Raúl Gachiteni Probazon

Probazón official Prezdente Portrait (ca. 2002)

### Occupation

Prezdente de'o Birabatu, MP de'o Districto Lamago Norte, Majore de'o Lamago, Civille Concelio de'o Lamago

## Biographical information

### Place of death

Byalaville, Peleketu

**Raúl Gachiteñi Probazón** (January 17, 1946 - April 14, 2009) was the 14th President of the Islandes Unidaú de'o Birbetu, serving from May 2002 to his assassination in 2009. He is one of the most popular presidents in the nation's history, with a peak approval rating of 79%. Probazón is often hailed as one of the greatest presidents of all time, as he greatly contributed to the economic prosperity and well-being of the nation, carrying it through the Great Recession of 2008. He significantly reduced the national debt, expanded civil works, and sidelined major corruption under his term. He was a pioneer of the modern Konjama L'Ange party, who currently holds the perlemente opposition under the KLLP banner. His second term, won by a landslide, was cut short when he was assassinated by a rebel in Byalaville in 2009.

### Early life

Raúl Gachiteni Probazón was born to Gingiloa Probazón and Aulafoa Probazón on January 17th, 1946 in Lamago, Island Province of Peleketu. Gingiloa was a veteran of the Birabatu Armed Forces who purchased a parcel of land in Lamago after his honorable discharge. Raúl had two brothers, none of whom survived past 10 years old. His family moved around the world, and Raúl spent much of his childhood in Vanuatu. He graduated Port Vila Estavure School for Boys magna cum laude. He played for the Estavure Eagles Hopa team in high school, neglecting to continue in his collegiate education. He decided to return home for his education, achieving a scholarship to the prestigious University of Lantasão Binñye where he studied law. He graduated with his BJD and was immediately hired by Borakino law firm Olafufo Barristers and Associates, where he practiced as a Barrister-at-law for 8 years.

He married Melina Probazón in 1968 after meeting her at a friend's wedding. They had a son, Jiorge, in 1973.

### Political Career

#### Lamago

While working as a Barrister-at-law at Olafufo, Probazón met a man named Rolfo Salumakeo, a canvasser for the KLLP. After repeated meetings with him, Probazón registered as a member of the local KLLP chapter and began attending regular meetings. The local head, Mandán Hejiñeko was reportedly a brilliant orator who had the utmost admiration of a young Probazón. After some time, Hejiñeko took Probazón under his wing and mentored him in the political sciences as his own political career took off. Hejiñeko later went on to serve one short term as President in 1994. Meanwhile, Probazón had emerged as an eminent force in the KLLP of South Peleketu. By 1984, he was considering running for local office, and filed to run as a KLLP candidate for Civille Conceliologa de'o Lamago. He won a seat and sat as a Conceliologa for 3 years. During this time, he was fundamental in implementing large development projects in Lamago, helping it grow from sleepy seaside agricultural town to booming corporate center. In 1988, he opted to run for Majore de'o Lamago, a step up from his previous Conceliologa position. He was now wildly popular in Lamago, and with the South Peleketu population boom of 1985, he was able to secure record amounts of voters and beat out BNP opponent Largonte Garajueilña 67.8% to 31.6%. As Majore, he enacted major tax breaks for property and corporations, causing major companies like Guaspré and Donke Motre to migrate to Lamago. The price of property decreased under Probazón, and Lamago Surde soon became home to a large industrial complex now known as Surde Factoriaúl. In 1992, at the peak of Lamago's newfound expansion, President Gomate Princia visited the city and immediately became well acquainted with Majore Probazón. This relationship would later catapult him to the Presidency. Probazón was involved in minor scandal when a whistleblower leaked potential evidence that the Lamago government was receiving bribes from large corporations, but Probazón quickly shut the rumor down in a scathing speech. This only earned him more respect and kept him undefeated in every Majore election he ran in. In 1998, he ran for MP from his District of Lamago Norte, opposing longtime KLLP fixture Hensiliá Langabaje. Polls were favoring Langabaje, but the elderly man unexpectedly passed away from a heart attack during the campaigning stage, leaving Probazón as the only viable KLLP candidate with not enough participation to nominate a worthy alternative. In the KLLP dominated district, Probazón won easily against his BNP challenger.

#### Konjama L'Ange Perlemente

Probazón served 2 years, or 1 term as the MP from Districto Lamago Norte, Peleketu. During this time, he became known for delivering brash and unrestricted speeches to the Congregacíone of Perlemete and often resorting to ad hominem in many of his debates. After his first year though, with reelection in jeopardy against a rising local KLLP star, Probazón fell into a less hot-headed, more calm and calculated state, becoming a tactful speaker, diplomat, and politician overall. He forged connections with major political figures on both sides of the aisle, and was instrumental in the passing of the First Act for Anti-Corruption reform, the first of a series continued into his presidency. In 2000, he was elected Perlementeridad Leader de'o KLLP, which he served as in the remainder of his Perlemente term. He is often accredited with helping the KLLP restore its majority in Perlemente.

#### Prime Minister de'o Birabatu

In late 2000, after the resignation of Aldo Pawokení as the Prime Minister following a corruption scandal, Princia nominated Probazón as the Prime Minister. He passed the KLLP controlled High Council where he was approved to sit as the Prime Minister of Birabatu. During this time, the KLLP faced a massive rift in the party, where the KLLP Union and the KLLP Liberal factions split off in right-leaning and left-leaning factions, respectively. Probazón, siding with Princia, opted for the KLLP Union side, where a slight majority of KLLP politicians in power remained. However, the voter base was nearly split. To ensure future results and unity within the party, Probazón toured the country in a campaign effort for the KLLP Union. While this helped the Union's outreach to remote parts of the country, it did not aid significantly in bridging the gap between the Liberal faction and the Union faction. As the Liberal faction grew in size, so did their political activity. One KLLP liberal-backed bill managed to barely pass through Perlemente and the Prezdente's desk, which led to massive tax reapportionment in already heavily funded departments while funneling funding away from the less wealthy departments, causing a horrible imbalance in the government. BNP members and members of the Cabinet all strongly criticized the KLLP Liberal as well as Gomate Princia for signing such a bill, causing the general opinion of the KLLP to fall dramatically. In the following Perlementidad election, the KLLP lost their majority of Perlemente due to the tax scandal, and public view of Princia fell drastically as well. In December of 2001, the coalition of the KLLP and BNP collapsed, precipitating Princia's resignation. The timing of these events were very unfortunate for the KLLP, as Princia's resignation coincided with the planned General Election of 2002. Due to the massive drop in KLLP popularity, the BNP claimed a landslide victory, maintaining a supermajority in Perlemente. Hensil Tokeko, the BN Chairman, won the presidential election. Tokeko was on track for a rather inconsequential presidency until he shocked the nation with scandal. In the first month of his presidency, he was involved in an extramarital affair with a Barbadian woman, resulting in his immediate expulsion from office. The BNP, now with mounting external pressure, called another General Election just weeks after the planned 2002 event had concluded. With the positions switched, the KLLP had the upper hand, and Probazón was the primary candidate. Probazón won the election with a whopping 76% of the vote, and was sworn in on March 30th, 2002 as Prezdente de'o Birabatu.

#### Prezdente De'o Birabatu

##### First Term

In March 2002, Probazón stood in front of a crowd of 11,000 in Perlemente Square to deliver his inaugural address.

> ***"**Ena alotopu tire'edi, angalo me'o esetención eka arbingeu besalud, ete'baine, e andalefodo. Asdefone paros le folafola, baretoso manta'akia peri palonikaso. A'aroste eno me'o apeliña pora le afoletero."*
> (English) *"In a time of national turmoil, I propose my intention to bring good fortune, well-being, and overall prosperity to the people of this country. It is my responsibility as a public servant to represent the people, and right now there is no fulfilment of such promises. Trust in me to change that."*
>
>

Right away, Probazón began drafting new legislation for his administration. He had ran on a platform of economic focus and lowering of debt, as well as increasing public administration. He sought to maintain low interest rates, which would in turn stimulate the economy and ultimately reduce the national debt. He managed to do this through a series of bills called the **Reduccíon Alo Prentesariaú Acts (RAPA)**, which he began drafting in 2002. The first of these was introduced through the KLLP, and he utilized the KLLP-controlled parliament as a steamroller to push an extremely KLLP forward agenda. While he worked to pass these bills, he begun a sprouting political relationship with MP Lona Janetta Crístiani, a fellow KLLP Union and key instrumentalist in passing these bills. A golden-throated orator, she would often take the podium to advocate for Probazón's legislation, winning over key middle-of-the-aisle third party votes. Crístiani would later go on to serve as Prezdente for a brief period of 1 year as an Insertacíon, but resigned due to a money-laundering scandal. During the RAPAs, Probazóns approval soared to a peak of 79%, the all-time high for a Prezdente since Atu Eho Dimikiki. Following the passage of the fifth and final RAPA, Probazón began meeting with various world leaders to institute trade deals for a growing Birabatui economy. In 2004, oil was discovered off the coast of Bava, propelling Birabatu to potential wealth. Corporations like Bava Oil, SSLA, and the state-managed BOil flocked to the region to begin drilling, catching the eye of the international community. Probazón embarked on his LATAM/CARIB tour of 2004, where he first met with Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The two hit it off immediately and were reportedly seen strolling around the gardens of Brasilia together during Probazóns short stay. This visit marked the beginning of a golden age of relations between Brazil and Birabatu. Probazón then attended a number of state visits in Guatemala, Belize, Nicaragua, Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Cuba, Saint Lucia, finally coming to a stop in Grenada. While he was away, however, tensions began to rise between Buora nationalists and white Cristians, spilling over in one isolated incident in 2004. Known as the **Eo'Fado Stadium Stabbings**, the incident involved a Buora nationalists stabbing two white Cristian Tekoke Parrots fans due to racial tensions. Probazón faced his first major controversy when he attempted to sweep the incident under the rug to quell public unrest, but eyewitness recounts and whistleblower stories soon leaked. The Eo'Fado Stadium incident took a massive toll on Probazón's public opinion, with rates dropping to all-time lows for his approval. While the Eo'Fado Stadium incident was isolated, the attack precipitated more to come in the near future. As the Bava Oil situation increased, more and more companies flocked to Borakino, where trade and commerce was centralizing. Bava Oil had headquarters there, as well as the eponymous conglomerate Cinseyla Corp. The Borakino Stock Exchange shot up in value, and soon the city expanded exponentially beyond the previous year's population. Probazón, a tact politician, implemented huge tax breaks to return his public opinion to it's high standards. While the public were enamored once more with him, his colleagues in Perlemente were not. Tax breaks meant even less funding for the 2005 fiscal year, which saw an economic downfall in Birabatu overall. Coupled with the dry farming conditions faced in the agricultural center of the Northeast Islands, 2005 was one of the worst years yet for the Birabatui economy, with the Borakino Stock Exchange (BKSE) dropping to bear market territory. Probazón, with re-election on the horizon, was determined to bring the economy back as well as bolster his public image, so he partnered with Lona Janetta Crístiani once more to draft landmark relief legislation known as the **2005 Rélévante Acts**. In accordance with these acts, the Treasury also handed out massive bailouts to Birabatu's biggest corporations such as Bava Oil, Donke Motre, and Bank of Borakino, helping to restore the market temporarily while the corporations readjusted themselves internally. Following mass layoffs due to the 2005 crisis, the government handed out small stimulus checks, which only added to the national debt. To mitigate this, another wave of RAPAs were frantically passed through Perlemente. Probazóns rapid but effective handling of the situation gave him the upper hand he needed going into the 2006 General Elections. In the KLLP, he was practically unopposed, with every major KLLP politician pledging support to him. The BNP nominated wildly controversial MP Amano da Silva, a man known for his often vulgar verbal gaffes. At this point, the KLLP controlled Perlemente and the majority voter base, so the 2006 election was a sure shot for Probazón. When the polls opened, Probazón led by almost 89%. Over the course of the election, that lead dwindled to 68%, where the polls closed at. A landslide victory for the KLLP, they retained Perlemente and the Presidency. Amano and some BNP members attempted to challenge the results in a court of law, but the motion was shut down almost immediately. Probazón was sworn into his second term on May 24th, 2006.

##### Second Term

Probazón's second term was plagued with disaster. The same tensions that caused the Eo'Fado stabbings flared up once again, taking hold in Byalaville, on the island of Peleketu. For the first year of Probazón's term, these tensions remained somewhat benign, with minor incidents occurring sporadically and limited casualties being taken. Probazón was able to mitigate these minor threats by placing heightened security reinforcements in and around Byalaville, which caused violent activity to subside temporarily. He turned his focus back to the economy, which had risen out of recession in his previous term and was now flourishing, putting Birabatu at the forefront of the Caribbean economic sphere. He established trade deals with Barbados, Jamaica, and the Bahamas, as well as strengthened ties with Brazil and Colombia. Probazón made a landmark decision in Birabatui history when he opened an offshore oil field for Petrobras exploration and production under a contract, the first time Birabatu has granted oil exploration permission to a foreign entity. But even before the **Petrobras Deal**, Birabatu's domestic oil trade expanded rapidly under Probazón. Companies like Bava Oil and BOil dominated the industry, being the first to discover and harvest oil in Birabatui waters. The most abundant of these oil fields lay off the coast of **Bava**, Birabatu's westernmost island. Bava was the site of the final battle of the Birabatui revolution, and often stood in danger of Barbadian invasion, so past Birabatui leaders consistently implemented heightened naval security around the island. However, as the nation moved into the 21st century, Probazón found that the threat posed by Barbados had subsided, and decreased naval presence in the surrounding waters. Shortly after this decision, however, Barbadian cutters swiftly invaded the oil fields, which prompted a frantic Birabatui response. The ensuing skirmish, known as the **2007 Bava Oil Conflict**, resulted in one Barbadian ship sank, one uninhabited BOil platform destroyed, and 1 injury. No lives were lost in this skirmish. Probazón immediately increased naval security around the island to prevent any future skirmishes, but this incident caused his approval to suffer among Birabatui populace, the majority of whom were disposed against violence in Birabatui waters. As the oil industry boomed through late 2007, tensions back in Peleketu were rising. Even with increased security around Byalaville, incidents of racial violence skyrocketed, particularly by Buora nationalists against Indian and Christian residents of the nation. MPs and citizens alike cried for an end to the violence, which was taking countless lives every day. Probazón remained cautious, and continued to add to the military presence, but did not mobilize in armed defense. This changed on May 11th, 2008, when a series of terrorist attacks shook Byalaville. The **2008 Buora Rebel Uprising** began when a bomb blast detonated on the Gonjeeli Causeway, the most trafficked bridge in Byalaville, causing 178 deaths and over 500 injuries. Before Probazón had time to react, a sweep of terrorist insurgents broke loose in the city, firing indiscriminately into crowds and streets and taking numerous hostages in banks, hotels, and even restaurants. 653 died on this day, 44 of which were hostages. This is the 4th worst terrorist incident in history. Probazón immediately mobilized 50,000 troops into Byalaville, hoping to swiftly end the hold on the city by the insurgents. The military outnumbered the rebels 10:1, so Probazón expected a swift and easy resolution. This was not the case. The rebels held on to the city for 3 months, cutting down untrained military forces with ease. By October of 2008, the city had reached a stalemate, with the city under constant bombardment from the military. 433 soldiers and 316 insurgents had been killed, with thousands of injuries on both sides. Probazón addressed the nation on October 11th, 2008, from the Palacio Prezdente.

> *"Our nation is under attack. We are engaged in Birabatu's largest conflict since the Revolution, and it has been grim. We are all in shock, dismay, and utter sorrow. But I assure you, ladies and gentlemen, that we will not rest, we will not stop until every single one of those terrorists and rebels have been killed, and justice has been brought to the devastating amounts of Birabatui citizens that have been ripped from us. God bless our nation, and may we prevail."*
>
>

After this address, he deployed 500 special forces and 500 BIA agents to exterminate the terrorists for good. The special forces proved to be much more effective than the military, as they begun freeing hostages within a week of their arrival. The barricade of bombardments ceased, and the Birabatui forces were able to push through the city, freeing captives and recovering the dead. The elite soldiers of these units killed the remaining soldiers, and those who fled were tracked down and captured. Overall, the second wave of Birabatui reinforcements killed 1500+ militants and captured 349, many of whom were tried and executed. Probazón was hailed for his elimination of the terrorists, but many criticized the delay he took to deploy the special ops, which could have saved lives if it was done earlier. In the aftermath of the uprising, Perlemente passed a landmark legislation that outlawed any and ever ethnic nationalist group. History of the dictator Panovakwe was removed from education curriculums, and, controversially, many Buora cultural centers bulldozed, sparing only the biggest ones in the city, the ones under the heaviest government surveillance. However, many ethnonationalist. groups remained, operating underground, like the **Supremacia Spañola**, the dominant white supremacist group in Birabatu. Probazón embarked on a grand rebuilding odyssey, passing bill after bill in Perlemente to clean up Byalaville, rebuild the city, and collect remains of victims. In the **Pete'o Trials** of early 2009, 238 Buora Nationalists convicted of participating in the uprising were sent to the electric chair, the youngest of which was only 16. The Ministry of Public Works spend upwards of 500 Billion Billyes (729 Billyes 2023) in reconstruction of Byalaville. Architect Ramaraj Chendura was hired to design the rebuilding of the city, and his architectural style was rapidly reproduced across Byalaville. Chendurian buildings became synonymous with Byalaville, with the combination of vibrant Caribbean arts and Indo-Saracenic architecture slowly proliferating as the hallmark of Byalaville construction. Reconstruction of Byalaville was largely successful, with the city's infrastructure fully operational by March of 2009. On April 14th, 2009, Próbazon traveled to Byalaville to visit the reconstruction sites and observe their progress, when he was murdered by a soldier who was a rebel sympathizer. Probazón was 63.

### Personal Life

Probazón sustained a happy marriage and a good family throughout his adult life, with the exception of his affair with Jeni Massé (see controversies). He met his wife Melina at the wedding of a coworker in 1967. His acquaintances reported that he was smitten at first sight, then began dating her the next day. Probazón was engaged on January 13th, 1968, then married Melina Probazón (née Rodrygo) on July 5th, 1968. In 1973, they had their first and only child, Jiorge. Jiorge today leads the Probazón foundation, doing charity work for those affected by the 2008 Rebel Uprisings. Probazón was born into a Christian family, although he was not very devout. Probazón was an avid runner, participating in various long-distance running competitions throughout his tenure in Lamago, coming 3rd in a half-marathon while he was mayor. He was reportedly interested in gardening, keeping various root vegetables and tropical flora in his residence gardens both in Binñye and Lamago. He founded the Probazón Foundation in 2008 to aid with relief from the uprisings, with the mission still continuing today. His wife Melina was elected Prezdente in 2023.

### Assassination

On April 14th, 2008 at approximately 8:29 AM, Probazón boarded a military helicopter bound for Byalaville. Upon landing at Byalaville, Probazón took a tour of rebuilding developments occurring in the city, broadcasted live on television. He boarded a car and drove through many main avenues of Byalaville, finally coming to a stop at the Plaza de'o Federaccion, by the seashore on which Byalaville sits by. Probazón exited the vehicle to a crowd of adoring citizens, and a guard of 50 soldiers lining the walkway to the pedestal at which Probazón was due to give a speech. Each of the soldiers was equipped with a M1 Garand rifle, affixed with a bayonet. The firearms were not to be loaded under any circumstance, as special rifles were allocated for gun salutes. As Probazón made his way to the podium, he passed by a young 23 year old soldier named Apua Ka'afa. Ka'afa was a Buora sympathizer and accredited Probazón for the destruction of their culture and their people after the 2008 rebel attacks. Ka'afa also had numerous ties to rebels and rebel organizations, and was reported by friends and families to be an outspoken supporter of the rebels, which had landed him disciplinary warnings from his commanding officers. Chief of Ceremony Deão Faladina, who was in charge of Probazón's welcome, stated that "it was a wonder how such a lapse of judgement was made to allow Apua Ka'afa on Probazón's welcome guard... it is a mistake I will carry with me for the rest of my life." As Probazón passed Ka'afa, the soldier broke rank and stabbed Probazón two times in the back with his affixed bayonet, then shot him once in the back of the head with his rifle, which he had stolen from a cabinet at a military base. Probazón's left eye was pulverized, and he suffered terminal damage to his brain, heart and lungs. He was pronounced dead at the scene. Another soldier, Ramos Gansalez stabbed Ka'afa in his side, then tackled and incapacitated him, securing the assailant to be taken into military custody. Ka'afa died on the way to the police station, succumbing to his injuries. His last words were "Mudeīra a'o aíona deūstra vaì Kai," meaning "Death shall come to those who betray God."

#### Funeral

On May 1st, 2009, Probazón laid in state at Perlemente from sunrise to sunset. Almost 15,000 people crowded outside the gates of Perlemente, hoping to catch a glimpse of the coffin as it was processed inside the halls. Many climbed the back wall, hoping to get a view through the glass dome above the Rotunda. After he was removed from Perlemente, he was given a full military funeral procession to his family plot in Lamago. Hundreds of thousands lined the highways as the procession passed, and millions more watched from televisions around the nation. Probazón was given a private military funeral for close friends and family, and was laid to rest on May 2nd, 2009, in Lamago. To this day, Probazón holds the largest winning margin in any (verified) presidential election in the nation's history.

### Controversy

* **Affair with Jeni Massé:** In 2001, tabloid BiruNOW! reported that Jeni Massé was spotted sneaking in and out through a back door in the Prime Minister's residence. Massé later came forward, admitting to having an affair with Probazón, who never commented on the incident. It is rumored that the affair occurred for more than four years, ending with Probazón's wife catching the two entering a bedroom at the swanky L'Kolão Hotel in Binñye in 2002.
* **Probazón Foundation Lobbyism:** The Probazón Foundation, created as a relief and aid organization for the victims of the 2008 Uprisings, was purported to have bribed numerous officials to grant it non-profit funding and tax cuts, though this has never been confirmed.
* **Reconstruction of Byalaville:** Many native Byalaville residents argued that the Chendurian style of architecture was not representative of their city, and that Byalaville deserves to be reconstructed in the manner it used to stand, not with city-planning. Probazón ignored these requests.
* **Extermination of Buora Groups:** Following the 2008 Uprisings, Probazón acted on the nation's collective fears by eradicating any and all Buora collectivist groups. These included harmless religious gatherings, who were disbanded, often by force, by Probazón's militia men. Not one Buora group was left intact, which left many arguing that this was destruction of native culture, and that it had gone too far. Many also pointed out that Probazón did little to stop the Supremecia Spañola, a white supremacist group, while eradicating any trace of Buora culture.
* **Response to 2008 Uprisings:** Probazón always defended his response to the 2008 uprisings, saying he firmly believed he "took the right steps at the right times." Many criticized his delay in deployment of special forces, and left incompetent army men to deal with the violence, which dragged out the conflict and cost numerous lives. Critics argue that if Probazón had deployed special forces earlier, mass loss of life would have been prevented. Supporters of Probazón argue that if special forces had been deployed immediately, before the stalemate, insurgents would have killed the hostages immediately.

### References

* Enauba, A. (2010). *Probo Z: The life and mystery*. Read Bora.
* Fallaia, G. (2011). *A Legacy Cut Short: The Story of Probazón*. Bibliuora.
* Kaumakia, F. (2019). *What Really Happened in Byalaville? A dissection of the Riots that shaped Birabatu* (2nd ed.) Donde Casa.