共产国际-法国支部

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**共产党-共产国际法国分部**（法语：*Parti communiste- Section française de l'Internationale communiste*，*PC-SFIC*）是法国的一个左翼政党。

PC-SFIC建立于第一次世界大战后社会主义组织工人国际法国支部（SFIO）分裂之时。在第三共和国时期，PC-SFIC处于反军国主义、和平主义、反殖民斗争以及支持德国自由社会主义共和国统一的最前线。PC-SFIC在1920年至1925年间受到领导问题的影响，被社会主义者和激进社会主义与共和主义党激进派（即激进党）在政治上的孤立。尽管如此，PC-SFIC在1924年的立法选举中仍取得了10％的票数，这是它在众议院的第一次也是唯一一次选举。虽然这次选举似乎巩固了PC-SFIC的发展，但是由于缺乏领袖的明确领导和反共武装的崛起，最终导致了共产主义者，无政府主义者和民族主义者之间的冲突（当雷蒙街枪战与格朗日奥贝尔街区枪战）。

共产国际强烈批评这些行动，PC-SFIC随后也被激进政府镇压（在社会主义者的支持下）。在5月25日政变后，帝国救国与保护军事委员会禁止了该党派的行动。PC-SFIC法国境内维持秘密组织，并流亡到自由德国。

成立
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共产党成立于1920年12月。当时工人国际法国支部（SFIO）发生了分裂，支持弗拉基米尔·列宁在俄国布尔什维克革命后于1919年成立的共产国际（或称*国际*）的多数党员领导。

1914年第一次世界大战的爆发引发了SFIO内部的紧张局势，当时SFIO的大多数成员认同左翼社会主义者所说的“社会沙文主义”路线来支持法国的战争。但逐渐的，反战派在党内开始产生了影响，卢德维克·奥斯卡·弗罗萨德（Ludovic-Oscar Frossard）于1918年10月当选为总书记。此外，俄国布尔什维克革命的成功和德国斯巴达克团起义在魏玛德国的爆发也在法国的一些SFIO成员中引发了对类似共产主义革命的希望。

 File:Tours Congress.jpg

一战后，是否要成为新共产国际的成员成为了SFIO的主要问题。1920年春天，弗罗萨德（Frossard）和党报《人道报》的主任马塞尔·加香（Marcel Cachin）受命与俄罗斯的布尔什维克领导人会晤。他们观察了共产国际的第二次代表大会，在此期间弗拉基米尔·列宁提出了成为成员的21个条件。当他们返回时，弗罗萨德和加香建议该党加入共产国际。

在1920年12月召开的SFIO图尔市大会上，左派（鲍里斯·苏瓦林，费南德·洛里奥特）和“中间派”（卢德维克·奥斯卡·弗罗萨德，马塞尔·加香）支持了这一观点，但右翼派别（里昂·布鲁姆）则反对了这一观点。四分之三的选票在表决中支持了这一提案。支持共产国际的多数党成立了一个新党，即*共产国际法国分部*（*Section française de l'Internationale communiste*，SFIC），该党接受了严格的加入条件。

大多数社会主义议员和地方官员反对加入国际，特别是因为共产国际严格的民主集中制及其对议会主义的谴责。这些成员组成了一个残缺的SFIO，其成员比SFIC少得多，但他们仍然拥有强大的公职人员和议会基础。

 File:Congress PC-SFIC 1921.jpg
SFIC的创始人带着 让·饶勒斯（Jean·Jaurès）于1904年成立的党报*《人道报》*分裂了出去。在法国总工会（CGT）中，共产主义多数夺取了领导权，他们迎接了赤色职工国际秘书，所罗门·洛佐夫斯基。由CGT前首席部长里昂·儒勒（Léon Jouhaux）领导的改革派少数派于1922年分离成立劳工工人联合会。

新的共产党将自己定义为一个革命党，它会使用合法，秘密或是非法手段。党组织是在严格的民主集中制原则下运作的。少数派被迫跟随多数派，但容忍有组织的派系或相反的观点，而成员受到严格控制，持不同政见者经常被从党内清除。

## 边缘化 （1922-1925）

### 领导权危机

在共产党早期为控制法国左派而与SFIO进行斗争的同时，这个新生政党因一系列分裂和驱逐而被削弱和边缘化。

在共产国际的建议下，SFIC按照布尔什维克的路线（以“小组”的形式，地方组织，从工人阶级来的工作人员的晋升）重组党的结构。

SFIC的第一任秘书长卢德维克·奥斯卡·弗罗萨德经常不愿遵守共产国际的指示。的确，党的领导反对“无产阶级独自阵线”的战略。此外，弗罗萨德的内部反对者之一鲍里斯·苏瓦林（Boris Souvarine）是共产国际秘书处的成员。在SFIC第二届代表大会上，分歧在光天化日之下爆发，没有提案获得多数，党亦被划分为“左派”（苏瓦林运动）和“中派”（弗罗萨德运动）。共产国际不得不介入，弗罗萨德辞职，并于1923年离开PC-SFIC，成立了一个持不同政见的联合共产党，而后成为共产主义社会党（但弗罗萨德本人重新加入了SFIO）。党的总书记由路易斯·塞利耶（中派）和阿尔伯特·特林特（左派）共同担任。

从1923年6月起，新任总书记（路易斯·塞利耶和阿尔伯特·特林特）便很快不再反对他们。在塞利尔照顾政党联盟（译者注：原文Federation，暂不清楚该词的具体指向）的同时，阿尔伯特·特林特在地区代表中占了上风。根据格里戈里·季诺维耶夫（Grigory Zinoniev）的描述，阿尔伯特·特林特用*那种胸怀狭窄的官僚主义灌输自己*，他在的想法是使SFIC成为真正的*西方的布尔什维克党*，并在该党的出版物中呼吁该党进行*布尔什维化*。与弗罗萨德一样，鲍里斯·苏瓦林也反对新任总书记，他觉得*“阿尔伯特·特雷因特同志希望比布尔什维克更像布尔什维克，比斯巴达克主义者更斯巴达克派，并且自欺欺人。”*在1924年1月的SFIC第三届代表大会上，阿尔伯特·特林特没有再次当选为政治局成员（但仍留在中央委员会中）。路易斯·塞利埃随后当选为PC-SFIC的唯一秘书，并制止了特林特的改革。

* Ludovic-OscarFrossard-1929.jpgLudovic-Oscard Frossard, Secretary-General of PC-SFIC from 4 January 1921 to 1 January 1923
* AlbertTreint.jpgAlbert Treint, Secretary-General of PC-SFIC with Louis Sellier from 1 January 1923 to 23 January 1924
* LouisSellier.jpgLouis Sellier, Secretary-General of PC-SFIC with Albert 1 January 1923 to 23 January 1924 then Secretary-General 23 January 1924 to 1 June 1925
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在1924年立法选举中，SFIC赢得了10.2％的选票，获得62个席位，比SFIO要少。但是左翼派别的领导层优先考虑大罢工和革命行动而不是选举。在法国议会中，SFIC的第一届民选代表反对由SFIO）和激进党组成的左翼联盟。但是，SFIC首次参选的惨败（尽管有分歧）使该党的主流反议会主义者相当自满。

SFIC将在路易斯·塞利耶的领导下做出改变战术。确实，共产党员在选举中的成功似乎令社会主义者，共和派人，民族主义者以及共产人他们自己都感到惊讶。那些不认为他们能够当选的人现在亲眼目睹了青年工人代表的到来（雅克·杜克洛斯，莫里斯·索雷兹，雅克·多里奥特，亨利·巴贝，罗伯特·艾罗耶等）……这些代表中大多数没有经过充分的培训。他们将会更多在莫斯科出席，而不是在巴黎。

 File:Duclos, Cachin, Barbé, Doriot, Alloyer, Thorez.jpg
### 无法坚持政治立场

尽管仍然反对左翼联盟，SFIC还是欢迎赫里欧政府采取的一些行动，例如承认社会主义国家（苏联，[[
匈牙利社会主义联邦苏维埃共和国|匈牙利]]，斯洛伐克，波兰），削减军事预算以及与国际联盟协调采取行动。然而，共产党人继续在莱茵兰进行反军国主义行动，结果SFIC的众多激进分子被逮捕进而导致党继续反对法国在摩洛哥的殖民主义运动（里夫战争）。

为了调和党内的各个派系，路易斯·塞利耶提出与其他左翼政党（包括SFIO）结盟，以打击民族主义。共产国际批评该策略为“选举主义派”，因为路易斯·塞利耶仅要求联盟参加市级和大区级选举。鲍里斯·苏瓦林从共产国际发出指示，要求与社会主义者的团结和同盟集中在工会行动上。

如果塞利耶对党拥有（哪怕只是有限的）权力，那么法国总工会（CGT）实际上就处于鞭长莫及的境地。鉴于共产主义者和无政府主义者之间深深的分歧动摇了CGT，因此与劳工总联合会（CGT-FO）与工会的合作是不可能的。阿尔伯特·特林特的例子能生动地展示这一分歧。作为中央委员会的一位成员，他在SFIC和CGT的报纸上呼吁抵制无政府主义者。 因此，很明显，SFIC必须不仅要站在CGT的立场上进行更多干预，以便能够长期与CGT-FO进行合作，而且还必须干预CGT的结构，以便结束他们内部分裂。 这导致CGT内部无政府主义者的边缘化。

尽管如此，路易斯·塞利耶似乎并没有真正遵循共产国际的指示，他在寻求与社会主义者结成选举联盟。总书记越来越多的受到中央委员会的批评，越来越多的议员和共产主义市长对塞利耶的策略产生分歧。年轻的代表和工人市长尤其反对领导层的“选举主义”。塞利耶的反对派在与SFIO进行谈判的过程中更加坚定，他要设法让一部分共产主义候选人退出选举，从而为激进候选人（以是否是资产阶级政党党员判断）谋利而不是为了社会主义者谋利。关闭选举的大门完全违背了单线作战的原则。从那时起，共产国际判断路易斯·塞利耶露出了“社会民主主义”的马脚，并认定他必须尽快下台。

 File:Manifestation 1925.jpg
The 1925 municipal elections brought to light the internal divisions of the SFIC. Two events will precipitate things. The first is the shootout in Grange-aux-Belles of January 1924, where in a "Union House" following violent verbal jousts between communists and anarchists, two arnarchists died under Communist bullets and caused the departure of many anarchists from the CGT. The second more telling, is the Damrémont Street shootout of April 1925 where this time, clashes between nationalists and communists on the background of an electoral meeting ended with the death of 4 nationalist militants and 50 wounded on both sides. It will then give rise to a strong reaction from all political parties, and the SFIC will speak of "workers' defense" in the face of the provocation of "fascist militants". Thereafter, the tone of the Communists wants to be more appeasing but only Albert Treint persists and signs and without waiting for the opinion of the Comintern, the Politburo takes advantage of this event to expel Albert Treint from the Central Committee and the party.
The reaction of the nationalists remains when it keen and demonstrations are organized demanding the resignation of the Herriot government and the ban on the SFIC. Edouard Herriot tries to calm things down by arresting and bringing the Communists to court and by prohibiting their demonstrations. This will not be enough and then leads to the nationalist demonstrations of May then Coup of 25 May.

== Clandestinity (1925 -1932) ==
The fall of the Third Republic marks the entry into the illegality of the French Communists. One of the reasons for the coup and the formation of the Military Committee of National Salvation and Preservation of the Empire is the threat of a communist coup.

The capture of the Palais Bourbon by the nationalist leagues was accompanied by the arrest of deputies (radicals, republicans, socialists and communists). All the Communist deputies present were lynched, a handful of them managed to escape. The SFIC was officially banned on 1 June 1925, the central committee of the Communist Party secretly met in the Red Belt of Paris, and launched an appeal for a general strike and for unitary action with all the republican and socialist forces.

In parallel, the free Communist deputies and mayors form the French Workers and Peasants Party in an attempt to maintain a structure. It becomes clear that no legal form of hidden Communist Party can remain. The party's press organs are in their turn seized and the editors are imprisoned.

=== Exil in Germany ===
The first French Communists to enter into exile are the Communists present abroad (most of the time in connection with the Comintern).

It's the French Communists delagation present in Moscow to attend the enlarged Executive Committee of the Communist International (Ve Plenum: March 21-April 6, 1925) which are first abroad, even if at the time of coup the majority of those who attended the Plenum had already returned to France at the end of April. Marcel Cachin director of *L'Humanité* and member of Politburo, was at the moment of the coup in FSRD, the Comintern finally asked him to stay in Germany to welcome the communist refugees and begin the formation of a Communist Party in exile. He was then joined by André Marty, Boris Souvarine, Louis Sellier, Maurice Thorez and union leaders.

 File:Marcel Cachin .jpg
Thus in January 1926, the number of Communists of the SFIC rises to the figure of 500 people enough to reconstitute the Communist Party and then organizes the "Party of internal combat and external support" Congress. A change of direction came, Louis Sellier was replaced by Marcel Cachin. The CGT is also reformed.

The two organizations were then renamed Communist Party (external), CGT (external) and the organizations present in France are they called Communist Party (Interior) and CGT (Interior).

=== Main workers' and anti-militarist resistance organization ===
The SFIC is heavily affected by arrests and repression (see White Terror (France)). On 52,000 members of the SFIC in 1925, more than 39,000 were arrested between 1925 and 1927. 44 of the 62 Communist deputies, were imprisoned in labor camps in Algeria, Guyanne (Devil's Island), New Caledonia and French African colonies.

To face this disorganization of the party, the communists remained free form the Special Organization (O.S), aiming to reconstitute in clandestinity, the apparatus of the Communist Party. In order to resume contact with activists member of the party but also affiliates to unions, associations and groups close to the SFIC (CGT, ARAC, *L'Humanité*, etc). Consequently the clandestine situation of the communists, propels at the head of the O.S and therefore of the clandestine SFIC of the members little known to see unknown. Thus is found on the initiative of the Parisian section of the O.S of young communists (Jacques Duclos, Paul Vaillant-Couturier, Jacques Doriot, Benoit Frachon, Prosper Môquet, etc.) and in the rest of France (Charles Tillon, Waldeck Rochet, Pierre Sémard, etc.). However important figures of the party participate and are active like Pierre Monatte, Alfred Rosmer, Renaud Jean, etc.

The O.S quickly resumed contact with the communists in exile. Gabriel Péri, member of the Parisian OS is sent to attend the Vth Congress of the SFIC in Berlin in January 1926 and returns clandestinely to France in March 1926. Thus the clandestine SFIC is formed according to the instructions of the Vth Congress, although the clandestine nature of the party requires collective leadership but Jacques Duclos is perceived as the leader of the underground communist party.

 File:JacquesDuclos1932.jpg
The clandestine SFIC chooses to focus its fight on workers' and anti-military action. In April 1926, the Party's CC launches a call for a "unitary action of the workers, for Peace, Liberty, Socialism and the Republic", the contact is established with the underground socialist organizations even if the CGT-FO is still perceived as a treacherous organization because the CGT-FO is prohibited in 1928 unlike the CGT prohibited in 1925. Illegal strikes were launched, as well as military sabotage and the workers 'and peasants' refusal to military conscription was also mocked by *L'Humanité clandestine*.

Over the years and after the CGT-FO was banned in 1928, the underground SFIC and SFIO (without the endorsement for the SFIO in exile) decided to jointly call for the formation of a "single workers and peasants union of anti-fascist combat "(term taken from the Italian Communists). The date of February 19, 1930 is chosen (echoing the strikes of February 1920 which will lead to the split of the CGT) for formed by the fusion of the clandestine CGT and the clandestine CGT-FO, the United General Confederation of Labor (CGT-U).

Finally, following the Italian example of the Revolutionary Liberation Committee (CRL), the SFIC launched the creation of the National Front of the Resistance (full name: National Front of the Republican Resistance, of the struggle for democracy and the establishment of socialism) in July 1931 with as manifest:

> "... the essential task is the struggle for the national liberation of the dictatorship ... The main conditions necessary for the success of this struggle are 1) national unity excluding all traitors and capitulators, creating a national front for the struggle for the liberty 2) force fundamental of this national front must be working class with Communist party at its head ... "
>
>

A reproach is made by the Communist International and the external SFIC which that this organization calls to the rallying to non-workers forces. The interior SFIC considers that it remains in the single front line but does not close the doors of the fight to the authentic Republicans.

## Election results

=== Legislative elections ===
{| class="wikitable"
!**Election**
!Party leader
!**Seats**
!Votes
!%

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