List of Proto-Batanic words

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This is a **list of Proto-Batanic words.** The list is sorted alphabetically based on the Proto-Batanic word but also included is the number Doris Yang included in her original reconstruction of PBat. There are four main sources for the lexicon:

* The Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, compiled by Robert Blust.
* Doris Hsiao-Fang Yang's reconstruction (see above).
* SIL Philippines' Ibatan-English dictionary, which also lists some Ivatan words. The source is given.
* Roger Blench's *A new look at Bashiic*, which suggests a substrate for the Batanic languages to explain some lexical innovations. The source is given.

(I am confident that this can be used for academic purposes, but if you are using this for such, please ignore Proto-Donghai as it is a constructed language for use in the alternate history on this wiki. My "reconstructions" of Proto-Donghai are based on my fact-based reconstructions of Proto-Batanic, not the other way around.)

### Notes

1. ↑ 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 1.17 1.18 1.19 1.20 A root idiosyncratic to Proto-Batanic, corroborated by Roger Blench. Possibly from an Austronesian or Negrito substrate.
2. ↑ 2.00 2.01 2.02 2.03 2.04 2.05 2.06 2.07 2.08 2.09 2.10 2.11 2.12 My own reconstruction based on the reflexes below.
3. ↑ Archaism
4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 Term obstensibly displaced in Yami.
5. ↑ \*ahnay not \*anay because of Itbayaten *a?nay* with a glottal stop, though I write it as *anay*
6. ↑ There exists Itbayat *apog* but this appears to be a loan from Ilokano *apug*.
7. ↑ Yang gives the meaning of #266 as "child (own)", but as PMP \*anak is just "child" (among other meanings), and as Yami and Babuyan simply define it as "child", the "one's own child" meaning in Itbayat appears to be a later development.
8. ↑ Reconstructing this with a \*r due to the Yami reflex.
9. ↑ \*u to \*e is irregular.
10. ↑ 1. Tastiness and sweetness may be the same concept in Batanic languages.
2. P(W)MP \*d → PBat \*R is rather irregular. Maybe it ought to be PWMP \*seRep.
11. ↑ Alteration of \*tenek.
12. ↑ Blench gives Itbayaten *oyog* which may or may not be cognate.
13. ↑ One would expect \*\*vago, but the reflexes below do indeed use /b/ and not /v/. May come from a substrate that used /b/.
14. ↑ Loan from Ilokano *kimat*, from PPh \*kimat.
15. ↑ Yang gives this as \*rayi, but the PPh ancestor and Itbayat *harawi* suggest \*hadawi. Babuyan *ahwad* is odd; no other Batanic language exhibits such extreme metathesis.
16. ↑ The ACD gives *ja-hinoy* meaning "unripe" so we can assume *ja-* is a negative marker.
17. ↑ Blust in the ACD notes a \*kamaguN displaced by \*mabulu but does not list \*kamaguN directly. (In addition, descendants of \*kamaguN seem to still be widely used, e.g. Tagalog *kamagong*.)
18. ↑ Blench stated that "This resembles some Formosan terms for 'tree' e.g. Amis *kasoy*, but is not definitely cognate." It is cognate with *kasoy*.
19. ↑ 19.0 19.1 Most likely a loanword from Ilokano *kabugaw* of the same meaning, rather than a direct descendant from PPh \*kabuRaw and PBat \*kavoyaw.
20. ↑ I reconstruct \*kaya in Proto-Batanic because the Kumaso people are 1) considered to be Austronesian or at least have influence from Austronesians, and 2) use the word *kaya* in titles. This is real-life information that I have simply adapted into DotI.
21. ↑ Metathesis of \*h
22. ↑ The expected PBat reflex of \*kuRapu would be \*\*kuyapu, which has led to me to posit that this is, in fact, an Ilokano loanword. I have decided to put it in PBat rather than pass it off as a shared borrowing because of its presence in Yami.
23. ↑ There exists Ivatan and Babuyan *bola* but SIL Philippines gives it as a loanword from Ilokano *bula*.
24. ↑ Blust, in the ACD, calls this a loan. I personally think so too, but it must have been a loan in Proto-Batanic due to its presence in Yami. (Alternatively, it could have simply spread northwards from Luzon, but the retention of Yami non-cognates suggests that contact with the other Bashi Strait islands was not as frequent.)
25. ↑ Yang reconstructs this without the initial \*o, but the reflexes in Ivatan and Babuyan point towards it.
26. ↑ \*atnek with the causative prefix \*pa-
27. ↑ According to SIL Philippines, *podaw* is a loanword from Ilokano *pudaw*. I still believe that \*podaw was an PBat word whether it was inherited directly from PPh or borrowed early on from Ilokano.
28. ↑ Yang reconstructs this as \*potol, equivalent to \*potoR, but it appears that \*potoR means "to behead" as stated above given the meaning of its PAn and PMP ancestors as well as its cognates in other languages e.g. Ilokano *putol*, Tagalog *putol*. Indeed, she lists the reflex of \*potol in Ivatan as \*potohan. Thus, the locative suffix \*-an must have been added onto \*potoR to give "place of beheading" = "nape".
29. ↑ According to SIL Philippines, this is a loanword from Ilocano. I am unsure if the word indeed was borrowed into both Babuyan and Itbayaten from Ilocano, or if it descended directly from PAn.
30. ↑ A very problematic word. I have went with \*reyis rather than Yang's \*riyes because Batanic metathesis occurs only on nonstressed syllables. According to Blust, Itbayat stress at the time of metathesis - presumably in PBat - was on the penultimate syllable, unless said syllable was a schwa in which case it moved to the final syllable. (This explains PMP \*kanasay → PBat \*aknasay.) This means a metathesis of \*riyes is impossible... but this opens up an even more improbable metathesis of \*i and \*e in Ivatan (where \*riyes would simply have \*y drop to become *ries*). An alternative would be \*riyes with Yami raising \*e to \*i after \*y then metathesizing due to the moved stress, but I cannot corroborate \*e → \*i / y\_.
31. ↑ Given the Ivatan and Babuyan reflexes, \*Rike may be better, but \*rike reflects the PMP ancestor better.
32. ↑ The sense meaning "leader" was probably derived from the fact that someone with the light guides a group at night.
33. ↑ I initially went with Yang's reconstruction of \*atnaw because, based on Blust's research, bisyllabic words with the first syllabic having \*i *could not* epenthesize. However, after seeing Yami *avyas* and Itbayat *vilyas* "grain, seed" given by Blench, I have revised my statement and decided to go with \*tinaw.
34. ↑ Blench notes it may be cognate to Kavalan *taʔəR*, though /R/ → /n/ is sussy.
35. ↑ Yang gives the meaning of #6 as "hair whir [whorl]", but cognates of \*tuktuk in other Philippine languages suggest that it retained its meaning of "top" in PBat and the Yami meaning of "hair whorl" was a later development.
36. ↑ \*to → \*ji is weird but this alone cannot discredit the relationship between it and Yami and Ivatan *toto(o)ho*.
37. ↑ It is unclear why \*l was preserved as /l/ in Ibatan. If it had become /d/, the word would be reconstructed as \*\*vicRad.
38. ↑ A rather hard word to reconstruct, based on the two reflexes. Epenthesis of a word with penultimate \*i is rare, but evidenced in \*tinaw (where it is *not* done in Babuyan).
39. ↑ SIL Philippines calls this a loanword from Ilokano *bitoka* but there is a good chance it directly descended from our \*vitoka.
40. ↑ Blench says that Ivatan *botoh* does not have "obvious external cognates", even though PMP \*butequl is right there.
41. ↑ In all languages except those descended from Proto-Donghai, *wakai* means "sweet potato". However, sweet potatoes were only introduced to Polynesia in 1100 AD, and probably in Batanes during the Spanish colonial period. In other descendants of PMP \*wakaR the reflex means "root".

## Rejected

* #3: \*kaLabkab "dandruff" - no found reflexes
* #70: \*towor "heart (anat.)" - cannot corroborate Yami *towoz*, Itbayat *towor*, and Ivatan and Babuyan *towol* (though the SIL Philippines dictionary does have Ivatan *taul*)
* #189: \*balag "house" - cannot corroborate Itbayat and Ivatan *valag*
* #218: \*adlo "spill, pour out" - cannot corroborate Yami *aglo*, Itbayat *adlo*, and Ivatan and Babuyan *ado*
* #348: \*kanta "song" - loan from Spanish *cantar* and thus not a Proto-Batanic word
* #559: \*litalit "vine (in general) - cannot corroborate Yami and Itbayat *litalit*
* #726: \*asoR "blue" - loan from Spanish *azul* and thus not a Proto-Batanic word
* Words found in Yang's reconstruction but not given a number (and rejected): \*laylay "to hang, suspend"; \*asleb "burn"

## References

1. ↑ Yang, Doris Hsiao-Fang (June 2002). Subgrouping and Reconstruction of Batanic Languages. *Providence University*. Retrieved on January 8, 2022.
2. ↑ 2.000 2.001 2.002 2.003 2.004 2.005 2.006 2.007 2.008 2.009 2.010 2.011 2.012 2.013 2.014 2.015 2.016 2.017 2.018 2.019 2.020 2.021 2.022 2.023 2.024 2.025 2.026 2.027 2.028 2.029 2.030 2.031 2.032 2.033 2.034 2.035 2.036 2.037 2.038 2.039 2.040 2.041 2.042 2.043 2.044 2.045 2.046 2.047 2.048 2.049 2.050 2.051 2.052 2.053 2.054 2.055 2.056 2.057 2.058 2.059 2.060 2.061 2.062 2.063 2.064 2.065 2.066 2.067 2.068 2.069 2.070 2.071 2.072 2.073 2.074 2.075 2.076 2.077 2.078 2.079 2.080 2.081 2.082 2.083 2.084 2.085 2.086 2.087 2.088 2.089 2.090 2.091 2.092 2.093 2.094 2.095 2.096 2.097 2.098 2.099 2.100 2.101 2.102 2.103 2.104 2.105 2.106 2.107 2.108 2.109 2.110 2.111 2.112 2.113 2.114 2.115 2.116 2.117 2.118 2.119 2.120 2.121 2.122 2.123 2.124 2.125 2.126 2.127 2.128 2.129 2.130 2.131 2.132 2.133 2.134 2.135 2.136 2.137 2.138 2.139 2.140 2.141 2.142 2.143 2.144 2.145 2.146 2.147 2.148 2.149 2.150 2.151 2.152 2.153 2.154 2.155 2.156 2.157 2.158 2.159 2.160 2.161 2.162 2.163 2.164 2.165 2.166 2.167 2.168 2.169 2.170 2.171 2.172 2.173 2.174 2.175 2.176 2.177 2.178 2.179 2.180 2.181 2.182 2.183 2.184 2.185 2.186 2.187 2.188 2.189 2.190 2.191 2.192 2.193 2.194 2.195 2.196 2.197 2.198 2.199 2.200 2.201 2.202 2.203 2.204 2.205 2.206 2.207 2.208 2.209 2.210 2.211 2.212 2.213 2.214 2.215 2.216 2.217 2.218 2.219 2.220 2.221 2.222 2.223 2.224 2.225 2.226 2.227 2.228 2.229 2.230 2.231 2.232 2.233 2.234 2.235 2.236 2.237 2.238 2.239 2.240 2.241 2.242 2.243 2.244 2.245 2.246 2.247 2.248 2.249 2.250 2.251 2.252 Ibatan-English Dictionary. *SIL Philippines*. Retrieved on January 8, 2022.
3. ↑ 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18 3.19 3.20 3.21 3.22 3.23 3.24 3.25 3.26 3.27 3.28 3.29 3.30 3.31 3.32 3.33 3.34 3.35 3.36 3.37 3.38 3.39 3.40 3.41 3.42 3.43 3.44 3.45 3.46 3.47 3.48 3.49 3.50 3.51 3.52 3.53 3.54 3.55 3.56 3.57 3.58 Blench, Roger (July 19, 2015). A new look at Bashiic. Academia Sinica. Retrieved on January 11, 2022.
4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 Ignacio, Jose F. (n.d.). Heritage Architecture of Batanes Islands in the Philippines: A Survey of Different House Types and Their Evolution. *College of Architecture University of the Philippines*. Retrieved on January 15, 2022.
5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 Pick, Andrew (2018). Proto-Batanic \*L: a clue to the linguistic prehistory of the Philippines. *University of Hawai'i*. Retrieved on January 7, 2022.