of the National Electoral Council is optional, i.e. it only acts at the express request of the trade union organizations." Likewise, Labor Minister Roberto HernAndez stated in June 2008 that the CNE had dictated new norms to bar state interference in union elections, however at this writing, the CNE had not published a new statute and the ILO continued to criticize that the government "had not taken steps to eliminate the interference of the National Electoral Board in trade union elections." In practice, government authorities, including the CNE and the Ministry of Labor, have treated CNE certification of elections as mandatory and binding. Aníbal Galindo told Human Rights Watch, "Article 293, Numeral 6 reads that the CNE will organize the elections of unions, professional organizations, and political organizations under the terms established by the law. Period. Only in the case of clubs, such as private clubs, is it the case that the organization requests CNE assistance.… The Constitution clearly states the [CNE's] faculty to organize allunion elections." The ILO has repeatedly requested that the Venezuelan government amend the relevant laws to expressly establish that CNE intervention is optional. The Right to Bargain Collectively Venezuelan law commits the state to promote collective bargaining and to establish the necessary conditions to favor collective bargaining, yet the law, both on paper and in its application, falls far short of international standards and fails to provide an adequate legal framework for collective bargaining. Labor laws bar unions from contract negotiations if elections are not held at least every three years and, as discussed, require such elections to be both CNE organized and certified. Only unions representing the absolute majority of workers are granted bargaining rights. And government authorities enjoy virtually unfettered discretion in resolving disputes over a union's majority status. If CNE-organized and certified union elections are not held within statutory limits, union leaders are not allowed to exercise functions beyond simple administration. That includes not being allowed to represent workers in negotiations. This condition, referred to as "electoral default" (mora electoral), amounts to a suspension of a union's collective bargaining activities. Given administrative delays in election organization and certification by the CNE, the effect has been to prevent legitimate unions from exercising their right to collective bargaining for extended periods of time. The paralysis of collective bargaining with established unions, pending CNE organization or certification of elections, can also create strong incentives for workers to transfer their membership to alternative unions. The ILO has found that the refusal to recognize the leaders of certain organizations in the performance of legitimate activities "may be an informal way of influencing the trade union membership of workers.… [A]ny discrimination of this kind jeopardizes the rights of workers set out in Convention No. 87, Article 2." As the cases presented below illustrate, the Venezuelan government's actions seem to have contributed to shifts in worker affiliation. Venezuelan labor law further violates international standards by failing to provide collective bargaining rights for the most representative union, where no majority union exists, and by allowing the government wide discretion in resolving which union holds majority status. The ILO has urged the Venezuelan government to amend its labor law to comply with international standards in this area. The broad discretion allowed Venezuelan authorities in determining which union represents a majority of workers is facilitated by ambiguous procedures provided in Venezuelan law. When a ministry grants the request of workers' organizations to convene a sector-wide meeting to negotiate employment terms and conditions for the sector, the relevant minister must simply verify, "in the judgment of the Minister," the majority of the unionized workers in the branch of activity at issue. The opinion of the minister is hardly an impartial standard. And until 2006, the government had no rules for determining which union enjoyed majority status for the purposes of lower-level collective bargaining; the law was simply silent. Revisions to the labor law from 2006 provided little improvement. They established that the labor inspector must hold a referendum with relevant workers to determine the majority union entitled to bargain collectively, when there is a dispute. However, there is a serious loophole in the law. When "it is not possible or proves inconvenient" to hold a referendum, the inspector can use "any other verification mechanism as long as it guarantees impartiality and confidentiality." In practice, referenda are often costly and rarely conducted and, as a result, no consistent criteria exist to determine the majority union or to guarantee impartiality in the determination. As a result, the government exercises wide discretion both in selecting unions to participate in sector-wide standard setting and in conferring a union majority status for collective bargaining. Its decisions have thus appeared, at best, arbitrary and, at worst, discriminatory on political grounds. The Right to Strike Venezuelan law, while guaranteeing the right to strike, does not allow for a critical type of strike: strikes grounded in demands concerning government social and economic policies. This limitation removes an important way for workers to seek changes to broad conditions that affect their rights and livelihoods. The ILO has recognized that workers must be able to use strike action not only to promote positions related to better working conditions or collective occupational claims, but also in efforts to seek changes to economic and social policy questions that concern workers. Organized Labor Before ChAvez For decades prior to ChAvez's accession to power, Venezuelan labor leaders portrayed the workers' movement as a model of "responsible" trade unionism. The main workers' confederation, the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela, CTV), worked closely with the dominant Democratic Action party (Acción DemocrAtica, AD) to moderate labor conflict and contribute to the nation's political and social stability. Yet, while limiting labor conflicts, the labor movement was accused by critics of political cooptation, corruption, and fraudulent leadership elections. In particular, they pointed to the CTV's support of "neoliberal" labor legislation and privatizations in the 1990s as evidence of the subordination of workers' interests to business and political demands. Observers also questioned the procedures used by the CTV, and many other unions, to select their representatives. The CTV granted seats on its executive committee to labor and political party leaders in proportion to the strength of their respective parties. Confederation and party leaders agreed on a unified slate of candidates, which was then ratified every five years through an up-or-down vote at the CTV's national congress. Likewise, some base unions, federations, and confederations failed to hold regular leadership elections or used internal procedures that gave workers little voice in the electoral process. Close coordination between the main political parties and the CTV was largely thought to have limited labor conflict prior to the ChAvez presidency. Moreover, though the right to strike was guaranteed by Venezuelan law, the state repeatedly violated this right by taking measures to limit legitimate strike activity in the 1990s that frequently contravened both domestic and international law, such as the use of return to work orders, the deployment of the military in labor conflicts, and the reliance on decrees to declare strike activity illegal. Labor legislation predating the ChAvez government created additional obstacles to worker organizing. As described above, strikes based on discontent over government social and economic policies were not permitted by Venezuelan law. Likewise, rules on collective bargaining passed in 1997 introduced the requirement that a trade union represent an absolute majority of workers to negotiate a collective agreement and granted the government sweeping discretion to determine which union held such status. These rules denied collective bargaining rights to the many workers whose unions fell short of representing a majority and facilitated government favoritism in designating the union with bargaining privileges. Despite two major reforms to the labor law during his time in office, the ChAvez government has not altered these restrictions on the right to strike and collective bargaining and has imposed further limitations on workers' right to organize. Electoral Interference and the Denial of Collective Bargaining Rights Mandatory state organization of union elections, as described above, has resulted in the routine violation of the rights of workers to freely elect their representatives and to bargain collectively. The state has regularly suspended, delayed, and failed to certify union elections. As a result, more than half of unions in Venezuela are currently in electoral default and thus barred from bargaining collectively. The resulting paralysis-in addition to constituting a suspension of union activities in violation of workers' right to freedom of association-opens the door to government favoritism and manipulation contrary to international law. In a common pattern, while established unions are deemed to be in electoral default and blocked from collective bargaining, the government has promoted and opened negotiations with new, pro-government unions. These new unions benefit from a grace period when they can bargain collectively without having held leadership elections. In this way, the government creates strong incentives for workers to join these alternative, pro-government unions. The Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV) The CNE's delay in ruling on the validity of the CTV's elections-taking four years to declare the elections void-undermined the ability of the confederation to represent workers in national and international labor discussions during that time. Meanwhile, the government signaled its support for the formation of a new pro-government confederation, motivating workers and unions to rethink their choice of organization and abandon the established CTV. Founded in 1936, the CTV has long been the largest confederation of workers in Venezuela. As of 2001, it represented over 65 percent of unions. In December 2000 the National Assembly convened a national referendum to determine whether workers' federations and confederations should be required to renew their executive committees. All citizens voted on whether to remove existing trade union leaders from office and whether to require workers to "totally replace the union leadership within the next 180 days" in elections supervised by the CNE. The government stated that the purpose of the referendum was to ensure that the provisions of ILO Convention No. 87 were "complied with in practice." According to the government, a popular referendum was necessary because "the traditional union leadership has embedded and strengthened itself in a way that prevents its removal through normal means by the exercise of the rights of the respective workers." While all confederations would be required to hold new elections if the referendum passed, ChAvez made it clear that the referendum was an attack on the CTV in particular: "We are going to demolish the CTV.… And what is the next step? The referendum."Such threats were not isolated incidents and, as the ILO noted, "Since it came to power, the government has pursued a policy of denigrating and slandering the Venezuelan Workers' Confederation and its leaders." The referendum was a clear attempt by the government to intervene in union affairs. The proposed indiscriminate suspension of union leaders, their replacement through elections supervised and certified by an electoral council set up by the government, and the principle of alternation imposed so that union leaders would not be reelected restricted the right of workers to freely elect their representatives and to have the conditions of such elections determined through union bylaws. The ILO noted that the union referendum constituted "a dangerous precedent with respect to a policy of state intervention" and ILO Secretary General Juan Somavía wrote to the CNE asking that the referendum be cancelled.Even so, in November 2000, the Supreme Court rejected an appeal by trade union representatives and civil society organizations to cancel the referendum. On December 3, 2000, the union referendum was held and passed, though turnout was just 23 percent. In light of the referendum result, all confederations in Venezuela were required to hold new elections. The CNE issued a special statute, which detailed an expansive and mandatory role for the CNE in the organization of the new elections (precursor of the Statute on the Election of Union Leadership of 2004, described above). On October 25, 2001, the CTV participated in the state-supervised election process. The CTV's internal electoral commission ratified that Carlos Ortega was selected as president. However, workers and other candidates who participated in the elections alleged electoral fraud. The workers alleging fraud appealed to the Supreme Court, demanding new elections. The court declared their request inadmissible because an electoral appeal before the CNE was underway and, only after an examination of the voting by the CNE could new elections be called. As such, the court urged the CNE to complete its examination of the validity of the CTV elections. The CNE declined to rule on the results of the CTV elections, however, alleging that the CTV withheld election materials necessary for it to certify the results. Finally, in January 2005, the CNE declared the elections null and void, never having received the electoral documents it claimed it needed to assess the allegations of fraud. With the election results uncertified, the government refused to recognize the CTV executive committee, arguing, "The State has no legal grounds for recognizing an executive committee of the CTV which has not been able to demonstrate to the public registrar of trade unions the number of votes obtained by each of the alleged members of the above board." On this basis, in 2002, the government violated Venezuelan law by refusing to call national tripartite discussions with the CTV-which was the most representative labor organization, according to CNE statistics-to review government-proposed minimum wage increases. The Ministry of Labor, instead, decreed a minimum wage increase in April 2002 without consulting with the CTV or any other labor representatives. Commenting specifically on Venezuela, the ILO, however, stressed that the most representative labor confederation, which was the CTV in 2002, "should be consulted at length by the authorities on matters of mutual interest, including everything relating to the preparation and application of legislation concerning matters relating to them and to the fixing of minimum wages." It asked the government "to duly respect and consult it on all draft bills relating to labor issues and abide by [the CTV's] status as the most representative trade union confederation." Even accepting that there were genuine concerns about the results of the CTV elections, including by members of CTV affiliated unions, the ILO pointed out that the activities and recognition of the confederation-particularly its right to participate in tripartite discussions as the most representative worker association-should not have been suspended pending the outcome of judicial proceedings. By denying the confederation the right to engage in union-related activities, including tripartite discussions, and by failing to recognize the CTV executive committee for over four years, the government created strong incentives for workers and affiliated unions to desert the CTV for a confederation recognized by the government. Politics most likely influenced the government's decision not to recognize the CTV's executive committee. For example, ChAvez made clear that if a pro-government candidate had won the CTV elections, the treatment of the confederation would have been different. ChAvez had publicly promised the pro-government candidate, Aristóbulo Istúriz, "a seat at Miraflores [the presidential palace]" if he were to have won the election. Government antipathy toward the CTV intensified following the involvement of some CTV members (including CTV president Carlos Ortega) in the coup attempt of April 2002 and the oil strike that nearly crippled the economy in December 2002 (see below). At the same time, the government vocally supported the creation ofa pro-government confederation called the National Union of Workers (Unión Nacional de Trabajadores, UNT). As ChAvez said at the one-year anniversary of the UNT in 2004: This is much more important [than the Constituent Assembly] because it was not a group of 135 people in an Assembly, but rather the workers' movement, confronting coup-makers, fascists, businessmen, anti-nationals and apartheids, that achieved as a result a demolished CTV and a UNT each day stronger and each day freer. While the government denounced the CTV executive committee, the UNT immediately received favorable treatment. Breaking from tradition, the government refused to appoint the CTV secretary general as labor's representative at meetings of the ILO beginning in 2002 on the grounds that its executive committee was illegitimate. In May 2003 the government accredited the two-month-old UNT to represent Venezuela at the ILO's annual meeting. The CTV contested the appointment to the ILO Credentials Verification Commission, claiming that it was the country's most representative labor organization and therefore should represent labor. The ILO questioned the criteria put forward by the government to determine the most represenative labor confederation-which considered the number of collective bargaining agreements signed by the confederations with the government, rather than the number of members or unions affiliated-and found that "they lacked the objectivity necessary to be considered valid" and recommended that the government in the future use a predetermined method "which raises no doubts as to workers' ability to act independently of the government." Since 2005 the government has allowed the UNT and the CTV to jointly represent labor before the ILO. Many workers and unions did elect to voluntarily leave the CTV because of the role some members of the confederation played in the coup attempt of 2002, as well as its support for the oil strike of 2002-2003 along with the main business chamber. However, it was by no means clear that the UNT commanded a majority of support only months after its formation. Government favoritism toward the UNT is also suggested by the shift in collective bargaining agreements signed by public sector unions with the government. According to the Ministry of Labor, three-quarters of all collective agreements signed in the public sector in 2003 were with unions affiliated with the UNT; under a quarter were with the CTV, representing a significant decline from the 70 percent signed with the CTV in 2002.In 2004, the number of unions in the public and private sector not affiliated with a confederation reached one-third, while the UNT had 45 percent of affiliations and the CTV had 22 percent. As the ILO suggested, "one of the possible reasons for the drastic changes reported may be that CTV's capacity for negotiation has been limited by the systematic attacks to this centre." Union leaders from the CTV told Human Rights Watch that the government has regularly refused to re-negotiate expired collective agreements with unions affiliated with the CTV. As the following cases illustrate, the government often has cited delays in holding elections as justification for excluding established unions from collective bargaining agreement negotiations, while opening negotiations with new, pro-government unions exempt from electoral requirements when first formed. Health Workers (SUNEP-SAS) Public health workers belonging to the oldest and largest public sector health union in Venezuela were denied the right to bargain collectively in 2004 due to the CNE's 17-month delay in certifying the union's election results. While the union was waiting to receive CNE certification, the government negotiated a collective agreement with a newly formed, pro-government federation that had never held leadership elections and banned the more representative union from participating in the negotiation. Founded in 1971, the Single National Union of Public, Professional, Technical and Administrative Employees of the Ministry of Health and Social Development (Sindicato Único Nacional de Empleados Públicos, Profesionales, Técnicos, Administrativos del Ministerio de Salud y Desarrollo Social, SUNEP-SAS) represents over 30,000 workers across the country and is a CTV affiliate. SUNEP-SAS has historically administered the collective bargaining contract for the public health sector. In 2004 SUNEP-SAS planned to hold elections to renew its leadership, which had last been elected in 2001. The CNE approved the electoral project, and the elections were scheduled for November 30, 2004. At 7:40 p.m. on November 29, 2004, the leaders of SUNEP-SAS received an administrative order from the CNE to suspend the elections scheduled for the next day. According to the CNE, a group of SUNEP-SAS workers had filed a complaint to the CNE about irregularities in the electoral process, so the CNE issued an injunctionto postpone the elections until the dispute was resolved. SUNEP-SAS decided to proceed with the elections because the union had already expended considerable energy and resources to install voting equipment in the union's 26 chapters across the country. The elections occurred without incident or further challenge. Nonetheless, the CNE did not certify the results and did not respond to SUNEP-SAS's appeal requesting reversal of the election suspension order and recognition of the election results. SUNEP-SAS's appeal to the Venezuelan courts was also unsuccessful, being ultimately dismissed by the Supreme Court on the basis of alleged procedural irregularities. Meanwhile, SUNEP-SAS was denied the right to bargain collectively. In July 2005 the Ministry of Labor rejected a previous request dating from 2002 from SUNEP-SAS to convene contract negotiations. SUNEP-SAS was also denied its right under Venezuelan law to represent workers in August 2005 sector-wide contract discussions for public health workers, convened by the Ministry of Health. The ministry met instead with the newly formed National Federation of Regional, Sectoral and Allied Trade Unions of Health Workers (Federación Nacional de Sindicatos Regionales, Sectoriales y Conexos de Trabajadores de la Salud, FENASINTRASALUD), to discuss a draft labor agreement proposed by the latter.FENASINTRASALUD had formed as a splinter group of SUNEP-SAS in 2004 and was affiliated with the UNT. It had never held leadership elections. In contrast, SUNEP-SAS claimed to represent the majority of workers-a matter not contested by the government-and had held elections in accordance with its internal statutes. Yet the ministry ignored the legal requirement to verify that the worker organizations with which it met for contract discussions represented the majority of unionized workers in the sector. (The issue of majority versus minority representation in collective bargaining is discussed further below.) Defending the denial of SUNEP-SAS participation, the Ministry of Labor wrote, "[T]he union file shows there have been no union elections since 2001, as a result of which elections are overdue, which is contrary to law and to genuine freedom of association." The Ministry of Labor approved the health sector contract negotiated with FENASINTRASALUD on May 12, 2006. On May 11, 2006, the CNE finally certified the elections held by SUNEP-SAS in November 2004. However, by then, contract negotiations had already concluded for the health sector. SUNEP-SAS suffered significantly from the impact of its exclusion from these sector-wide discussions. Under Venezuelan law, a workers' organization that has not participated in such sector-wide negotiations is prohibited from submitting complaints on behalf of the workers covered by the contract. As a result, even after SUNEP-SAS's elections were certified, the National Labor Inspectorate blocked SUNEP-SAS from presenting demands for health workers. The organization's ability to defend the rights of the workers it represents was thus severely limited, in violation of international standards that provide that presenting "a list of dispute grievances is a legitimate trade union activity" and that "[t]rade unions should be free to determine the procedure for submitting claims to the employer." The Ministry of Health also refused the request by the SUNEP-SAS leadership for trade union leave, noting that the union's collective workplace contract granting such leave was superseded by the sector-wide agreement to which the organization was not party. SUNEP-SAS officials were thus denied their right to leave, which reduced the time they could spend to organize union activities and violated their right to "be afforded the necessary time off from work, without loss of pay or social and fringe benefits, for carrying out their representation functions." As the ILO found, the decision to immediately negotiate with a pro-government federation and deny SUNEP-SAS collective bargaining rights, the right to present demands, and union leave for officials strongly suggested acts of favoritism on the part of the government.The ILO urged the government "to put an end to the acts of discrimination against SUNEP-SAS and its officials, [and] to guarantee its rights to trade union leave and to collective bargaining." Nutrition Workers (SUNEP-INN) CNE delay in approving and certifying the elections for the public sector nutrition workers' union similarly denied union representatives the right to represent their members in sector-wide collective bargaining agreement negotiations. The Single National Union of Public Employees of the National Institute for Nutrition (Sindicato Único Nacional de Empleados del Instituto Nacional de Nutrición, SUNEP-INN) was founded in 1971 to represent nutrition workers in Venezuela; it is the only union in the sector. In December 2004 SUNEP-INN requested to hold elections, but it took almost two years, until November 2006, for the union to get its elections first approved and then certified by the CNE. SUNEP-INN blamed the CNE for the delay, while the CNE claimed that SUNEP-INN failed to submit the necessary documentation, specifically a list of members. While stuck in exchanges with the CNE, in August 2005 SUNEP-INN officials requested to participate in the contract discussions for the health sector, convened by the Ministry of Health at the request of FENASINTRASALUD (see above). As with SUNEP-SAS, SUNEP-INN's request to participate in the discussions was denied. The Ministry of Labor found that SUNEP-INN had not held elections and thus "the leadership of the union, is only allowed to complete basic acts of administration.… [T]hey will not represent their members in negotiations and collective labor conflicts." As a result, the negotiations proceeded with no representation for nutrition workers. Like SUNEP-SAS, SUNEP-INN suffered significant negative consequences from being barred from the sector-wide negotiations. For example, largely on the grounds that SUNEP-INN had not participated in the contract talks and was not a party to the agreement, the Ministry of Health denied SUNEP-INN representatives funds for union activities established under the public health sector contract, making it more difficult for SUNEP-INN to organize and defend the rights of its members. Since 2003 the Venezuelan government has denied the Venezuelan Medical Federation (Federación Médica Venezolana, FMV) the right to negotiate a new collective bargaining agreement for what appear to be political reasons. After the federation lodged a controversial challenge to the legality of the government's health missions, the government refused to negotiate collectively with the organization, citing various justifications. The government argued that because the legislation establishing the doctors' federation runs afoul of international law, the government would no longer bargain with the organization, breaking from past practice established over six decades prior. The government also pointed to the failure of the federation to elect new leaders as further grounds for refusing to bargain, despite attempts by the doctors to hold elections for roughly three years. The FMV was established in 1942 as part of the Medical Practice Act (Ley del Ejercicio de la Medicina) and now represents over 60,000 doctors. The FMV has the responsibility by law to regulate the medical profession, and the exclusive power to negotiate collective agreements with public and private institutions on behalf of doctors. Nonetheless, in violation of international law, which requires that workers be allowed to freely choose their representative organization, the Medical Practice Act makes membership in the FMV mandatory for doctors practicing medicine in Venezuela and grants exclusive representation for collective bargaining in the medical sector to the FMV. Further, the ILO has found that "the legislation provides for a single mixed or puppet trade union made up simultaneously of workers and employers … which … raises issues of legitimacy of representation in the collective bargaining process due to a clear conflict of interests." For over six decades and 37 collective bargaining agreements, however, successive Venezuelan governments, including the ChAvez government, ignored these international law violations and negotiated with the FMV. Problems in the long-standing relationship between the government and doctors erupted in 2003 when the FMV submitted to the labor inspectorate its draft proposal to replace the collective agreements with public health and social security authorities that had expired in 2002. The labor inspectorate accepted the draft collective agreements, but did not respond to the FMV's repeated requests to begin discussions. The government defended the labor inspectorate's decision, citing the shortcomings in the Medical Practice Act. According to the FMV, the sudden silence came after the FMV challenged the use of uncertified Cuban doctors in the government's Barrio Adentro healthcare program. In 2003 the Supreme Court upheld the FMV's position that Cuban doctors who work in Venezuela must be certified by the FMV. The Supreme Court decision unleashed numerous government insults on the FMV. For example, then-Labor Minister José Ramón Rivero called the doctors "coup-plotters, antidemocratic, counterrevolutionary, and at the service of the dark ends of North American imperialism." Due to the government's simultaneous refusal to collectively bargain or to act to bring the problematic legislation into compliance with international law, doctors have been forced to spend several years without a new collective agreement to govern the conditions of their employment. According to the FMV, the delay in negotiations has also negatively affected salaries in real terms and stalled discussions about medical supply shortages, both of which should have been covered by a new collective bargaining agreement. Commenting on the case, the ILO agreed that the Medical Practice Act fails to conform to international standards but also found that the government's failure to negotiate with the federation violated the doctors' right to collectively bargain. As a result, although the ILO requested that the government amend the offending legislation, it also explicitly requested that, "in the meantime, until such time as it amends the [law at issue]," the government should "promote collective bargaining" with the doctors' federation. At this writing, the government continues to ignore both of the ILO's recommendations. In the wake of its challenge to the use of uncertified Cuban doctors in the Barrio Adentro healthcare program, the FMV also faced obstacles to holding leadership elections. The FMV claims that it attempted to convene elections seven times since 2004 and filed several appeals but never received approval from the CNE. The CNE alleges that the FMV failed to submit the proper documentation to convene elections. Although the FMV's May 2007 convention to elect a new internal electoral commission, ordered by the CNE, finally paved the way for leadership elections, due to factors unclear to Human Rights Watch, elections have yet to occur at this writing. Under international norms, a government can unilaterally impose salaries in the public sector in order to address budgetary constraints, though the ILO emphasizes that they "should be imposed as an exceptional measure and only to the extent necessary, without exceeding a reasonable period." However, the ILO also adds that authorities "should give preference as far as possible to collective bargaining in determining the conditions of employment of public servants." Faced with strikes by doctors in public hospitals around the country in September and October 2007, ChAvez announced a 60 percent salary increase effective November 1, 2007. ChAvez did not justify the decree by citing budgetary constraints, however. Instead, referring to the FMV's failure to convene elections since 2004, he stated the decree was necessary due to the "problems of legitimacy and quality of those who represent their respective collective bargaining agreement projects, given the expiration of their mandates and absence of previous elections." Facing threats of further unrest by doctors, ChAvez issued a second decree in July 2008 increasing salaries for state doctors by another 30 percent. The ILO has clearly noted that "[w]orkers' organizations must themselves be able to choose which delegates will represent them in collective bargaining without the interference of the public authorities." It is thus not the role of the government to evaluate the "legitimacy and quality" of those who represent workers in collective bargaining agreement projects. ChAvez's decision to continue to circumvent negotiations, this time citing problems of "legitimacy and quality" of union officials, yet again violates workers' collective bargaining rights. Government Favoritism and the Denial of Collective Bargaining Rights In violation of international standards, Venezuelan law does not provide precise and objective criteria to determine the union that represents the majority of workers in the workplace for the purposes of collective bargaining, nor does it allow unions with minority support to engage in collective negotiations, even when no majority union exists. These shortcomings violate the rights of minority unions and afford the government wide discretion to collectively bargain with the union it prefers. As a result, the choice of bargaining partners has often appeared arbitrary and discriminatory. The cases below show that the Venezuelan government has at times granted exclusive representation to a single, pro-government, and questionably representative union. In doing so, the government has denied even majority organizations their right to collectively bargain and violated workers' right to freedom of association by favoring one union over others, thereby influencing workers to join the government-preferred organization. Public Sector Workers' Federation (FEDEUNEP) One of the most prominent examples of government favoritism in selecting a collective bargaining partner involves competing federations of public sector workers. Historically, the National Single Federation of Public Employees (Federación Nacional de Empleados Públicos, FEDEUNEP), which is affiliated with the CTV and unites a variety of public sector unions and federations, administered the collective bargaining contract for public sector workers. However, a schism in 2003among FEDEUNEP executive committee members resulted in the formation of a parallel, pro-government federation. In violation of its legal obligations under Venezuelan law (and reminiscent of its approach towards the rival health sector unions SUNEP-SAS and FENASINTRASALUD, described above), the government negotiated with the new pro-government federation without first verifying that it represented the absolute majority of workers. Represented by its president, Antonio SuArez, FEDEUNEP attempted to negotiate a new collective bargaining agreement in September 2002.The labor inspectorate rejected the draft agreement after FEDEUNEP failed to submit the amendments requested by the labor inspectorate. In December 2002, the Ministry of Labor opened contract negotiations with a splinter group of FEDEUNEP leaders, led by Franklin Rondón, a candidate defeated in FEDEUNEP's November 2001 elections. The group used the FEDEUNEP name and logo, though they were not elected FEDEUNEP officials. In March 2003, FEDEUNEP, led by SuArez, challenged in the administrative court the Ministry of Labor's decision to negotiate with Rondón. The court ruled in favor of SuArez and ordered the ministry to end negotiations with Rondón. Rondón reacted by forming a parallel federation, the National Federation of Public Sector Workers (Federación Nacional de Trabajadores del Sector Público, FENTRASEP). FENTRASEP gained government recognition within weeks, affiliated itself with the UNT, and resubmitted its 2002 contract proposal under its new name to the Ministry of Labor. The proposal was accepted and the government signed the collective agreement on August 25, 2003. Despite serious disagreement between FEDEUNEP and FENTRASEP about which federation was most representative, the Ministry of Labor failed to convene a referendum or compare membership lists to resolve the issue. The Ministry of Labor defended its decision to negotiate with FENTRASEP citing FEDEUNEP's repeated failure to submit the amendments to its draft contracts requested by the labor inspectorate, first in late 2002 and again in 2003, and the failure of FEDEUNEP to appeal the contract rejections. The government's failure to conclude a contract with FEDEUNEP, however, regardless of the reason, does not negate its responsibility under Venezuelan law to establish whether FENTRASEP is the most representative federation before beginning contract negotiations. The government's failure to make this determination and its immediate acceptance of the FENTRASEP contract suggests favoritism on the part of the Ministry of Labor, in violation of international standards. Airport Workers (SUNEP-Aeropuerto) In the case of two rival unions at the Simon Bolívar International Airport, the government again favored a pro-government union in the collective bargaining process. The labor inspectorate argued that the established union of airport workers was unable to negotiate due to electoral default, though the union had recently held elections certified by the CNE. Meanwhile, as in the case of FENTRASEP, the labor inspectorate opened negotiations with a newly formed, pro-government union without confirming that the new union represented the majority of workers. The Single National Union of Public Employees of the Autonomous Institute of the Maiquetía International Airport (Sindicato Unitario Nacional de Empleados Públicos del Instituto Autónomo Aeropuerto Internacional de Maiquetía, SUNEP-Aeropuerto) was founded in 1975 to represent the employees of the Maiquetía International Airport (now the Simon Bolívar International Airport). Since its founding, SUNEP-Aeropuerto had negotiated three collective agreements, and presented its fourth collective bargaining agreement to the labor inspectorate in August 2004. In 2003, a parallel union formed at the airport, the Single Union of the Independent Workers of the Maiquetía International Airport (Sindicato Único de Trabajadores del Instituto Autónomo Aeropuerto Internacional de Maiquetía, SUTIAAIM), and affiliated with the UNT. In November 2004 SUTIAAIM presented its first collective bargaining agreement proposal to the Ministry of Labor. Although SUNEP-Aeropuerto's draft contract was still pending, awaiting a response from the labor inspectorate, the labor inspectorate fixed a date in May 2005 to begin negotiations with SUTIAAIM, without determining whether the organization enjoyed majority status. SUNEP-Aeropuerto attended the first collective bargaining meeting as a third party, exercising its right under Venezuelan law to protest the contract negotiations. At the meeting, SUNEP-Aeropuerto claimed that it was the most representative union and thus maintained the right to represent the airport workers in collective bargaining agreement negotiations. The labor inspectorate said it would determine which organization was the most representative within 20 days, but no announcement was ever made. In July 2005 an administrative court granted SUNEP-Aeropuerto's request for a temporary court injunction, ordering a halt to contract negotiations with SUTIAAIM until the labor inspectorate determined which organization represented the majority of workers, as required by Venezuelan law. Rather than determining majority representation, the labor inspectorate responded to the court order by declaring, falsely, that SUNEP-Aeropuerto was in electoral default and, therefore, without any right to bargain collectively or to object, on behalf of its members, to collective bargaining agreement negotiations with SUTIAAIM. On the basis of the inspectorate's incorrect declaration, the administrative court determined that SUNEP-Aeropuerto's constitutional right to collectively bargain was no longer being adversely affected, and lifted its injunction on September 22, 2005. Yet SUNEP-Aeropuerto had in fact held valid elections on April 28, 2005, which were certified by the CNE in May 2005. SUNEP-Aeropuerto appealed the administrative court's order. In August 2006 the administrative court reversed its decision and found that SUNEP-Aeropuerto had indeed held elections and that, as such, it had legal standing to submit objections to collective bargaining agreement negotiations. The court ordered the labor inspectorate to resolve the original issue at stake: the determination of which organization represented the majority of airport workers. However, by the time the court rendered its decision, SUTIAAIM and the labor inspectorate had signed the collective bargaining agreement. The labor inspectorate rejected SUNEP-Aeropuerto's proposal for collective negotiations, and flouted the court order by never determining which of the federations was most representative. Government Reprisals: The Oil Sector The Venezuelan government has repeatedly violated the internationally protected labor rights of workers in the state-run oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), by engaging in reprisals in response to legitimate labor organizing, political beliefs, and defense of union autonomy. The Oil Strike and Mass Firings of 2003 The most brazen of the labor rights violations in the oil sector was the firing of more than 18,000 workers from PDVSA following the oil strike of December 2002. The strike was the culmination of a struggle for the control of PDVSA. In February 2002 ChAvez had fired the PDVSA president and appointed a new board of directors with ties to his administration. Many PDVSA managers claimed the new company directors were inexperienced political appointees, and called a strike in early April to protest repeated government intervention in the management of PDVSA. In response, ChAvez announced in a live television address that he was firing the top seven PDVSA managers and warned that he had "given clear instructions to the president of PDVSA that anyone who calls for a strike be fired immediately, without any discussion." The failed April 11 coup brought an end to the strike, but the struggle between the ChAvez administration and PDVSA employees continued through the year. In early December 2002 PDVSA workers and managers launched a second strike-this one part of a general strike called by labor and business leaders-and effectively shut down the country's oil production and export. Given the severe impact that the strike had on the Venezuelan economy (costing the oil industry alone an estimated US$20 billion), the government was justified in taking steps to limit this damage and ensure the safety of the general public-provided, however, that those steps were fully consistent with international labor rights protections. For example, under international law, "as a possible alternative in situations in which a … total prohibition of strike action would not appear to be justified," the government could have met with striking oil workers and agreed to a minimum level of service that workers would provide during the strike-"without calling into question the right to strike of the large majority of workers"-to ensure the continuation of those "operations which are strictly necessary to meet the basic needs of the population or the minimum requirements of the service, while maintaining the effectiveness of the pressure brought to bear" by the strike. Venezuelan law explicitly provides for such a joint determination by unions and employers regarding the number of workers that must, even when on strike, continue to provide services indispensable for the "health of the population and the conservation and maintenance of machines." The government could also have pressed charges against individual workers suspected of engaging in criminal acts of sabotage. Yet authorities did not take such steps at the time of the strike. Instead, on December 8, the ChAvez government issued a total prohibition on the strike and ordered all striking workers back to work. Eleven days later, at PDVSA's request, the Supreme Court issued a temporary injunction to halt the work stoppage and ordered all oil workers to obey the government's strike ban and return to work. When the workers refused to return, the government proceeded to summarily fire them en masse. These mass firings constituted an egregious violation of international and Venezuelan law, which expressly proscribe the retaliatory dismissal of workers in response to legitimate strike activity. An Illegitimate Strike? The Venezuelan government sought to justify the mass dismissal of PDVSA workers by arguing that the strike was "illegal" and that, consequently, the strikers were not covered by the prohibition on retaliatory firing. Specifically, the government claimed that the workers' sole objective was "to overthrow the President" and that the work stoppage was thus not so much a strike as an "oil coup." Government officials argued that the political nature of the strike relieved them of the obligation to follow the procedures established by Venezuelan law to prevent retaliation for legitimate union activity,including the requirements for dismissing workers engaged in labor conflicts and other union-related activities. Under such requirements, the employer must notify the labor inspectorate to seek authorization and present the causes for dismissals of workers who are engaged in union-related activities. Within two days, the dismissed workers must be given the chance to appear in front of the labor inspector to respond to the grounds cited for their dismissals. The government insisted that the "exclusively political nature" of the PDVSA strike also justified workers' immediate and mass dismissal, thereby similarly relieving it of the obligation to follow the procedures established by Venezuelan law for cases of mass dismissals. In such cases, the labor inspectorate must summon the employer, who must present the grounds for dismissals. The labor minister must then review these grounds and, when appropriate "for reasons of social interest," may suspend the dismissals. The ChAvez government disregarded these procedures. The ministry did not summon PDVSA managers or fired workers; it did not review the grounds for the firings; and it did not suspend the mass dismissals. Since 2003 the Venezuelan government has denied the Medical Federation (Federación Médica Venezolana, FMV) the right to negotiate a new collective bargaining agreement for what appear to be political reasons. According to the nascent National Union of Oil, Gas, Petrochemical, and Refinery Workers (Unión Nacional de Trabajadores Petroleros, Petroquímicos, de los Hidrocarburos y sus Derivados, UNAPETROL), PDVSA never notified the labor inspectorate of the dismissals of workers who had special organizing-related protections, and the labor inspectorate never allowed the workers to challenge the justifications for their being fired. ChAvez made his support for the mass dismissals clear on national television: "See for yourselves the reasons that the Republic and PDVSA had to fire all the saboteurs, and there are already more than 10,000 because we do not have the luxury to have people like this in the industry." It is true that, under international law, the prohibition on retaliatory dismissals does not cover strikes that have purely political aims. Such political strikes, according to the ILO, do not fall within the scope of the principles of freedom of association. Yet, when the ILO reviewed the PDVSA case, it determined that the oil stoppage, while motivated in large measure by political demands, also encompassed a set of demands about the government's economic policies and management of the state oil company. It therefore did fall within the scope of legitimate trade union activity. As a result, the ILO also rejected the argument that workers' mass dismissal was justified by the strike's political nature and pointed out that in such cases of legitimate organizing activity, "[M]ass penalties for trade union actions are tantamount to abuses, and destroy labour relations." Furthermore, the ILO noted that, "[T]he union officials who organized the work stoppage and the workers who took part in it should not be subjected to reprisals such as detention or dismissal, unless their direct individual involvement in the crimes referred to by the Government (sabotage of computer systems, damage to property, etc.), can be proved." An Essential Service and a National Emergency? In addition to claiming that the aims of the oil strike were purely political, the government also sought to justify its response to the work stoppage by arguing that it had paralyzed an essential service and threatened to cause a national emergency. But while international norms permit governments to limit strike activity in essential services and in states of "acute national emergency," the ILO found that the oil strike qualified for neither of these exceptions. The Venezuelan government argued that petroleum constituted an "essential service," in which a stoppage imperiled the life, health, and public security of the population so as to justify a ban on the strike, in accordance with international standards. The ILO rejected this argument, however, as well as the Venezuelan government's assertions that the PDVSA strike caused such grave economic perils as to constitute an "acute national emergency." The ILO pointed out that the strike was largely peaceful. The ILO determined that the economic damage caused was not so severe as to endanger the population, and further noted that the government's claim to the contrary was belied by the fact that it had never declared a state of economic emergency, as allowed for under the constitution. (The ILO has specifically noted elsewhere thatpetroleum, as well as the production, transport, and distribution of fuel, are not essential public services "in the strict sense of the term" in which a blanket prohibition on strikes is justified.) Concluding, the ILO noted, "Measures taken to mobilize workers at the time of disputes in services of this kind are such as to restrict the workers' right to strike as a means of defending their occupational and economic interests." An Adequate Remedy The lack of administrative review of the mass dismissals from PDVSA by the Ministry of Labor made it particularly critical that the PDVSA employees have the chance to appeal their dismissals in a court of law to ensure an adequate and expeditious remedy for dismissals that violated their fundamental right to freedom of association. Many PDVSA workers submitted appeals. However, three years later, the courts still had not heard the vast majority of cases (80 percent). The government acknowledged that only 6,195 cases of dismissals had been resolved as of 2005 and the great majority of those "resolved" (6,048) were because the workers concerned had dropped their claims, which the ILO noted may have occurred "precisely because of the excessive delay." The others were declared inadmissible or settled in favor of PDVSA. The extreme delay in resolving the appeals, as noted by the ILO, prevented workers from exercising their rights effectively. Protection of the right to freedom of association requires that workers who consider that they have been prejudiced against because of their trade union activities have access to redress that is expeditious, inexpensive, and fully impartial. Prohibitions on anti-union discrimination are insufficient if not accompanied by effective appeal procedures to ensure their application in practice. After the oil strike and subsequent mass dismissals, PDVSA blacklisted the fired oil workers from future employment with PDVSA and its subsidiaries, as we discuss in chapter 3. This blacklisting represented another serious violation of international legal prohibitions on reprisals for legitimate trade union activity. Although the oil workers had been nominally dismissed for dereliction of duty, PDVSA made clear that they were suspected of far greater transgressions-including criminal acts such as sabotage, coup-plotting, and destruction of property-and therefore could not remain employed in the oil sector. PDVSA's own hiring guidelines from July 2007 (which are still in force, to the best of our knowledge) classified all job applicants listed in the company's database as "the author of an action under investigation-the oil stoppage" as "unsuitable" for hiring. PDVSA also instructed its contractors not to employ the dismissed workers. Blacklisting workers based on legitimate labor organizing constitutes a serious violation of workers' right to organize. The ILO has held that the refusal to rehire workers due to their organizing-related activities "implies a serious risk of abuse and constitutes a violation of freedom of association"; that "all practices involving the "blacklisting" of trade union officials constitute a serious threat to the free exercise of trade union rights; and that, in general, governments should take stringent measures to combat such practices." Threats against Political Opponents Over and above the firings and blacklisting of 2002 oil strike participants, both the president of PDVSA and ChAvez himself have made clear that workers at PDVSA must support the "Bolivarian process," and employment policies have seemed to conform to these government statements. As discussed in chapter 2, one month before the December 2006 presidential election, Energy Minister and PDVSA President Rafael Ramírez gave a speech to PDVSA employees in which he told workers that those who did not support ChAvez should leave the company. Ramírez referred back to the mass dismissals that followed the oil strike to make clear that his words should not be taken lightly, stating that the company had "removed 19,500 enemies of the country from this business" and was "ready to go on doing it." Rather than denounce his energy minister's overtly discriminatory message, President ChAvez publicly endorsed it, urging its repetition "100 times." ChAvez added that PDVSA workers were part of his political project, and those who were not "should go somewhere else, go to Miami." International labor standards prohibit political discrimination in access to jobs, but as documented in chapter 2, the statements of Rodríguez and ChAvez translated into PDVSA hiring guidelines contrary to international law. Firing of a Dissident Labor Leader The reprisals for union-related activity have not been limited to workers who participated in the oil workers' strike or supported the political opposition. Prominent union leader Orlando Chirino was fired from PDVSA in December 2007, apparently because of his public criticisms of the government's approach to organized labor. Chirino-a veteran labor organizer and outspoken leader of one of the main federations in the oil sector (Sinutrapetrol), as well as an executive committee member of the pro-government National Union of Workers (Unión Nacional de Trabajadores, UNT)-had openly criticized government policies and practices that undermined union autonomy. Among other issues, Chirino had protested the government's handling of collective bargaining agreement negotiations with the United National Union of Energy, Oil, and Gas Workers (Federación Unitaria de Trabajadores de la Energía, Petróleo, Gas, Similares y sus Derivados de Venezuela, FUTEV), stating that the negotiating committee was handpicked by the government, and led a chorus of workers who demanded that they be allowed to elect their own bargaining representatives. In another controversial position, Chirino advocated that workers abstain in the 2007 referendum on the constitution to protest a government proposal to form workers' councils that he believed would subordinate the labor movement to state control. In more general terms, while being an outspoken advocate of many of the socialist objectives publicly embraced by ChAvez, Chirino insisted that the transformation of the labor movement had to be driven by the workers themselves, rather than being imposed by the government. Chirino was fired from PDVSA without explanation in December 2007, shortly after the failed referendum on the constitution. Chirino said that in a meeting with the PDVSA directors he was told that his dismissal was due to his opposition to the constitutional reform and to his alleged attempts "to generate instability in the [oil] industry during the months of the collective bargaining agreement negotiations, because I opposed, along with thousands of workers, a negotiating team that no one selected, picked by hand by the Ministry of Labor and the directors of PDVSA." The summary dismissal of Chirino appeared to violate both international and Venezuelan norms. The ILO has underscored that trade union officials must enjoy adequate protection against dismissal, "based on their status or activities as workers' representatives" so as to ensure that they can perform their trade union duties. The firing of workers for reasons associated with their union membership or activates has also been condemned by the Inter-American Court on Human Rights as a measure which can seriously hinder the organization and activates of labor unions in violation of Article 16 of the American Convention on Human Rights. Under Venezuelan law, as noted above, these protections include a prohibition on firing union leaders without just cause and without previous approval by the local labor inspectorate. However, Chirino claims that he was given no legitimate justification for his firing and no chance to defend his dismissal before the labor inspectorate. New Workers' Associations: Risks to Freedom of Association Workers' rights have also been put at risk by the government's promotion of workers' councils and cooperatives. These alternative labor associations could potentially complement and even reinforce efforts to organize. Nonetheless, as outlined below, in large part because of the legal framework through which the government has promoted them, they could also negatively impact the right to freedom of association by restricting and undermining worker organizing and undercutting collective bargaining. Proposed Legislation on Workers' Councils A centerpiece of ChAvez's plans for "21st century socialism" is the institution of a variety of councils, including workers' councils. The government first proposed workers' councils in January 2007, stating that their purpose was to promote workplace self-management. Then-Labor Minister José Ramón Rivero explained that the councils would organize workers "to participate in the planning, control, and evaluation of processes." According to the government, the councils would encourage worker participation in decision making, worker consciousness, and ideological formation. ChAvez included the proposal for workers' councils in his 2007 proposed constitutional amendments and the Ministry of Labor also circulated a draft bill to create workers' councils in July 2007. Despite the failure of the constitutional referendum in December 2007, the government continues to push its workers' council proposal in the National Assembly. In addition, a pilot program to set up workers' councils in over a thousand "social production enterprises," based on the draft legislation, is underway, though its details are as yet unclear. The proposed legislation creating workers' councils, as well as the pilot program based on the proposal, could significantly undermine the exercise of workers' right to freedom of association. The draft law contemplates the creation of a "union committee" that would be authorized, among other things, "[t]o impede the stoppage or partial or total closure of work centers with clear speculative, destabilizing or political ends." The councils are assigned ambiguous disciplinary powers to sanction what they deem "destabilizing" activity. These provisions are particularly worrisome in light of the government's record of equating legitimate labor organizing activity with destabilization, as seen in the oil sector. The broad and discretionary role of workers' councils to prevent disturbances, work stoppages, or other potentially "destabilizing" activity could easily be abused, with the acquiescence of the government, to curtail legitimate union activities, including strikes or even contentious collective bargaining. Workers' councils could also be used to circumvent collective bargaining with freely elected unions. While the legislation does not grant workers' councils the power to negotiate collective agreements, it appears to authorize many parallel functions that could potentially be used to replace collective bargaining between employers and trade unions. The law envisions committees within the workers' councils responsible for basic labor issues: wages, social security, health, and workplace conditions. This would create a risk that employers would attempt to "collectively bargain" by reaching agreement on these matters between employers and committees of the workers' councils, bypassing trade unions altogether. Such direct settlements with workers' councils on specific labor issues would violate workers' right to organize and bargain collectively under international law. The ILO has observed that direct negotiations with workers should only occur in the absence of trade union organizations. In addition, the ILO has added that "[d]irect settlements signed between an employer and a group of non-unionized workers … [do] not promote collective bargaining, … which refers to the development of negotiations between employers or their organizations and workers' organizations." The ILO has also emphasized that direct negotiations with workers "must not prejudice or weaken the position of trade unions, nor weaken the impact of collective agreements that have been concluded." While there are serious risks in Venezuela's proposed legislation, there are also potential benefits in workers' councils. For example, the ILO has recognized that work councils can be an important first step toward freely established workers' and employers' organizations. Nonetheless, the Central American experience with solidarist associations underscores the risks in establishing alternative labor organizations, particularly when they lack "guarantees of independence in their composition and functioning." Solidarist associations are, at least in theory, set up for the mutual benefit of workers and employers and are dependent on financial contributions from employers. Their close ties to employers, however, limit the ability of solidarist associations to organize in defense of workers' interests. In a cautionary tale, union membership and the number of collective agreements signed in Costa Rica plummeted after the establishment of solidarist associations in the 1980s. Since then, employers have regularly negotiated direct settlements with solidarist associations, bypassing collective bargaining processes with established workers' organizations, and undermining workers' right to organize and bargain collectively. Although there are many potential benefits of cooperatives for economic development, cooperatives also threaten to weaken existing unions and undermine workers' right to organize. Employers can deliberately use cooperatives to minimize the number of permanent, direct employees, and create a workforce increasingly dominated by vulnerable workers outside the protections of national labor law, which excludes cooperative workers from its protections. Cooperatives are small groups of workers-in Venezuela the minimum membership is five-who form associations to share business costs and profits. More precisely, as defined by the ILO, a cooperative is "an autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet their common economic, social and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly owned and democratically controlled enterprise." Cooperative workers are also not dependent or salaried workers. Instead, they are considered self-employed "associates," rather than "workers," and as such they are not covered by Venezuelan labor legislation applicable to direct "workers," including legal protections for organizing and collective bargaining. The ILO has generally encouraged the formation of cooperatives to promote sustainable development, generate employment, and improve social and economic well-being. The ILO has emphasized, however, that while cooperatives can expand job opportunities and contribute to development, they are not "workers' associations" within the meaning of international law, with the objective of promoting and defending workers' interests. Since ChAvez took office, cooperatives have proliferated in Venezuela with the help of government training programs, logistical support, and credits. The 1999 Constitution committed the government to "promote and protect cooperatives." According to the National Superintendence of Cooperatives (Superintendencia Nacional de Cooperativas, Sunacoop), there are now 215,000 cooperatives registered in Venezuela, though only 70,000 are thought to be active. Three-quarters of cooperatives are in the service sector, including commerce, public services, and construction, while less than a quarter are engaged in direct production, such as manufacturing and agriculture. Government proponents view cooperatives as part of a strategy of "economic democratization" and argue that among their benefits are improved worker well-being, greater integration of marginalized sectors into the formal economy, and in the long-term, a more just distribution of wealth. ChAvez himself has acknowledged that cooperatives have not achieved all these goals, however, and he has called on the government "to discuss the model, because without realizing it, we are reproducing the [capitalist] model that we want to replace." Likewise, many union leaders and labor experts expressed concern to Human Rights Watch that cooperatives are being used deliberately by some companies, particularly in the public sector, to weaken or even supplant existing unions by replacing permanent, direct employees with cooperative workers, thereby reducing the number of workers with associational and collective bargaining rights under Venezuelan law. Cooperatives have been promoted in companies and industries, such as the state oil and electricity companies, that previously had strong unions and directly employed workers to provide services. For example, the energy minister announced that following the oil strike in PDVSA, "[c]ooperatives will assume all transport, service, maintenance, food, uniforms, tools, and small jobs." PDVSA proceeded to invest heavily in the use of cooperatives. Similarly, when the mayor of Caracas, Juan Barreto, urged the formation of cooperatives and allowed them to compete for municipal contracts, Caracas street cleaners, who were formerly unionized, were forced to dissolve their existing union and fragment the workers into small cooperatives. Such large-scale replacement of stable, directly employed workers dilutes the strength of existing unions by diminishing membership and reducing the number of potential union affiliates. It also undermines the rights of new cooperative workers, who in many cases were previously employed as direct, permanent workers to perform the same jobs. These cooperative associates, though not explicitly banned from organizing and bargaining collectively under Venezuelan law, enjoy no legal protections against unjust dismissal or other retaliation for exercising these rights or the right to strike. As a result, companies can legally choose to fire or simply not rehire cooperatives if their workers exercise their right to agitate for better working conditions, including by forming labor organizations or engaging in work stoppages. In addition, cooperatives are typically retained only on short-term contracts, enjoying little job stability and no legal expectation of long-term employment. Therefore, they are particularly vulnerable to such retaliation if they are deemed "troublemakers" as a result of engaging in union activity or (as illustrated in chapter 2), for taking politically controversial stands. Even if cooperative workers' right to organize was explicitly protected under Venezuelan law and companies refrained from impeding its exercise, the prolific use of cooperatives could continue to violate workers' right to organize. Unless cooperative workers were also clearly granted the right to form organizations jointly with their directly employed counterparts and with workers laboring for other similarly situated cooperatives, established unions of direct workers could still be undermined by the reduced actual and potential membership spawned by cooperative use, and cooperative workers would likely still face obstacles to organizing far greater than those encountered by permanent, direct employees. Each cooperative is generally small-over 80 percent have fewer than 10 workers-and operates at multiple companies within a relatively short period of time, due to the typically short-term contracts and lack of job stability. This makes it exceedingly difficult for cooperative workers to form a labor association with a critical mass of workers able to articulate meaningful demands with respect to any one workplace. Moreover, Venezuelan law requires a minimum of 20 workers for the formation of an enterprise-level union, and unless this number was reduced, most cooperative workers would be legally barred from organizing themselves into a workplace union. In its recommendations, the ILO has highlighted that the concept of worker also includes independent or autonomous workers, such that "workers associated in cooperatives should have the right to establish and join organizations of their choosing." The ILO also makes clear that governments must "ensure that cooperatives are not set up for, or used for, non-compliance with labour law or used to establish disguised employment relationships, and combat pseudo cooperatives violating workers' rights, by ensuring that labour legislation is applied in all enterprises." In Venezuela, however, evidence suggests that, in some cases, cooperatives are used precisely to undermine workers' right to organize and bargain collectively. This is particularly true when they are hired, as in the case of PDVSA, to perform jobs previously held by permanent, organized workers, seeming to create the very "disguised employment relationships" condemned by the ILO. Lack of Judicial Protection of Freedom of Association The Venezuelan judiciary has repeatedly failed to provide a check on state interference in union affairs. For instance, as we saw earlier, the Supreme Court allowed the 2000 referendum on union leadership to proceed, even though the referendum was a blatant act of state interference in union activity proscribed under international and Venezuelan law. It also failed to rule on the legality of the 2002 oil workers' strike, thus permitting the government to run afoul of international law by enforcing its ban on the strike and dismissing striking workers. One of the most glaring failures of the Supreme Court to protect workers' right to freedom of association, however, was its handling of a 2006 petition that sought clarification on the role of the state in union leadership elections. In December 2005, the National Press Workers' Union (Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Prensa, SNTP) submitted a new collective bargaining agreement with the newspaper Últimas Noticias to the local labor inspectorate for approval. The inspectorate rejected the contract because the union had not held elections approved by the CNE. Four months later, the SNTP disputed the constitutionality of required CNE participation in union elections. The SNTP asked the constitutional chamber of the Supreme Court to interpret the CNE's powers. The union argued that the interpretation favored by key government officials, which held that CNE organization of union elections is mandatory, contradicts the constitutional provision that gives international human rights treaties precedence over domestic law, requiring courts to apply them "immediately and directly." Accordingly, the SNTP asserted, the international prohibition on state interference in union elections should have the force of a constitutional guarantee. The article of the constitution that addresses the CNE's role in union leadership elections is silent, however, on whether CNE's intervention is mandatory or limited to requests by the respective union. It merely establishes that the CNE has the power "to organize elections for labor unions, professional associations and organizations pursuing political purposes, in accordance with applicable provisions of law." The government meanwhile (as discussed above) has presented divergent interpretations of the CNE's powers. Before the ILO, it has maintained that Venezuelan unions are free to hold elections without CNE interference and that Venezuelan law requires the government to respect international treaties, including ILO Convention 87's prohibition on state interference in union elections.Yet within Venezuela-as the SNTP case and previous cases in this chapter demonstrate-the Ministry of Labor has routinely insisted that, under Venezuelan law, CNE certification of elections is mandatory for collective bargaining purposes. Rather than resolve this critical discrepancy and restore workers' right to elect their representatives in full freedom, according to their internal union statutes, the Supreme Court chose to evade it. It issued a ruling that dismissed the request for legal interpretation on the grounds that there is, in fact, no ambiguity in Venezuelan law regarding the CNE's role in union elections. What the court neglected to explain in its ruling, however, was which of the two contradictory interpretations of the law-the one that the government presented before the ILO or the one that it applied in practice in Venezuela-was the correct one. Concretely, the court claimed that that there is no contradiction between Venezuelan law establishing CNE participation in union elections and international norms. However, it failed to indicate whether this is because CNE involvement is indeed optional or because mandatory involvement is consistent with international norms, a view the ILO has categorically rejected. By failing to resolve the matter, the court effectively allowed Venezuelan officials to continue to interpret the CNE role in union elections as it saw fit. As a result, while the Ministry of Labor has told the ILO that some unions have now held valid elections without CNE participation, the CNE has continued to view its organization and certification of union elections as mandatory, in flagrant violation of international law. State interference in union elections In order to guarantee workers' right to freely elect their representatives, the National Assembly should: - Revise the Organic Labor Law and Organic Electoral Law to ensure that CNE participation in union elections occurs only at the request of the union or a court on appeal; - Revise the Organic Labor Law so as to allow for the reelection of union leaders; and - Alter or repeal the 2004 Statute for the Election of Union Leadership so that the power to certify and annul elections is only granted to a judicial body, with adequate guarantees of due process, right to defense, and impartiality, and only in the event that election results are challenged or disputed. To ensure the protection of collective bargaining rights, the National Assembly should: - Until the laws mandating state interference in union elections are changed, amend the Regulations of the Organic Labor Law from 2006 so that union leadership elections are not a prerequisite for collective bargaining; and - Amend the labor law regulations to provide clear criteria to determine the most representative union for the purposes of collective bargaining, guarantees for the rights of minority unions when no union commands majority support, and an opportunity for minority unions to speak at least on behalf of their members in those cases where a majority union exists. In addition, the government should: - Ensure that it verifies which union represents the majority of workers through an objective process prior to collective bargaining until clear criteria to determine the most representative union are established. Right to strike To bring Venezuelan law into full compliance with international standards, the National Assembly should: - Revise the Organic Labor Law to allow for strikes grounded in demands about government social and economic policies. Furthermore, the Venezuelan government should: - Refrain from retaliation against workers engaged in legitimate labor organizing, as well as from making threats of future retaliation or discrimination in employment. Alternative Labor Organizations As the National Assembly considers the proposed legislation on workers' councils, it should: - Amend the legislation to explicitly bar labor negotiations between employers and workers' councils when trade unions exist in the workplace; and - Clarify the power of workers' councils to impede worker actions "with speculative, destabilizing or political ends" to clearly exclude legitimate organizing activity. To ensure that cooperatives are not used to restrict workers' rights, the National Assembly should: - Amend the Organic Labor Law to include workers providing labor through cooperatives in the definition of "workers"; - Explicitly grant cooperative workers the right to form organizations jointly with their directly employed counterparts and with workers laboring for other similarly situated cooperatives so that cooperative workers enjoy the same protections and rights as workers in traditional labor arrangements; - Revise the Law on Cooperatives to limit the use of cooperatives to only those associations that provide temporary or complimentary services and operate independently and autonomously, with their own capital and personnel; and - Establish a limit on the percentage of cooperative workers in a workplace in the Law on Cooperatives sufficient to ensure that the use of cooperatives does not undermine workers' right to freedom of association. The ChAvez government's ability to address Venezuela's long-standing and serious human rights problems has been undermined by its adversarial approach to civil society organizations. During the ChAvez presidency, rights advocates have faced prosecutorial harassment, unsubstantiated allegations aimed at discrediting their work, and efforts to exclude them from international forums and restrict their access to international funding. President ChAvez and his supporters have sought to justify these measures by arguing that these civil society organizations, despite their professed commitment to human rights advocacy, are actually pursuing a partisan political agenda aimed at destabilizing the country and removing President ChAvez from office. To back this charge, they have cited the fact that some civil society leaders have engaged in partisan activities, and some nongovernmental organizations have received funding from the United States. It is perfectly reasonable for a government to investigate credible allegations that individuals or organizations have engaged in criminal activity, provided the investigations are conducted seriously and with appropriate due process guarantees. It is also reasonable for governments to regulate foreign funding of civil society groups in order to promote greater transparency, provided those regulations do not interfere with the groups' ability to exercise fundamental rights. But the actions of ChAvez and his supporters in the National Assembly and other branches of government have gone beyond these legitimate forms of accountability and regulation by: - Subjecting rights advocates to criminal investigations on unsubstantiated and politically motivated charges; - Seeking to discredit and undermine rights organizations through unfounded accusations of complicity in subversion; - Seeking to exclude organizations receiving foreign funding from international forums; - Pursuing legislation that would allow arbitrary governmental interference in the operations of rights organizations, including fundraising activities. These actions compromise any professed government commitment or willingness to effectively address the country's longstanding human rights problems. For example, Venezuela faces one of the highest rates of prison violence in the continent, with hundreds of deaths in preventable violent incidents every year. But rather than engage constructively with NGOs that document abuses and advocate reforms to the prison system, the authorities have harassed, intimidated, and marginalized them from policy discussions. In one notable exception, the government incorporated civil society experts in a commission set up to analyze and make proposals to reform Venezuela's police forces, which have long been accused of corruption and abuse. After an extensive process of consultation, the commission proposed reforms to overhaul the police system. For the first time-and largely due to the involvement of rights advocates with extensive experience in battling impunity for abuses-the government identified and prioritized accountability for police abuse as a major issue, though it did not ultimately adopt all of the commission's recommendations. Unfortunately, the commission on police reform is the exception that proves the rule. The government most often has sought to discredit and sideline human rights advocates and organizations, including experienced groups that could contribute to governmental efforts to address a wide range of other human rights problems. International Norms on Civil Society As part of their duty to promote and protect human rights, governments must ensure that human rights defenders are allowed to pursue their activities without reprisals, threats, intimidation, harassment, discrimination, or unnecessary legal obstacles. Moreover, both the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) have recognized the importance of the work of human rights defenders to the protection of human rights and the consolidation of democracy. According to the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, states must "take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other arbitrary action as a consequence of their legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in this Declaration". In its report on the situation of Human Rights Defenders in the Americas, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights stressed the importance of the defense of human rights to the consolidation of democracy. "Human rights defenders, from different sectors of civil society, and, in some cases, from state institutions, make fundamental contributions to the existence and strengthening of democratic societies. Accordingly, respect for human rights in a democratic state largely depends on the human rights defenders enjoying effective and adequate guarantees for freely carrying out their activities." The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has embraced the same principle. "Respect for human rights in a democratic state depends largely on human rights defenders enjoying effective and adequate guarantees so as to freely go about their activities, and it is advisable to pay special attention to those actions that limit or hinder the work of human rights defenders." Among government actions that limit or hinder the work of human rights defenders are criminal proceedings or legal action taken or threatened against them on unfounded charges, or intimidating accusations leveled at them by government officials. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has pointed out that: … the punitive power of the state and its judicial apparatus should not be manipulated for the purpose of harassing those who are dedicated to legitimate activities such as the defense of human rights…. judicial proceedings brought by the state authorities should be conducted in such a way that-based on objective evidence that is legally produced- only those persons who can reasonably be presumed to have committed conduct deserving of a criminal sanction are investigated and submitted to judicial proceedings. Governments must not only protect human rights defenders but also ensure that they can engage in public debates through the issuing of findings and recommendations. Among the rights protected by the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders is the right: individually and in association with others, to submit to governmental bodies and agencies and organizations concerned with public affairs criticism and proposals for improving their functioning and to draw attention to any aspect of their work that may hinder or impede the promotion, protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Although governments are under no obligation to heed the criticism or advice of human rights defenders, they are obliged to refrain from actions that undermine the defenders' ability to exercise this right, including unfounded public statements aimed at intimidating or discrediting them. Finally, states may not impose arbitrary limitations on the right of organizations dedicated to human rights protection to solicit and receive funds for their activities. According to the UN Declaration: Everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to solicit, receive and utilize resources for the express purpose of promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms through peaceful means. The Inter-American Commission's view is that civil society organizations may legitimately receive money from foreign or international NGOs, or foreign governments, to promote human rights. Deteriorated Relations with Civil Society At the outset of his presidency, ChAvez's relations with human rights groups were better than they later became as opposition to his presidency gathered steam. Nongovernmental rights advocates participated actively in the debate over the new constitution in 1999 and had decisive influence on its human rights provisions. The Forum for Life, a consortium of nongovernmental human rights groups, submitted proposals to the constituent assembly responsible for drafting the new bill of rights. At its recommendation, many long-overdue reforms, such as limiting the number and types of rights that could be restricted in states of emergency and the use of military courts, were incorporated in the final text. In December 1999, ChAvez initially described reports of human rights abuses during floods and landslides in Vargas State as "superficial" and "suspicious," but he later recognized their seriousness and promised action.During the same year, ChAvez described one of the organizations that documented these reports-the Venezuelan Program for Education-Action in Human Rights (El Programa Venezolano de Educación-Acción en Derechos Humanos, PROVEA)-as "an institution I know about, and with which we share its defense of human rights, they are in favor of our rights and those of our families." Five years later, ChAvez was to accuse the same organization of conspiring against his government. As detailed below, the government's relations with civil society organizations more generally deteriorated over this period (1999-2004) as political divisions deepened over his presidency and some civil society organizations engaged in openly political advocacy. New organizations dedicated to the defense of democracy and the rule of law participated in broadly based opposition coalitions which engaged not only in litigation and political advocacy in defense of democratic rights, but also supported street protests and strike activity intended to force the president's resignation. Some NGOs received funding from institutions in the United States, which the Venezuelan government accused of backing the April 2002 coup, heightening government suspicions about their ulterior motives. The government publicly accused both institutions and individuals in civil society of supporting the coup, or of being paid by the "empire." The attacks were directed at groups advocating peaceful and constitutional channels to change the government-in particular the 2004 recall referendum-or merely exercising their right to criticize government policies. Activists belonging to high profile human rights groups in Caracas have been threatened and intimidated. They include Liliana Ortega, the director of the Committee of Relatives of Victims of the Events of February-March 1989 (Comité de Familiares de las Víctimas de los sucesos ocurridos entre el 27 de febrero y los primeros días de marzo de 1989, COFAVIC)-a long-established human rights group that works for victims of police violence-and other COFAVIC members; Carlos Nieto, director of Window to Freedom (Una Ventana a la Libertad, a prison reform group); and several relatives of victims of police killings who have sought justice in the courts. Ortega was one of several activists whose life and personal safety the Inter-American Commission and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ordered the Venezuelan government to protect. Two Divergent Approaches to Rights Advocates Venezuelan human rights NGOs, formed in the 1980s to defend victims of prison and police abuses, have decades of experience documenting, analyzing, and seeking solutions to these problems. Unfortunately, instead of collaborating constructively with these groups, the ChAvez government has often treated them with hostility and suspicion and, in some cases, has actively sought to discredit and marginalize them. In one notable instance, however, the government did actively collaborate with civil society groups to devise a major police reform, proving that even in the midst of political polarization such collaboration was possible, as well as productive. Persecution of Prison Reform Advocates The costs of sidelining human rights monitors can be clearly seen in the case of prison reform. Authorities have harassed and intimidated civil society groups that speak out about prison conditions rather than tap their commitment and expertise to find solutions to the systematic failings of Venezuelan prisons. Nine years into his presidency, ChAvez has failed to address the chronic crisis in Venezuela's prisons, which remain among the most violent in the continent after decades of neglect by successive governments. Violence between inmates rages without check, causing hundreds of deaths every year. Inmates effectively control prisons, overwhelming the scant number of security guards. The system fails to provide minimum standards of hygiene, medical care, and internal order.ChAvez himself has described the conditions as "infernal." Venezuelan Prison Watch (Observatorio Venezolano de Prisiones,OVP), a nongovernmental organization whose stated mission is "to promote and monitor state protection of the human rights of persons deprived of their liberty," has done much to bring the problem to public attention. OVP publishes annual reports on prison conditions and compiles statistics on violent prison deaths and injuries through an extensive network of contacts within the prison system. Little official data is publicly available on Venezuela's prison population. The national press, civil society groups, and international organizations appear to rely on OVP for all but the most basic statistics. OVP Director Humberto Prado is a prominent critic of government prison policy and appears regularly before the Inter-American Court and Commission to testify on conditions. In March 2008, hunger strikes broke out in 15 prisons in which thousands of prisoners across the country participated. The striking prisoners were pressing for the repeal of reforms to the criminal code dating from 2005 which exempted individuals convicted of violent crimes from sentencing benefits such as work outside the prison, probation, and conditional release. The government squarely blamed NGOs that work with prisoners for the unrest. For example, Interior and Justice Minister Ramón Rodríguez Chacín insinuated that unnamed human rights defenders who received their orders in the United States had incited the strike: "Coincidentally, when those individuals were in the United States, a prison strike began here in Venezuela to ask that an article of the Organic Penal Procedure Code not be applied." Chacín called the prison groups "humanitarian organizations with political ends" and added that they had "dubious moral solvency" and "live off prison problems." In April 2008, a newspaper article indicated that members of OVP were under investigation by the Ministry of Interior and Justice on charges of treason and inciting rebellion. The day after the charges appeared in the press, Prado presented himself before the public prosecutor, asking for an impartial investigation of the matter and signaling his willingness to cooperate to clear the name of the organization. No charges have been brought as of this writing. On several prior occasions, government officials and pro-government legislators publicly accused Prado of starting prison riots to undermine the government. In January 2006, then-Interior and Justice Minister Jesse Chacón called Prado a "political spokesperson" with "false" accusations to "destabilize the country." The president of the National Assembly Sub-Commission on Human Rights said that Prado "promoted prison riots." "We all know who he is, he goes from prison to prison causing problems," he added. In September 2007, Congressman Freddy Rojas announced on public television, "Each time Humberto Prado comes on television speaking about the prison situation, riots begins in the prisons … I don't discount that this has to do with a destabilization plan." Harassment has often followed criticism of the ChAvez government's record on prisons. For instance, just days after Prado briefed the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights about the prison situation in Venezuela in November 2005, Minister Chacón publicly questioned his moral integrity and motives.Similarly, after testifying before the Inter-American Court in 2006, Director General of Prisoner Rehabilitation and Custody Erling Rojas said that Prado's statements about prison conditions "intended to destabilize the country when we are in an electoral year." Prado reported receiving threatening phone calls in May 2007 after he described the appalling conditions in the Barinas prison to the newspaper El Mundo. Humberto Prado is not the only prison rights advocate who has suffered reprisals for his work. In 2004 the Inter-American Court ordered the government to take measures to protect Carlos Nieto, director of Window to Freedom (Una Ventana a la Libertad). The court acted after receiving reports that Nieto had received a house visit by government agents who issued veiled threats to his 9-month-old nephew, and that his neighbors had received pamphlets with death threats against Nieto. The Court acted after Nieto's house was broken into several times, his nine-month-old niece was threatened, and death threats were sent to him and his neighbors. The government's suspicion of human rights monitors and its refusal to treat them as valid interlocutors has direct practical consequences that limit the groups' effectiveness. Officials have ignored their requests to visit prisons, thereby hindering independent monitoring of prison conditions. Instead, OVP observers had to visit prisons in the company of family members of inmates. The government has also excluded prison groups from taking part in government-sponsored forums on the prison system. According to the government, two investigations against Prado for human rights violations during his tenure as the director of the Yare I Prison (1996-1997) are still underway. On these grounds, the government disqualified Prado from taking part in government discussions on its "humanization" plan in 2005. Prado said that he did not know of any investigations against him and that the accusations were baseless. More generally, Prado said that OVP has been eager to participate in government discussions on prison policy, but that the government has never invited NGOs. Government hostility also has broader ramifications for the public policy issues at stake. By publicly belittling the work done by prison groups, state officials attempt to discredit the complaints and evidence presented. The focus on the purported "destabilizing" intentions of prison groups has allowed the government to gloss over the institutional crisis in the prison system. Although the government has announced a "humanization plan" to improve prison infrastructure through the construction of 15 new prisons between 2006 and 2012 and the expansion of recreational and occupational activities for prisoners, so far there have been few concrete advances. While OVP has commended the spirit of the government project, it has pressed the government to take further steps-often buttressed by the recommendations of the Inter-American Court-such as increases in the number and training of security guards, the separation of inmates awaiting sentencing from convicted prisoners, effective controls to prevent the entrance of weapons, hiring professional prison managers, and greater reliance on conditional liberty. These proposals have been largely ignored. Although government officials have often sought to discredit Prado and OVP, Human Rights Watch is not aware of any examples of information published by the organization shown by authorities to be false or misleading. Engaging civil society groups could help the government address the critical situation in Venezuelan prisons. By recognizing that the long-term goals of prison reform advocates-to construct a more humane prison system where basic rights are respected-align with those of the government, the authorities could stimulate productive discussions on how to address the inhumane conditions that have persisted for decades in Venezuelan prisons. However, such constructive dialogue will remain difficult so long as government officials continue publicly denouncing and undermining the credibility of prisoners' rights advocates. An Alternative Approach: Police Reform In contrast to the government's harassment of prison reform advocates and other human rights activists, recent experience with police reform provides a positive model for how the government can collaborate with civil society groups to address pressing issues. Faced with rampant violent crime and a largely discredited police force, rather than attack and question human rights groups with experience in public security issues, the government has harnessed their knowledge to draft and pass legislation to overhaul the police and improve police accountability. While the ultimate effectiveness of these reforms will depend on whether the government is willing and able to implement them in a serious manner, the experience underscores the potential for productive collaboration between government and civil society. Instead of antagonizing expert NGOs and ignoring their critiques, the government has taken important steps toward addressing a critical human rights issue with their assistance. Venezuela has long been notorious for its high rates of common crime and violence. Nonetheless, the security situation has deteriorated since ChAvez took office. The investigative police (Cuerpo de Investigaciones Científicas, Penales y Criminalísticas, CICPC) registered over 13,000 homicides in a country of 27 million in 2007, up from just under 6,000 homicides in 1999. Citizens believe that the most serious problem confronting the country is violent crime. Not only have law enforcement efforts failed to reduce crime levels, but the police themselves have also been responsible for widespread abuses. Police have been accused of thousands of violations of the right to life and personal integrity in past years, and impunity has allowed police abuse to persist. According to the Attorney General's Office, between 2000 and 2007, 6,300 law enforcement officials were investigated for alleged human rights violations. Authorities have lodged charges against 1,500 of them. But as of February 2007, only 204, or roughly 13 percent of those charged, have been convicted. Despite the gravity of the situation revealed by these official figures, the government has blamed the media and civil society groups for exaggerating crime and impunity. The press office of the investigative police, traditionally responsible for crime statistics, was closed in 2003 on the pretext that the opposition manipulated statistics for political gain. As former Attorney General Isaías Rodríguez noted in a press conference speaking about human rights groups: We are conscious that they want to manipulate impunity as a simple theme, nationally and internationally, in order to articulate insecurity and with the help of the media create a sense of an epidemic that affects governability, public peace and the political and social stability of the country. Despite the denials, the government has acknowledged the centrality of police reform for effective crime control. In particular, the extreme decentralization of the police has been blamed for the high levels of abuse and uneven performance of police departments. As such, the 1999 Constitution included a transitory provision that committed the National Assembly to form a national civilian police. In 2001, legislators drafted the first version of the National Police Law, but the law languished in legislative discussions. The idea of sweeping police reform resurfaced in 2006 after a wave of street protests following the kidnapping and murder of three brothers with Canadian citizenship. Minister Chacón responded by forming the National Commission for Police Reform (Comisión Nacional para la Reforma Policial, Conarepol) to analyze the police system and make recommendations for its improvement, including the potential formation of a national police force. Conarepol was unusual in several respects. First, the commission drew together a diverse group of experts, including civil society groups, academics, and government officials. Its technical secretary was a member of the NGO Justice and Peace Support Network (Red de Apoyo por la Justicia y la Paz), which has worked for more than a decade offering legal assistance and counseling to victims of police abuse. Another of Conarepol's members was the director of the Centro Gumilla, a Jesuit research institute. Given the government's frequent antagonism toward civil society groups, the inclusion of representatives from NGOs was a rare recognition of their work. Second, the commission conducted an unusually thorough diagnostic process. Over the course of nine months, some 70,000 citizens took part in focus groups, interviews, online forums, and telephone surveys. Third, the government did not interfere in the work of Conarepol. Its technical secretary, Soraya El Achkar, told Human Rights Watch that the autonomy and political neutrality of the commission was central to its success: "We were given complete autonomy to contract the best people in each given area so we didn't enter into political debates." The final recommendations of Conarepol, published in January 2007, called for the formation of a new national civilian police force and for the establishment of a national police system to monitor and standardize the quality of state and municipal police forces. However, while the initial consultation process granted civil society groups an important role, the final discussions to translate the Conarepol project into law occurred behind closed doors with little explanation of the final form. The Organic Law of Police Service and National Police (Ley OrgAnica del Servicio de Policía y del Cuerpo de Policía Nacional), passed by decree in April 2008 after numerous delays, is largely based on the proposals of Conarepol. A key part of the law offers measures to improve police accountability, a vital element championed by NGOs like the Justice and Peace Support Network, which had dedicated years to combating impunity. For example, Conarepol recommended a system of routine evaluation of police departments and the law creates a new office within the Ministry of Interior and Justice, called the Police Rector, to continuously evaluate the performance of all police departments, including their compliance with human rights standards. The law also requires all police forces to establish internal affairs units, as well as independent disciplinary units. Similarly, as recommended by Conarepol, the law envisions a central role for citizens in police supervision. Through community councils, in particular, citizens are assigned an audit function in which they can request reports on police activities and make recommendations to improve policing. Conarepol also identified serious shortcomings in police recruitment and training that have resulted in low levels of police professionalism. The commission recommended standardized police training and common criteria for the entrance, promotion, and demotion of officers. These recommendations were followed in the law, which requires that all police attend a police academy to complete a uniform curriculum and receive specialized instruction. The law decreed by ChAvez differs in some important ways from the Conarepol proposal, however. Commission members have criticized the law for its failure to create a special public defender to conduct independent investigations of alleged human rights abuses committed by police officers, as proposed by Conarepol. Another concern, aroused by recent government statements, is that politicization of the force could undercut the goal of professionalization. The government's constructive engagement on the issue of police reform has been the exception during the ChAvez presidency. Much more typical has been a tendency to discredit human rights critics, especially those that have links to the United States or have engaged in vigorous advocacy in Inter-American human rights forums. In two major cases, the authorities opened criminal investigations against prominent civil society members. In the first case, the charges were apparently without any substance; in the second they were grossly inflated. In April 2005 the attorney general opened a criminal investigation for conspiracy against human rights lawyer Carlos Ayala, president of the Andean Commission of Jurists and a former president of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights. Ayala was to be investigated for having allegedly participated in the drafting of the "Carmona decree," by which Pedro Carmona, the de facto president briefly installed during the 2002 coup, proposed to suspend Venezuela's democratic institutions. The attorney general did not state on what evidence Ayala was under suspicion of engaging in conspiracy. In a reply to a press release issued by Human Rights Watch expressing concern about Ayala's legal situation, Attorney General Isaías Rodríguez stated only that he was under investigation for the presumed commission of a crime "in relation to the events of April 2002." Ayala was not told when he appeared before the prosecutor what the evidence against him was, beyond press articles that appeared immediately after the April 2002 events. The only article that mentioned Ayala by name reported him as saying that he had been alarmed when he read the draft decree, promptly left the government palace, and met with human rights advocates to agree to a position rejecting the coup. Despite the attorney general's categorical denial that Ayala's incrimination was politically motivated, his office never issued detailed information about the evidence warranting investigation. Ayala's activities as an advocate in the inter-American system for Venezuelan victims of human rights abuse were well known. On March 3, 2005, a month before his first appearance before the prosecutor, he participated in a special session of the Inter-American Commission devoted to an examination of human rights in Venezuela. After the meeting, the commission issued a statement expressing concern at the stigmatization of human rights defenders in Venezuela and risks they face as a result.An official of the Venezuelan permanent mission to the OAS later justified the legal action against Ayala because of his alleged failure to question the coup d'état publicly and before the international community. "The rule of law was dissolved and it was his duty to denounce it to the world and he didn't, but Ayala doesn't mention that when he's accused." By December 2007, two-and-a-half years after the investigation was opened against Carlos Ayala, no charges had been filed but he had received no notification of its closure either. He found himself in a legal limbo: not guilty, not formally indicted for any crime, but not declared to be innocent either. In December 2007 Ayala was granted amnesty under a presidential amnesty decree, but he continued to press the Attorney General's Office to formally close his case. While Ayala was never formally charged, the attorney general did bring charges of criminal conspiracy against members of Súmate, a non-profit organization that played a key role in promoting voter participation in the recall referendum against ChAvez in 2004. The conspiracy charges were based on the fact that, while engaged in its referendum-related activity, Súmate had received a grant from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a Washington-based institute funded by the United States Congress. What was particularly troubling about the Súmate prosecution was the gravity of these charges. If Súmate's use of foreign funding indeed violated Venezuela's campaign finance laws, it would have been reasonable for the attorney general to seek an appropriate sanction. Instead the prosecutor sought a conviction for the far more serious crime of "conspiracy to destroy the nation's republican form of government," which carries a maximum 16-year prison sentence. Both Súmate and the NED insist that the funds, totaling U.S $53,400, were not used for electoral activities but rather for workshops to educate citizens regarding Venezuela's constitutional referendum process. But even if the NED funds did actually support electoral activity, the recall referendum was itself a legal process envisaged in the 1999 Constitution, not an act of subversion. In July 2005 a Caracas court ordered a trial for Súmate Vice-President María Corina Machado, her colleague, Alejandro Plaz, and two other Súmate staffers. The trial was suspended in February 2006, when the appeals court ruled that the trial judge had committed due process violations, including refusing to empanel a jury or to allow key defense witnesses, such as the NED directors, to testify. A new jury trial ordered by the appeals court has been repeatedly postponed. After three years, the case against Súmate is still open. The ChAvez government has repeatedly denounced and sought to discredit the work of human rights advocates by making unfounded accusations that they are funded by and doing the bidding of foreign governments. In a broadcast on February 15, 2004 about alleged destabilization efforts by the United States, ChAvez complained that the Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL), a Washington-based organization that litigates human rights cases in the Inter-American Commission and Court of Human Rights, had received a $83,000 grant from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) to file complaints against Venezuela in the inter-American system. ChAvez also accused several Venezuelan organizations-including PROVEA, COFAVIC, the Justice and Peace Support Network, and some church-affiliated groups-of conspiring against his government because they had worked with CEJIL. "They are nothing but actors in a macabre cast, in a great conspiracy against Venezuela," ChAvez declared. PROVEA wrote to ChAvez, pointing out correctly that it had received no money from NED and is independent of CEJIL, and requested that he retract his factually incorrect comments. After receiving no response, it sent another letter to ChAvez in August 2004, which was also ignored. To date, ChAvez has never acknowledged his mistake or offered an apology to the organizations affected. PROVEA is one of Venezuela's most important human rights organizations. It is non-partisan, and works on a wide range of human rights issues, including prisons, police abuses, women's rights, and the defense of social and economic rights. Because PROVEA's work brings it into close contact with many committed ChAvez supporters, suspicions that it has a hidden political agenda could seriously damage the organization's credibility. According to PROVEA advocates, ChAvez's comments thus had serious implications for the effectiveness of PROVEA's human rights work. As a result of ChAvez's comments, which came at a moment of intense political polarization in the lead up to the 2004 referendum, PROVEA advocates received insulting emails and came under questioning and criticism from residents in a poor neighborhood where they were working on a project for the homeless. ChAvez has appeared on the main state channel's popular evening program La Hojilla (The Razorblade) to denounce or ridicule rights advocates. An example is ChAvez's comments about Sinergia, a consortium of community and human rights groups, made during the December 2007 referendum campaign. Sinergia distributed pamphlets in parts of Caracas with cartoons intended to provoke critical debate about the proposed constitutional reforms. It also broadcast radio spots featuring imaginary conversations between barrio residents discussing the reforms, using the voices of popular actors. On his November 18, 2007, program, La Hojilla host Mario Silva denounced the series for "confusing the people." ChAvez then called La Hojilla in person from Saudi Arabia, where he was attending an OPEC meeting. Asked by Silva for his opinion of the Sinergia radio spots, ChAvez replied, "without doubt, this comes from the hand of the empire, which has all the money in the world" and is the work of the "devil's commando." He told listeners: "We must pulverize this pretension." During another broadcast of La Hojilla on April 16, 2008, Silva commented on a view expressed by Rocío San Miguel, director of Citizens Control for Security, Defense and the National Armed Forces (Control Ciudadano para la Seguridad, la Defensa y la Fuerza Armada Nacional), an NGO that monitors political rights, transparency, and military affairs, in which she had criticized the creation of a military reserve under the sole command of ChAvez. "The trouble with Rocío," said Silva, "a beautiful woman but a liar, is that she was fired from her job because she participated in the April 2002 coup." (As we saw in chapter 2, San Miguel reports that she was fired from her job because she signed a petition for the recall referendum.) Minutes later, during the TV show, Silva spoke to ChAvez, who was in a ministerial meeting in the presidential palace. Silva asked the president's opinion of the "opposition" comments about the reserve force. "They want to articulate destabilizing actions because the regional elections are coming up," ChAvez replied. Attempts to Exclude NGOS from International Forums Government officials have repeatedly challenged the participation of Venezuelan NGOs in international forums. For example, a senior foreign ministry official insisted that representatives of NGOs which received funds from foreign governments could not be civil society members of the Venezuelan delegation to the United Nations General Assembly meeting on HIV/AIDS in June 2001. The official referred to a Supreme Court ruling that NGOs which received funding from foreign governments could not be considered part of civil society, nor could civil society be represented by foreigners. The announcement affected an important NGO working for HIV/AIDS victims, Citizen's Action against AIDS (Acción Ciudadana contra el SIDA, ACCSI), which received foreign funding and was helping to organize Venezuela's participation in the landmark meeting. In the event, the government invited two members of ACCSI to participate in the official delegation, but the organization's executive director was excluded because of her German nationality. The Venezuelan government has continued to cite this Supreme Court ruling to justify efforts to bar some NGOs from participating in international forums. In April 2006 a Venezuelan ambassador at the UN wrote to the chief of the UN's Non-Governmental Organizations Section requesting that the Venezuelan NGO Consortium for Development and Justice (Consorcio Desarrollo y Justicia), be denied consultative status with the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). The ambassador stated that the Consortium had received funds from foreign governments "to develop political activities," which she said was against the law in Venezuela, citing the November 2000 Supreme Court ruling to this effect. The Consortium had received funds administered by the United States government and Congress (from USAID and NED, respectively). In fact, according to a Consortium representative, the USAID grant helped support training programs for young community media journalists in low-income sectors of Caracas. The NED funds were provided to monitor judicial independence, to organize workshops for the defense of civil society, to present cases to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and to organize youth training programs in human rights and conflict resolution in TAchira state. The Consortium's founding statutes expressly prohibit it from engaging in political action. After the Consortium successfully lobbied other governments for support, it gained consultative status with ECOSOC in 2007. In December 2006, the comptroller general wrote to an OAS judicial cooperation official opposing the participation of the Venezuelan branch of Transparency International in the debate on Venezuela's implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Corruption. The comptroller general used the same arguments as those given in the earlier case and cited also the November 2000 Supreme Court decision, as well as an earlier opinion of the court excluding organizations that receive foreign funding from being considered part of civil society. Specifically, Venezuelan officials objected to a Transparency Venezuela document posted on the OAS website, which criticized Venezuela's lack of compliance with the recommendations of the OAS committee of experts in their 2004 report. According to the OAS website, publication of the document was suspended at the request of the Venezuelan government. When the executive director of Transparency Venezuela traveled to Washington in late June 2007 to brief the panel of the OAS on the document's conclusions, Venezuelan officials vetoed her appearance, thereby preventing her from speaking. The government has also tried, so far unsuccessfully, to have Súmate excluded from OAS meetings. In May 2005, the OAS Permanent Council approved a list of 119 invitees to an OAS civil society summit to be held the following month at Fort Lauderdale, Florida, disregarding Venezuela's formal objection to the presence of Súmate at the gathering. A second attempt to veto Súmate's participation in an NGO follow-up meeting in Panama in June 2007 failed when the OAS Permanent Council accepted Súmate's participation and that of the Consortium for Development and Justice. Proposed Legal Restrictions The ChAvez government and its allies have promoted legislation that would, if enacted, allow arbitrary governmental interference in the operations of human rights organizations, including fundraising activities. In June 2006, the National Assembly approved the first reading of a bill aimed at bringing the activities of Venezuelan NGOs receiving funds from abroad under closer government scrutiny and control. Presented by the Foreign Relations Committee, the bill required NGOs to register with a government agency in order to receive funding from foreign sources, whether public or private. The committee's justification for the bill centered on the potentially negative consequences of foreign aid for Venezuela, which it considered to be "one of the most commonly used tools of imposition and intervention by the big powers." Congressman Saul Ortega, one of those who drafted the bill, made it clear that this demand for transparency was mainly directed at opposition organizations: These are the same organizations that supported the coup, that didn't denounce the killings of April 11, 12, and 13 … they are lackey organizations that don't care about what all Venezuelans want…. Most have a façade of defending human rights, while what they do is receive money from foreign governments to destabilize the government of President ChAvez. The law made registration compulsory but did not specify the requirements for registration. These were to be defined in regulations (reglamento de la ley) to be issued subsequently by the executive branch at its discretion and without legislative debate. This meant in essence that NGOs that failed to meet the as yet undefined conditions for registration would not be authorized to receive foreign funds. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has urged governments to avoid onerous registration procedures that impede the work of human rights organizations. After the European Union actively engaged the government on the issue, the National Assembly postponed debate on a final text of the bill, which has since been shelved. More recently, a constitutional amendment, which was proposed by ChAvez as part of the reform package that was defeated in the December 2007 referendum, explicitly prohibited "associations with political goals" from receiving foreign funds. The ambiguity of the term "association with political goals," and the way government officials have interpreted it in the past, could have extended the prohibition to NGOs that are implementing projects in Venezuela with funding from foreign donors. While the defeat of the reform package in the referendum removed this immediate threat, ChAvez promised after the vote to continue to pursue all the proposed reforms through ordinary legislation. Judicial Rulings Affecting Civil Society The Supreme Court helped establish the tone for discrediting NGOs early on in the ChAvez government by ruling in two decisions that NGOs that receive funds from abroad do not form part of civil society. In these rulings, issued in 2000, the court defined "civil society" in such a way as to exclude organizations that receive foreign funding, thereby preventing them from exercising the rights to political participation that other NGOs enjoy. Such rulings remain in effect today. In a June 2000 decision, the court defined civil society organizations as: Venezuelan associations, groups, and institutions (without external subsidy) that through their purpose, permanence, number of members or affiliates and continuous activity have been working from different angles of that society to achieve a better quality of life for its members, without being attached to the government or to political parties [emphasis added]. The following November, the court ruled that no NGO that is affiliated with or receives funds from foreign governments, or from "transnational or global associations, groups or movements that pursue political or economic goals to their own benefit," may be considered part of civil society. No foreigners may "represent" civil society, nor may foreign groupsor those influenced by them. The court reasoned that: To recognize the collective rights of foreign groups or entities or of those that are influenced by them, and to allow them to act in the name of the national civil society is to permit ethnic and foreign minorities to intervene in the life of the state in defense of their own interests and not those of the security of the nation, interests that may be harmful for the country and could end in separatist movements, aggressive and conflictive minorities that could even be founded on separatist movements like the self-determination of peoples. The court allowed an exception to the foreign funding rule in the case of organizations receiving money from international charities or those commissioned by international organizations to "carry out studies," provided that Venezuelans retained autonomy and control. By implication, those that received money for activities other than studies, such as human rights advocacy, were excluded. As we have seen, government officials have cited these rulings on various occasions as grounds for opposing the participation of Venezuelan nongovernmental organizations in international forums. The rulings also denied NGOs receiving funds from foreign governments the possibility of participating as representatives of civil society in the appointment of key officials in the government and the judiciary. Under the constitution, "different sectors of society" are represented on the committees which select candidates for the Supreme Court, for the National Electoral Council (CNE), and for attorney general, the human rights ombudsman and comptroller general. As a result of these rulings, NGOs that receive funds from foreign sources to carry out development, social, or human rights projects in Venezuela have been excluded from participating in such selections. The ChAvez government should abandon its aggressively adversarial posture toward local human rights defenders and civil society organizations. As the experience with police reform demonstrates, even in the midst of a polarized political situation, constructive engagement is possible and can contribute to finding solutions to the country's chronic human rights problems. Specifically, government officials should: - Refrain from unfounded attacks on the credibility of human rights defenders and civil society organizations; - Publicly retract unfounded public statements against rights advocates and organizations; - Engage constructively with human rights defenders in seeking solutions to address Venezuela's chronic human rights problems; and - Cease discrimination against civil society organizations that receive international funding, including by blocking their participation in international forums or public appointment selection processes. In addition, the Attorney General's Office should: - Conclude outstanding criminal investigations against human rights defenders and civil society representatives in a timely manner; and - Refrain from filing unsubstantiated or grossly exaggerated charges against human rights defenders and civil society leaders. This report was researched and written by Alisha Holland, Princeton Fellow in Latin America, Sebastian Brett, senior researcher, Tamara Taraciuk, researcher, and Daniel Wilkinson, deputy director of the Americas Division of Human Rights Watch. Leonardo Filippini, consultant with the Americas Division, and James Loxton, Princeton Fellow in Latin America, contributed to the research and writing. The report was edited by Carol Pier, labor rights and trade senior researcher, Anne Manuel, consultant, Aisling Reidy, senior legal advisor, Ian Gorvin, senior program officer, Joe Saunders, deputy program director, and José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. Americas Division associates Paola Adriazola, Kavita Shah, and Danielle Wainer contributed to research logistics, production, and editing. Americas Division consultant Abby Rubinson and interns Marlon Arias, Ignazio de Ferrari, and Anne Goldin provided valuable research support. Human Rights Watch would like to thank the numerous Venezuelan officials, human rights advocates, lawyers, journalists, and others who contributed to this report.

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crew resource management(redirected from Cockpit Resource Management) Also found in: Acronyms, Wikipedia. crew resource management (CRM) The process of training crews to reduce “pilot error” by making better use of the human resources on board. The human-error aspects of the majority of air crashes are failures of interpersonal communications, decision making, and leadership. The training program in CRM includes team building, briefing strategies, situational awareness, and stress management. Specific modules address decision making and breaking the chain of errors that can result in catastrophe. The program also includes understanding the limitations of human performance and error management strategies. In its original form, the concept was known as cockpit resource management, but it has been changed to crew resource management, recognizing that the cockpit represents only part of the team effort involved in flight.

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Maya Angelou, the author of I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, many other books of poetry and memoir, and a prominent figure in the civil rights movement, has reportedly died in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. She was 86. Among her many, many talents, Dr. Angelou had a great singing voice, much in evidence during her appearance in the 1957 film Calypso Heatwave: Born Marguerite Ann Johnson in St. Louis, Missouri in 1928, she arrived at poetry and autobiography after surviving childhood sexual abuse, a period of mutism following the murder of her abuser, and a hardscrabble period of single motherhood. She eventually moved into singing and dancing, performing in a touring company of Porgy and Bess as well as Calypso Heatwave. She turned her attention seriously to writing and civil rights work in the 1960s. She was close with Martin Luther King, Jr, and was devastated when he was assassinated on her 40th birthday. She knew Malcolm X well, too. She narrated documentaries about the blues and wrote poetry. And when she published I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings in 1969, with the encouragement of her friend James Baldwin, it made her into the public figure we know now, the one who, as Hilton Als once put it, cut a public persona of "fiery, lyrical dignity." She met Oprah Winfrey in the 1970s, just as Winfrey was coming up as a young television anchor. In recent years, they've become something of a duo in the public imagination. Winfrey often refers to Angelou as her mentor, or "mother-sister-friend." In a 2000 interview published in O magazine the two women talked about Winfrey's favorite lessons: Oprah: You've shown that you can live on—and with grace. That's the other quality that you and I appreciate in people: the ability to live with, and accept, grace. Because grace seems to always be available. Maya: It's like a lake of drinkable water right outside your door. But you stay inside and die of thirst. Oprah: My favorite Maya teaching is, "When people show you who they are, believe them." Maya: Yes—and believe them the first time! A lot of people certainly believed in Maya Angelou. [Image via Getty.]

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IN SEASON - July, August, September, October, November The potato belongs to the Solanaceae or nightshade family whose other members include tomatoes, eggplants, peppers, and tomatillos. They are the swollen portion of the underground stem which is called a tuber and is designed to provide food for the green leafy portion of the plant. We grow many different varieties of potatoes, including Keuka Gold, Red, Purple, Yukon Gold, Fingerling, and more! Potatoes like cool (45°F to 50°F) humid (but not wet) surroundings, but refrigeration can turn the starch in the potatoes to sugar and may tend to darken them when cooked. Store in burlap, brown paper, or perforated plastic bags away from light, in the coolest, non-refrigerated, and well-ventilated part of the house. Under ideal conditions they can last up to three months this way, but more realistically, figure three to five weeks. New potatoes should be used within one week of purchase. Don't store onions and potatoes together, as the gases they each give off, will cause the other to decay. When baking, you can stand potatoes on end in muffin tins if you're baking several. Bake extra and use for hash browns the next day! Keep in mind, to preserve the abundance of nutrients in your potatoes, cook them in their skins. Steam instead of boiling, as water naturally leaches some of the nutrients from food cooked in it.

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Almost any health information resource has the same recommendation about water: You should drink about eight glasses (64 ounces) per day [source: Mayo Clinic]. That adds up to 2 gallons per day for a family of four. When your water comes from 12-ounce plastic bottles, the cost can be exorbitant. Let's assume you pay approximately $6 per case of water (and remember, fancy imported waters can be much more), which is equal to $0.40 per bottle. For a family of four, that amounts to an annual cost of: $0.40 per bottle x 5.3 bottles per person = $2.13 x 4 people = $8.53 x 365 (days in a year) = $3,114.67 Now let's compare that to the cost of using a water filter. There are many different types of water filters, but for simplicity, we'll use the basic pitcher-style system, which retails for about $20 and requires a new filter every 40 gallons [source: Brita]. A family of four will need to replace its water filter 18.25 times per year at a cost of about $6.50 per filter, which amounts to $119. A couple of $12 water bottles for each member of the family will run $96 per year. There is also the cost of water from the tap to consider, which runs about $1.50 per 1,000 gallons in the U.S. A family of four consumes about 730 gallons of water per year (2 gallons/day, 365 days/year), which amounts to $1.10. So, the total cost of using a pitcher-style water filtration system per year for a family of four is: $119 (filters) + $96 (water bottles) + $20 (pitcher) + $1.10 (water from the tap) = $236.10 That means a family of four can potentially save $3,114.67- $236.10 = $2,878.57 each year by switching from bottled water to a water filter. And when you consider that most tap water is safe to drink in the U.S., you can save an additional $235 per year by skipping bottles and filters entirely, bringing the total annual drinking water cost for a family of four down to just $1.10. However, differences in water may occur when you consider that some municipal supplies do not meet standards of safety and quality, and others may contain foul odors and smells while still testing at safe levels for consumption. In that case, filtering your water is a good idea. Read on to learn about the various types of water filter systems.

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Typically, parents learn the sex of their baby from an ultrasound technician, at around 20 weeks. But a new study in the Journal of the American Medical Association reports that a simple blood test of the mother’s blood can determine the gender of a fetus as early as seven weeks, with 95 percent accuracy. That’s great news for couples who are deciding between pink and blue for the nursery walls. And even better for those whose offspring might be at risk for gender-specific genetic diseases, such as Duchenne muscular dystrophy or Rett’s syndrome. Knowing the baby’s sex sooner, rather than later, could cut down on the need for expensive, invasive prenatal testing. The test, which has been in use by medical professionals for years in Europe, is only available to parents online here in the states through private companies. But while early gender determination could be a boon to the medical community, some experts worry that the knowledge could lead couples to pre-select their baby’s gender by aborting a fetus of the unwanted sex. Could more accurate and affordable gender determination reshape the abortion debate? Do the medical benefits outweigh the ethical questions raised? Given a choice, would you want to know your baby’s sex as early as possible – and why? Read the Full Story at KPCC Blogs

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Two major pieces of evidence point to mechanical heating by AGN as an important energy source in the ICM. First, there is the absence of `cooling flows'. Radiative cooling timescales in the central regions of clusters are often much shorter than the Hubble time. Initially, this led to suggestions that the intracluster medium (ICM) is flowing into the cluster center at rates of up to 1000 M / yr. However, XMM Newton and Chandra observations suggest that the actual inflow rates are much smaller than expected, indicating that some mechanism compensates for the cooling (e.g., Fabian et al. 2000, 2002; McNamara et al. 2000; Blanton et al. 2001; Churazov et al. 2002). The possibility that active galaxies provide the heating is supported by observations that ~ 70% of cD galaxies show evidence for active radio sources (Burns 1990), and that the ensemble-averaged power from radio galaxies may be adequate to offset the mean level of cooling (; Böhringer et al. 2002). An advantage of the AGN heating model over other models (e.g., thermal conduction from large radii) is that the heating is supplied near the cluster center where the cooling flow problem is most acute. AGN heating may explain why the gas temperature, while declining towards cluster centers, does not drop by more than a factor ~ 2 - 3 between the cooling radius and the cluster center (Allen et al. 2001; Fabian et al. 2001; Peterson et al. 2001, 2003). The second piece of evidence is the excess entropy found in clusters. Cluster X-ray luminosities and gas masses increase with temperature more steeply than predicted by hierarchical merging models (Markevitch 1998; Nevalainen et al. 2000). In other words, the atmospheres in less massive clusters and groups are hotter than they should be, given the gravitational interactions that assembled them. These correlations apply to regions of clusters well outside the cooling radius, as well as to clusters without cooling cores. They can be interpreted as evidence for an entropy `floor' (Lloyd-Davies et al. 2000) or a systematic excess of entropy (Ponman et al. 2003); the most plausible explanation appears to be AGN heating before or during cluster assembly (e.g., Valageas & Silk 1999; Nath & Roychowdhury 2002; McCarthy et al. 2002, and references therein). Both pieces of evidence suggest that the heating, whatever its cause, must be both widely distributed and gentle. Radiatively cooling gas in clusters is prone to thermal instability, since the cooling rate increases rapidly with density. To avoid a `cooling catastrophe', heat must be spread evenly though the ICM, and especially targeted at regions with large density gradients. Measurements of excess entropy also show that the heat must be spread over a range of radii, extending out to half the cluster virial radius. That the central heat source is relatively gentle in cooling flow clusters is suggested by the absence of X-ray emitting shocks bounding radio lobes (Fabian et al. 2000) and the fact that cluster cores appear to have positive radial entropy gradients, i.e., they are convectively stable (David et al. 2001; Böhringer et al. 2002). Can a centrally located AGN provide mechanical heating that is gentle, yet spreads widely through the cluster? At first glance it seems unlikely. Powerful radio galaxies, like Cygnus A, produce overpressured cocoons that expand supersonically into their surroundings. After a transient phase dominated by the momentum flux in the jets, cocoons resemble spherical, supersonic stellar wind bubbles (Begelman & Cioffi 1989). The evolution of the bubble can be described approximately by a self-similar model in which the internal and kinetic energy are comparable, and share the integrated energy output of the wind. The speed of expansion is where Lj is the power of the jets, is the ambient density, and R is the radius of the shock. The supersonic expansion phase ends when the expansion speed drops below the sound speed in the ambient medium. This occurs at a radius where <L43> is the time-averaged jet power in units of 1043 erg s-1, n is the ambient particle density in units of cm-3, and TkeV is the ambient temperature in units of keV. Thereafter the evolution is dominated by buoyancy (Gull & Northover 1973). We have chosen fiducial parameters that are fairly typical of conditions at the centers of rich clusters - note how small Rsonic is, compared to a typical cluster core radius, or even the core radius of the host galaxy. Cygnus A, which has been expanding for several million years, is hundreds of kpc across, and is still overpressured by a factor ~ 2 - 3 with respect to the ambient medium, is the exception rather than the rule. It is a very powerful source expanding into a relatively tenuous ambient medium (Smith et al. 2002). During most of the evolution of clusters we can expect the energy injection to be in the buoyant regime, and the heating therefore relatively gentle. A clue to the widespread distribution of the heat comes from the apparent immiscibility of the hot (possibly relativistic) plasma injected by the jets and the thermal gas of the ICM. It has been known since the time of ROSAT (Böhringer et al. 1993) that the plasma in radio lobes can displace cooler thermal gas, creating holes in the X-ray emission. More sensitive Chandra images have shown not only how common such holes are, but also how long they can persist. In particular, numerous examples of `ghost cavities' have been found (e.g., McNamara et al. 2001; Johnstone et al. 2002; Mazzotta et al. 2002), where the X-ray deficit persists but the compensating radio emission is either absent or too weak to detect. These are presumably buoyant bubbles left over from earlier epochs of activity. The persistence of highly buoyant bubbles implies that energy can be transported to large radii, despite the convective stability of the ICM. The Schwarzschild criterion refers to heat transport by marginally buoyant fluid elements, not the highly buoyant bubbles that appear to be present. We therefore obtain the following description of how the ICM can be heated by a central AGN: Pockets of very buoyant gas rise subsonically through the ICM pressure gradient. A large density contrast is maintained between the buoyant gas and its surroundings, i.e., there is little mixing. The buoyant gas does pdV work on the ICM as it rises and expands. This work goes initially into a combination of kinetic energy, internal energy, and gravitational potential energy (e.g., sound waves, g-modes, and internal waves). The energy transferred to the ICM energy is converted to heat by damping and/or mixing. We call this process effervescent heating (Begelman 2001; Ruszkowski & Begelman 2002).

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CONTACT: Stanford University News Service (650) 723-2558 Press conference to feature pioneers in electronic music STANFORD -- Two pioneers in electronic music will hold a news conference at 2 p.m. Wednesday, Sept. 25, at Stanford's Center for Computer Research in Music and Acoustics. On hand at the Knoll (off Lomita Drive, behind Florence Moore Hall) will be Leon Theremin, 95, the Russian inventor of the first practical electronic musical instrument in analog technology, and Max Mathews, creator of the first electronic instrument using digital technology. Music Prof. John Chowning, director of the computer music center, said that the music world was astonished when Theremin "reappeared" in 1990 after so many years, some of them spent in a Soviet labor camp. Theremin will be accompanied by his daughter, Natasha Theremin, who will give a demonstration on the instrument, which was named for and invented by her father. There also will be a demonstration of Mathews' "radio baton." Also present will be Vladimir Komarov, a Russian composer whose work includes electro-acoustic compositions. Theremin was born in 1896 in St. Petersburg, where he studied music and physics. He invented the "Theremin" in 1920, then went to New York in 1927 where his new instrument was developed by RCA. The Theremin produces an electrical signal based on the proximity of a performer's hands to two antennae, one hand controlling pitch and the other controlling loudness. Until 1938, when Theremin returned to the Soviet Union, the Theremin was used by a number of performers and composers in New York. Since then, it has been used in concerts and films and has had an impact on the development of electronic instruments. Mathews, who studied music while following an engineering career at Bell Telephone Laboratories, in 1957 devised the means by which a digital computer can be used to synthesize and process musical signals. A concert honoring Theremin and Mathews, and celebrating Stanford's work in electro-acoustic music, will be held at 7:30 p.m. Friday, Sept. 27, in Frost Amphitheater. This is an archived release. This release is not available in any other form. Images mentioned in this release are not available online. © Stanford University. All Rights Reserved. Stanford, CA 94305. (650) 723-2300.

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Click on the image for larger version This image taken by the Mars Hand Lens Imager (MAHLI) on NASA's Mars rover Curiosity shows the texture of the patch of flat-lying bedrock called "Cumberland," which was the mission's second target for use of the rover's sample-collecting drill. Cumberland was selected to be similar to the first, "John Klein," but with a slightly greater concentration of erosion-resistant granules that cause surface bumps. The bumps are concretions, or clumps of minerals that formed when water soaked the rock long ago. Analysis of a sample containing more material from these concretions could provide information about the variability within the rock layers of both drill targets, John Klein and Cumberland. This image was taken on the 279th Martian day, or sol, of the mission (May 19, 2013) from a distance of 2 inches (5 centimeters). Malin Space Science Systems, San Diego, developed, built and operates MAHLI. NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Pasadena, Calif., manages the Mars Science Laboratory Project and the mission's Curiosity rover for NASA's Science Mission Directorate in Washington. The rover was designed and assembled at JPL, a division of the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena. More information about Curiosity is online at http://www.nasa.gov/msl and http://mars.jpl.nasa.gov/msl/.

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by E.O. Wilson Edward O. Wilson, a leading advocate of global conservation, is Pellegrino University Professor at Harvard. His book The Diversity of Life will soon be available in 14 languages around the world. The Baiji is a graceful, freshwater dolphin that once abounded along a thousand miles of the Yangtze River. It may now be the world's most endangered large animal. Caught in a vise of rising pollution and indiscriminate fishing during the past century, its population fell to only 400 by 1980, to 150 in 1993, and is now below 100. Zoologists doubt the species will survive in the wild for another decade. The baiji's closest rivals for early extinction include the Sumatran rhinoceros (probably fewer than 500 individuals survive) and the giant panda of China (fewer than 1,000). The media can be counted on to take note when the last member of each of these species dies, or, like the California condor, is removed from the wild to be placed in a captive breeding program. But for every animal celebrity that vanishes, biologists can point to thousands of species of plants and smaller animals either recently extinct or on the brink. The rarest bird in the world is Spix's macaw, down to one or possibly two individuals in the palm and river-edge forests of central Brazil. The rarest plant is Cooke's koki'o of Hawaii, a small tree with profuse orange-red flowers that once graced the dry volcanic slopes of Molokai. Today it exists only as a few half plants--branches implanted onto the stocks of other related species. Cooke's koki'o may spend its last days in this biological limbo; despite the best efforts of horticulturists to assist the plant, no branches planted in soil have sprouted roots. Around the world, biodiversity, defined as the full variety of life from genes to species to ecosystems, is in trouble. Responding to the problem, conservation experts have in the past two decades shifted their focus from individual species to entire threatened habitats, whose destruction would cause the extinction of many species. Such "hot spots" in the U.S., for example, include the coastal sage of Southern California, the sandy uplands of Florida, and the dammed and polluted river systems of Alabama and other Southern states. Arguably the countries with the most hot spots in the world are Ecuador, Madagascar and the Philippines. Each has lost two-thirds or more of its biologically rich rain forest, and the remainder is under widespread assault. The logic of the experts is simple: by concentrating conservation efforts on such areas, the largest amount of biodiversity can be saved at the lowest economic cost. And if the effort is part of the political process during regional planning, the rescue of biodiversity can gain the widest possible public support. In hot spots around the globe, mass extinctions of local populations have been commonplace. Among them: More than half the 266 species of exclusively freshwater fishes in peninsular Malaysia. Fifteen of the 18 unique fishes of Lake Lanao in the Philippines, and half the 14 birds of the Philippine Island of Cebu. All of the 11 native tree-snail species of Moorea in the Society Islands. Those on nearby Tahiti, as well as in the Hawaiian Islands, are rapidly disappearing. More than 90 plant species growing on a single mountain ridge in Ecuador, through clear-cutting of forest between 1978 and 1986. These well-documented cases notwithstanding, it is notoriously difficult to estimate the overall rate of extinction. Some groups, like the larger birds and mammals, are more susceptible to extinction than most. The same is true of fishes limited to one or two freshwater streams. Most kinds of insects and small organisms are so difficult to monitor as to make exact numbers unattainable. Nevertheless, biologists using several indirect methods of analysis generally agree that on the land at least and on a worldwide basis, species are vanishing 100 times faster than before the arrival of Homo sapiens. Tropical rain forests are the site of most of the known damage. Although they cover only 6% of the land surface, they contain more than half the species of plants and animals of the entire world. The rate of clearing and burning of rain forests averaged about 1% each year in the 1980s, an amount about equal to the entire country of Ireland, and the pace of destruction may now be increasing. That magnitude of habitat loss spells trouble for the planet's reservoir of biodiversity. It means that each year 0.25% or more of the forest species are being doomed to immediate or early extinction. How much is that in absolute numbers, as opposed to rate? If there are 10 million species in the still mostly unexplored forests, which some scientists think possible, the annual loss is in the tens of thousands. Even if there are a "mere" 1 million species, the loss is still in the thousands. These projections are based on the known relationships between the area of a given natural habitat and the number of species able to live within it. The projections may be on the low side. The outright elimination of habitat is the leading cause of extinction. But the introduction of aggressive exotic species and the diseases they carry follow close behind in destructiveness, along with overhunting or overharvesting of plants and animals. All these factors work together in a complex manner. When asked which ones caused the extinction of any particular species, biologists are likely to give the Murder on the Orient Express answer: they all did it. A common sequence in tropical countries starts with the building of roads into wilderness, such as those cut across Brazil's Amazonian state of Rondonia during the 1970s and '80s. Land-seeking settlers pour in, clear the rain forest on both sides of the road, pollute the streams, introduce alien plants and animals and hunt wildlife for extra food. Many native species become rare, and some disappear entirely. The world's fauna and flora are paying the price of humanity's population growth. The levy may be acceptable to those who put immediate human concerns above all else. But it should be borne in mind that we are destroying part of the Creation, thereby depriving all future generations of what we ourselves were bequeathed. The ongoing loss in biodiversity is the greatest since the end of the Mesozoic era 65 million years ago. At that time, by current scientific consensus, the impact of one or more giant meteorites darkened the atmosphere, altered much of earth's climate and extinguished the dinosaurs. Thus began the next stage of evolution, the Cenozoic era or Age of Mammals. The extinction spasm we are now inflicting can be moderated if we choose. If not, the next century will see the closing of the Cenozoic era and the start of a new one characterized by biological impoverishment. It might appropriately be called the Eremozoic era, the Age of Loneliness. People commonly respond to the evidence of species extinction by entering three successive stages of denial. The first is, simply, Why worry? Extinction is natural. Species have been dying out through more than 3 billion years of history without permanent harm to the biosphere. Evolution has always replaced extinct species with new ones. All these statements are true, but with a terrible twist. After the Mesozoic spasm, and after each of the four greatest previous spasms spaced over 400 million years, evolution required about 10 million years to restore the predisaster levels of diversity. Faced with a waiting time that long, and aware that we inflicted so much damage in a single lifetime, our descendants are going to be--how best to say it?--peeved with us. Worse, evolution cannot perform as in previous ages if natural environments have been crowded out by artificial ones. Entering the second stage of denial, people ask, Why do we need so many species anyway? Why care, especially since the vast majority are bugs, weeds and fungi? It is easy to dismiss the creepy crawlies of the world, forgetting that less than a century ago, before the rise of the modern conservation movement, native birds and mammals around the world were treated with the same callous indifference. Now the value of the little things in the natural world has become compellingly clear. Recent experimental studies on whole ecosystems support what ecologists have long suspected: the more species living in an ecosystem, the higher its productivity and the greater its ability to withstand drought and other kinds of environmental stress. Since we depend on functioning ecosystems to cleanse our water, enrich our soil and create the very air we breathe, biodiversity is clearly not something to discard carelessly. In addition to creating a habitable environment, wild species are the source of products that help sustain our lives. Not the least of these amenities are pharmaceuticals. More than 40% of all prescriptions dispensed by pharmacies in the U.S. are substances originally extracted from plants, animals, fungi and microorganisms. Aspirin, for example, the most widely used medicine in the world, was derived from salicylic acid, which in turn was discovered in a species of meadowsweet. Only a minute fraction of the species or organisms--probably less than 1%--have been examined for natural products that might serve as medicines. There is a critical need to press the search in the case of antibiotics and antimalarial agents. The substances most commonly used today are growing less effective as the disease organisms acquire genetic resistance to the drugs. The bacterium staphylococcus, for example, has recently re-emerged as a potentially lethal pathogen, and the microorganism that causes pneumonia is growing steadily more dangerous. The age of antibiotics, it has been said, is over. Not quite, but medical researchers are nevertheless locked in an arms race with the rapidly evolving pathogens that is certain to grow more serious. They are obliged to turn to a broader array of wild species to discover the new weapons of 21st century medicine. Each species is a masterpiece of evolution, offering a vast source of useful scientific knowledge because it is so thoroughly adapted to the environment in which it lives. Species alive today are thousands to millions of years old. Their genes, having been tested by adversity over so many generations, engineer a staggeringly complex array of biochemical devices to aid the survival and reproduction of the organisms carrying them. Even when that much is granted, the third stage of denial usually emerges: Why rush to save all the species right now? We have more important things to do. Why not keep live specimens in zoos and botanical gardens--on ice, so to speak--and return them to the wild later? The grim truth is that all the zoos in the world today can sustain a maximum of only 2,000 species of mammals, birds, reptiles and amphibians, out of about 24,000 known to exist. The world's botanical gardens would be even more overwhelmed by the quarter-million plant species. These refuges are invaluable in helping to save a few endangered species. So is freezing embryos in liquid nitrogen. But such measures cannot come close to solving the problem as a whole. To add to the difficulty, no one has devised a plan to save the legion of insects, fungi and other ecologically vital small organisms. And once scientists are ready to return species to independence, the ecosystems in which many lived will no longer exist. Tigers and rhinos, to make the point clear, cannot survive in paddies. The conclusion of scientists and conservationists is therefore virtually unanimous: the only way to save wild species is to maintain them in their original habitats. Considering how rapidly such habitats are shrinking, even that straightforward solution will be a daunting task. Many ecosystems have already been lost, and others seem doomed. In spite of all these difficulties, there is reason for some optimism. With appropriate measures and the will to use them, the hemorrhaging can be slowed, perhaps eventually halted, and most of the surviving species saved. Some of the most important immediate steps that can be taken are outlined in the Convention on Biological Diversity, signed by 156 nations and the European Union at the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro (with its Senate hesitating to ratify, the U.S. is one of the few nations not yet a formal party to the agreement). The convention was the turning point in the awareness of biodiversity as a world issue. It served as a catalyst in accelerating conservation efforts and has been especially important in awakening tropical countries, where biodiversity is both the richest and most threatened. One of the first moves under way is the closer surveying of biodiversity, country by country, to pinpoint the extinction hot spots. Such information, when used to sequester parks and reserves, can lead to the rescue of large numbers of endangered ecosystems and species. A review of bird distribution by the International Council for Bird Preservation, using the best data available for any group of organisms, revealed that 20% of the world's species occur within 2% of the land area. Protecting natural environments in these localities alone would help greatly to slow the rate of bird extinction. It would also shield larger numbers of other animals and plants limited to the same habitat. Saving the last remnants of the natural environment requires more than just scientific information. There are also formidable economic and political problems to be overcome. Growing populations need new land and increased food production. The priorities of the desperately poor do not include saving the fauna and flora of their country. Funds must be raised to purchase much of the land from private owners, and then to pay for the protection and management of the reserves. To gain the support of local peoples, educational programs are needed to convey the importance of wild lands to sustaining their own environment in a healthy state. The poor need to be helped to a better life on the land they already occupy. Out of this welter of conflicting interests has arisen a new kind of environmentalism. It values the world's fauna and flora not just aesthetically as the natural heritage of humanity but also as a source of wealth and economic stability. An infant biodiversity industry is now taking shape along several fronts. More than 20 pharmaceutical companies have contracted with private and national research organizations to push "chemical prospecting" for new medicines in rain forests and other habitats. Ecotourism, opening the most spectacular wild lands to paying visitors, has become a major source of income in many developing countries. Reserves and the surrounding land are being reorganized to create an outer buffer zone where local peoples are helped to develop sustainable agriculture, enveloping an inviolate core zone for the maximum protection of endangered species. Some forest tracts previously scheduled for clear-cutting are now selectively logged or cut along concentric swaths, then allowed to regenerate. Because the practices yield higher long-term profits, they are expected to be widely adopted. The new approach to biodiversity, uniting conservation and economic development, is obviously far from perfect, and it is not yet fully practiced in any country. But it is a promising start. Some of the pilot projects have succeeded dramatically. They offer a way out of what will otherwise be a biologically impoverished future. With the world population at 5.7 billion and sure to keep on growing rapidly until well into the next century, humanity has entered a dangerous environmental bottleneck. We hope--surely we must believe--that our species will come out the other side in better condition than when we entered. We should make it a goal to take as much of the rest of life with us as is humanly possible. Want to help? Join or Make a Donation to an Organization that makes a difference. If you live in the united states, these green links will take you to organizations that make a difference there.

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The Undercover Economist Strikes Back (How to Run - Or Ruin - An Economy) by Tim Harford is an interesting popular introduction to macroeconomics. Tim Harford has written previous popularisations about microeconomics; in this book he takes a stab at trying to explain macro. The book is well written for its target audience, but it glosses over the theoretical divide within the field. I am interested in writing about a few of the topics he covers within the book in later articles, and so I will keep this review fairly short. The book was first published in 2013. The book is written in an informal question & answer format, which seems effective. Since it is a popular work, it is not burdened too much with the details of the development of macro theory. The book is organised with one main topic per chapter, although the history of Bill Phillips is woven as a human interest piece throughout the text. His personal history is discussed, as well as the development of his hydraulic economic computer and the famed Phillips Curve. The chapters are mainly about macroeconomic theory, but some microeconomics worked its way in. The chapters are: - The Economy: A User's Manual - The Babysitting Recession (the story of the Capitol Hill babysitting cooperative as a simplified monetary economy, a story that Paul Krugman wrote about). - Money, Money, Money (the inevitable chapter about money). - Just Enough Inflation (inflation targeting; nominal GDP targeting gets a mention). - Stimulus (Ricardian Equivalence rides again). - The Prison Camp Recession (analogy between WWII prison camp economy and real business cycle models). - Output Gaps (what they are). - The Invention of Unemployment (how raising wages creates reservation unemployment). - Boss-onomics (what is the impact of better management on the economy). - The Sirens of Macroeconomics (hooray for rational expectations). - The Cult of GNP (what GNP/GDP is, why it is not a measure of well-being). - Happynomics (the attempt to measure national happiness, and how it relates to the economy). - Can Growth Continue Forever? (economics versus Peak Oil). - Inequality (a much shorter discussion of inequality than Piketty; but this book is pre-Piketty, so his work is not covered). - The Future of Macroeconomics (notes some critiques of macro, and possible ways forward). Tim Harford is a visiting fellow at Oxford (in microeconomics), has two columns for the Financial Times (and elsewhere), and has previously written The Undercover Economist (plus other books). My Mixed Reaction The book is well-written and interesting, and probably would be one of the better introductions to macroeconomics for readers without a background in the area. He does a very good job explaining the orthodox (mainstream) view of macroeconomics, and he does a reasonable job of alerting the reader to the political divisions that exist within macroeconomics. However, my feeling is that he has followed the mainstream line too closely, and there are a few statements he makes that I have my doubts about. (As one might guess, some were in the chapter on fiscal policy.) I realise that a book that attempted to keep Marxists, Post-Keynesians, Austrians, "New Keynesians" and Real Business Cycle economists happy would be a spectacular muddle, and so I would not expect him to try. He does have reasonable political balance by contrasting free market "classical" economists versus "Keynesian" views, but the reality is that those are two branches of mainstream economics. It is likely that the parts that I found questionable would not be picked up by readers who are just beginning to learn about macroeconomics. Correspondingly, I do not want to go further into this topic, other than noting that readers should understand that macro theory has even greater divisions than the text indicates. The chapters are not just focussed on explaining the last crisis, rather they are a mix of topics. Some are extended examples, such as the story of how activity in a babysitting cooperative, which used a private "currency" collapsed due to a lack of demand. Others are more like primers, such as the explanation of what an output gap is. I liked his chapter on whether growth can continue forever. A number of physicists have looked at energy consumption trends, as well as things like Peak Oil, to (correctly) argue along the lines that "exponential growth" cannot continue forever. However, the growth that they are looking at is for the consumption of real resources. Tim Harford points out the GDP is not a measure of the consumption of real resources, rather it is a measure of human activity. It is entirely possible that economic growth (as measured by GDP) can continue to grow, even if resource extraction goes into reverse. This is an interesting subject, and I expect to write about it in another article shortly. I would recommend the book to someone beginning to learn about macroeconomics, but with the caution that the field is more divided than the book suggests. Finally, the book is available at Amazon.com: The Undercover Economist Strikes Back: How to Run— or Ruin— an Economy (affiliate link).

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Effective altruism is a philosophy and social movement which aims not only to increase charitable donations of time and money (and indeed more broadly to encourage leading a lifestyle which does good in the world), but also encourage the most effective use of these resources, usually by looking for measurable impacts such as lives saved per dollar. For an effective altruist, the core question is: “Of all the possible ways to make a difference, how can I make the greatest difference?” It might be argued, for example, that charity work isn’t the best use of time; a talented financier may be better off working for a bank, and use their earnings to pay for others to work for charities instead. To this end, those in the movement often perform complex calculations to determine which charities and careers do the most good – something that is frequently attacked. Charitable causes that effective altruists have argued should come lower in our list of priorities include charities like the ALS Association, which benefited from the viral ice bucket challenge, and the arts. These comparisons are not based on the worthiness of the cause, the good it does or even the levels of suffering it alleviates, but the cost to benefit ratio. For example, Peter Singer, a moral philosopher and icon of the effective altruism movement, has argued that homelessness and infant mortality in the developed world should have a lower priority than equivalent causes in the developing world. It isn’t that these problems are trivial or undeserving, but because of a greater impact per dollar. Effective Altruism is exciting and beneficial in many ways. It gets people to think about how to help others, and encourages people to act in ways that do help others. Many people don’t contribute as much as they should, maybe because of doubts about the difference it will make or where to put their efforts. But while we wholeheartedly support the movement, calculating which causes are better than others risks being oversimplified. So here are five practical ways to become a really effective altruist instead. 1. Don’t support useless or harmful causes This is uncontroversial and already a central tenet of effective altruism. We all agree that waste and harm are bad, and many charitable causes do more harm than good – so let’s avoid them. However, there are lots of altruistic acts that do some good — often lots of good — even if they’re not the best. Different people can contribute in different ways, and diversity spreads benefits to many worthwhile causes. Aiming for only the best option leaves little leeway for individuality and experimentation, and can instead turn many people off. 2. Do what you enjoy and excel at If people aren’t able to build sturdy houses, they shouldn’t volunteer for Habitat for Humanity. And if they don’t enjoy working with animals they don’t volunteer at the RSPCA. The same goes for financial contributions. If the most good that my money can do is to help free animals in factory farms but I really don’t care about these animals then I’m unlikely to give as much, as often, or for as long as I would for a cause that I deeply care about. The idea that we should work for or contribute to the most effective charity, regardless of what we care about, is self-defeating. Most people’s passions aren’t that flexible – they can’t or won’t start caring about a cause simply because a calculation tells them to. Better to follow a passion than be demotivated. 3. Spread the love If you really are passionate about a cause, encourage others. If they are not passionate about your cause, encourage them to help others in their own way. We can do more to improve the world if we get other people to help out. If we were to try to determine which person has done the most good in history, we’d get different answers. Effective altruism can come from inspiring others, by being a teacher or a good parent for example. Take Singer, he hasn’t prevented nuclear war or eradicated small pox, but he has led very many people to help others. In turn, these followers have followers themselves, who help others more than they otherwise would have. A teacher should get some credit for the good that his students do but would not have done if not for his teaching. We can do good both directly and indirectly, by inspiring others. 4. Use carrots rather than sticks If someone is doing good and more good than most but could still do more, then they deserve praise and encouragement. To encourage people to do better, we should be generous with praise for those who do more good than is common and add more praise for those near the top. Criticising those who fall short of the ideal only discourages others. If we’re right, then criticism should be reserved for those who fall well below what most people do to help the needy. 5. Avoid overconfidence Really effective altruism aims to do the most good over all time. The world, present and future, is a very uncertain place. It is difficult to predict what will do the most good, either now or far in the future. Humility is necessary in the face of this uncertainty. Who would have thought that the invention of the mobile phone would have done so much good or knows what the final effect of the communications revolution will be. As the philosopher John Stuart Mill recognised, originality, diversity, and experiments in living are necessary to discover what is the best life. The same applies to the well-being of others. Be willing to revise your goals in the light of new evidence and reflection.

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Facts About Rainforests of the Congo Basin The Congo Basin is home to the second largest rainforest on Earth, stretching across 500 million acres and six countries: Cameroon, Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Republic of the Congo, and Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo.) Due to the large amount of carbon dioxide that it takes up and converts to oxygen, the Congo Basin is called the second lung of the Earth (the first lung being the Amazon rainforest). The rainforests of the Congo Basin are comprised of a diverse mixture of different ecosystems and habitats, including highland and lowland forests, rivers and swamps. The biodiversity of the Congo Basin rainforests is extensive, with an estimated 400 species of mammals, 700 species of fish, 1,000 species of birds and over 10,000 species of plants. Some species living in the Congo Basin include: - Bonobos- belonging to the same genus as chimpanzees, bonobos are the primate species most closely related to humans. They are found nowhere else in the world, and are threatened by hunters and loss of habitat. - Mountain gorillas- threatened by hunting, poaching, habitat loss and disease, ony 700 mountain gorillas are left in the wild. - Forest elephants- African forest elephants are smaller than savanna elephants and have downward reaching tusks. They are threatened mainly due to the illegal trade in ivory. - Okapi- found living only in DR Congo, okapis have distinctive brown and white striped legs and are known as forest giraffes. Leatherback turtle- the Congo Basin's Atlantic coast is the leatherback sea turtle's largest nesting ground. Deforestation is occurring at a rapid rate in the rainforests of the Congo Basin. Forests are being cleared to provide land for subsistence farming and by logging of hardwood for export to Europe, the United States and China. In addition to habitat loss, deforestation causes desertification and erosion, and is a major cause of carbon emissions. Other threats to plant and animal biodiversity include bushmeat hunting, trapping animals for export as exotic pets, poaching, fuel collecting and oil and gas exploration. Efforts are being made to halt the destruction of the Indonesian and Congo Basin rainforests, but it may be too late for many of the species that live there.

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The heart, which pumps blood throughout the body, is an impressive organ, and one essential to good health. Read on to find out the latest science surrounding the heart, and learn how to take better care of yours. 1. Watch those diet drinks Diet drinks have long been the springboard of research, but the latest study worked with 59,614 participants, making it the largest study to examine the correlation between diet drink consumption, “cardiac events,” and death. After examining diet drink intake and the cardiovascular risk factors of the participants, researchers found conclusively that women who drink two or more diet drinks a day may be more likely to have a heart attack, stroke, or other cardiovascular problems. Even further, compared to women who never — or even very rarely — consume diet drinks, those who consumed two or more a day were 30 percent more likely to suffer a cardiovascular event and 50 percent more likely to die from related disease. The “diet drinks” included in this study were defined as the equivalent of a 12-ounce beverage, and included both diet sodas and diet fruit drinks. 2. Time change, anyone? Daylight savings is now more than just irksome — recent studies show it’s been linked to heart attacks. While heart attacks historically occur on Monday mornings, new research found that losing one hour of sleep raised the risk of a heart attack on the following Monday by 25 percent, compared to other Mondays during the year. The chief researcher, Dr. Amneet Sandhu, examined approximately 42,000 hospital admissions in Michigan for four consecutive years, and found that an average of 32 patients had heart attacks on any given Monday. The Monday immediately after springing the clock forward, however, there were an average of eight additional heart attacks. Not only did heart attack numbers rise after moving the clock forward, Sandhu said, but risk later fell 21 percent on the Tuesday after the clock was returned to standard time, and people got an extra hour’s sleep. 3. Pregnancy research As science progresses, insight into how pregnancy affects a woman’s long-term health continues to grow. A recent study highlights a woman’s cardiovascular risk in association with pregnancy, and found that women who give birth to four or more children are much more likely to have evidence of plaque in their heart or thickening of their arteries — early signs of cardiovascular disease — compared with those having fewer pregnancies. Curiously enough, the study also found that women who had zero or just one live birth were also more likely to show evidence of plaque or thickening of the arteries. Despite the evidence, scientists involved in the study stressed that these findings do not equate to a recommendation to “only have two or three children,” only that they require a further look into how pregnancy plays a role in a woman’s cardiovascular health. 4. Space science You’re most likely not an astronaut, but this science was too good to ignore. While astronauts have to be in incredible shape to withstand the physical pressures and strains of leaving Earth and existing “up there,” science shows their heart health might just be poorly affected due to long periods of microgravity in space. After following 12 astronauts, results show the heart in space becomes more spherical by a factor of 9.4 percent. This, in addition to losses in bone density and muscle mass, adds to the evidence that even longer periods in space — as would occur on a mission to Mars — is associated with increased dangers on astronauts’ health. “The heart doesn’t work as hard in space, which can cause a loss of muscle mass,” said James Thomas, M.D., Moore Chair of Cardiovascular Imaging and Lead Scientist for Ultrasound at NASA, and senior author of the study. “That can have serious consequences after the return to Earth, so we’re looking into whether there are measures that can be taken to prevent or counteract that loss.” 5. Exercise in men vs. women New science from the Mayo Clinic has challenged a long-established formula for peak heart rate, proving that it may be flawed because it does not account for differences between men and women. For decades, the simple formula of “220 minus age” has been widely used to calculate the maximum number of heartbeats per minute a person can achieve. This equation can be used by people simply looking to derive their target heart rate during a workout, or by doctors wishing to determine how hard a patient should exercise during an exercise stress test. Now, after analyzing approximately 25,000 stress tests, researchers have found significant differences between men and women, and subsequently developed an updated formula to reflect these differences. The study says women in the age range of 40 to 89 years should expect their maximum heart rate to be 200 minus 67 percent of their age; and that in men, the formula is 216 minus 93 percent of their age. Among other things, the study also showed that younger men have a lower resting heart rate and higher peak heart rate than women, and that men’s heart rates rise more dramatically during exercise and “return to normal” more quickly once exercise has ceased. 6. Focus on vitamin D Vitamin D, which acts as a regulator on the function of the immune system as well as inflammatory processes that contribute to risk factors for heart disease, was the focus of a recent Italian study that set out to evaluate the relationship between vitamin D levels and coronary artery disease — the largest study of its kind. The findings? Vitamin D may be beneficial in preventing heart disease; with several recent studies showing that low levels of vitamin D are linked to an increased risk of heart disease. In the findings, there was a 32 percent higher occurrence of coronary artery disease in patients with the lowest vitamin D levels and a near 20 percent higher frequency of severe disease affecting multiple vessels. It is estimated that more than half of U.S. adults are vitamin D deficient, with the highest rates among African Americans and Hispanics.

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The Train Leaves the Station As the Granville-to-Paris Express approached Montparnasse Station conductor Guillaume-Marie Pellerin looked at his watch. Knowing that he was going to be a few minutes late for the train’s 15:55 arrival time Pellerin kept the train running at high speed as he completed the approach to the station. Pellerin knew he could maintain the high speed and when he was close to the station he would apply the Westinghouse air brake to safely bring the train to a stop. However, on this October 22 in 1895 the Westinghouse brake system failed and at full speed the train crashed through 100 ft (30m) of station concourse, smashed through a two feet (0.6m) wall and sailed two stories to the ground below. The image now long since out of copyright is often used by poster companies to show images where something failed or went wrong. Montparnasse Station is one of the oldest stations in Paris having been in operation since 1840. In 1852 the station as how it looks in the photo was completed based on the design of architect Victor Lenoir. The trains would arrive on the first floor but in front of the station a sunken road called the Place de Rennes carried a tramway between the station and Place de l’Etoile. Locomotive No. 721 a 2-4-0 (or type 120 using the French system) was used for the Granville-to-Paris Express which left Granville everyday at 08:45. Nothing was different on the day of the accident with the train conductor Guillaume-Marie Pellerin, a 19-year railroad man, leaving at 08:45. During his run the train began to fall behind and after the last stop before Montparnasse had 131 passengers aboard. To make up for lost time Pellerin made the infamous decision to enter the station area at cruising speed. But he wasn’t the only one to blame. Two other train staff could have stopped the train with the hand brakes but one of them Albert Mariette was preoccupied with filling out paperwork as they entered the station and he failed to notice in time that train was going faster than it should be. Just as he applied the brake the train smashed through the buffer stop. Incredibly no one on the train was killed and there were only five injuries, three of those were the crew. Tragically though, Marie-Augustine Aguilard, the wife of a news vendor on the street below was killed when she was struck be falling masonry. She had been watching the news stand while her husband went to get the evening papers. The train company paid for her funeral and provided a pension for her children. Guillaume-Marie Pellerin and Albert Mariette were both prosecuted for negligence and found guilty for driving the train to fast and Mariette for not applying the brake in time. There were fined 50 and 25 francs respectively. Roger Viollet and Lévy et fils both took pictures of the crash though Viollet took a number of photos from different angles. The image now long since out of copyright is often used by poster companies to show images where something failed or went wrong.

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August 11, 2014 | Issue Brief on Housing The two government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs), Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, remain under government conservatorship with the federal government standing behind all of their obligations. Housing finance reform is likely to be addressed during the next congressional session, but it appears the House and the Senate may offer very different reform proposals. Congress should move the U.S. toward a market-based housing finance system. Increasing government intervention—as U.S. policies have done for decades—only makes housing less affordable for the typical American and destabilizes housing and financial markets. The following is a list of five free-market principles to guide the future housing finance policy debate. In the 1990s, the U.S. housing finance system morphed into one that was heavily dependent on implied taxpayer guarantees. From 1990 to 2003, Fannie and Freddie went from holding 5 percent of the nation’s mortgages ($136 billion) to more than 20 percent ($1.6 trillion). Investors who purchased Fannie and Freddie’s bonds and mortgage-backed securities (MBS) provided funds for people to finance homes. These bondholders and MBS investors enjoyed implicit government backing: It was common knowledge that taxpayers would make good on promised cash flows if either Fannie or Freddie were to ever fail financially. In effect, these investors enjoyed the safety of U.S. Treasury securities with rates of return that were greater than those available on Treasuries. This feature led to more risky lending than would have taken place without such guarantees. The GSEs’ debt and MBS were deemed safe by regulators and were used pervasively throughout the financial system because of these guarantees. Policymakers should avoid providing taxpayer guarantees—implicitly or explicitly—because doing so leads to excessive risky debt. Robust homeownership was established in the U.S. long before the government became heavily involved in the housing market. From 1949 to 1968 (the year that Fannie Mae was allowed to purchase non-government-insured mortgages), government-backed mortgages never accounted for more than 6 percent of the market in any given year. Yet the homeownership rate was 64 percent in 1968, virtually identical to what it is now. Borrowers and lenders like to take risk because it provides the possibility of a future financial reward. Shifting these financial risks—the possibility of losing money—onto taxpayers is what causes systemic risk. Policymakers should ensure that private borrowers and lenders accept their own risk–reward tradeoffs. Policies that try to ensure private profits while socializing losses expose taxpayers to losses and increase systemic risk. The benefits of homeownership can extend beyond the individual to the community. However, it does not follow that the federal government should actively encourage people to purchase homes. The decision to rent or buy a home should not be influenced by government policy. Furthermore, encouraging people—especially those with low wealth—to finance home purchases with low-equity long-term debt makes little sense. Yet these are exactly the types of policies the U.S. government has encouraged for decades with little benefit and, arguably, a major financial crisis and recession to show for it. In particular, the rate of U.S. homeownership has remained nearly constant over the past 50 years as government intervention has steadily increased, but the level of residential mortgage debt has increased nearly sixfold. Thus, these policies have distorted markets by diverting resources into the housing sector at the expense of other areas of the economy. Two clear distortions from these policies have been artificially higher home prices and lower interest rates. Housing prices increased dramatically as the GSEs’ operations were expanded in the 1990s. At the peak of the housing market in 2006, the national Case-Shiller home price index was 84 percent above its long-term trend. As the market collapse showed, these dramatic increases were not sustainable. Furthermore, even though Fannie and Freddie enjoyed an estimated annual subsidy ranging from about $7 billion to $20 billion, the bulk of this subsidy appears to have benefitted only the GSEs’ shareholders and creditors. Research suggests that homeowners may have benefited by paying, at most, 0.50 percent less in interest rates than if there had been no GSE subsidy. These market distortions have also created the need to continually expand subsidies. Higher housing prices, for instance, provide the political justification for helping various constituents—even renters—to afford housing. Groups as diverse as homebuilders, bankers, investment bankers, and affordable housing advocates have a well-established history of securing policies that favor their members. Advocates of federal guarantees argue that the 30-year fixed-rate mortgage (FRM) provides borrowers with long-term security, but they often fail to mention any of the risks associated with these long-term FRMs. These risks exist, however, and government policies tend to shift them from financial markets to taxpayers—thus creating systemic risk. Historically, government policies that favor certain types of mortgage products have contributed to major financial crises. To deal with specific financial problems that surfaced in the 1920s, government policies simultaneously promoted FRMs and discouraged the use of adjustable-rate mortgages (ARMs) long after the Great Depression. Eventually, policymakers removed ARM lending restrictions as they recognized that a mortgage market dominated by FRMs was not a good match for the volatile inflationary environment of the late 1960s and 1970s. By 1988, ARMs accounted for approximately 60 percent of the U.S. market, nearly the same share currently held by FRMs in the U.S. Government policies should not favor any particular mortgage product, because no one product can best serve the needs of every borrower at any one time. Several lawsuits have complicated the dissolution of the GSEs. In particular, disgruntled private shareholders of Fannie and Freddie have filed suit against the federal government. The most serious of these claims is that the current practice of “sweeping” all earnings by Fannie and Freddie to the U.S. Treasury is unconstitutional. While this claim is not without merit, it should not be allowed to impede much-needed efforts to dissolve the corporations. Protecting property rights does not mean that taxpayers and consumers must continue to be put at risk by these economically dangerous institutions. Free markets promote affordable housing, but the federal government has increasingly intervened in housing finance for decades. Housing finance reform will be successful only if policymakers recognize the flaws of previous interventionist policies and embrace the basic principles inherent in a free market. The broad principles presented here can help shift housing finance away from a highly regulated activity to one that promotes individual economic freedom and affordable homeownership.—Norbert J. Michel, PhD, is a Research Fellow in Financial Regulations in the Thomas A. Roe Institute for Economic Policy Studies, of the Institute for Economic Freedom and Opportunity, at The Heritage Foundation. John L. Ligon is Senior Policy Analyst and Research Manager in the Center for Data Analysis of the Institute for Economic Freedom and Opportunity. See John L. Ligon and Norbert J. Michel, “GSE Reform: The Economic Effects of Eliminating a Government Guarantee in Housing Finance,” Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 2877, February 7, 2014, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2014/02/gse-reform-the-economic-effects-of-eliminating-a-government-guarantee-in-housing-finance. See John L. Ligon and Norbert J. Michel, “Why Is Federal Housing Policy Fixated on 30-Year Fixed-Rate Mortgages?” Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 2917, June 18, 2014, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2014/06/why-is-federal-housing-policy-fixated-on-30-year-fixed-rate-mortgages. In states such as California and Florida, state home price indices were more than 100 percent above trend. See Norbert Michel et al., “Home Equity Lines of Credit and the Unemployment Rate: Have Unemployed Consumers Borrowed Themselves into the Next Financial Crisis?” Journal of Banking and Finance (forthcoming), http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0378426614002283 (accessed August 4, 2014). Ibid; Ligon and Michel, “GSE Reform,” p. 8. Ligon and Michel, “Why Is Federal Housing Policy Fixated on 30-Year Fixed-Rate Mortgages?” See James Gattuso, “Taking Stock: Shareholder Lawsuits No Barrier to GSE Dissolution,” Heritage Foundation Issue Brief No. 4225, May 19, 2014, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2014/05/taking-stock-shareholder-lawsuits-no-barrier-to-gse-dissolution.

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...in 1754, Mercy Otis of Barnstable and James Warren of Plymouth began their remarkable 54-year partnership. When she married into a family active in public affairs, Mercy embraced the chance to be involved in the events of the Revolutionary era. She was a keen and intelligent observer and an accomplished writer. In the 1770s, she had several satirical plays published anonymously before embarking on a history of the Revolution. Her History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution appeared in 1805. The fact that the book discounted the diplomatic achievements of her old friend John Adams caused a bitter rift. "History is not the Province of the Ladies," Adams angrily declared. Born in 1728, Mercy was the eldest daughter in James and Mary Otis's family of 13 children. The Otises were among the leading families of Cape Cod. A prosperous farmer, merchant, and lawyer, James Otis served as a judge of the Barnstable County court of common pleas. While he saw that his sons were all prepared for college, he gave his daughters no formal schooling. Mercy did, however, sit in on some of her brothers' private lessons. At 26, she married James Warren and moved to Plymouth. In more than 50 years of marriage, the couple would raise five sons. The Warren and Otis families' increasing involvement in the conflict between the American colonies and the British parliament began with the Stamp Act crisis in 1765. That same year, James Warren was elected to the Massachusetts House of Representatives and served there until 1777. Mercy's brother James Otis, Jr. also played an active part in resistance to British rule. The Warrens frequently hosted protest meetings, attended by men such as John Adams and his cousin Samuel Adams. Although as a woman, Mercy Warren could play only a very limited public role, she was an active participant in and observer at these strategy sessions. She had been writing poetry since 1759, and now she began creating satirical plays written in verse. In 1772 The Adulateur appeared anonymously (as much of her work did) in the Massachusetts Spy, a Boston newspaper. It was written to be read, not performed, since plays were banned in Massachusetts. The play portrayed royal governor Thomas Hutchinson (as the character Rapatio) bent on destroying liberty in a fictional country of "free-born sons." The Defeat was published in 1773, starring Rapatio once again, and two years later, The Group featured the colony's evil Tories. Towards the end of the Revolution and in the years that followed, James Warren's political career suffered. He turned down a number of positions, including an appointment to the Massachusetts Supreme Court. Biographers suggest that Mercy may have encouraged her husband to stay close to home. The Warrens also parted company with the pro-Federalist majority that dominated the new state's politics. They worried about the ability of the Republic to survive and opposed adoption of the federal Constitution, fearing it would lead to "uncontrolled despotism." In the late 1770s, Mercy Warren had begun working on a history of the Revolution, a Herculean effort supported by her husband, sons, and their long-time friends Abigail and John Adams. "I hope you will continue, for there are few Persons possessed of more Facts, or who can record them in a more agreeable manner," John Adams wrote her from London in 1787. He would come to regret his encouragement. In 1805 Mercy Warren's three-volume History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution was published. Warren avoided describing "military havoc," focusing instead on the key figures involved in the transformational historic events. Whether it was an oversight or intentional, she ignored John Adams's remarkable diplomatic achievements in France and the Netherlands and wrote critically of his supposed "partiality in favor of monarchic government." This effectively ended a friendship between the families that was already shaky, given the dramatically different paths that John Adams and James Warren had taken in their careers and political views. Mercy Warren continued her active correspondence with friends and remained as mentally alert and vigorous as ever to the end of her long life. She died at age 86 in Plymouth, where she had lived most of her life. American National Biography, Vol. 22 (Oxford University Press, 1999). "Bonds of Friendship: The Correspondence of Abigail Adams and Mercy Otis Warren," by Edith B. Gelles, in Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. CVIII, 1996. Mercy Otis Warren, by Jeffrey Richards (Twayne Publishers, 1995). Notable American Women, Vol. III (Harvard University Press, 1971). A Woman's Dilemma: Mercy Otis Warren and the American Revolution, by Rosemarie Zagarri (Harlan Davidson, 1995).

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Learn something new every day More Info... by email A digital printer is a type of printing device that uses specialized techniques specifically designed for digital methods of reproducing files. Ink jet, laser, and print on demand are all common types of digital printers. The benefits of the digital method of printing are that there is less waste produced, less use of chemicals and a higher quality output. Digital printing describes the specific manner in which text files, graphics or other images are transferred to a printing device. Digital printing describes the process; the digital printer acts as the device that is used to output the information once it has been transferred from a computer. Digital printing is different from copying in that it produces an original version of data, not a copy of it. With copying, each time a copy is made, the quality of the file is reduced. Technically speaking, a digital printer works by decoding the digitized code of the document that has been sent to the printer. The digital printer uses the code provided by the computer to reproduce the file. This digital code is referred to as a binary code, which is a type of numbering scheme used as an encoding and decoding system for data. A binary code only uses two digits, a 1 or a 0, to encode all types of computer files. This complex numbering scheme is how the digital information is stored, understood and reproduced. There is a common misconception that all printers are basically the same if the quality of the output is similar. Digital printing offers a higher quality of printing that goes far beyond that of traditional printing and copying methods. With a digital ink jet printer, the ink does not go right through the paper, but rather sits on the surface of the paper. Less ink is used because of the way the digital technology works to precisely transfer the data to the paper. This enhances cost effectiveness and overall quality of the digital document. Digital printers, by design, take less time to set up and can produce large quantities of copies with little mess or excessive waste of ink, toner, and paper. Digital printers are a good choice for those who require higher than average output on a low budget. They are becoming more and more common because they offer professional quality printed documents at economical prices. Digitally printed versions of documents are also said to last longer when compared to traditional forms of ink printers. Digital prints fade much less quickly than other forms of prints, which enhances not only the quality but the integrity of the data. I have a digital inkjet printer, and I have noticed that the pages I print never feel wet. It is easy to smudge the text on pages produced by the copy machine or older printers, but I don't have that problem with digital prints. It seems like printing time is a lot shorter with my new digital printer, too. The old one made loud noises and shot the paper forth in small spurts. It always looked a little wrinkled and pruned from all the ink. One of our editors will review your suggestion and make changes if warranted. Note that depending on the number of suggestions we receive, this can take anywhere from a few hours to a few days. Thank you for helping to improve wiseGEEK!

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We’ve been writing all year about rice–how it’s cultivated, harvested, consumed. But at the end of the day, it’s all about eating it! Rice is one of the most delicious and nutritious foods eaten by people all over the world. Rice is packed with nutrition. Nutritionally classified as a carbohydrate, rice provides sustaining energy. It depends on the type, but generally rice is a good source of calcium, thiamine, pantothenic acid, folate and vitamin E. Red rice provides additional levels of iron and zinc, and black rice is rich in anthocyanins, which are powerful antioxidants. And rice that hasn’t had the bran polished off provides high levels of fiber and small amounts of protein. Because rice is eaten around the world, it is a key crop used to help reduce or prevent hunger and malnutrition. As a source of readily-absorbed energy, eating rice mitigates starvation. Genetically-modified rice such as Golden Rice, “iron-clad” rice and “high zinc-uptake” rice are new varieties that help to provide vitamin A, iron and zinc to people whose diets severely lack these necessary nutrients. So, rice is good for you… but people really love rice because of how it tastes. Rice is considered a delicious food across numerous cultures, whether it is served plain or highly seasoned. While different types of rice are preferred in Southeast Asian, Indian, Latin American and Western cultures, Japanese people typically find short-grain rice to be the most delicious. Rice is composed of two types of starch molecules: amylose and amylopectin. Amylose is a long-chain starch molecule that keeps rice firm and prevents it from gelatinizing. Long-grain rice has a high amylose content and will cook up defined and fluffy grains that won’t stick together. Amylopectin is a short-chain, branched starch molecule and rice that has a high amylopectin content will cook up sticky, soft, and creamy depending on the amount of water added to cook. When rice cooks, the heat and cooking liquid break down the starch molecules and activate them, so the grains become soft to eat. Short-grain rice is higher in amylopectin than in amylose, so when it is cooked, the rice grains will plump up and stick together. Many Japanese people prefer the texture and the taste of this type of rice because it is the perfect complement to delicately flavored Japanese dishes. What kind of rice is your favorite? Let us know in the comments below!

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Conventional wisdom holds that the Lochner Court illegitimately used the Constitution's due process clauses to strike down Progressive legislation designed to protect the poor and powerless against big business. This book systematically examines all of the U.S. Supreme Court's substantive due process cases from 1897 through 1937 and finds that they do not support long-held beliefs about the Lochner Court. The Court was more Progressive than commonly imagined, striking down far fewer laws on substantive due process grounds than is generally believed. The laws it overturned were not invariably social legislation, and relatively few due process cases involved freedom of contract. Moreover, Holmes, despite his reputation as a Great Dissenter, joined many of the cases striking down government action. The book attacks three familiar normative criticisms of the Lochner Court. It accerts that (1) the Court's substantive due process decisions almost certainly were not motivated by a conscious desire to assist business by suppressing social legislation; only sometimes did the justices' nostalgia for laissez-faire lead to this result; (2) the conservative justices' understanding of business and government often exceeded that found in the typical "Brandeis Brief"; and (3) most applications of Lochner-era substantive due process cannot readily be described as illegitimate assertions of judicial power lacking justification in the due process clauses.

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1 Answer | Add Yours In Chapter 1, George and Lennie arrive at a pool on the bank of the Salinas River. This is where they camp for the night. George makes it a point that Lennie remembers the area; Lennie is to return here if anything should go wrong at their next job. Lennie--if you jus' happen to get in trouble like you always done before, I want you to come right here an' hide in the brush. In Chapter 3, as dusk turns to night, George is in the bunkhouse and Lennie is in the barn with the puppy. Eventually, Lennie comes into the bunkhouse and gets into a fight with Curley. In Chapter 4, on a Saturday night, when George goes out with the other ranchers, Lennie goes to Crooks' room and talks with him, Candy, and Curley's wife. In Chapter 6, Lennie has retreated to the banks of the Salinas River. George and the other ranchers are on his tracks. It is around this time that afternoon is turning to evening. We’ve answered 318,936 questions. We can answer yours, too.Ask a question

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In part 1 of “Deciphering Food Labels”, I looked at the common terms we find on food labels and what they actually mean. It’s time now to confront the facts and figures! Although nutritional information can look pretty scary at first glance, it’s relatively easy to work out whether it’s a healthy food or not, or whether it’s a food that fits with your chosen diet, or style of eating. To make things more practical and meaningful, I’ve got 2 labels I’m going to compare, which highlights some useful information, such as the nutritional balance of a food, and how much we actually consume per serving. Looking at the balance of the macro-nutrients for example, i.e. carbohydrate, protein and fat, can determine how the food might affect energy levels and blood sugar balance. Simply reading the list of ingredients can be enough for you to decide whether you want to eat the food or not, however, glancing at the figures can provide a more rounded view. So let’s take a look at two different food labels The one on top is an example of a healthy, simple bar (in this case, Nakd Strawberry Crunch!) and just below is a well-known brand that makes cereal bars for children. Firstly, let’s consider the “per 100g” column. This best reveals the nutritional “balance” of the food. Think of the grams as percentages. If I look at the first label (Nakd Strawberry Crunch), I can immediately see that the bar is approximately 18% protein, 49% carbohydrate and 9% fat – a healthy balanced food – not too high in carbs or fat with sufficient protein to keep energy and blood sugar levels steady. Now let’s compare this to the second label: Immediately I am struck by the high carbohydrate percentage (71%) the low protein proportion (4%) and it’s higher fat percentage (15%). Of course looking at the somewhat “car crash” list of ingredients, I can count up to 18 ingredients, all of which are some form of processed sugar, determining this high proportion of sugar. Is it any better ‘per bar’? Let’s turn to the “per bar” or “per serving” column, and pick out the essentials here. This is where you’ll find the actual figures or amounts of calories and nutrients you will consuming. Firstly, consider how the food in question fits into your entire diet. The Nakd bar below contains a mere 109 kilocalories (kcals), which for a person eating an “average” 2000 kcal a day diet, means it’s about 5% of the total food or calorie content for the day - a relatively small amount. One might consider this, therefore, as a useful snacking food, which, per bar, is low in carbs and fat, yet has a good amount of fibre and protein. The other bar is unsurprisingly higher in calories, higher in carbs and sugars, higher in fat, and lower in protein and fibre. Although, again, it would only make up a small percentage of the diet as a whole, I know which bar I would prefer, in order to eat healthily, and remain energised. Another useful piece of information is the “of which sugars” which sits in brackets under the term carbohydrate. This can be a little misleading, because it doesn’t differentiate between naturally present sugars, and “added” or processed sugars. This is revealed of course in the list of ingredients, so go here first! Count the ingredients! Nakd Strawberry Crunch - Dates (43%), Soya Crunchies (17%), Cashews (17%), Raisins (17%), Strawberries (2%), Apple Juice Concentrate (2%) and a hint of natural flavouring. Other cereal bar - Toasted Rice Cereal (24% Rice, Sugar, Milk Chocolate -(6% Sugar , Cocoa Mass, Whole Milk Powder, Cocoa Butter, Skimmed Milk Powder), Cocoa Powder, Glucose Syrup, Salt, Malt Extract (from Barley)), Sugar Puffs (17% - Wheat, Glucose-Fructose Syrup, Sugar, Honey, Glucose Syrup, Molasses, Niacin, Iron, Riboflavin, Thiamine), Chocolate Flavoured Drizzle (15% - Sugar, Vegetable Fat, Fat Reduced Cocoa Powder, Whey Powder, Skimmed Milk Powder, Emulsifier (Soya Lecithin), Natural Vanilla), Milk Chocolate Chips- (12.8% Sugar, Cocoa Butter, Cocoa Mass, Whole Milk Powder, Whey Powder, Emulsifier (Soya Lecithin)), Marshmallow (6.4% -Glucose-Fructose Syrup, Sugar, Gelatine, Maize Starch, Flavouring), Glucose Syrup, Vegetable Oil, Invert Sugar Syrup, Humectant (Glycerol), Sugar, Sweetened Condensed Milk, Fructose, Cocoa Powder. Which one would you rather eat? The sugars in the Nakd bar are natural, and predominantly come from dates, raisins, strawberries and apple juice, whereas the sugars in the other bar are pretty much all processed, including sugar, glucose syrup, and glucose-fructose syrup. These refined or processed sugars are linked to many health problems such as obesity, diabetes and fatty liver. The total figure for carbohydrate includes both “complex” sugars (often called starches) and “simple” sugars. Hopefully, looking at food labels will now appear a little more meaningful to you. You’re certainly in a better position to decide whether the food you are considering is something you want to include in your diet. Check out the first part of our food labels exploration in case you missed it the first time.

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A total hip joint replacement is an operation to remove a severely impaired hip joint and replace it with an artificial joint. The aim of the surgery is to relieve pain and restore function to the joint. This is a common operation undertaken in New Zealand as elective (non-urgent) surgery in both public and private hospitals, typically involving a 4-7 day hospital stay. If the operation is undertaken privately (i.e in a private hospital and paid for by the patient or through health insurance), the cost is likely to be between $15,000 and $24,900 (Health Funds Association 2013). In 2012, a particular type of artificial hip joint was recalled by its manufacturer due to a higher than expected failure rate. People who have had a hip replacement and have concerns, or are experiencing pain or discomfort, should see their doctor. Despite these recent concerns arising from this joint recall, hip replacement is a safe and successful procedure that reduces pain and improves mobility. In a healthy hip, smooth cartilage covers the ends of the femur (thighbone), as well as the socket (known as the acetabulum) in the pelvis into which the ball end of the femur fits. The cartilage acts as a cushion and allows the ball to glide easily inside the socket. The surrounding muscles support the joint, allowing it to move freely. The most common cause of deterioration of the hip joint is osteoarthritis . This condition causes the cartilage to become damaged and worn, allowing the bones within the joint to rub together. Movement of the joint causes the ball to grind into the socket, causing the bone ends to become roughened and irregular. This, together with the development of small breaks in the bone, causes pain and stiffness. Other conditions that can damage the hip joint to the extent that it requires replacement include rheumatoid arthritis (inflammatory arthritis) and hip fractures (particularly in the elderly). An orthopaedic surgeon will assess the need for a hip replacement, taking into account medical history, lifestyle, physical examination and x-rays of the damaged hip(s). A hip replacement is a major operation and there are many things to consider before deciding upon surgery. As part of making a decision as to whether to opt for hip replacement surgery or not, the risks and benefits of the surgery should be discussed. The most common risks associated with hip joint replacement include: - Anaesthetic risks (common to all surgery) - Infection – both of the wound and of the artificial hip joint itself - The development of blood clots - Damage to the nerves and blood vessels surrounding the hip joint - Dislocation of the artificial hip joint - A change in the length of the leg that has been operated on. A hip replacement operation can be performed using either local or general anaesthetic. This will be discussed with the anaesthetist prior to surgery and a decision made as to which anaesthetic is appropriate. The artificial hip joint (prosthesis) consists of a ball and stem (the femoral component) and a socket (the acetabular component). There are many different types of prosthesis made of various metals (eg: stainless steel, chrome, titanium), ceramics, plastic, or a combination of these. The two components of the prosthesis fit together to form a smooth joint. Some prostheses are “cemented” into place using special acrylic bone cement. Others do not require cement and rely on bone growing around the prosthesis to anchor them into place. Surgery begins with an incision being made along the side of the hip joint that is to be replaced. The muscles that support the hip joint are detached and the damaged ball of the hip joint is cut from the top of the femur. The femoral component of the prosthesis is inserted into the femur and the acetabular component of the prosthesis is inserted into the prepared socket area in the pelvic bone. The artificial ball and socket are then fitted together and the surgeon reattaches the muscles to the top of the femur. Drainage tubes may be inserted to drain any fluid and/or blood from the new joint and the incision is then closed. Antibiotics are usually given during and after the operation to prevent the development of infection in the new joint. A blood transfusion may also be required. This will be discussed by the surgeon prior to surgery. A Hip Prosthesis After surgery, nursing staff will closely monitor blood pressure, heart rate, breathing rate and oxygen levels. Additionally they will monitor the circulation in the leg involved. A catheter will be in place to drain urine from the bladder. This usually stays in place for 24 – 48 hrs. Pain will be managed by administering pain relieving medications by tablet and via a drip in the hand or arm. Some people may have an infusion of pain relieving medication administered through a small tube into the back (an epidural). This is usually given for up to 48 hrs after surgery. Fluid will be administered through a drip (intravenously) until the patient is eating and drinking well. Antibiotics will also be given via the drip for the first 24 – 48 hrs after surgery. A hip prosthesis has a limited range of motion compared to a natural hip and special care will need to be taken until the soft tissue around the new hip joint has healed. Certain movements and positions must be avoided to reduce the chance of dislocation. The first six weeks after surgery is the highest risk time for dislocation of the new hip. After surgery the healthcare team will work together to set movement guidelines and exercises that will assist with recovery. The success of the surgery depends on following these instructions while in hospital and carrying out the prescribed exercises when at home. In general, the following guidelines may be given for recovery when at home: - Don’t cross the legs (including the ankles) - Don’t bend down low - Avoid lifting heavy objects - Avoid forceful or jarring movement of the hip - Avoid twisting movements of the hip - Don’t lie on the operated side - Always have a pillow between the legs when lying on the unoperated side - Don’t stand for long periods - Sit in a firm chair with arms (to assist getting in and out of the chair) - Treat scratches and cuts promptly to decrease the chance of infection affecting the new joint The time spent in hospital can vary but is usually four to seven days. The health care team will make an ongoing assessment of recovery and will recommend when discharge home is appropriate. It is important to have support at home upon discharge. A part of the healthcare team’s assessment will be to discuss if special equipment needs to be installed to assist at home or if home help needs to be arranged. Crutches will need to be used for up to six weeks after the operation. By six weeks, the majority of people should be able to return to most normal activities, including driving. Full recovery can take three to six months. It is usual to see the surgeon two to six weeks after surgery to assess recovery. Long-term follow up may also be recommended in order to monitor the wear of the artificial joint. It may be that replacement of the artificial hip joint will be recommended if it wears significantly. American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons (2011) Orthoinfo: Total Hip Replacement. Illinois: American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons. http://orthoinfo.aaos.org/topic.cfm?topic=A00377 Arthritis New Zealand (2012) concerned? Talk with your GP about your hip replacement. Wellington www.arthritis.org.nz/?s=replacement&x=0&y=0 Canterbury District Health Board (2004) Information about Hip and Knee surgery. National Joint Registry. Canterbury District Health Board. www.cdhb.govt.nz/NJR/Hipknee.htm Davidson, T (2006) Joint replacement. The Gale Encyclopaedia of Medicine. Third Edition. Longe J. L. (editor). Farmington Hills. MI. Thompson Gale. Last Reviewed – 26 April 2013

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If you or someone else in your household has just been diagnosed with Celiac Disease, Autism or your doctor recommends a Gluten Free diet, the feelings can be completely overwhelming! Even if going Gluten Free is a personal choice, there are certainly challenges along the way. That’s why the G-Free Foodie team has created our Get Started Gluten Free Guide, so the information you need to eat safely and stay healthy is all in one place. Please let us know if we can help you in any other way and search our blogs, restaurant database and recipes for help. When we find another great resource or article, we’ll list it here for you – so check back for guidance & inspiration on your way to a healthy G-Free life! First, you need to know what Gluten is. Here’s a definition: What is Gluten? Gluten (from Latin gluten “glue”) is a composite of the proteins gliadin and glutenin. These exist, conjoined with starch, in the endosperms of some grass-related grains, notably wheat, rye, and barley. Gluten, dried and milled to powder and added to ordinary flour dough, improves rising and increases the bread’s structural stability and chewiness, the added gluten provides supplemental protein to what would otherwise be high-carbohydrate preparations. The protein content of pet foods is also enhanced by adding gluten. When cooked in broth, gluten absorbs some of the surrounding liquid (including the taste) and becomes firm to the bite, so is widely used in vegetarian, vegan and Buddhist cuisines as a meat substitute. The “Codex Alimentarius” set of international standards for food labeling has a standard relating to the labeling of products as “gluten free”, however this standard does not apply to “foods which in their normal form do not contain gluten”. Gluten is used as a stabilizing agent in products like make-up, ice cream, lunch meats, and ketchup, where it may be unexpected. Products of this kind present a problem because the hidden gluten constitutes a hazard for people with Celiac disease or gluten intolerance: In the United States, at least, gluten might not be listed on the labels of such foods because the U.S Food and Drug Administration has classified gluten as GRAS (Generally recognized as safe). Got that? Yeah, it’s a lot to take in – that’s why we’re here. In short – Gluten is a protein found in wheat, barley & rye. It’s cheap, so it gets added into all kinds of products for filler or for stabilization. Things you need to know: Our policy for eating foods here at G-Free Foodie is: “If you don’t know, then NO!” It might sound a bit harsh or challenging, but it is FOR SURE better than getting sick or damaging your body. This gets easier, we promise. You will find more & more items that taste good and are good for you, and eating G-Free will become part of life. Gluten goes by lots of names. Here’s our G-Free Foodie Guide – Ingredient Names for Gluten, so you know what to look for on packages and products. Gluten hides in other places. Here’s a list of products & ingredients that could contain Gluten. If the product isn’t clearly labeled Gluten Free or you don’t know the source of these products, Don’t eat it! G-Free Foodie Guide – Ingredients that MAY Contain Gluten Gluten is included in many body care, hair care & make-up products, often as Vitamin E or wheat protein. We have a G-Free Foodie Guide to Gluten-Free Make-Up & Body Care to help guide you, but read the ingredients of all of your personal care supplies. It isn’t uncommon for people who are Gluten Free to have other allergies or intolerances. You’ll find that many Gluten Free products are soy, nut, egg or dairy free, or that mixes can be made that way. We provide a list of our recipes that are also dairy free (GFCF) and a Guide for Substituting Egg in recipes and Dairy Alternatives too. We provide a national database of Gluten Free restaurants and a Gluten Free Guide to Fast Food to help you find safe food while you’re out. Your local neighborhood restaurant may be able to help you, as well, but you may have to help them help you! First, you need to become familiar with what you can & can’t eat. Then, have a frank conversation with a head chef or management person at the restaurant where you wish to dine. If you aren’t confident that the staff understands what Gluten is, or that they won’t be making a good-faith effort to keep you & your family safe – leave. If somebody is willing to work with you and wants to make you happy, work with them – or ask them to contact G-Free Foodie, the Gluten Intolerance Group of North America or the National Foundation for Celiac Awareness for more information. Also, accept that you’re eventually going to get “dosed.” Even well-meaning restaurants make mistakes, and cross contamination happens. Our advice is to inform the restaurant, decide whether or not you’re planning to go back, and dine out again soon. Why go out again soon? Because once you’re feeling better, you’ve got to get back on the horse. No one is happy living in a Gluten-Free bubble. Establishing a Gluten Free home, or at least a safe home: First, decide whether your kitchen will be entirely G-Free or “compromised.” A compromised kitchen contains items that are not Gluten Free (this is often the choice for families that haven’t all adopted a G-Free diet.) Eliminate or Segregate the Gluten in Equipment. If your kitchen is becoming entirely Gluten Free, you’ll need to run everything through the dishwasher, wipe shelves & cupboards clean, run an oven cleaning cycle, and get rid of contaminated small appliances that can’t be thoroughly cleaned (toaster or toaster oven, etc.) If your kitchen is compromised, we recommend all the cleaning steps listed, but then organizing separate drawers and shelves for G-Free items. Some people choose to buy a set of G-Free equipment in another color (all red, etc.) to mark which items are G-Free. Eliminate or Segregate Gluten in Foods. Now you’ll need to go through you pantry, fridge & freezer to throw out the items that aren’t safe. We recommend keeping a list of Gluten Ingredients and Items that MAY Contain Gluten handy for this project. If your kitchen is compromised, get several permanent markers in a bright color, and mark items that are safe with a large X or other mark so you know they are OK to eat or cook with. Think about dips, spreads & other condiments. Crumbs like to live in places like peanut butter & mayonnaise jars, jelly & more. If you’re going G-Free, throw them out & start fresh. For compromised kitchens, buy squeeze bottles when possible, and keep a marked container of G-Free spreads that never gets touched by Gluteny hands. Now check the Bathroom: as we said before, Gluten often lurks in personal care products too. Use your Gluten Ingredients list to eliminate or mark items in the same way you did in your kitchen. Remember the G-Free Foodie rule: “If you don’t know, then NO!” If you aren’t sure an item is safe, throw it out or don’t mark it. Here are some links to really helpful information from our friends at the National Foundation for Celiac Awareness:

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Disease severity of childhood Charcot-Marie-Tooth disease (CMT) has not been extensively characterized, either within or between types of CMT to date. To assess the variability of disease severity in a large cohort of children and adolescents with CMT. Design, Setting, and Participants A cross-sectional study was conducted among 520 children and adolescents aged 3 to 20 years at 8 universities and hospitals involved in the Inherited Neuropathies Consortium between August 6, 2009, and July 31, 2014, in Australia, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Data analysis was conducted from August 1, 2014, to December 1, 2015. Main Outcomes and Measures Scores on the Charcot-Marie-Tooth Disease Pediatric Scale (CMTPedS), a well-validated unidimensional clinical outcome measure to assess disease severity. This instrument includes 11 items assessing fine and gross motor function, sensation, and balance to produce a total score ranging from 0 (unaffected) to 44 (severely affected). Among the 520 participants (274 males) aged 3 to 20 years, CMT type 1A (CMT1A) was the most prevalent type (252 [48.5%]), followed by CMT2A (31 [6.0%]), CMT1B (15 [2.9%]), CMT4C (13 [2.5%]), and CMTX1 (10 [1.9%]). Disease severity ranged from 1 to 44 points on the CMTPedS (mean [SD], 21.5 [8.9]), with ankle dorsiflexion strength and functional hand dexterity test being most affected. Participants with CMT1B (mean [SD] CMTPedS score, 24.0 [7.4]), CMT2A (29.7 [7.1]), and CMT4C (29.8 [8.6]) were more severely affected than those with CMT1A (18.9 [7.7]) and CMTX1 (males: 15.3 [7.7]; females: 13.0 [3.6]) (P < .05). Scores on the CMTPedS tended to worsen principally during childhood (ages, 3-10 years) for participants with CMT4C and CMTX1 and predominantly during adolescence for those with CMT1B and CMT2A (ages, 11-20 years), while CMT1A worsened consistently throughout childhood and adolescence. For individual items, participants with CMT4C recorded more affected functional dexterity test scores than did those with all other types of CMT (P < .05). Participants with CMT1A and CMTX1 performed significantly better on the 9-hole peg test and balance test than did those with all other types of CMT (P < .05). Participants with CMT2A had the weakest grip strength (P < .05), while those with CMT2A and CMT4C exhibited the weakest ankle plantarflexion and dorsiflexion strength, as well as the lowest long jump and 6-minute walk test distances (P < .05). Multiple regression modeling identified increasing age (r = 0.356, β = 0.617, P < .001) height (r = 0.251, β = 0.309, P = .002), self-reported foot pain (r = 0.162, β = .114, P = .009), and self-reported hand weakness (r = 0.243, β = 0.203, P < .001) as independent predictors of disease severity. Conclusions and Relevance These results highlight the phenotypic variability within CMT genotypes and mutation-specific manifestations between types. This study has identified distinct functional limitations and self-reported impairments to target in future therapeutic trials. Cornett KM, Menezes MP, Bray P, Halaki M, Shy RR, Yum SW, Estilow T, Moroni I, Foscan M, Pagliano E, Pareyson D, Laurá M, Bhandari T, Muntoni F, Reilly MM, Finkel RS, Sowden J, Eichinger KJ, Herrmann DN, Shy ME, Burns J, for the Inherited Neuropathies Consortium. Phenotypic Variability of Childhood Charcot-Marie-Tooth Disease. JAMA Neurol. 2016;73(6):645-651. doi:10.1001/jamaneurol.2016.0171

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As you may already know, we have a very serious crisis going on with bees. It is referred to as the colony collapse disorder (CCD) and is something that should be on everyone’s radar screen. Why should we care about CCD? Bees play an essential role in our food supply – they pollinate our plants. Without bees, it is estimated that we will have four years to live. Right now, the bee population is shrinking by 30% each year. What’s causing CCD? Many people believe that CCD is a result of all of the toxic chemicals that we spray on our crops and the huge amount of GMOs that we plant, which provide for no biodiversity. In an effort to support the bees, Whole Foods has launched a great initiative to educate consumers about this problem and to help raise funds in order to reverse their disappearance. For the months of June and July, Whole Foods is offering its shoppers the following: · Education: Find stories, videos and more ways to support honey bees at www.wholefoodsmarket.com/sharethebuzz. · Movies: Whole Foods has an online film festival called Do Something Reel. For the month of June, the film “Queen of the Sun: What the Bees are Telling Us” will be featured. See the trailer below. · Fundraising: For every organic cantaloupe sold at Whole Foods from June 13 to 26, 25 cents will be donated to Xerces, a non-profit organization that protects wildlife through the conservation of invertebrates and their habitats. Furthermore, the U.S. Department of Agriculture will offer a 1:1 match for all donations made to Xerces. I am very happy that Whole Foods has stepped up to the plate and is using its resources to bring attention to this incredibly important cause. When Whole Foods decides to get behind something, it can really move the needle. But we cannot rely on Whole Foods alone to solve the problem. It will require the participation of every single one of us. The consequences of CCD are too disastrous to ignore.

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Language Learning & Technology Vol. 6, No.3, September 2002, pp. 87-107 INTEGRATING INTERNET-BASED READING MATERIALS INTO THE FOREIGN LANGUAGE CURRICULUM: FROM TEACHER- TO STUDENT-CENTERED APPROACHES Paginated PDF version University of Washington ABSTRACTWhereas many educators enthusiastically embrace the use of Internet-based reading materials, little theoretical and empirical research exists that demonstrates how to make use of such practices in a sound pedagogical way. This article provides guidance to teachers and curriculum developers by describing three approaches to integrating Internet-based reading materials into a foreign language curriculum. The design of an Internet-based lesson is largely determined by a teacher's pedagogical approach, her/his technological expertise, and the students' language proficiency. In light of these factors, the approach to the pedagogical design of successful lessons falls along a continuum from being teacher-determined or teacher-facilitated to student-determined. In more detail, lesson designs may distinguish themselves in the following areas: Based on concrete sample lessons, this article describes the strengths and challenges of each approach from a pedagogical, technological and designer's point of view. - the learning resources, that is, the topics and content, text type - the scope of the learning environment, that is, the number of different sources (sites or links) to be integrated - the learning tasks, that is, the ways in which the learners explore the reading materials, synthesize and assimilate what they have learned. - the degree of teacher and learner involvement in determining the areas mentioned above In recent years, the use of the World Wide Web (WWW) as a resource for language learning materials has gained increasing popularity among language teachers. As the Internet keeps expanding, listserves, newsletters, and even journal articles keep listing and pointing out potential Web sites that can be used in language learning. Furthermore, the literature on Web-based instruction reveals numerous personal accounts, informally collected student surveys, or occasionally some pilot studies on students' experiences using Internet-based resources (Brandl, 2002; Lee 1998; Osuna & Meskill, 1998; Warshauer, 2000). What still remain rare, however, are models and guidelines that are based on theoretical or empirical research findings to guide teachers and teacher trainers towards pedagogically sound practices. As Chun and Plass (2000) point out, "the use of networked environment for learning in general, and for second language acquisition in particular, raises many questions regarding the design of these environments that differ from the traditional design of text-based and stand-alone systems" (p. 152). This article focuses on the exploration of authentic materials as available on the WWW in primary visual and verbal/textual modes. I will concentrate on the interpretive mode of communication, or reading skills, as this is, besides writing, currently one of the two best suited to the Web.1 In particular, I will present three different approaches to using Internet-based resources, discuss the rationale for each design based on empirical and theoretical research, and furthermore include a short description of technological skills involved. The article concludes with a list of guidelines to provide further guidance in the implementation of Internet-based lessons. DEVELOPING INTERNET-BASED READING LESSONS: TOWARDS A SOUND PEDAGOGICAL RATIONALE AND DESIGN The Internet as a resource can enrich and expand language instruction. There are numerous reasons in favor of integrating the Internet into a language curriculum. Chun and Plass (2000, p. 161) mention general capabilities of features of the WWW that have the potential to enhance language learning. These are a) the universal availability of authentic materials, b) the communication capabilities through networking, c) the multimedia capabilities, and d) the nonlinear (hypermedia) structure of the information. The most compelling reason is definitely the convenience in accessing and obtaining an endless supply of authentic materials in target languages. The WWW has brought the world to the fingertips of each learner. Applying the WWW to foreign language teaching also provides the opportunity to meet the Standards in several ways (Walz, 1998): "Competence in more than one language and culture enables people to gain access to additional bodies of knowledge; … all students learn in a variety of ways and settings; … language and culture education incorporate effective technologies; and using the Web is consistent with learning theories about learning to read authentic materials" (p. 104). As pointed out by the rationale above, there are numerous convincing arguments in favor of integrating Internet-based materials into a foreign language curriculum. At the same time, several arguments can be made that ask for a more cautious approach when using the Internet. The Internet is not an ideal way of delivering instruction, and there are numerous challenges to overcome. First, there are still many limitations on interactivity and bandwidth. Second, the hyper-linked structure and presentation of information on the Internet may easily cause students to get lost. Third, we have no control over the quality and accuracy of the contents of the information. In other words, the use of the Internet resources completely depends on reader judgment, which presupposes solid language proficiency and critical reading skills. Fourth, little theoretical and empirical research actually exists that demonstrates how to make use of Internet-based materials or how to design tasks that allow the learners to explore these materials and yield expected learning outcomes. In the same vein, little is known about students' attitudes towards the integration of Web-based readings in the foreign language curriculum. FROM TEACHER TO STUDENT-CENTERED APPROACHES An important principle of communicative language teaching is the use of authentic materials. A great deal of research has been conducted on how to integrate such materials along with pedagogically well-designed reading tasks into the foreign language curriculum (for a review of selected readings on design of reading lessons see Grellet, 1981; Lee & VanPatten, 1995; Omaggio-Hadley, 2001). As Omaggio-Hadley points out, the design of appropriate comprehension tasks for written discourse becomes a function of text type, the purpose for which the comprehender is reading, and the background information and language proficiency skills the reader brings to the text. In general, instructional strategies that have been suggested constitute a combination of bottom-up, top-down, and interactive approaches that guide the learner to approach the processing and decoding of a text from different perspectives (for a review see Omaggio-Hadley, 2001; Grellet, 1981). Such instructional practices by-and-large can be applied most successfully in a text-specific approach, in which the instructor guides the learners through a text, matching text and reading tasks with the proficiency level and needs of the students. Undoubtedly, there are many pedagogical justifications for this approach. In principal, the approach to task and lesson design of Internet-based reading materials should follow the same guidelines suggested in the literature on reading methodology. Needless to say, the open-ended structure of the Internet limits the possibility of a text-specific and interactive teacher-student approach. Furthermore, the use of the Internet as a learning environment requires some technological skills and knowledge. This raises the question on how to take full advantage of the vast amount of Internet resources. In particular, what technological skills are necessary and how can learning tasks be designed that make Internet-based resources accessible to the learners. By-and-large, little empirical Internet-based research exists that provides us with clear guidelines. Furstenberg (1997) suggests student tasks should "exploit the associative nature of hypertext or hypermedia so that students can collaboratively discover and construct new connections, which they combine in a coherent whole" (p. 24). She sees the role of the instructor or Web designer as that of designing "tasks that enable students to tell us what they have seen, learned, or understood and that enable students to work collaboratively to create valid arguments, contexts, and stories that they can support, illustrate, and justify" (p. 24). An effective way to engage foreign language (FL) students in an active-interactive reading process is also to have them write about what they read. Writing about one's reading experience seems to facilitate reading comprehension and leads to the discovery of the different factors that intervene in the reading process (Martínez-Lage, 1995; Zamel, 1992). Warshauer (1997) recommends that computer-mediated communication activities be experiential and goal-oriented, and that tasks be consistent with principles of situated learning (i.e., that learners engage in meaningful tasks and solve meaningful problems that are of interest to the learners and can also be applied in multiple contexts). Such principles in activity design also need to apply to the use and exploration of Internet-based resources. The findings of a recent study by Osuna and Meskill (1998) provide support for Warshauer's recommendations. Their research involved the piloting of five Spanish language activities for which they used the Internet. The activities consisted of planning a family trip to Madrid, describing photos from Argentina, comparing the Universidad Autónoma de México to the students' own college, finding places for leisure activities in Chile, and creating an authentic Mexican meal. They assessed 13 learners' perceptions of their experiences in terms of both language and cultural learning, as well as their attitudes towards the medium. Based on the results, their subjects enjoyed theses activities and believed that their language and cultural knowledge increased quite a bit. An interpretation of their data suggests that the subjects assessed those tasks that engaged them in real-world activities highest, as it was in particular the case with the creation of an authentic Mexican meal, and least so with the description of photos from Argentina. Considering the variety of factors (e.g., curricular goals, pedagogical issues, learner needs, student proficiency levels, the hypertext-based structure of the Internet, technological and design issues) that influence the decision whether and how to use the Internet, I propose three different types of lesson designs that lend themselves well to integrate Internet-based resources into a foreign language learning curriculum. The three lesson designs are based on the degree of teacher and student involvement in determining the content (choice and selection of topics and Internet-based materials), the scope of the learning environment (number of different sources: sites or links), and the learning processes and tasks (ways of exploring the reading materials). In other words, the design of such lessons may distinguish themselves ranging from being very teacher-centered, where teachers take a central role in controlling content and learning tasks (see Appendix A), to being very student-centered. In the latter, the teacher' roles vary from being a facilitator, designer, and guide (see Appendix B) to a resource person (see Appendix C). Moving from a teacher-centered to a student-centered approach assigns the learners an increasing role in taking charge of their own learning. It promotes the development of learner independence and autonomy, and thus follows principles of communicative language learning (Omaggio, 2001). When shifting from teacher-centered to student-centered designs, the students' levels of proficiency play an increasing pivotal role that also need to be taken into account. The learners need to have a minimal functional proficiency that allows them to explore an open-ended environment as the Internet without the intervention of an instructor. Nevertheless, the degree of teacher and student involvement in making decisions regarding the choice of resources, the scope of learning environment, and comprehension tasks closely correspond to the learner's level of language expertise. In the following section, I will present three different approaches to lesson design, two of which are teacher-centered, and the third taking a student-centered approach. I will demonstrate how lessons can be configured varying in their degree of teacher guidance and involvement, learner autonomy, and authentic exploration of Internet-based materials. For each approach, I will discuss its strengths and challenges from a pedagogical, designer, and technological point of view. APPROACH 1: TEACHER-DETERMINED LESSONS The reading lesson in Appendix A demonstrates an example of a teacher-centered approach to providing reading instruction online. The reading activities and materials of this approach are comparable to the computer as an online electronic workbook. The teacher prescreens and selects reading materials or cultural readings from Internet-based or other resources, designs comprehension activities, and makes them available through his/her Web page. The pedagogical strength of this approach lies in the text-specific approach to exploring authentic cultural (textual or images) resources. By pre-selecting and preparing the readings, the instructor tailors the contents and tasks to the students' proficiency level. He/she scaffolds the reading tasks by guiding the learners through the texts. The tasks are designed to support the reader's comprehension process focusing on textual, linguistic and cultural features. Depending on the text, the reader's background and proficiency level, guided reading instruction, in particular in form of management strategies and comprehension checks, has its pedagogical strength at all levels of instruction. As Cobb and Stevens (1996) point out, "Second language readers may not have automated one or more of the component processes of reading in the second language, such as word decoding and recognition, resulting in working memory overload and diversion of attention away from the construction of a text model. Or, at a higher processing level, readers may not be familiar with semantic or discourse schemata specific to the culture of the second langue, so that they have no preactivated scaffolding to help them summarize and organize the details of the incoming text, and quickly face overload" (p.122). Furthermore, in particular at beginning levels, the text-specific approach to reading allows the instructor to support the second language readers in decoding and recognition of vocabulary, for example, by providing specific word glosses and word recognition training. As some scholars argue, glosses, rather than distraction readers, ensure more fluent reading of the selection and enhance comprehension of a text (Davis, 1989; Martínez-Lage, 1997). The approach to reading instruction in the example above is nothing new, and one might ask the question, what are the actual advantages of the Internet-based reading activities over the reading activities based on authentic printed resources. There are benefits that are unquestionable to both instructors and students, which make such application worthwhile. Reading is a silent process that is best done individually. The learners get to explore authentic reading materials outside of class at their own pace. This frees up classroom time that can be spent more effectively getting students involved in communicative language learning activities. Furthermore, depending on the instructional program design, students' answers may be automatically tallied and forwarded to the instructor. The strongest argument, however, for providing online reading might be that the online environment allows one to take advantage of a vast amount of images and the hypermedia functions to attach text and images to a particular text. A great deal of research exists that supports the use of images in a variety of ways. For example, visual aids have been found effective as advance organizers, because they help to build background knowledge pertinent to the target text and facilitate the contextualization of what is being read (Omaggio, 1979). Pictorial cues can also increase comprehension of a reading passage, in particular with low proficiency readers (Hudson, 1982). Cultural images can function to enrich a text. They can be used by instructors to "catch students' attention, capitalize on natural curiosity and encourage student prediction by asking how the illustrations might relate to the text" (Barnett, 1989, p. 117). Furthermore, the use of visual imagery aids allows for providing concrete images of unfamiliar words. Such instructional practices not only support the learning process of new vocabulary (Kellogg & Howe, 1971), but also enhance incidental learning of vocabulary (Chun & Plass, 1996). In conclusion, depending on text type and reading tasks, this approach lends itself for all levels of instruction. Students' responses to reading tasks are limited by the capacity of authoring packages, which at its best allow for automatic tailoring of true/false, matching, or multi-choice answers. Any open-ended student response that goes beyond one-word answers requires the intervention of an instructor to assess the students' work. The development of reading lessons as demonstrated in this approach may be time consuming and cumbersome. To create such activities, skills and expertise in language pedagogy, instructional design, and some programming are required. The latter may include experience with HTML editors, HTML or Internet-based authoring packages such as Half-Baked Software,2 or WebCT. Other technological skills such as the use of scanners and graphic programs are recommended. The use of Internet-based resources may also require copyright clearance in many instances. APPROACH 2: TEACHER-FACILITATED LESSONS Internet-based reading activities that have gained most wide-spread attention and popularity among language teachers and students are those in which the instructor provides a set of learning tasks that engage the learners in exploring reading materials in their authentic environments. Based on the example presented in Appendix B, the approach to this type of Internet-reading lessons can be simply described in the following way. The instructor determines a particular topic and set of goals for his lesson, such exploring German cities, or Mexican restaurants. The teacher prescreens and selects a set of sites to ensure its contents are appropriate for their pedagogical goals. Through a particular task design, the instructor facilitates the students' reading process and guides the learners to explore a variety of pre-selected resources, thus providing a clear goal to be accomplished by the students. Furthermore, the tasks are designed so "they are not so broad that students wander aimlessly through the material yet open enough to provide multiple paths, outcomes, and interpretations, which can form the basis for subsequent classroom interaction" (Furstenberg, 1997, p. 24). In this way, the teacher controls the navigational scope and the number and kind of Internet sites that the students access. Despite the restriction, the learner has some autonomy as the tasks provide the learner a choice in the sites he or she accesses and explores. Task types usually include comparisons, gathering factual information, descriptions, and short summaries. The outcome of the student assignments is clearly defined, but open-ended. The teacher's role can best be described as a guide and facilitator. The students follow the teacher's lead but get to explore the contents themselves. The approach to integrating Internet-based resources in a foreign language curriculum as outlined above can be supported by many arguments. One major difference between lesson type 1 and 2 above has to do with the degree of control of the reading process, in other words, how the learners are to approach the reading text. Although plenty of arguments speak in favor of a structured and guided approach to decoding a text, ultimately students need to learn this by themselves. There is some evidence that students who rely excessively on instructional help are not learning as much as those who try to solve problems themselves. Pederson (1986), for example, demonstrated differences in cognitive processing between students who had access to help on their reading comprehension to those you did not. "The results indicate that passage-unavailable treatment always resulted in comparatively higher comprehension rate than occurred in counterpart passage-available treatment regardless of the level of question or level of verbal ability" (p. 39). In other words, "greater benefit was derived from the subjects' being aware that they were required to do all their processing of the text prior to viewing the question" (p. 38; cited in Cobb & Stevens, 1996, p. 133). The approach to exploring information in a nonlinear (hypermedia) structure on the Web may have additional potential to enhance students' reading skills. Spiro and Jehng (1990), for instance, suggest that the design of hypertexts should be based on a "cognitive flexibility theory," allowing the reader to access information in various sequences and to return to the same place on different occasions, coming from different directions. A central claim of the theory is that revisiting the same material, in rearranged contexts and from different conceptual perspectives, aids in advanced knowledge acquisition" (cited in Chun & Plass, 2000, p. 163). For example, many learners have the tendency to approach and read a text linearly rather than holistically. In this way, they often fail to draw inferences from outside the context as one might be expected to do when reading a text (Cobb & Stevens, 1996). The hypertext organization of information on the Internet that asks them to jump around between texts, may thus help them with the development of more holistic strategies. This structure and the access to immediate information presented by difference sources (e.g., news topics, or newspaper ads) also allows for comparisons of texts, which can teach students to become critical readers (Walz, 2001). As also suggested by the recent National Standards (1999), the objective of foreign language learning should be to teach students how to read critically on their own, especially with the Internet, which often involves independent reading (Walz, 2001). Above, I have pointed out several arguments in favor of integrating authentic materials from the Web, in particular with regard to the availability of and access to non-linear resources. Yet, the abundance of information and the hypertext and hypermedia environment can be detrimental if not controlled or if little guidance is provided. Common problems that students may encounter in hypermedia environments as the Web include difficulties in navigation and cognitive overload. The literature provides numerous accounts of students' complaints about Web-based learning activities, including taking too long to accomplish, getting lost, and feeling overwhelmed (M. Bansleben [personal communication], January 30, 2002; Lee, 1998; Osuna & Meskill, 1998). The potential source of cognitive overload and navigational problems is the structure of the hypermedia environment of the Internet itself. Each time students navigate from one hyper-linked site to the next, they encounter new information within an unfamiliar environment. In addition, there is the burden of the language that requires learner to decode not only the different structure of the information, but the basic vocabulary and syntax of the text itself (Chun & Plass, 2000). When pre-screening and selecting sites and designing exploration tasks, instructors need to pay special attention to the linguistic complexity and cognitive processes involved in processing the instructional materials. As pointed out above, through a clearly focused task design and carefully chosen sites, the instructor can control the navigational scope that helps the learners from getting lost or overwhelmed. A teacher-facilitated approach has the highest potential, especially with learners at the beginning and intermediate level, or when the exploration of the selected materials no longer requires a close intervention by the instructor to ensure the comprehension process. Furthermore, as the open-ended structure of this type of lesson design makes the students' answers less predictable than in a text-specific approach, the instructor must be prepared for a wide variety of student answers. Therefore, it is recommended that some assessment criteria be in place to indicate how students are evaluated. Being able to estimate and control students' time on task makes this approach well suited for short-term assignments to be integrated in any curriculum at the intermediate level and above. The development and preparation of teacher-facilitated, Internet-based lessons as described in this approach is fairly minimal. The pre-screening and selection process of the Internet sites may constitute the most time-consuming part, which makes knowledge about search engines and how to use them imperative. Usually the Web sites run by the individual American Associations of Language Teachers3 (e.g., the American Association of Teachers of French) list the most popular search engines and a list of resources particular to their languages. As far as technological skills are concerned, however, this makes the approach integrating Internet-based materials the most attractive approach for the intermediate foreign language classroom. Some experience with an HTML editing program is required if instructions and activities are to be provided online, although most word processors allow for the translation of a text file into an HTML document. An alternative strategy to provide instructions and learning tasks online is to make this information available by means of a worksheet. One of the drawbacks of using authentic sites is that the instructor needs to keep track of the functionality of the links. URL addresses constantly change and sites do disappear. Therefore, it is recommended that alternative sites be provided, in case some sites are no longer accessible. APPROACH 3: LEARNER-DETERMINED LESSONS Learner-determined lessons follow an approach to integrating Internet-based resources that is entirely learner-centered. As seen from the examples in Appendix C, the learners determine the topics, reading materials, and the way they go about exploring the readings themselves. They decide on the process and the product, formulate the goals, identify Internet-based resources, and make a decision on how the outcomes should be evaluated. In this way, the students take on the roles of self-directed and autonomous learners, and take full charge and responsibility for their outcomes. The teacher only gets involved in the role of a facilitator offering support and guidance throughout the process as much as necessary. Types of assessment may include teacher-, self-, or group-assessment. Assessment of learner outcomes may be teacher-directed or student-determined. Examples are short writing assignments, essays, or mini-projects or presentations that show the students' analytical and interpretative skills of cultural readings and texts. Students may also document the process and stages of their projects through diaries or maintaining a portfolio. Internet-based projects can be carried out intensively over a short period of time or extended over a few weeks. Generally speaking, this approach of integrating Internet-based materials lends itself to long-term assignments with intermediate and advanced language learners in the target language. For integration at the beginner's level, the exploration of cultural readings may have to take place in the students' L1. This approach is based on the theory of project-based learning. Its benefits have been described at various places. For example, Stoller (1997) summarizes some of the pedagogical advantages in the following way: 1) Project work focuses on content learning rather than on specific language targets. Real-world subject matter and topics of interest to students can become central to projects. 2) Project work is student-centered, though the teacher plays a major role in offering support and guidance throughout the process. 3) Project work is cooperative rather than competitive. Students can work on their own, in small groups, or as a class to complete a project, sharing resources, ideas, and expertise along the way. 4) Project work leads to the authentic integration of skills and processing of information from varied sources, mirroring real-life tasks. 5) Project work culminates in an end product (e.g., an oral presentation, a poster session, a bulletin board display, a report, or a stage performance) that can be shared with others, giving the project a real purpose. The value of the project, however, lies not just in the final product but also in the process of working towards the end point. Thus, project work has both a process and product orientation, and provides students with opportunities to focus on fluency and accuracy at different project-work stages. 6) Project work is potentially motivating, stimulating, empowering, and challenging. It usually results in building student confidence, self-esteem, and autonomy as well as improving students' language skills, content learning, and cognitive abilities. Project-oriented work embraces principles of learning that are promoted by various theories, approaches, and philosophies of learning. For example, project learning is in accordance with the principles of communicative language learning (Omaggio-Hadley, 2001). Students apply their knowledge in real-life situations by exploring authentic materials. The learning activities resemble real-world tasks. The students strive for an end product, whose goal they accomplish by collaborating with their peers in order to ultimately share what they have achieved with others. Project-oriented work also lies at the heart of autonomy in language learning. As Holec (1981) claims, autonomy is the "ability to take charge of one's learning" which is a skill" to be acquired by 'natural' means or in a systematic, deliberate way." According to Holec, learners alone are responsible for deciding what is to be learned, when, how, in what order, and by what means. It is also their responsibility to set their own goals and measure the degree to which they have been effective in attaining them. In other words, a project-oriented approach provides the passage towards these goals. The students learn about the decision-making process about topics and content, about learning and the management of it (Legutke & Thomas, 1991). The major strength of this approach lies in its constructivist approach to learning. According to Chun & Plass (2000), "Constructivist approaches to learning advocate allowing learners not only to interact directly with information to be learned, but also to add their own information and construct their own relationships" (p. 160). Learning is seen as a process in which the learner is cognitively involved in seeking answers, making generalizations, and testing the hypotheses they have generated. By taking a major role in planning and negotiating course content, the students become active contributors to their language learning rather than being passive recipients of knowledge. An Internet-based approach to project learning also lends itself well to the teaching of specific skills required to conduct research. For example, Gaspar (1998) used McKenzie's (1995) "Iterative Research Cycle" consisting of the different stages of the research process with her advanced language students. These stages are - Questioning -- Decide what information is lacking or what problem needs solving. - Planning -- Develop a strategy to efficiently locate valid information. - Gathering -- Locate the best sources, Internet and other, and collect needed information. - Sifting -- Select from what was found that information most pertinent to the research question. - Synthesizing -- Sort the information into a meaningful pattern. - Evaluating -- Assess progress in answering the research question, and if needed, return to the first step in this cycle (cited in Gaspar, 1998, p. 72). Such an instructional practice underscores and supports the development of higher-order thinking skills like "synthesizing" and "evaluating" which students need when conducting research. As Gaspar (1998) notes, students must be able to sort through the myriad of information available seeking out only that, which is pertinent to the project at hand. The use of the Internet for research purposes requires a variety of searching skills. It asks for knowledge of different search engines and how they work, such as whether they are case sensitive or not. Furthermore, it assumes the user has some information-seeking skills. Fidel et al. (1999) showed that being somewhat knowledgeable of the topic being searched is necessary for learning how to search the Web, and that being somewhat knowledgeable about Web searching is necessary for exploring new topics. It is often assumed that, because most adolescent learners are familiar with searching the Internet, they know how to do so effectively. Several studies which have investigated students' searching behavior have found that students are often lacking searching skills (Fidel, et al.1999; Nahl & Harada, 1996; Neuman, 1993). In conclusion of their findings, most of these researchers agree and recommend the need for formal training in Web searching, for teachers and students alike. Fidel et al. points to "the need for training beyond the technical competencies required for Web searching, and thus emphasize the importance of integrating information-seeking skills into the curriculum" (p. 34). The open-ended approach to exploring Internet-based resources requires language learners to have a solid foundation in their language proficiency skills. This makes the project-based approach most appropriate for intermediate and advanced language learners. The exploration of such Internet-based materials or readings is best assigned in stages on a long-term basis. Similar to a teacher-facilitated approach, the open-ended structure of a student's product makes the assessment process subjective and time consuming. Therefore, assessment rubrics are recommended to indicate how a student's product is evaluated. The technological skills required to implement this approach are minimal. If the teacher is to provide guidance to his/her students on searching the Internet, then knowledge about Web browsers, search engines and their effective use are indispensable. In the section above, I have provided a pedagogical rationale of three different approaches to using an online environment to explore Internet-based resources. I have discussed pedagogical issues such as the degree of teacher-centeredness, learner control of contents and learning processes, level of proficiency, the scope of Internet resources, and text types that need to guide the design of Internet-based reading lessons and task design (see Table 1 for overview). In the next section, I will conclude with a set of guidelines summarizing those pedagogical and instructional design issues that need to be considered during the planning and development process of any of the three approaches to lesson design. Student -centered approaches Degree of teacher-centeredness Instructor's control of contents, learning tasks, and processes Potential anticipation of student answers by instructor Learner autonomy (contents, Web environment and process) Potential use for cooperative learning Degree of pedagogical expertise (development of reading tasks, e.g., comprehension and text management strategies) Preparation time (e.g., choice of materials, pre-screening materials) Degree of technological expertise (e.g., HTML programming, Web design) Preparation of students Need for students' level of proficiency in using the Internet (e.g., doing Internet search) This section provides a set of guidelines pointing out pedagogical and instructional design issues that need be taking into account to avoid some of the pitfalls and to make the learning activity a successful experience for the learner. Does the design of your reading lesson justify the use of its medium, that is, do the learning tasks take full advantage of the potential of the medium? Needless to say, asking students to fulfill learning tasks online should entail pedagogical advantages to the learner and the instructor. Otherwise, it may be difficult to justify the development time and potential challenges that are involved in using this medium. The decision of having student do Internet-based activities should be based on a clear rationale that justifies its use. For example, are students to explore at least two or three different sites and/or multimedia resources. Do students have a choice in selecting the content? If a print out of an Internet-based resource can be made and used in the classroom, sending students online may not be the best instructional practice. Are the reading materials and learning tasks appropriate for the students' level of proficiency? As Walz (2001) reminds us, "To make the critical reading of authentic texts from the Internet feasible for students at the lower levels of proficiency, independent readings as well as those with pedagogical support must have tasks aimed at the reader's level" (p. 1202). As a general guideline, text type, reading tasks and the learner's level of proficiency are criteria that need to be taking into account in the approach to and choice of contents of Internet-based reading resources. Do the activities engage the learners in real-world and meaningful tasks as well as in a variety of skills (e.g., communicative, reading, cultural explorations, writing)? As pointed out above in Osuna and Meskill's (1998) study, students feel more engaged when the purpose of their tasks simulate real-world tasks. The exploration for any available multimedia resources should also have a purpose and be associated with a meaningful task. For example, instead of having students provide general descriptions of images or photos, asking them to identify specific cultural aspects and compare them to their own cultural background makes a task more purposeful and focused, and thus enhances their awareness and understanding of cultural differences. How do students demonstrate what they have learned? There are many instructional practices to assess what students have learned. Traditional examples include true-false types, matching, comprehension questions, filling in charts, summaries, comparisons, reactions to the texts, comments, and so forth. By and large, they depend on the approach, the type of materials and texts, and the students' level of proficiency. Furthermore, as the use of the open-ended structure of the Internet lends itself in particular well to make use of authentic exploratory tasks, the students' assessment can be based on the degree and quality of the fulfillment of these tasks. Examples may include a presentation of an end product, such as a report, a description of an itinerary, a food menu, and a prepared meal. The presentations can also be easily integrated into the classroom. In this way, students can exchange and compare information with each other, while getting engaged in the application of oral communicative skills. At the same time, this allows the teacher to further clarify or follow up on linguistic and cultural issues. Are all the instructions clearly stated? Not only is it easy to get lost, but also stuck in a hypertext environment. This often has to do with lack of instructions or dysfunctional hyperlinks that one encounters when surfing the Internet. Therefore, precise instructions are necessary on how to navigate or what navigational path to take when exploring Internet sites. Ask yourself, when students navigate between sites, do they know what to do and how to return to your home page? Are precise instructions or examples provided, online or on a worksheet, telling students what to do? Are all the hyper links functional? URL addresses change and sites often disappear. One strategy to guarantee functionality is to thoroughly test your own lesson making sure all URL addresses are correctly stated and the sites and links work when you access them. Another strategy is to provide alternative sites, in case some sites are no longer available. Are your students prepared to do project-oriented work? Provide clear guidelines to your students on the process and nature of project-oriented work. You may allow your students to select their own topic, materials, end product, and form of assessment. This does not mean that the instructor becomes redundant. On the contrary, the teacher plays an important role, that of a guide and coach. At the same time, the students may be required to follow a certain timeline and other stipulations built into the projects. That means, students need to know when it is important to consult with the their teacher. They need to have a clear understanding of the procedures and any rules. Are your students familiar with the process on how to conduct research? The preparation phase for project learning may also include information on the process of conducting research. As suggested by Gaspar (1998), a useful model to teach might be McKenzie's "Iterative Research Cycle" consisting of questioning, planning, gathering, sifting, synthesizing, and evaluating. Despite the open-ended nature and student-centered approach, it most likely is necessary to provide examples and models of student projects to demonstrate on how to go about planning and conducting projects that result in entirely different end products. Do the students know how to search the Internet? Internet-based project learning involves gathering and identifying information. This requires knowledge about how to use search engines. Most students are familiar with the basics of using Web browser (e.g., Internet Explorer or Netscape) search engines. In the last few years, however, search engines have become more sophisticated allowing searches to be specified, for example, based on foreign languages or multimedia contents. Students may require additional training in the use of such features as well as information-seeking skills in general. At the beginning of this article, I raised the question regarding the design of reading-based learning activities for Web-based environments that differ from the design of text-based or multimedia stand-alone systems. In response, I have presented three different approaches to lesson design that engage foreign language learners in developing reading skills by exploring authentic Internet-based materials. None of these examples is absolute, that is to say, different variations of lessons may fall at different places along a continuum from being teacher-determined or -facilitated to student-determined. They may vary in areas such as the choice of the learning materials, the scope of the learning environment, the learning process, and the degree of teacher guidance. In this sense, the sample lessons provide teachers with general direction in the design process. There is no doubt, the vast amount of authentic resources on the Internet provides learners an opportunity to immerse themselves in a plethora of cultural readings. Yet, to make the integration of WWW-based activities a successful learning experience, it requires effective organization and presentation of that information. The use of the WWW for delivery of reading instruction or the integration of Internet-based readings needs to go beyond what the teacher can offer in the classroom to justify its use. The decision, whether and how to use it, must be based on a clear pedagogical rationale, while technological and developmental issues need to be carefully considered. APPENDIX A. SAMPLE OF TEACHER-DETERMINED LESSON4 (clicking on an image links you to a translation) TRANSLATION OF ITEMS IN APPENDIX A You are going to read about work and leisure in Germany. Then do tasks 1-3. 1. Find the appropriate meanings of German key words. 2. Read a text and determine if statements based on this text are true or false. 3. Analyze two diagrams. Hand the print-out to your instructor. Work and Leisure What do the following words means? Look up the words in your dictionary (see contents of bottom half of split screen below). Read the following text and then do the exercise. Interview with Otto Müller: Question: Let me ask you a question regarding the topic of work. It is said: "The Germans work a lot." Is this true? Müller: Yes and no. The work output has been continuously increasing, whereas the working hours have been getting fewer in the last few years. An eight-hour day and a forty-hour week are normal everywhere. Some work even less than 40 hours. Yes, the unions ask for even more reductions of work. Question: Interesting. And, what about vacation? Müller: Vacation consists on an average of six weeks. In addition, there are state holidays. And we have more of these than other countries. Question: Well, then the Germans don't work so much. Müller: Regarding work hours, this is correct. From an international point of view, we work less than other countries. Our attitude towards work has changed. Many Germans do not consider work the only purpose of life. NOTE: Italicized words are glossed in the German text. Task 1: What do the following words mean? Look them up in your dictionary. Leisure time; vacation; school holiday; holiday; closing time (time to stop work) Task 2: You are reading the text. Are the following statements true or false? 1. The Germans keep working less. 2. They work 40 hours per week. 3. They have six weeks of vacation. 4. The holidays are part of their vacation. 5. People work less in Germany than in other countries. 6. Germans live to work. Task 3: How many hours do the people work? How long is their vacation? Look at the pictures. Compare the situation in Germany with the USA. Write a short paragraph in English. APPENDIX B. SAMPLE OF TEACHER-FACILITATED LESSONS (clicking on "hot" text links you to a translation) Example 1: La Comida Mexicana5 In pairs, explore the following site of the restaurant Danubio in Mexico. Look at the menu card (click on carta) and answer the following questions. Note: Try to speak only Spanish as you navigate the sights and answer the questions with your partner. You have about 10 minutes to complete this task. 1) ¿Cuánta cuesta el helado en el restaurante Danubio? ____________________ 2) ¿Cuánta cuesta el postre más barato? ¿Cuánta cuesta el postre más caro? ____________________ 3) ¿Qué son las horas del restaurante Danubio? ____________________ 4) ¿Puedes tomar un capuchino en el Restaurante Danubio? ____________________ Now visit Retablo, another restaurant in Mexico and see what kind of food is served there. Click on Menu to access the menu card. 1) ¿Qué son las horas del restaurante del Retablo? ____________________ 2) En la carta de El Retablo, ¿hay "seafood"? ¿Sí o no? ¿Qué palabra usa aquí para "seafood"? ________ 3) ¿Cuánta cuesta el postre más barato? ¿Cuánta cuesta el postre más caro? ____________________ *Part two* Actividad: "Vamos a comer" Están en vacaciones en México y tú y tu amigo/a solamente tienen dinero para una sola cena afuera. Tienen que comparar los precios de los dos restaurantes y decidir si van a comer en el D. F. esta semana o en Chihuahua la semana que viene. Probablemente van a comer el sábado, a las nueve o diez de la noche. Tu amigo/a quiere comer sopa, pescado y un postre. También siempre quiere tomar un refresco y un café. Es necesario que el o ella coma y tome estas cosas. Tú puedes comer lo que quieras pero tienes hambre también! Juntos Uds. tienen 210 pesos. Ya gastaron todo tu dinero. Recuerden que hay que dejar una propina también. ¿Qué van a comer y tomar? Hay varias opciones pero tienen que planear y escoger el restaurante más barato, y la comida menos cara para que los dos puedan comer ¿no? Escriben la comida y los refrescos que quieren debajo. COMIDA (Danubio) ____________________ COMIDA (Retablo) ____________________ REFRESCOS (Danubio) (ej. Refresco = $10.00) ____________________ REFRESCOS (Retablo) ____________________ ¿Es posible comer en El Danubio con $210 pesos? ¿En el Retablo? ¿Cuál de los dos prefieren Uds.? ¿Por qué? ____________________ Visit one of the following cities and fill out the chart below. Be prepared to share your findings with other students of your group. When finished, print out your answers. Use the back button of your browser to move back and forth between the city homepage and this activity. Die Stadt ____________________ Sehenswürdigkeiten (Museen, usw.) Einkaufen (wo?, was?) Hotels/andere Unterkünfte (wie teuer?, wo?) Zahl der Bevölkerung Verkehrsmittel (welche?, wie teuer?) Unterhaltung (Kino, Karneval, usw.) Restaurants/Gaststätten (welche?, wie teuer?, wie viele?, was kann man da essen?) TRANSLATION OF ITEMS IN APPENDIX B The Mexican Meal In pairs, explore the following site of the restaurant Danubio in Mexico. Look at the menu card (click on carta) and answer the following questions. **Note: Try to speak only Spanish as you navigate the sights and answer the questions with your partner.** You have about 10 minutes to complete this task. 1) How much does ice cream cost in the restaurant Danubio? ____________________ 2) How much does the cheapest dessert cost? How much is the most expensive? __________________ 3) When is the restaurant open? ____________________ 4) Do they have cappuccino on the menu? ____________________ Now visit Retablo, another restaurant in Mexico and see what kind of food is served there. Click on Menu to access the menu card. 1) When is the restaurant open? ____________________ 2) Do they serve "seafood"? If yes, what word do they use for "seafood"? ____________________ 3) How much does the cheapest dessert cost? How much is the most expensive? __________________ *Part two* ACTIVIDAD: "VAMOS A COMER" You are on vacation in Mexico, and you and your friend have enough money to go out for dinner for only one meal. You need to compare the prices of the two restaurants and decide if you are going to eat out in D.F. this week or in Chihuahua the following week. Probably you will go out to eat on Saturday night at 9 or 10 in the evening.] Your friend wants to eat soup, fish and dessert. You also want to have a soft drink or coffee. It is necessary that he or she eats and drinks these things. You can eat whatever you want, but you are also hungry. Together you have 210 pesos. You already spent all your money. Remember that you need to leave a tip as well. What are you going to eat and drink? There are a variety options, but you need to plan and select the cheapest restaurant, and the least expensive meal so both of you can eat. Below, describe the meal and drinks that you want. meal (Danubio) ____________________ meal (Retablo) ____________________ drinks (Danubio) (e.g. drink = $10.00) ____________________ drinks (Retablo) ____________________ Is it possible to eat with $210 pesos in the restaurant El Danubio? Is it possible to eat with $210 pesos in the restaurant Retablo? Which of the two do you prefer? Why? ____________________ Example 2: Exploring German Cities Visit one of the following cities and fill out the chart below. Be prepared to share your findings with other students of your group. When finished, print out your answers. Use the back button of your browser to move back and forth between the city homepage and this activity. sightseeing (museums, etc.) sports, leisure time shopping (where?, what?) hotels, other accommodations, price, location size of population transportation (kind, and how expensive) entertainment (movie theaters, etc.) restaurants (kind, how expensive, how many, what can you eat there?) APPENDIX C. SAMPLE OF LEARNER-DETERMINED PROJECTS The following examples and short descriptions of student projects are adapted from Christine Gaspar (1998, p. 73). Following the principles of project-oriented learning, students make their own choices of the end product. Thus, the examples of student projects demonstrate the exploration of Internet-based resources including text-based and multimedia information. The subsequent 7-minute presentations (with 3 minutes allowed for questions) were as diverse as the students themselves and ranged from - a simulated tour of the Loire Valley chateaux; - a report on the political platforms of prominent French politicians; - a presentation of the Roland Garros tennis championship (known in the U.S. as the French Open) including an up-to-the minute posting of each player's standing and information on the day's matches; - a description of the various geographical regions of France; to - a multi-media extravaganza treating the life and music of the Canadian singer, Céline Dion. The incorporation of multi-media accompaniments elicited much enthusiasm on the part of both the presenters and their audience. For instance, the presentation of the Roland Garros tennis tournament was enhanced by images of the courts, the players, and their latest tournament standing, all of which were downloaded right before class from the Internet. With regard to the presentation on the singer, Céline Dion, the class was treated to a Powerpoint demonstration that assembled -- in a visually appealing manner -- information including the life of the singer, a discography, and a vocabulary list of musical terms (which was followed by a short in-class quiz!). Nevertheless, even though sound files of Dion's songs were in fact available on the Net, the presenters chose instead to work from a tape player for better volume. In another advanced-level course, the members of the class tracked the daily developments in the 1995 French presidential campaign. Students successfully assembled and presented biographical information and sketches of each candidate's professional life, the main concerns of the constituencies, and the latest statistical data and interpretations gleaned from the various media, including daily satellite viewings of French news broadcasts. Much valuable information came from the Internet and included not only textual and visual materials, but also one-on-one participation in discussion groups with French voters. 1. There are many other ways of using the WWW as well, such as for synchronous or asynchronous communication, delivery of audio and video-based materials. Until limitations on interactivity and bandwidth have improved, such applications will not become common practice in the standard language classroom. 3. Internet resources promoted through the AATs can be found on the following Web sites: American Association of Teachers of French; American Association of Teachers of German; and American Association of Teachers of Spanish & Portuguese. Thanks to Ali Moeller for her comments on an early version of this article. In particular, I am grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Klaus Brandl, PhD, University of Texas, Austin, is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Scandinavian Studies at the University of Washington where he teaches courses in language teaching methodology. His main research areas are second language acquisition, language teaching methods, teacher training, and computer-assisted language learning. Bansleben, M. (2002). [Students' attitudes toward online learning activities in Ger 101]. Unpublished raw data. Barnett, M. (1986). Syntactic and lexical/semantic skill in foreign language reading: Importance and interaction. Modern Language Journal, 70, 343-349. Brandl, K. K. (2002). Taking language instruction on-line: A comparative study of a classroom- and Web-based language course. Manuscript submitted for publication. Chun, D. M., & Plass, J. L. (1996). Effects of multimedia annotations on vocabulary acquisition. Modern Language Journal, 80, 183-198. Chun, D. M., & Plass, J. L. (2000). Networked multimedia environments for second language acquisition. In M. Warshauer & R. Kern (Eds.), Network-based language teaching: Concepts and practice (pp. 151-170). New York: Cambridge University Press. Cobb, T., & Stevens, V. (1996). A principled consideration of computers and reading in a second language. In M. C. Pennington (Ed.), The power of CALL (pp. 115-136). Houston, TX: Athelstan. Davis, J. (1989). Facilitating effects of marginal glosses on foreign language reading. Modern Language Journal, 73, 41-48. Furstenberg, G. (1997). Teaching with technology: What is at stake? ADFL Bulletin, 28(3), 21-25. Fidel, R., Davies, R. K., Douglass, M. H., Holder, J. K., Hopkins, C. J., Kushner, E. J., Miyagishima, B. K., & Toney, C. D. (1999). A visit to the information mall: Web searching behavior of high school students. Journal of the American Society for Information Science, 50(1), 24-37. Gaspar, C. (1998). Situating French language teaching and learning in the age of Internet. The French Review, 72(1), 69-80. Grellet, F. (1981). Developing reading skills. New York: Cambridge University Press. Holec, H. (1981). Autonomy and foreign language learning. Oxford, England: Pergamon Press for the Council of Europe. Hudson, T. (1982). The effects of induced schemata on the short circuit in L2 reading: Non-decoding factors in L2 reading performance. Language Learning, 32, 1-31. Kellogg, G. S., & Howe, M. J. A. (1971). Using words and pictures in foreign language learning. Alberta Journal of Educational Research, 17, 87-94. Lee, J. F., & VanPatten, B. (1995). Making communicative language teaching happen. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc. Lee, L. (1998). Going beyond classroom learning: Acquiring cultural knowledge via on-line newspapers and intercultural exchanges via on-line chat rooms. CALICO, 16(2), 101-120. Legutke, M., & Thomas, H. (1991). Process and experience in the language classroom. New York: Longman Group. Martínez-Lage, A. (1995). Benefits of keeping a reading journal in the development of second language reading ability. In R. Terry (Ed.), The future is now. Dimension: Language '95 (pp. 65-79). Valdosta, GA: Southern Conference on Language Teaching. Martínez-Lage, A. (1997). Hypermedia technology in teaching reading. In M. D. Busch & R. M. Terry (Eds.), Technology enhanced language learning (pp. 121-163). Lincolnwood, IL: National Textbook Company. McKenzie, J. (1995, May/June). Beforenet and Afternet. MultiMedia Schools, 2, 6-8. Nahl, D., & Harada, V. H. (1996). Composing Boolean search statements: Self-confidence, content analysis, search logic, and error. School Library Media Quarterly, 24, 199-207. National Standards in Foreign Language Education Project. (1999). Standards for foreign language learning in the twenty-first century. Lawrence, KS: Allen Press. Neuman, D. (1993). Designing databases as tools for higher-level learning: Insights from instructional systems design. Educational Technology, Research and Development, 41, 21-46. Omaggio, A. (1979). Pictures and second language comprehension: Do they help? Foreign Language Annals, 12, 107-116. Omaggio-Hadley, A. (2001). Teaching language in context (3rded.). Boston: Heinle & Heinle. Osuna, M. M., & Meskill, C. (1998). Using the World Wide Web to integrate Spanish language and culture. Language Learning & Technology, 1(2), 71-92. Retrieved April 29, 2002, from http://llt.msu.edu/vol1num2/article4/default.html Pederson, K. M. (1986). An experiment in computer-assisted second language reading. Modern Language Journal, 70(1), 36-41. Spiro, R. J., & Jehng, J.-C. (1990). Cognitive flexibility and hypertext: Theory and technology for the nonlinear and multidimensional traversal of complex subject matter. In D. Nix & R. Spiro (Eds.), Cognition, education and multimedia: Exploring ideas in high technology (pp. 163-205). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Stoller, F. L. (1997). Project work. A means to promote language content. Forum, 35(4), 1-10. Walz, J. (1998). Meeting standards for foreign language learning with World Wide Web activities. Foreign Language Annals, 31(1), 103-114. Walz, J. (2001). Critical reading and the Internet. The French Review, 74(6) 1193-1205. Warshauer, M. (1997). Computer-mediated collaborative learning: Theory and practice. Modern Language Journal, 81, 470-481. Warshauer, M. (2000). On-line learning in second language classrooms: An ethnographic study. In M. Warshauer & R. Kern (Eds.). Network-based language teaching: Concepts and practice (pp. 41-58). New York: Cambridge University Press. Zamel, V. (1992). Writing one's way into reading. TESOL Quarterly 26, 463-485.

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The largest, most powerful rocket booster ever built successfully fired up Wednesday for a major-milestone ground test in preparation for future missions to help propel NASA’s Space Launch System (SLS) rocket and Orion spacecraft to deep space destinations, including an asteroid and Mars. The booster fired for two minutes, the same amount of time it will fire when it lifts the SLS off the launch pad, and produced about 3.6 million pounds of thrust. The test was conducted at the Promontory, Utah test facility of commercial partner Orbital ATK, and is one of two tests planned to qualify the booster for flight. Once qualified, the flight booster hardware will be ready for shipment to NASA’s Kennedy Space Center in Florida for the first SLS flight. “The work being done around the country today to build SLS is laying a solid foundation for future exploration missions, and these missions will enable us to pioneer far into the solar system,” said William Gerstenmaier, NASA’s associate administrator for human exploration and operations. “The teams are doing tremendous work to develop what will be a national asset for human exploration and potential science missions.”

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Random posting on Geology and Paleontology with a bit of spunk and sass thrown in. Hmm...a very strangely weathered/deformed orthoconic nautiloid like Endoceras? Total wild guess there. Hmmm....maybe. There is another thing from that area that I think is a nautiloid. Would/Could a nautiloid have that sort of "S"-ish shape to it though? Is this a riddle where you know answer? Well, either way, my guess is it looks like it's related to a trilobite from my first glance. Is it a nautiloid? Looked like an arthropod to me. I seriously do not know. That is why I am looking for help. Keep the ideas coming please! It looks trilobitish to me. But I can see where one might think it's a cephalopod. Trilobite was my first instinct - a body fossil though, not a trace fossil like Cruziana. My guess is that the most clear 'end' of it is the tail of a large trilobite, and that the head is missing. The s-shaped bits could be leg parts or gills? That is exactly what I though on first look Penny - trilobite. John did not think so :/ I was going to say trilobite body fossil as well but others beat me to it; so I will go out on a limb and say early vertebrate ("fish"), as it is segmented. Looks like a dorsal view with backbone extending posteriorly. How old is it, first of all? Y'know, if this is a "new" organism, than I'll be a T-rex. "Trilobite" was my first thought too, but I managed to convince myself that there were too many segments. I tend to think of trilobites having ~20 thoracic segments or less but I suppose there are some exceptions. Nautiloid sutures can be a little wavy but I'll admit the geometry doesn't seem quite right which was why I invoked deformation/weathering. Not feeling very confident about that though. A friend of mine asked his invert prof. (one that works int he Paleozoic) what it might be and he thinks it is a nautiloid cephalopod irregularly sectioned, similar to Gonioceras occidentale. My guess: Cruziana trilobite feeding path.http://www.trilobites.info/triloichno.jpghttp://english.fossiel.net/system/glossarium/trilobietspoor.jpghttp://www.edu.xunta.es/contidos/sec/bioloxia/biosfera/alumno/4ESO/terra_cambia/imaxes/cruziana.jpg That is what I thought too Travis. But the more people we show it too the more we hear Gonioceras.Glad to have you back int he blogging world. How is the thesis coming? Have a defense date yet? Is It That Scorpian I Heard About?Other wise it looks like a fish Post a Comment

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From Olaf Nelson to Kim Dotcom A tall, heavy man, who spoke English with a thick, northern European accent, he had built a fortune and a fine home by the time he reached thirty. When he became a New Zealand subject, he believed that the government in Wellington would be happy for him to continue wheeling and dealing under its auspices. Partly because of its obligations to a distant superpower, the New Zealand state began to persecute the successful young entrepeneur. His businesses were shut down, spies followed his movements, police made unfriendly visits to his home, and plans were made to deport him. Infuriated by his treatment, the young businessman began to condemn the New Zealand state as an enemy of liberty. Looking about for allies, he discovered that many of the indigenous people of the islands where he lived were also estranged from the government in Wellington. Using his money, his connections, and his flair for publicity, he helped them build a political movement that changed New Zealand history. Those sentences might seem to describe Kim Dotcom, the supersized German businessman threatened with deportation to the United States who has hitched his Internet Party to Hone Harawira and Annette Sykes' Mana Movement, but they also tell the story of Olaf Nelson, who was born on Savai'i, Samoa's largest island, in 1883 to a Scandinavian trader and his local wife. In the first years of the twentieth century Savai'i and most of the rest of Samoa was controlled by Germany, and the young Olaf Nelson was able to get rich by exporting copra to the imperial homeland. In 1914, though, New Zealand troops invaded German Samoa, tore down the Kaiser's flag, and raised a Union Jack. British diplomats hailed this victory over the Pacific Hun, and Kiwi newspapers demanded that traders with links to Germany be treated as enemies. Nelson found it much harder to do business. New Zealand administrators quickly began to alienate indigenous Samoans, as well as 'afakasi like Nelson. Their incompetence and indifference allowed the global influenza epidemic of 1918 to take the lives of a fifth of Samoans, and their attempts to privatise communally-held land and racist snubs to important chiefs aggravated discontent. In the 1920s Nelson helped a number of powerful chiefs lead the Mau movement, whose slogan was Samoa Mo Samoa, or Samoa for the Samoans. Protesters paraded, taxes went unpaid, roads were blockaded, and an anti-colonial parliament was set up. New Zealand police and marines reacted by shooting nationalists in the street and burning Mau villages. Like Kim Dotcom, Olaf Nelson was a clever and incessant propagandist, who used the media to rile his enemies in Wellington. Today Dotcom uses twitter and youtube to lambast John Key's government as corrupt and autocratic; Nelson funded and ran a newspaper, The Samoa Guardian, that poked pins in the sides of conservative governments of the 1920s and early '30s. John Key and his colleagues are keen to have Kim Dotcom deported to a United States prison, and the governments of the '20s and early '30s were equally desperate to remove Olaf Nelson from Samoa. After being expelled from the colony for five years in 1928, Nelson toured the world promoting the Mau cause, and persuaded the League of Nations to investigate New Zealand's behaviour in Samoa. Shortly after he returned to Samoa in 1933, Nelson was deported again. This time his destination was a New Zealand prison cell. New Zealand politicians and editorialists endlessly accused Olaf Nelson of 'stirring up' indigenous Samoans, by filling the natives' previously happy minds with exotic and absurd ideas like democracy and self-determination. Patronising colonial officials accused the chiefs who led the Mau of abandoning Samoan culture by embracing protest marches and the print media. Similarly patronising charges are being made today against Kim Dotcom and his Maori nationalist allies. Key and his colleagues have faulted Dotcom for 'interfering' with New Zealand politics, instead of quietly submitting to his deportation to an American prison. The New Zealand Herald, that long-time authority on radical politics, has accused Hone Harawira of betraying 'Maori radicalism' by using Dotcom's cash and connections. By the time he died in 1944 Olaf Nelson had become a hero throughout Samoa. Today the country's national library and a clocktower at the centre of its capital city bear his name. Olaf Nelson and Kim Dotcom were both avaricious, essentially apolitical businessmen who were radicalised after being persecuted by a New Zealand state acting on behalf of a distant superpower. A cashed-up, radicalised capitalist is a dangerous enemy, especially when he has a talent for building alliances and making propaganda. Kim Dotcom may prove as difficult for the New Zealand state to defeat as his predecessor. [Posted by Scott Hamilton]

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KELOWNA, British Columbia, (CNN/WANE) Wildfires In British Columbia are forcing residents out. Some 2,500 more residents of Kelowna are being evacuated because of the flames. The city’s mayor has declared a sate of emergency. The smoke is responsible for the interesting looking sky in Fort Wayne over the last week. The wildfires produced dense smoke that has to go somewhere. The smoke rises and fans out overtime. The smoke eventually reaches the jet stream which transports the smoke for hundreds of miles. The jet stream’s flow was positioned right over Fort Wayne, a thin layer of smoke has been introduced to the city’s sky. About 140 Wildfires are burning across British Columbia. A dozen have been deemed “significant.” The province Is reportedly experiencing its driest conditions since 1958.

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Part 4 of the Financial management series Statement of cash flows A complete set of financial statements for agriculture include: a Balance Sheet; an Income Statement; a Statement of Owner Equity and a Statement of Cash Flows. The FINPACK software, developed by the University of Minnesota, generates each of these statements. Other software and paper products generate similar information. Key ratios and measurements covering Liquidity, Solvency, Profitability, Repayment Capacity and Efficiency have become standards in the agricultural industry, and are generated from these financial statements. The "Statement of Cash Flows" examines how cash has entered and left our financial life during the year. We need cash to flow into our lives so it is available to cover our family living, pay our taxes, service the debt we are committed to, and to make investments in our business and personal lives. Cash Flow and Net Profit are not the same thing. One could have sufficient profits but insufficient cash flow. Or, one's cash flow could be adequate but profits are lacking. A complete set of financial statements and proper analysis of them will show financial strengths and weaknesses. The following paragraphs describe how the "Statement of Cash Flows" generated by the FINPACK software is structured. Other software or paper forms will organize the information in a similar way. To complete a "Statement of Cash Flows", one must have a good "Balance Sheet" from the beginning of the year, another for the end of the year, and an accrual adjusted "Income Statement" for the year. The "Statement of Cash Flows" begins by showing the farmer's "Beginning Cash Balance" (farm and non-farm). This is the cash and account balances that are shown on his Balance Sheet from the beginning of the year. The "Statement of Cash Flows" is divided into three groups, each examining a different source of and use for cash. These are "Cash from Operating Activities", "Cash from Investing Activities" and "Cash from Financing Activities". We will look at each one separately: - The first group identifies "Cash from Operating Activities". This is cash that came into the farmer's life from farm income and from non-farm income. The cash also leaves his life as he pays farm expenses. Family living takes cash out as does income tax and social security tax. These sources and uses are added up to produce "Cash from Operations". If his earnings (farm and non-farm) bring in more cash than what went out for living and taxes, then "Cash from operations" will be a positive number (desirable). If more cash left than came in, then this will be a negative number (not desirable). - The second group identifies "Cash from Investing Activities". Cash is generated by the sale of assets (farm and non-farm), and is used in the purchase of assets (farm and non-farm). These sources and uses are totaled to produce "Cash from Investing Activities". If this total is a positive number, it is contributing cash. If it is a negative number, it is using cash. It is quite common for this "Cash from Investing Activities" to be a negative figure for farmers because of the nature of the farming business. The farmer must invest in assets which are expensive and usually by the time they are sold, many are old or obsolete with little value. - The third group identifies the "Cash from Financing Activities". Cash is generated by borrowing money and is used up in the repayment of principal (the interest portion is an operating expense, and has already been counted in the farm expenses of the first category). Also shown in this category are inflows from gifts and inheritances received, and outflows from gifts given. These sources and uses are totaled to produce "Cash from Financing Activities". This figure may be positive or negative, depending on whether he borrowed more funds than he repaid or repaid more than was borrowed, and whether he received more gifts and inheritances than were given away. The "Cash from Operating Activities", Cash from Investing Activities" and "Cash from Financing Activities" are then totaled to produce the "Net Change in Cash Balance". The "Net Change in Cash Balance" is added to the "Beginning Cash Balance" to produce the "Ending Cash Balance". This number will be the same as the cash and account balance shown on the farmer's Balance Sheet at the end of the year. The "Statement of Cash Flows" is an interesting statement and can identify a number of things happening in your financial life. Perhaps the cash generated from the "Operating" part of your life was sufficient to fund some "Investing" and also reduce some debt "Financing" (this would be good). Perhaps the "Operating" portion contributed cash but the "Financing" cash had to increase to fund the "Investments" made during the year (this may be satisfactory, as long as things stay in appropriate balance). Another scene (not a good one) would be that the "Operating" portion of your life was not sufficient to cover the living and taxes so debt "Financing" was needed to fund the rest of it, plus any "Investments" made during the year. Another scene (not a good one) might find that the assets "Investments" are being sold off to fund the shortages in the "Operating" portion of their life, and/or to reduce debt. It is important for the farmer to have good financial statements and analysis, and to understand them. After all, it is his financial life. Caution: This publication is offered as educational information. It does not offer legal advice. If you have questions on this information, contact an attorney.

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Please note that this video player does not yet work with IE10; use IE8, IE9, Safari, Firefox or Chrome. You can also: Through the activities described below, students will understand that before computers, typewriters were a useful tool for people whose work involved writing a lot of letters or stories, and be able to imagine a tool for communicating in the future. - 4-minute video about typewriters - a typewriter (if possible) - drawing and writing materials - images (click on the images below to enlarge for printing or display) With your students, watch the video 'What is this? Typewriter'. Advertisement for Remington typewriters. Courtesy of the Early Office Museum Ruth Park, children’s author, using a typewriter, 1962. Source: National Library of Australia (nla.pic-an24574252). Four members of the South African Women’s Auxiliary Air Force, Cairo, 1942. Source: Australian War Memorial. Girls and a supervising nun at the Home of the Good Shepherd girls home, Ashfield, 1963. Source: National Library of Australia (nla.pic-an24493420). - Explore a point of view - ACHHS020. If possible, bring a typewriter into the class so that students can each take a turn at typing some words on a page. Compare with typing on computer keyboards or phone/tablet touchscreens. 2. Investigating images of typewriters - Explore a range of sources about the past - ACHHS018. - Distinguish between the past, present and future - ACHHS016. Show students the array of images about typewriters, including early advertisements for typewriters, and photographs of people using typewriters. Invite them to consider: - When were typewriters used and by whom? Typewriters were used for about 100 years, from the late 1800s to the late 1900s. Many different kinds of people used them in offices, on battlefields etc, including secretaries, reporters, authors and people employed to turn speech into text. They were mostly used by women. - Look at the early advertisements, one by one: what worries do you think people might have had about typewriters when they were first invented? Maybe they would be hard to use? Maybe they would make communication less personal? - In what ways do you think that typing would differ from writing by hand? Typing was quicker, more uniform and easier to read, less personal because everyone’s handwriting is unique, but typewritten text is consistent regardless of the typist. - Look at the photographs of people using typewriters. In what ways do you think that typing would differ from writing on a computer? Would typing be more manual or tiring? There’s no ‘undo’ button on a typewriter – so it's more difficult to correct your work! Many typing tasks were not very creative – often the typist was making a copy of something already written. - Pose questions about the past using sources provided - ACHHS017. Having looked at the images and talked about them, ask each student to write down a question they have about typewriters. Select some of the most interesting questions for further exploration. If you have a typewriter in the class, you could type up each of the most interesting questions on a page. Rather than answering the question, invite others in the class to respond. If no one is able to answer the question, talk about ways you might find out the answer. If appropriate, ask the students to see if they can find out the answer by talking to their grandparents. Use a range of communication forms (oral, graphic, written, role play) and digital technologies - Remind students that typewriters were used 100 years ago but that today they're hardly used at all in places with electricity because we have computers. Ask them to imagine how we’ll communicate our words 100 years from now – when the students are great-great-grandparents. Draw a picture or write a description of how the communication happens. Go to What is this? and the teacher support video. Go to other pages in this resource: We hope this resource makes teaching and learning history easy and fun. Let us know how it works for you and your students – we welcome your feedback. Unless otherwise indicated (in this copyright notice or in relation to particular material on this website) you may copy, distribute, display, download and print the material on this web page for your own person use, for non-commercial education purposes or for non-commercial use within your organisation, provided that you attribute the National Museum of Australia. All other rights are reserved by the Museum. For example, you will have to obtain permission from the Museum if you wish to: (a) charge others for access to the material (other than at cost); (b) include the material in advertising or a product for sale; or (c) alter the material; unless a notice for that material provides otherwise. The curriculum links in this resource are drawn from the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA), Australian Curriculum: History website.

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August 10, 2009 Tamiflu Provides More Complications For Children British researchers said on Monday that children should not be routinely treated with flu drugs like Tamiflu because there is no evidence they prevent complications and the medicines might do more harm than good. Researchers decided to rethink the current use of antivirals among children under 12 in light of an analysis of clinical data from past seasonal flu outbreaks, showing hardly any benefits and potentially harmful side effects.To fight the H1N1 swine flu pandemic, governments from around the world have hoarded big orders of Roche's Tamiflu and GlaxoSmithKline's Relenza. Hundreds of thousands of doses of Tamiflu in Britain have been handed out to people with the disease, of whom half are children. However, Dr. Matthew Thompson of the University of Oxford said that although antivirals shortened the duration of flu in children by around a day, they did not reduce asthma flare-ups or the likelihood of children needing antibiotics. Tamiflu was also considered to cause an increased risk of vomiting, which can cause dehydration and be a serious risk in children. The analysis was based on seven clinical studies that looked at Tamiflu and Relenza in seasonal flu outbreaks in 2,629 children between 1 to 12 years old. Thompson said there is no reason to think the conclusions apply to the current relatively mild outbreak of swine flu. "The strategy of giving out this treatment in a mild infection is inappropriate," fellow Oxford researcher Dr. Carl Heneghan told reporters. The researchers also found that 13 people need to be treated to prevent one additional case. "While morbidity and mortality in the current pandemic remain low, a more conservative strategy might be considered prudent, given the limited data, side effects such as vomiting, and the potential for developing resistant strains of influenza," they wrote in the British Medical Journal. Dr. Ronald Cutler at Queen Mary, University London said that the targeted drug use could be more useful than widespread use. Cutler was not involved with the Oxford research. Roche said that Tamiflu's side effects were known, but the drug had been shown worthy of fighting the virus and reducing the duration and severity of the illness. "In clinical studies of children taking Tamiflu the main adverse events were nausea 4 percent, abdominal pain 1 percent and vomiting 10 percent," it added in a statement. The British company said that the most common side effects with Glaxo's inhaled drug Relenza was a headache and nausea. On the Net:

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"How many days a week should the average teenager exercise, and for how long each day?" Valerie, 15, Manning, SC Unfortunately, the average teenager probably isn't getting enough exercise. Teens should get at least 60 minutes of physical activity daily. For many teens, it might seem like an impossible task to get the recommended one hour a day, especially if you aren't exercising at all. Don't worry about going out there your first day exercising and making it to 60 minutes. Start with a doable chunk of time — say, 10 to 15 minutes a day — and gradually add more time to reach that one-hour goal. And just because you need at least 60 minutes daily doesn't mean you have to do it all at once. Some days you may spend an hour at the gym or soccer practice, but you also can break it up throughout the day ― go for a 15-minute walk before school or between classes and then take a 30-minute break from studying after school to go for a quick run or swim, and before calling it a night relax with a few yoga poses. In addition to the many health benefits of getting regular physical activity, exercise is a natural mood lifter. It also can lead to a leaner, fitter body, improved concentration, and a general sense of well-being.

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A nephrectomy is a surgical procedure for the removal of a kidney or section of a kidney. Nephrectomy, or kidney removal, is performed on patients with severe kidney damage from disease, injury, or congenital conditions. These include cancer of the kidney (renal cell carcinoma); polycystic kidney disease (a disease in which cysts, or sac-like structures, displace healthy kidney tissue); and serious kidney infections. It is also used to remove a healthy kidney from a donor for the purposes of kidney transplantation . The HCUP Nationwide Inpatient Sample from the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) reports that 46,130 patients underwent partial or radical nephrectomy surgery for non-transplant-related indications in the United States in 2000. Patients with kidney cancer accounted for over half of those procedures. The American Cancer Society projects that an estimated 31,900 new cases of renal cell carcinoma will occur in the United States in 2003. According to the United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS), 5,974 people underwent nephrectomy to become living kidney donors in 2001. The majority of these donors—43.9%—were between the ages of 35 and 49, and 58.8% were female. Related donors were more common than non-related donors, with full siblings being the most common relationship between living donor and kidney recipients (28.5% of living donors). Nephrectomy may involve removing a small portion of the kidney or the entire organ and surrounding tissues. In partial nephrectomy, only the diseased or infected portion of the kidney is removed. Radical nephrectomy involves removing the entire kidney, a section of the tube leading to the bladder (ureter), the gland that sits atop the kidney (adrenal gland), and the fatty tissue surrounding the kidney. A simple nephrectomy performed for living donor transplant purposes requires removal of the kidney and a section of the attached ureter. In a traditional, open nephrectomy, the kidney donor is administered general anesthesia and a 6–10 in (15.2–25.4 cm) incision through several layers of muscle is made on the side or front of the abdomen. The blood vessels connecting the kidney to the donor are cut and clamped, and the ureter is also cut between the bladder and kidney and clamped. Depending on the type of nephrectomy procedure being performed, the ureter, adrenal gland, and/or surrounding tissue may also be cut. The kidney is removed and the vessels and ureter are then tied off and the incision is sutured (sewn up). The surgical procedure can take up to three hours, depending on the type of nephrectomy being performed. Laparoscopic nephrectomy is a form of minimally invasive surgery that utilizes instruments on long, narrow rods to view, cut, and remove the kidney. The surgeon views the kidney and surrounding tissue with a flexible videoscope. The videoscope and surgical instruments are maneuvered through four small incisions in the abdomen, and carbon dioxide is pumped into the abdominal cavity to inflate it and improve visualization of the kidney. Once the kidney is isolated, it is secured in a bag and pulled through a fifth incision, approximately 3 in (7.6 cm) wide, in the front of the abdominal wall below the navel. Although this surgical technique takes slightly longer than a traditional nephrectomy, preliminary studies have shown that it promotes a faster recovery time, shorter hospital stays, and less post-operative pain. A modified laparoscopic technique called hand-assisted laparoscopic nephrectomy may also be used to remove the kidney. In the hand-assisted surgery, a small incision of 3–5 in (7.6–12.7 cm) is made in the patient's abdomen. The incision allows the surgeon to place his hand in the abdominal cavity using a special surgical glove that also maintains a seal for the inflation of the abdominal cavity with carbon dioxide. This technique gives the surgeon the benefit of using his hands to feel the kidney and related structures. The kidney is then removed by hand through the incision instead of with a bag. Prior to surgery, blood samples will be taken from the patient to type and crossmatch in case transfusion is required during surgery. A catheter will also be inserted into the patient's bladder. The surgical procedure will be described to the patient, along with the possible risks. Nephrectomy patients may experience considerable discomfort in the area of the incision. Patients may also experience numbness, caused by severed nerves, near or on the incision. Pain relievers are administered following the surgical procedure and during the recovery period on an as-needed basis. Although deep breathing and coughing may be painful due to the proximity of the incision to the diaphragm, breathing exercises are encouraged to prevent pneumonia. Patients should not drive an automobile for a minimum of two weeks. Possible complications of a nephrectomy procedure include infection, bleeding (hemorrhage), and post-operative pneumonia. There is also the risk of kidney failure in a patient with impaired function or disease in the remaining kidney. Normal results of a nephrectomy are dependent on the purpose of the procedure and the type of nephrectomy performed. Immediately following the procedure, it is normal for patients to experience pain near the incision site, particularly when coughing or breathing deeply. Renal function of the patient is monitored carefully after surgery. If the remaining kidney is healthy, it will increase its functioning over time to compensate for the loss of the removed kidney. Length of hospitalization depends on the type of nephrectomy procedure. Patients who have undergone a laparoscopic radical nephrectomy may be discharged two to four days after surgery. Traditional open nephrectomy patients are typically hospitalized for about a week. Recovery time will also vary, on average from three to six weeks. Survival rates for living kidney donors undergoing nephrectomy are excellent; mortality rates are only 0.03%—or three deaths for every 10,000 donors. Many of the risks involved are the same as for any surgical procedure: risk of infection, hemorrhage, blood clot, or allergic reaction to anesthesia. For patients undergoing nephrectomy as a treatment for renal cell carcinoma, survival rates depend on several factors, including the stage of the cancer and the patient's overall health history . According to the American Cancer Society, the five-year survival rate for patients with stage I renal cell carcinoma is 90–100%, while the five-year survival rate for stage II kidney cancer is 65–75%. Stage III and IV cancers have metastasized, or spread, beyond the kidney and have a lower survival rate, 40–70% for stage III and less than 10% for stage IV. Chemotherapy, radiation, and/or immunotherapy may also be required for these patients. Because the kidney is responsible for filtering wastes and fluid from the bloodstream, kidney function is critical to life. Nephrectomy candidates diagnosed with serious kidney disease, cancer, or infection usually have few treatment choices aside from this procedure. However, if kidney function is lost in the remaining kidney, the patient will require chronic dialysis treatments or transplantation of a healthy kidney to sustain life. Cameron, J. S. Kidney Failure: The Facts. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. Parker, James and Philip Parker, eds. The 2002 Official Patient Sourcebook on Renal Cell Cancer. San Diego: Icon Health Publications, 2002. Johnson, Kate. "Laparoscopy is Big Hit With Living Donors." Family Practice News 31 (January 2001): 12. American Cancer Society. (800) 227-2345. http://www.cancer.org . National Kidney Foundation. 30 East 33rd St., Suite 1100, New York, NY 10016. (800) 622-9010. http://www.kidney.org . United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS). 700 North 4th St., Richmond, VA 23219. (888) 894-6361. UNOS Transplant Connection: http://www.transplantliving.org . Living Donors Online. http://www.livingdonorsonline.org . Paula Anne Ford-Martin If nephrectomy is required for the purpose of kidney donation, it will be performed by a transplant surgeon in one of over 200 UNOS-approved hospitals nationwide. For patients with renal cell carcinoma, nephrectomy surgery is typically performed in a hospital setting by a surgeon specializing in urologic oncology.

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1. Put together an instructional and technical team. Building a team that includes both technical and instructional expertise is an important first step. Planning and implementing Internet activities works best when people with a variety of knowledge and skills work together. Include an activity coordinator, one or more instructors, a technology coordinator, and program/computer support staff. These roles may be filled by members of your own organization, paid contractors, or volunteers, either as primary responsibilities or additions to other camp duties. In small camp programs, one person can take on multiple roles. The division of tasks will vary from camp to camp. In general, however, the activity coordinator oversees program development, resource acquisition, and staff supervision. Specific duties include planning, budgeting, hiring, task assignment, monitoring, and evaluation. The instructor develops curriculum and delivers instruction. Specific tasks include consulting with the coordinator and camp personnel on program content and goals, planning instructional activities, developing and reproducing instructional materials, and delivering instruction on-site. The technology coordinator handles hardware, software and telecommunications: He/she chooses equipment and suppliers, sets up configurations, and breaks down the computer lab, computers, adaptive technology, and telecommunications connections; makes arrangements with the Internet service provider (ISP); troubleshoots; and develops electronic program materials such as camp World Wide Web pages. Program/computer support staff provide instructional and technical assistance, run errands, and perform clerical duties. Interns, volunteers, or paid support staff can fill these positions. To locate program/computer support staff consider interviewing more advanced campers or other youth. They will gain useful job experiences by helping with the program in paid or unpaid positions. In the excerpt below, a high school student talks about his work as an intern at Camp Courage. I found the camp interesting, being it was my first time acting like a Mentor. The thing that was most interesting was the progress of the kids on their lessons and the innovative ideas they came up with from their lessons. - Anthony, Grand Forks, North Dakota Be sure to provide successful interns and other helpers "To Whom it May Concern" letters of reference after their work experience is complete. This is a good way for a young person to build a resume and begin a letter of recommendation file. Sample Job Descriptions for Summer Camp Staffing The following are sample job descriptions for an Internet program at a summer camp. Job Tasks: Provide overall coordination of program activities and supervision of staff. - Camp Locations/Schedules - Determine specific place for activity (buildings/rooms). - Schedule dates/times for each site if multiple sites are used for the program. - Liaison with Camp Staff - Coordinate program promotion. - Jointly develop program and activities. - Monitor progress. - Curriculum Development - Set overall goals and objectives. - Determine class length and sequence. - Jointly develop materials/activities with instructor(s) and camp personnel. - Arrange for reproduction of materials. - Solicit & coordinate guest presentations (e.g., college preparation, adaptive technology, career planning). - Supervise on-site delivery of equipment and materials. - Define roles (who does what). - Determine tasks for each position. - Hire staff/select interns/solicit volunteers. - Train on roles and tasks. - Assign tasks. - Supervise progress and performance. - Arrange for staff transportation to sites. - Arrange for hardware/software transport to sites. - Design procedures and forms for evaluation. - Conduct evaluation. - Synthesize results, develop reports, and make program suggestions. - Acquire computer hardware. - Consult on adaptive hardware. - Consult with instructors on instructional software. - Process paperwork for hardware and software purchases and/or rental/loan. - Arrange for line installation. - Arrange for local Internet connections. - Obtain Internet accounts for campers & instructors. - Consult with Activity Coordinator on hardware choices and acquisition. - Conduct set up and breakdown of on-site computer labs. - Act as liaison with ISPs. - Select and install software. - Configure Internet and security software. - Web Page Development - Consult on development and production of instructional Web materials. - Curriculum Development - Consult with Activity Coordinator and camp staff on program content and goals. - Plan instructional activities. - Develop instructional materials, including Web site selection. - Submit materials to be reproduced. - Deliver Instruction - Teach on-site at camps. - Coordinate activities with camp staff on-site. - Coordinate delivery of presentations. - Supervise interns, volunteers, lab assistants, and computer support staff. Program/Computer Support Staff - Assist in delivering instruction and providing one-on-one assistance to campers. - Troubleshoot technical problems. - Run errands, complete clerical work.

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Learn something new every day More Info... by email There are three basic types of mental retardation facilities offered for the care and well-being of mentally retarded people: the group home, the nursing home and the work facility. These mental retardation facilities are also available in differing levels of care, from intermediate to severely dysfunctional. While the group home-type facility focuses on habilitation, the nursing home facility concentrates on those who may not be functional in society. The work facility is often tasked with assisting clients to develop working skills and find employment. Programs designed to benefit the mentally retarded are typically offered in two distinct types of mental retardation facilities. Group homes for the mentally retarded provide a place where small groups of mentally retarded clients can join together and explore the many facets of habilitating into society. Group leaders, counselors and other trained staff work hand-in-hand with volunteers and clients at mental retardation facilities to discover best methods of fitting in with family and friends while in the home. Self-care, hygiene and other life skills are explored and some higher learning exercises, such as reading, writing and phone skills, are also worked on at these types of mental retardation facilities. These programs are often offered in various levels to coincide with the abilities of the clients. Nursing home types of mental retardation facilities are designed to serve the more severely mentally retarded clients. Some of the older clients who are physically impaired and anyone who is not deemed appropriate for a group-type setting are commonly placed into these types of facilities. Unique challenges often arise in the treatment of this type of client as the day-to-day needs of a live-in program are encountered. Medical issues also come into play in this type of facility as the physical health and mental health are both being addressed, often with the goal of returning a client to his family, an independent home or a living facility or group home. Other types of mental retardation facilities are designed to teach employment skills and work trades to the clients. Providing a meaningful way for a client to spend his or her time while also obtaining a wage is often the goal of this type of facility. Some communities combine this type of facility with a local thrift store or assembly plant. The clients in these settings can learn how to stock shelves, interact with customers and perform other work-related tasks. One of our editors will review your suggestion and make changes if warranted. Note that depending on the number of suggestions we receive, this can take anywhere from a few hours to a few days. Thank you for helping to improve wiseGEEK!

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Diphthongs for Doug Posted by Neal on December 14, 2005 I was looking over the graded schoolwork Doug brought home today. One page was from a phonics workbook, and the task was to circle the words in which y had a “long e” sound. There were eight sentences, such as Ty and Molly were taking care of baby Freddy, and They heard Freddy cry in his crib. Doug had done pretty well, circling Molly, baby, Freddy, hurry, everything, funny, bunny, very, happy, and silly. He’d lost a few points, though, for circling they in the three sentences where it appeared, and play in another one. At supper, I asked him why he’d circled those words. “Listen, Dad,” he said. “Theyyyyyyyy, playyyyyyyyyy.“ Far out–he’d perceived that the long a sound was actually a diphthong. I didn’t think kids were supposed to have conscious access to that kind of information. “Congratulations, Doug,” I said. “You’ve figured out that the long a sound is actually two sounds smushed together. Most people can’t hear that long e at the end. It just sounds like one sound to them.” He was pleased enough at having made this discovery that I had him say a long, drawn out, “Ohhhhh” so he could hear that the long o sound actually ended with a long u. Then I picked his worksheet back up and told him there were actually some more words that ended with y making a long e sound as part of a diphthong. He didn’t believe it, and started running through the words to rule them out: “Well, it’s not try, it’s not cry…” I made him slow down, and then he heard the long e creeping in at the end of the long i sound. He thought it was pretty funny that if he’d counted the long i sound as having a long e, he’d have circled every word on the page that ended in y. And then, the most important part of the lesson: “So now you know that when they say long e, they mean long e that’s NOT part of some other sound like a long a or long i.” I don’t want him going to his teacher tomorrow, trying to argue that y really does make the long e sound in all these words. From the kind of arguments he’s been having with me lately, I could see him trying it.

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Send the link below via email or IMCopy Present to your audienceStart remote presentation - Invited audience members will follow you as you navigate and present - People invited to a presentation do not need a Prezi account - This link expires 10 minutes after you close the presentation - A maximum of 30 users can follow your presentation - Learn more about this feature in our knowledge base article Do you really want to delete this prezi? Neither you, nor the coeditors you shared it with will be able to recover it again. Make your likes visible on Facebook? You can change this under Settings & Account at any time. Chemistry Project: The Structure of The Atom Transcript of Chemistry Project: The Structure of The Atom 1. Matter is composed of tiny particles called ATOMS that are indivisible. 2. Atoms cannot be made or destroyed 3. Atoms of one element are different from that of a different element 4. Compounds are formed from atoms of the constituent elements in whole number ratios. Dalton Dalton's atom was a featureless sphere. it was an indivisible ball. In 1904 Thompson,while using a cathode ray scope, stated that all matter is made up of particles that are less massive than the atoms the form a part of. This statement led to the discovery of what we know of as electrons which he called corpuscles. He also studied rays know a canal rays. these were positively charged rays created by some types of gas discharge tubes. Thompson used the knowledge to form his theory that atoms had negative particles within them that were 'suspended' or held in a gel of positive charge. Joseph J. Thompson In 1859 a scientist named J. Plucker built a gas discharge tube which is now called a cathode ray. 20 years later Sir William Crookes discovered that the cathode rays produced by this discharge tube were negatively charged, travel in straight lines, cause glass to fluoresce and have mass. Plum Pudding Model Thompson's model was comprised of a large sphere of uniform positive charge embedded with smaller negatively charged particles (corpuscles) In 1911 another scientist named Ernest Rutherford wanted to test Thompson's theory. He conducted the Gold Foil experiment. Ernest Rutherford In this experiment Rutherford shot a beam of charged alpha particles through a foil of gold which was only about 0.00004 centimeter thick. He placed a zinc sulphide coated screen around the exit area to record the path of the particles. If Thompson's model was accurate then the alpha particles should pass through with little deflection. Hence they would only strike the screen directly behind the foil. Gold Foil Experiment When the experiment was conducted it was noted that though most of the particles came straight through the foil some were deflected at large angles and some even bounced back to the source. Results Of the Gold Foil Experiment This led Rutherford to conclude the Thompson's model of the atom was inaccurate. Rutherford developed his own model in which the atom has a central positive nucleus (where all its positive charge and mass is held) surrounded by orbiting electrons and empty space. Bohr was a Danish Physicist. In 1913 after studying Rutherford's model and the behavior of electrons he stated his theory that electrons in an atom orbit the nucleus in successively larger orbits.He also stated that as electrons move to a lower orbital they emit a photon int he form of light. His atomic model had the nucleus in the center with electrons orbiting it at different levels. Each outer level holding more electrons than the one below it. Niels Bohr Bohr's Model seemed to some scientist to contradict common sense. The model had technical issues (the concept only worked for hydrogen atoms) that had to worked on before it would be completely accepted as true. In the years post 1930 Scientists applied the concept of quantum theory to the atomic structure proposed by Bohr. This model is based on mathematics. Four quantum numbers were developed and used to describe elections and their positions in orbitals. Principal quantum number Angular momentum quantum number Magnetic quantum number Spin quantum number Quantum Mechanical Model Summary of the Development of The Atomic Structure The models used today are the Bohr Model and the Quantum Mechanical Model. Using these numbers electrons can be placed into exact orbitals which have specific shapes and capacities. There is an 's' orbital, a 'p' orbital, a 'd' orbital and an 'f' orbital. Which can hold 2, 8,10 and 14 electrons each respectively. University of Georgia Website ,Lecture notes for GEOL 3010, Significant event in Timeline; Dummies.com, Atomic Structure: The quantum Mechanical Model, Significant Event in Timeline; Atomictimeline.net, All, Basic Background Information; Modern Chemistry Textbook, chapter 3 and 4, Significant events on Timeline;

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The smartphone is now commonplace in society, with over 1.5 billion smartphone users worldwide. When Antonio Meucci first invented the telephone in 1860 it’s unlikely that even he could dream of the evolution that would take place to get to the smartphones of today. The smartphone is now commonplace in society, with over 1.5 billion smartphone users worldwide. Undoubtedly they are a huge resource where most of us have become accustomed to having access to the World Wide Web, 24/7. But the ease with which one can access the internet and all its contents is causing worry for many, and in particular parents. Interestingly, many parents don’t even realise the true extent of these dangers. It is estimated that half of all teens now own smartphones. A poll by BBC Learning also found that 1 in 5 children had been made upset by something on their device, with 20 per cent of parents not monitoring their child’s on-line behaviour. Although the use of the Internet is not something new, it was traditionally accessed via the home computer and so precautions and child safety settings were easier to set. Smartphones offer unprecedented freedom and children are being exposed to the pitfalls of the largely unregulated internet. Tony Neate of Get Safe Online says: “When children use mobile devices to access the web, they are using the same internet, with the same risks. There is a common misconception that smartphones and tablets don’t need the same level of protection as a PC.” Social media has allowed children to talk to others all across the world without restrictions and rarely any accountability. With almost half of all children who use the internet, between the ages 8 and 17, setting up profiles on social networking sites, the amount of cyber-bullying is becoming more commonplace. Smartphones have acted as great enablers as they allow a child to have access to these social media sites all day long. This has meant 1 in 3 young people are cyber-bullied, a statistic that is likely to rise if not assessed. Cyber-bullying much like other forms of bullying can have dire effects on the victim, but perhaps worst of all is when it results in physical harm and even suicide. Consider the tragic case of Hannah Smith, a 14 year old girl who killed herself after being cyber bullied on the website, ask.fm. As smartphone sales and the use of social media increases it is safe to assume that cyber-bullying will also increase, a 21st century danger that is likely to beckon more problems particularly for children. China is the top market for smartphone sales, but India and Indonesia are amongst those expected to have the strongest growth. This will undoubtedly result in more unwanted internet usage by children in new places. Access to Pornography Moreover, a grave problem with the ever growing access to the internet is how easy it is to access pornography. Another survey taken by mental health charity, Young Minds found that one third of children aged between 11 and 14 had viewed porn on-line using a mobile device. Although, most websites require you to be over 18, it is difficult to regulate and so children can view pornography, whether by choice or inadvertently. David Cameron has however said that internet censorship on all homes will be rolled out soon, meaning if a home wants access to pornography websites, which are legal, they will need to ring their internet providers and let them know. This brings up a whole lot of issues regarding people’s privacy but it will mean that children will not be able to view pornography on-line anymore. Many psychologists believe that pornography and its viewing by children can result in early sexualisation, an alarming thought to many. Its viewing by the young can be misunderstood and have damaging results. Dr Eileen Vizard explains: “They tend to escalate the seriousness of what they want to look at, sexual material that involves coercive acts towards women or maybe children.” Perhaps one of the most shocking is that of a case at Mold Crown Court where a 10 year old school boy was accused of raping another boy in the school toilets after viewing internet pornography. Albeit a case in the extreme, it showcases the damage of unregulated internet usage. Smartphones undoubtedly offer many advantages to their users, but the unregulated access to the internet can have dismal effects, including cyber-bullying and pornography access as well as child grooming and the violence that can be witnessed and enacted by various games. It is not just on-line access that is a problem; applications can also be downloaded onto a smartphone allowing children to make in-app purchases when playing games without their parents realising; this has resulted in huge bills that the parents did not think existed. It has become such a problem that Apple has had to refund £19.8 million to parents because of their children’s acquisitions without consent. The major problem with smartphones is the never ending access to the internet and apps, and one of the only ways to address this issue is if parents are more hands on. There are parental controls on several smartphones including the iPhone but unless parents talk to their children about the internet regarding both its pros and cons the cases of grooming and cyber-bullying are likely to increase. Smartphones and the threats associated with them are a social epidemic that is unlikely to stop right away if at all, but with better education the dangers should be easier to handle.

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It wasn't always this way. For centuries, tanned skin was considered unattractive, especially among women. A tan was not golden or glowing, but brown and weathered -- proof that someone labored outdoors. Well-bred ladies protected themselves with hats, parasols and long sleeves. Coco Chanel is widely credited -- or blamed -- with changing all that. In 1923, the story goes that Chanel, the French fashion designer, accidentally got a lot of sun while sailing aboard a yacht to Cannes. When she returned from the Riviera golden brown, a fad was born. Before long, so was an industry. Movie stars, politicians, models, teenagers, housewives -- everyone wanted to look bronzed. The rich and famous traveled to sunny places in winter or used a sunlamp. Ordinary people "worked" on their tans, "lying out" in the sun for hours. Sunburns were common. As the century wore on, dermatologists and oncologists in Western nations were alarmed by a surge in skin cancers. They warned that damage to the skin builds up over time, leading to wrinkles and dry skin, as well as cancer. By the 1970s, suntan lotions were giving way to sunscreen concoctions boasting varying degrees of protection. Tanning beds and booths began catering to those who wanted a tan but worried about the sun. It wasn't long, however, before doctors began to warn that the ultraviolet tanning lamps used in beds and booths were as bad as, if not worse than, the sun. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration says that tanning lamps may be more dangerous than the natural sun because people can use them at the same intensity year-round and can expose their whole bodies at once [source: U.S. FDA]. In a reverse of Chanel's trend-setting tan, some of today's celebrities, such as the porcelain-skinned Nicole Kidman, speak out against tanning [source: Quenqua]. Those who still desire a tan are beginning to turn to "sunless" tanning. Increasingly, the preferred option is spray tanning. In fact, news reports in September 2009 quoted a leading financial analyst as saying that spray tanning is the one area of growth in an otherwise declining tanning industry. Spray tanning, which brought in about 11 percent of the industry's revenue last year, is expected to grow to 17 percent by the end of the year, according to George Van Horn, the analyst [source: Conroy]. So, just what is this magic spray? Read on to find out.

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http://health.howstuffworks.com/skin-care/beauty/sun-care/spray-tanning1.htm

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Different types of waste have to be kept separate throughout the waste management process. Recyclables must be placed in appropriate waste containers. Each container has a label according to type of waste which is to be placed there. See more about how to deal with hazardous waste. Collection of biodegradable waste Separate collection for biodegradable waste is arranged in Rovaniemi city for residential buildings with five or more dwellings, as well as for other units producing minimum of 20kg biodegradable waste per week. Residential buildings with less than five dwellings are allowed to join separate collection system. The alternative choice for separate collection of bio-waste and municipal composting is home-composting, which is also strongly recommended. Composting biodegradable waste Composting biodegradable waste saves landfill space, decreases environmental effects and facilitates the management of mixed waste. Biodegradable waste, which is collected with separate collection system, is taken to composting site especially built for the purpose. From the kitchen to the collection bin and into the compost Organic, biodegradable waste makes up of approximately one third of all municipal waste. This is why it is important to sort the waste as soon as it is produced - either with home-composting or using separate waste collection. You do not need to feel intimidated by sorting: it is extremely easy. All you need is a separate bio-waste container. By protecting the container with a paper bag or a sheet of newspaper, you will make it easier to take out the waste - keep it from freezing and minimize the odour effects. The container will also stay clean. You should remove excess liquid before disposing bio-waste. You can put for example kitchen roll sheets (talouspaperi) or napkins (lautasliina) into the container, because they absorb liquid. The biodegradable waste collection containers are to be identified primarily by the BIOJÄTE label, but also by the colour of the waste container (brown or green). Please note: Further information about waste management, recycling and sorting is available from the toll-free waste advice telephone number: 0800 120 230 (mon-fri 9-15)

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CC-MAIN-2016-50

http://international.rovaniemi.fi/en/Services/Living/Garbage-Services

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en

(b Frankfurt am Main, c. 1360; d Frankfurt am Main, 1430/31). German architect and sculptor. He was one of the most important architects of the generation following the Parler family. His work in Frankfurt and the middle Rhine Valley exerted a lasting influence on the Late Gothic architecture and architectural sculpture of the early 15th century, extending over a wide area. His style was influenced by the formal vocabulary of the Parlers, and he ranks as an important exponent of the ‘Beautiful style’ (schöner Stil) c. 1400. He was born into a respected family of stone masons: with his father, Johann, he occupies the second place among stone masons on a list of inhabitants of Frankfurt dated 1387. Presumably he trained in his father's workshop, and as there is no evidence that he was in Frankfurt between 1387 and 1391 he may have gained wider experience through travel during those years. He probably visited the workshops in Nuremberg, Prague, Ulm and Vienna, all closely associated with the Parlers. His eventual contact with the art of the Burgundian court is now considered less significant. From The Grove Encyclopedia of Northern Renaissance Art in Oxford Reference. Subjects: Renaissance Art.

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http://oxfordindex.oup.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095849970

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en