The Nigrescence Theory

The Nigrescence model (or the Black Racial Identity model) was introduced by William Cross Jr. in 1971. Nigrescence, a French word meaning “the process of becoming Black,” outlines five stages that Blacks or African Americans typically follow in a journey toward an integrated racial identity.  Cross' model posits that African Americans proceed through a series of distinct psychological stages as they move from self-degradation to self-pride over time . In 1997, Cross revised his nigrescence model.

In the 1971 model, five identity stages characterized the process: Pre-Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, Internalization, and Internalization-Commitment. Pre-Encounter (Stage 1) describes Black individuals whose identity is based on mainstream values. Pre-Encounter Blacks adopt a pro-White identity and an anti-Black stance. Blacks in this stage are believed to be self-hating, resulting in low self-esteem, impaired personality, and poor mental health functioning. During Encounter (Stage 2), Blacks experience an episode or series of events that lead them to question their belief about the role of race in American society. This reexamination of their belief system can lead to a reevaluation of their racial identity and propel them into Stage 3, Immersion-Emersion. The Immersion-Emersion stage chronicles a volatile twofold transition from the old racial identity to a new one. At the beginning of this stage, individuals immerse themselves in Black culture to the point of romanticizing it. This immersion affects almost every facet of their lives and manifests itself in many ways (e.g., change in name and clothing, exclusive involvement in Black activities). A strong pro-Black identity is born (everything Black is good), and, concomitantly, a strong anti-White identity is also adopted (all Whites are evil). Emersion, which characterizes the movement out of Stage 3, results in another reevaluation process. Individuals become emotionally calmer and rationally reexamine their experiences and racial identity. The balance of affect and cognition results in an abandonment of anti-White sentiment and movement into the Internalization stage.

Internalization (Stage 4) describes the intellectual and emotional acceptance of being Black. As a result, being Black is now the background of the individual's existence, and other aspects of identity are considered as important as race. Stage 5, Internalization-Commitment, takes Black self-acceptance one step further into activism, characterizing those who have become involved in social change and civil rights issues. In contrast to Blacks in the Pre-Encounter stage, Blacks in the Internalization stages are viewed as psychologically healthy. Movement from Pre-Encounter to Internalization reflects a movement from psychological illness to psychological well-being.

In 1991, the revised model contained the ideas expressed in the original five stages in the same sequence, but substantive changes were made, especially in the Pre-Encounter and Internalization stages. In addition, the difference between reference group orientation and personal identity was high-lighted. Personal identity reflects the general personality or overall self-concept common to the psychological makeup of all human beings and is considered a minor component in nigrescence theory (Cross & Vandiver, 9001). In the Pre-Encounter stage, race salience, instead of the term pro-White, is now used to describe the degree of importance of race in the lives of most persons who are exemplars of Pre-Encounter. In addition, the acceptance of an American perspective and rejection of Black beliefs are no longer considered reflective of one identity. Rather, two Pre-Encounter identities are described: Pre-Encounter Assimilation and Pre-Encounter Anti-Black. Pre-Encounter Assimilation characterizes the adoption of a pro-American or mainstream identity, and race is not viewed as important. Individuals with an Assimilation identity are not anti-Black; rather, race has low salience (with a neutral valence) for them .

In contrast, the Pre-Encounter Anti-Black identity describes individuals who hate Blacks and being Black, and, as a result, being Black carries a high negative salience for them. Two aspects form the basis for the Anti-Black identity: miseducation and self-hatred. Cross (1991, p. 192) observed that Blacks have experienced "miseducation" and, consequently, hold negative stereotypical beliefs about Blacks. They believe the negative images (e.g., lazy, criminal, unintelligent) about Blacks depicted by mainstream society. To some extent, many Blacks hate Blacks as a group insofar as the group represents only negative stereotypes. However, Blacks who experience extreme miseducation personalize the negative Black stereotypes, which results in the rejection of Blackness at a deep structural level--Black self-hatred. Self-hating individuals fuse the negative stereotypes about Blacks into their personal identity. Thus, Anti-Black individuals have an extreme hatred of Blacks, in general, and hate themselves because they are Black, which, in turn, influences their self-esteem levels. The separation of the Pre-Encounter identities led to the reconceptualization of the relationship between self-esteem and racial identity. Low self-esteem is no longer linked to the Pre-Encounter stage but only to the Pre-Encounter Anti-Black identity. The Assimilation identity is considered to have no relationship to self-esteem. In contrast, Blacks holding an Anti-Black identity may have low self-esteem because negative stereotypes about race are linked to their personal identity, resulting in Black self-hatred .

In the revised model (Cross, 1991), no changes were proposed for the Encounter stage. Cross reiterated the importance of an encounter in leading to an identity change. The encounter can be "a single event" or "a series of small, eye-opening episodes" (Cross, 1991, p. 200) and, if personalized, has the potential to precipitate a change in identity. Thus, the Encounter stage represents a very fluid period in development and is not as easily categorized as other stages.

Two changes were proposed for Immersion-Emersion. The first change represents a reconceptualization of the role of Black Nationalism and its movement from the Immersion-Emersion stage to the Internalization stage. In the 1971 model, Cross implied that the intense Black involvement that takes place during Immersion is a sign of Black Nationalist sentiment. In the revised model, Black Nationalism is viewed as a positive internalization of being Black (positive high race salience), characterized by "Weusi [Swahili for Black] pride and Weusi self-acceptance". In contrast, the Black fervor, depicted in the revised model of the Immersion phase, no longer reflects the Black Nationalist ideology, but rather intense racial discomfort or "Weusi anxiety" (Cross, 1991, p. 205). The second substantive change involves a change in the number of Immersion-Emersion identities. The pro-Black and anti-White aspects of Immersion are now considered to be two separate identities, rather than one identity made up of two parts. An "immersed" individual can hold either one of the identities, or both, and as before, the emersion to Internalization occurs when the heightened emotionality of Immersion-Emersion is brought under control .

Two revisions were also made to the Internalization stages. Cross (1991) observed that "there are few differences between the psychology of Blacks at the fourth [Internalization] and fifth [Internalization-Commitment] stages of nigrescence other than ... sustained interest and commitment" (p. 220). Consequently, these two stages are collapsed and are collectively referred to as Internalization. In addition, the changes in Internalization also revolve around multiple identities. Like the Pre-Encounter and Immersion-Emersion stages, distinctive multiple identities are believed to exist in the Internalization stage. Cross (1991) identified three Internalization identities: Black Nationalist, Biculturalist, and Multiculturalist. The commonality of the three identities rests on the original premise of Internalization: Black self-acceptance. Regardless of the identity, an "internalized" individual is comfortable with his or her Blackness. What distinguishes the internalized identities from each other is the number of salient multiple identities beyond being Black. Being Black is the only salient identity for the Black Nationalist and is actualized through social and political activism in empowering the Black community. The Biculturalist incorporates two cultural identities, typically a sense of Blackness, fused with a sense of Americanness, whereas the Multiculturalist identity includes a matrix of three or more cultural frames of reference (e.g., Black identity plus gender, sexual orientation, or racial reference group orientations other than Black) .

1. ↑ https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007/978-0-387-71799-9\_47
2. ↑ https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1991-98901-019
3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 https://web-s-ebscohost-com.williamjames.idm.oclc.org/ehost/detail/detail?vid=5&sid=734f4895-20fa-4afe-bb8c-a102cf118901%40redis&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZSZzY29wZT1zaXRl#AN=2001-07547-001&db=psyh
4. ↑ Cross, W. E., Jr., & Vandiver, B. J. (2001). Nigrescence theory and measurement: Introducing the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS). In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, L. M. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (2nd ed., pp. 371-393). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 Cross, W. E., Jr. (1991). Shades of Black: Diversity in African-American identity. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.