Communist Party-French Section of the Communist International

The **Communist Party-French Section of the Communist International** (French: *Parti communiste* *-Section française de l'Internationale communiste*, **PC-SFIC**) is a left-wing political party in France.

Founded in the aftermath of the First World War by the split of socialists partisans of the adhesion of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) in the Communist International. During the Third Republic period, the PC-SFIC was at the forefront of the anti-militarist, pacifist, anti-colonial struggle and for the reunification of Germany under the Free Socialist Republic of Germany. Infected by leadership problems between 1920 and 1925, the PC-SFIC found itself politically isolated by Socialists and Radicals. Despite this, the PC-SFIC recorded a score of 10% in the legislative elections of 1924, its first and only election for the Chamber of Deputies. While this election seems to consolidate the PC-SFIC in its progress, the lack of clear leadership at the head of the party and the rise of anti-communist forces leads to clashes between communists, anarchists and nationalists (Damrémont Street Shootout and Shootout in Grange-aux-Belles).

Strongly criticized by the Comintern for these actions, the PC-SFIC was suppressed by the radical government (supported by the socialists). Banned by the Military Committee of National Salvation and Preservation of the Empire, following the Coup of 25 May. The PC-SFIC maintains a clandestine organization inside France and outside in exile in FSRD.

## Foundation

The Communist Party was founded in December 1920 by a split in the socialist French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), led by the majority of party members who supported membership in the Communist International (or "Comintern") founded in 1919 by Vladimir Lenin after the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia.

The outbreak of World War I in 1914 sparked tensions within the SFIO, when a majority of the SFIO took what left-wing socialists called a "social-chauvinist" line in support of the French war effort. Gradually, anti-war factions gained in influence in the party and Ludovic-Oscar Frossard was elected general secretary in October 1918. Additionally, the success of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia and the beginning of Spartacist Revolution in Germany aroused hope for a similar communist revolution in France among some SFIO members.

   After the war, the issue of membership in the new Communist International became a major issue for the SFIO. In the spring of 1920, Frossard and Marcel Cachin, director of the party newspaper *L'Humanité*, were commissioned to meet with Bolshevik leaders in Russia. They observed the second congress of the Communist International, during the course of which Vladimir Lenin set out the 21 conditions for membership. When they returned, Frossard and Cachin recommended that the party join the Communist International.<gallery>

At the SFIO's Tours Congress in December 1920, this opinion was supported by the left-wing faction (Boris Souvarine, Fernand Loriot) and the 'centrist' faction (Ludovic-Oscar Frossard, Marcel Cachin), but opposed by the right-wing faction (Léon Blum). This majority option won three quarters of the votes from party members at the congress. The pro-Comintern majority founded a new party, known as the French Section of the Communist International (*Section française de l'Internationale communiste*, SFIC), which accepted the strict conditions for membership.

A majority of socialist parliamentarians and local officeholders were opposed to membership, particularly because of the Communist International's strict democratic centralism and its denunciation of parliamentarianism. These members went on to form a rump SFIO, which had a much smaller membership than the SFIC but which could count on a strong base of officeholders and parliamentarians.

The founders of the SFIC took with them the party paper *L'Humanité*, founded by Jean Jaurès in 1904. In the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) trade unions, the Communist majority take the leadership, salute by the secretary of Red International of Labour Unions (RILU), Solomon Lozovsky. The reformist minority lead by the former chief of CGT Léon Jouhaux seceded to form the General Confederation of Labor - Worker's Force in 1922.

The new communist party defined itself as a revolutionary party, which used legal as well as clandestine or illegal means. The party organization was run under strict democratic centralist precepts. The minority factions were compelled to follow the majority faction, but organized factions or contrary opinions were tolerate, while membership was tightly controlled and dissidents often purged from the party.

## Marginalization (1922-1925)

### Crisis of leaderships

In its early years, as the communists fought the SFIO for control of the French left, the new party was weakened and marginalized by a series of splits and expulsions.

On the advice of the Communist International, the SFIC needs a reorganization of the party structure along the lines of the Bolsheviks (discipline, local organization in the form of "cells", ascent of a staff which came from the working-class).

The first secretary-general of the SFIC, Ludovic-Oscar Frossard, was often reluctant to obey the directives of the Communist International. Indeed, the party leadership was opposed to the strategy of the "proletarian unique front". Furthermore, one of Frossard's internal opponents, Boris Souvarine, was a member of the secretariat of the Communist International. At the IIth Congres of SFIC, the divisions explode in broad daylight, no motions obtain the majority and the party is divided between the "left" (Motion Souvarine) and the "center" (Motion Frossard). The situation is such that the Comintern is obliged to intervene. Frossard resigned and left the PC-SFIC in 1923 to found a dissident United Communist Party which later became the Communist Socialist Party (but Frossard himself rejoined the SFIO). The general secretariat of the Party was shared by Louis Sellier (center faction) and Albert Treint (left-wing faction).

The new secretaries (Louis Sellier and Albert Treint), will not be long in their turn to oppose them from June 1923. While Sellier took care of the federations, Albert Treint had the upper hand over the regional delegates. Albert Treint who, according to Grigory Zinoniev's description *"the very type of the narrow-minded bureaucrat imbued with himself"*, had the idea of making the SFIC a true "*Western Bolshevik Party*" and demonstrated in the party's publications for the "*Bolshevization*" of the SFIC. As with Frossard, Boris Souvarine opposes the new secretary and estimated that *"Comrade Albert Treint wants to be more Bolshevik than the Bolsheviks, more Spartakist than Spartakists and arrogating himself a support and a line that no one has given him ".* At the IIIth Congress of SFIC, in January 1924, Albert Treint was not re-elected to the Poliburo (but remained in Central Committee). Louis Sellier was then elected sole secretary of the PC-SFIC and put a brake on the modifications launched by Treint.

* Ludovic-Oscard Frossard, Secretary-General of PC-SFIC from 4 January 1921 to 1 January 1923
* Albert Treint, Secretary-General of PC-SFIC with Louis Sellier from 1 January 1923 to 23 January 1924
* Louis Sellier, Secretary-General of PC-SFIC with Albert 1 January 1923 to 23 January 1924 then Secretary-General 23 January 1924 to 1 June 1925
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In the 1924 legislative election, the SFIC won 10.2% of the vote and 62 seats, weaker than the SFIO. But the leadership of the Left wing faction, priority was given to general strikes and revolutionary actions rather than elections. In the French Parliament, the SFIC's first elected deputies were opposed to the Cartel des Gauches coalition formed by the SFIO and the Radical Party. But the shattering entry of the SFIC for its first election (despite divisions) made relativize the anti-parliamentarism yet official line of the party.

It is then under the direction of Louis Sellier that the SFIC will make a tactical turn. Indeed, the success of the communists in the elections seems to be a surprise for the socialists, the republicans, the nationalists as well as the communists themselves. People who did not think they were elected get seats and see the arrival of young workers' deputies (Jacques Duclos, Maurice Thorez, Jacques Doriot, Henri Barbé, Robert Alloyer etc ...) most of these deputies are not sufficiently trained will be more present in Moscow than in Paris.

### Inability to hold a political line

Although still opposed to the Cartel des Gauches. The SFIC welcomes some of the actions of the Herriot government, such as the recognition of the socialist countries (USSR, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland), the reduction of the military budget and the actions in coordination with the League of Nations. However, the Communists continued their anti-militarist actions in the Rhineland, which resulted in the arrest of the numerous militants of the SFIC and the party campaigned against French colonialism in Morocco (the Rif War).

In order to reconcile the various factions of the party, Louis Sellier proposed alliances with other left-wing parties (including the SFIO) in order to combat nationalism. This strategy was criticized by the board of the Communist International as "electoralist" because Louis Sellier only aim the alliance for Municipal and Cantonal elections. Boris Souvarine sent the instruction from the Comintern to focus unity and alliance with the Socialists on trade union action.

Except, if Sellier had (limited) authority over the party, the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) was beyond the reach of its action. Union unity with the General Confederation of Labour - Workers' Force (CGT-FO) was out of the question in view of the deep divisions which were shaking the CGT between communists and anarchists, these divisions were all the more lively as Albert Treint, still a member of the Central Committee, called for the rejection of the anarchists in the newspapers of the SFIC and the CGT. It then became clear that the SFIC must both intervene more in the direction of the CGT in order to be able in the long term to be able to act with the CGT-FO but also intervene in the structure of the CGT in order to put an end to the internal divisions. This results in the marginalization of anarchists within the CGT.

Despite this, Louis Sellier does not really seem to follow the instructions of the Comintern, and accentuates his search for an electoral alliance with the socialists. The Secretary-General became more and more criticized by the Central Committee, more, parliamentarians and communist mayors divided on the tactics of Sellier. Young deputies and workers' mayors in particular oppose the "electoralism" of the leadership. The opposition against Sellier strengthens, when in the context of negotiations with the SFIO, he must have the possibility on the part of communist candidates of a withdrawal for the benefit not for a socialist but for a radical candidates (judged as a member of a bourgeois party). These closures go completely against the Tactics of the Single Front. From then on appears - according to the Comintern - the "social democratic" nature of Louis Sellier and that he must be removed from the leadership of the party as soon as possible.

    The 1925 municipal elections brought to light the internal divisions of the SFIC. Two events will precipitate things. The first is the shootout in Grange-aux-Belles of January 1924, where in a "Union House" following violent verbal jousts between communists and anarchists, two arnarchists died under Communist bullets and caused the departure of many anarchists from the CGT. The second more telling, is the Damrémont Street shootout of April 1925 where this time, clashes between nationalists and communists on the background of an electoral meeting ended with the death of 4 nationalist militants and 50 wounded on both sides. It will then give rise to a strong reaction from all political parties, and the SFIC will speak of "workers' defense" in the face of the provocation of "fascist militants". Thereafter, the tone of the Communists wants to be more appeasing but only Albert Treint persists and signs and without waiting for the opinion of the Comintern, the Politburo takes advantage of this event to expel Albert Treint from the Central Committee and the party.

The reaction of the nationalists remains when it keen and demonstrations are organized demanding the resignation of the Herriot government and the ban on the SFIC. Edouard Herriot tries to calm things down by arresting and bringing the Communists to court and by prohibiting their demonstrations. This will not be enough and then leads to the nationalist demonstrations of May then Coup of 25 May.

## Clandestinity (1925 -1932)

The fall of the Third Republic marks the entry into the illegality of the French Communists. One of the reasons for the coup and the formation of the Military Committee of National Salvation and Preservation of the Empire is the threat of a communist coup.

The capture of the Palais Bourbon by the nationalist leagues was accompanied by the arrest of deputies (radicals, republicans, socialists and communists). All the Communist deputies present were lynched, a handful of them managed to escape. The SFIC was officially banned on 1 June 1925, the central committee of the Communist Party secretly met in the Red Belt of Paris, and launched an appeal for a general strike and for unitary action with all the republican and socialist forces.

In parallel, the free Communist deputies and mayors form the French Workers and Peasants Party in an attempt to maintain a structure. It becomes clear that no legal form of hidden Communist Party can remain. The party's press organs are in their turn seized and the editors are imprisoned.

### Exil in Germany

The first French Communists to enter into exile are the Communists present abroad (most of the time in connection with the Comintern).

It's the French Communists delagation present in Moscow to attend the enlarged Executive Committee of the Communist International (Ve Plenum: March 21-April 6, 1925) which are first abroad, even if at the time of coup the majority of those who attended the Plenum had already returned to France at the end of April. Marcel Cachin director of *L'Humanité* and member of Politburo, was at the moment of the coup in FSRD, the Comintern finally asked him to stay in Germany to welcome the communist refugees and begin the formation of a Communist Party in exile. He was then joined by André Marty, Boris Souvarine, Louis Sellier, Maurice Thorez and union leaders.

Thus in January 1926, the number of Communists of the SFIC rises to the figure of 500 people enough to reconstitute the Communist Party and then organizes the "Party of internal combat and external support" Congress. A change of direction came, Louis Sellier was replaced by Marcel Cachin. The CGT is also reformed.

The two organizations were then renamed Communist Party (external), CGT (external) and the organizations present in France are they called Communist Party (Interior) and CGT (Interior).

### Main workers' and anti-militarist resistance organization

The SFIC is heavily affected by arrests and repression (see White Terror (France)). On 52,000 members of the SFIC in 1925, more than 39,000 were arrested between 1925 and 1927. 44 of the 62 Communist deputies, were imprisoned in labor camps in Algeria, Guyanne (Devil's Island), New Caledonia and French African colonies.

To face this disorganization of the party, the communists remained free form the Special Organization (O.S), aiming to reconstitute in clandestinity, the apparatus of the Communist Party. In order to resume contact with activists member of the party but also affiliates to unions, associations and groups close to the SFIC (CGT, ARAC, *L'Humanité*, etc). Consequently the clandestine situation of the communists, propels at the head of the O.S and therefore of the clandestine SFIC of the members little known to see unknown. Thus is found on the initiative of the Parisian section of the O.S of young communists (Jacques Duclos, Paul Vaillant-Couturier, Jacques Doriot, Benoit Frachon, Prosper Môquet, etc.) and in the rest of France (Charles Tillon, Waldeck Rochet, Pierre Sémard, etc.). However important figures of the party participate and are active like Pierre Monatte, Alfred Rosmer, Renaud Jean, etc.

The O.S quickly resumed contact with the communists in exile. Gabriel Péri, member of the Parisian OS is sent to attend the Vth Congress of the SFIC in Berlin in January 1926 and returns clandestinely to France in March 1926. Thus the clandestine SFIC is formed according to the instructions of the Vth Congress, although the clandestine nature of the party requires collective leadership but Jacques Duclos is perceived as the leader of the underground communist party.

The clandestine SFIC chooses to focus its fight on workers' and anti-military action. In April 1926, the Party's CC launches a call for a "unitary action of the workers, for Peace, Liberty, Socialism and the Republic", the contact is established with the underground socialist organizations even if the CGT-FO is still perceived as a treacherous organization because the CGT-FO is prohibited in 1928 unlike the CGT prohibited in 1925. Illegal strikes were launched, as well as military sabotage and the workers 'and peasants' refusal to military conscription was also mocked by *L'Humanité clandestine*.

Over the years and after the CGT-FO was banned in 1928, the underground SFIC and SFIO (without the endorsement for the SFIO in exile) decided to jointly call for the formation of a "single workers and peasants union of anti-fascist combat "(term taken from the Italian Communists). The date of February 19, 1930 is chosen (echoing the strikes of February 1920 which will lead to the split of the CGT) for formed by the fusion of the clandestine CGT and the clandestine CGT-FO, the United General Confederation of Labor (CGT-U).

Finally, following the Italian example of the Revolutionary Liberation Committee (CRL), the SFIC launched the creation of the National Front of the Resistance (full name: National Front of the Republican Resistance, of the struggle for democracy and the establishment of socialism) in July 1931 with as manifest:

> "... the essential task is the struggle for the national liberation of the dictatorship ... The main conditions necessary for the success of this struggle are 1) national unity excluding all traitors and capitulators, creating a national front for the struggle for the liberty 2) force fundamental of this national front must be working class with Communist party at its head ... "
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A reproach is made by the Communist International and the external SFIC which that this organization calls to the rallying to non-workers forces. The interior SFIC considers that it remains in the single front line but does not close the doors of the fight to the authentic Republicans.