Trumpism

Trumpism refers to the political philosophies, social sentiments, forms of government, political movements, and methods for gaining and retaining political power that are connected with Donald Trump and his supporters. Trumpism is sometimes referred to as neo-fascist or a new kind of fascism by analysts who reject the term "populism" for it. No specific theory underpins populism as a political strategy. John Bolton argues against the idea that Trumpism even exists in a philosophically significant way. Other authors who contributed to the Routledge Handbook of Populism point out that populist leaders are more practical and opportunistic when it comes to issues, concepts, and convictions.

According to historian Peter Gordon, when the lines between the political and psychological have blurred, "Trump symbolizes an emerging norm of the social order." According to Erika Tucker, Trump was able to identify and win the trust and support of people who had a specific set of strong feelings about perceived changes in the United States. Michael Carpini, a communications expert, contends that Donald Trump's media appeal signals a fundamental change in the dynamics of journalism, politics, and democracy. According to anthropologist Jessica Johnson, Trump's usage of Twitter and other social media is mostly motivated by social emotional pleasure. Trump fans have an emotional connection to their favored information sources and therefore believe them.

According to Daniel Kreiss, Trump and Fox News "offered these strangers in their own land the hope that they would be restored to their proper place at the center of the nation." According to media expert Olivier Jutel, Fox News' brand strategy places a strong emphasis on affect. Trump presents himself as an ego-ideal to a niche audience of fans that gather around his media brand. Crowd experiences shared on social media build up into "archives of feelings" that are both dynamic and reaffirming of social values. Jones views Trump as an example of this group, who understand that fear and contempt are effective motivators that can shift social network trust and distrust networks.

Some have even said that Trump is a totalitarian businessman who is preying on his fans' "fascist instincts." George Will, a conservative commentator, compares Trumpism to fascism. Both are built on machismo, and Trumpism "appeals to people in thrall to country-music manliness," according to the author. The claim is made by political scientist Karen Stenner and social psychologist Jonathan Haidt that the rise of the far-right populist movement was not entirely unexpected. According to Stenner and Haidt, normative threat makes non-authoritarians completely unaffected by the things that stimulate authoritarians.

Masha Gessen, a writer and critic of authoritarianism, contrasts Donald Trump's "autocratic" approach with the "democratic" approach of the Republican establishment. Michael Kimmel outlines the nostalgia of male entitlement felt by males who were discouraged in studies of Trump supporters. Toxic masculinity is the term used to characterize the actions of Kimmel's irate white men. Gorski: Trump is a fantasy character for many guys, an uber-male free to indulge in any whim. Support for anti-establishment, anti-elitist, nativist, racist, sexist, homophobic, or xenophobic viewpoints did not predict support for Trump as well, according to social psychologists, as did support for hegemonic masculinity.

Both of these authoritarian dictators represent the "masculinist illusion of freedom" that their adherents espouse. The cultural ideal of manliness known as toxic masculinity emphasizes strength above all else and views emotion as a sign of weakness. Of the rioters detained for the assault on the United States 88% of those in Capitol were men, and 67% were 35 or older. A tough guy wouldn't put on a mask that could have saved his life.

The convergence of three trends—Christian American exceptionalism, end-times conspiracy, and prosperity gospel—represents Christian Trumpism. According to Michael Horton, the combination of these three elements and "a healthy dosage of hucksterism" is what he refers to as the "cult of Christian Trumpism." "Court evangelicals" are asked to convince their supporters that Donald Trump is trustworthy despite his moral flaws. For well-known Christians who choose to oppose Trump, the price is not just a loss of access to the White House but also a significant risk of blowback. Robert Jeffress, editor of Christianity Today, argues that despite their own behavior, evangelical leaders' endorsement of Donald Trump is moral.

According to Jeffress, governments only have one duty: Romans 13 commands them to avenge wrongdoers. Jeff Sessions cited the same Bible passage as his basis for separating immigrant families' children from their parents. According to Beth Moore, Trump's politics are alluring to and perilous for God's chosen people, the saints of God. The politics of Christianity by the religious right is criticized by John Wehner, Russell D. Moore, and John Fea. Evangelicalism, according to theologians Greg Boyd and Chris Hedges, is guilty of political idolatry.

They inquire as to whether Jesus ever supported employing legal sanctions to influence sinners' behavior. Boyd contends that Christians should reject social dominance, or having control over others in order to obtain and secure these goods from them. Fea and Horton contend that the Jericho March participants were indulging in "Trump worship," which is tantamount to idolatry. According to Boyd, the only way we may represent the kingdom of God is by performing selfless acts of service for others in a loving and Christlike manner.

The Jericho protest served as a troubling illustration of how Christianity can be perverted and used as a tool of political ideology. Emma Green attributed the January 6, 2021 invasion of the Capitol to pro-Trump, evangelical white Christians. According to Arlie Hochschild, Trump is best understood as a "emotions candidate." Arlie Hochschild contends in her most recent book that Donald Trump appeals to his fans' "evil angels" of nature, including greed, selfishness, racial prejudice, homophobia, and a desire to avoid paying taxes. Trumpism uses absolutist frames and narratives of menace rhetorically.

Multiple political goals are accomplished while the media is riveted by a steady onslaught of sensationalistic hyperbole. Trump was able to successfully promote himself as the Money-Kyrle exceptional leader thanks to his expertise in personal branding. According to one research, the first year of the Trump administration saw tremendous environmental deregulation but little media coverage. Trump's discourse uses cliches that are reminiscent of German fascism. Among them are the constant spouting of untruths, half-truths, personal attacks, threats, xenophobia, national security worries, religious prejudice, white racism, and the relentless pursuit of scapegoats.

Critical theory expert Douglas Kellner contrasts Trump supporters' rallies with the sophisticated staging of Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph of the Will. Connolly believes that the act channels the crowd's rage and takes energy from it. The absolutist language used strongly favors public opinion over reality. Trump has a history of telling outrageous lies about facts that are simple to verify. Trump is shocked when his lies are disproved, such as when world leaders.

laughed out loud when he boasted that he had accomplished more in his first two years as president than any other American leader. Trump supporters frequently concur with remarks like "the greatest tactic is to play hardball, even if it means being unfair" as part of a "worldview" that transcends political party. The New York Times reported on a plot by Trump backers to rig the US presidential election. On January 6, 2021, when violent Trumpist rioters sought to reverse the 2020 election, Trump supporters used a variety of domination iconography in flags, costumes, and a mock gallows. The scholarly article "Group-Based Dominance and Authoritarian Aggression Predict Support for Donald Trump in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election" was published in the peer-reviewed journal Social Psychological and Personality Science.

Together with Altemeyer, the Monmouth University Polling Institute conducted a study. Trump supporters have a strong propensity for authoritarian leadership and a social dominance attitude. The results of the study do not suggest that followers always act in an authoritarian manner; rather, they suggest that expression varies. Donald Trump's tweets, according to psychologist Dan McAdams, are comparable to the actions of dominant male chimps like Yeroen. In chimpanzee colonies, the dominant male occasionally loses control and begins yelling, hooting, and gesturing erratically as he charges towards adjacent males.

The television viewers "vicariously viewed the world according to Donald Trump," according to McAdams. Paul Stoller believes that Trump skillfully created an alternative world using the glamor, illusion, and fantasy that are the cornerstones of celebrity culture. Trump, in the opinion of Robert Jay Lifton, is an advocate of a solipsistic world that is opposed to facts. It has been demonstrated that measurements of collective narcissism are an effective predictor of participation in these movements, including Trump's. John Fea, a historian, claims that by advocating a return to a utopian Leave it to Beaver version of America, many Trump supporters find common ground with those who want to escape change.

The greater the threat, the more potent the deliverance, according to David Gutterman, a professor of Christian politics, in Fea's analysis of the effect of conspiracy theories on white evangelical Trump supporters. John Cash, a social theory expert, points out that stories about coming disasters appeal to a wider audience than just one particular group. The group's shared reality is dominated by ownership by the leader. Cult-like methods of persuasion are employed, including indoctrination and call-and-response strategies. Members feel emboldened by their freedom, privilege, and obligation to the group to reject "experts."

Brooks: Trump's use of Twitter to express his conspiracy theories gave his fans a stronger sense of empathy, almost like they were his friends. According to him, discussing conspiracy theories has evolved into the 21st century's most effective method of fostering community bonds. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to believe in the conspiracy theory, and nearly half support the attack on the Capitol. Some social psychologists perceive the inclination of Trumpists towards reading social interactions in terms of dominance frameworks as extending to their approach towards facts. According to a study by Felix Sussenbach and Adam B. Moore, 2016 Trump supporters' antipathy toward facts that contradict their beliefs was substantially associated with the dominance motive.

The concept of the "cultural industry" as proposed by Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer is examined by Harvard political theorist David Lebow, Alex Ross, David L. Andrews, and Peter E. Gordon. The barrier between fact and fiction is blurred by the culture industry's replication of "fascist methods of mass hypnosis." Kreiss: Our capacity to envision a future for journalism and media in the Trump era has been severely constrained by our inability to accept a socially integrated public and identity group-based democracy. Some media study examines Trumpism as an entertainment product and focuses on the overuse of indignation language. The unprecedented quantity of free publicity given to Trump's 2016 primary campaign served as evidence of the electoral profitability of rudeness.

Neal Gabler, a media critic, expressed a similar opinion when he said that Trump is to Twitter what FDR was to radio and JFK was to television. Expert in outrage discourse Patrick O'Callaghan contends that social media is most effective when it makes use of the specific form of communication that Trump favors. Outrage avoids the complex political issues' murky intricacies in favor of melodrama, false exaggeration, mocking, and unrealistic predictions of impending disaster. Social capital is negatively impacted by outrage rhetoric to a bigger and wider extent. The Jacksonian era in the United States is where Trumpism first emerged.

The contagion of passions mechanism has an impact on similar movements, politicians, and individuals. John William Morris, a historian, argues that Jacksonianism offers the historical context necessary to understand the movement of Trump supporters. Supporters of Trump share a contempt for elites, skepticism of foreign involvement, fixation with American strength and sovereignty, and agree that the movement has frequently been xenophobic and "whites only." Trumpism's conservative ideas found expression in the America First Committee movement before World War II. Prophets of Deceit by Leo Löwenthal highlights the common narratives put forth by this populist fringe during the post-World War II era.

Trumpism has been compared to "McCarthyism on steroids" in a Politico story. Donald Trump has been compared to Benito Mussolini's Italian Fascism and Machiavellianism. Dylan John Riley, a professor of sociology, refers to Trumpism as "neo-Bonapartist patrimonialism." Robert Paxton, an American historian, questions whether fascism qualifies as the democratic backsliding displayed by Trumpism. However, they do not think Trumpism is a movement motivated by revulsion, loss, or bigotry. Political scientists Mark Blyth and Jonathan Hopkin feel there are significant similarities between Trumpism and moves worldwide toward illiberal democracies.

Some believe that Donald Trump is employing a strategy of provoking indignation that was developed on political cable TV and talk radio programs like the Rush Limbaugh radio show. They both utilized "over-the-top showmanship" and amassed a sizable following by using politics as entertainment. Trumpism "promises new employment and increased domestic investment" in terms of economic policy. With a focus on neo-nationalism, Trump maintains the support of his political base. Trumpism exists in Canada, according to Global News, Maclean's, the National Observer, the Toronto Star, and the Globe and Mail.

According to a co-authored essay, since 2011, there has been a decline in trust in journalists and the news in Canada due to the rise of populism. The victory of Donald Trump has given voice to an underlying discontent and fury stemming from economic disparity and the effects of globalization. According to a 2020 Léger poll conducted in October, 34% of Canadians have populist views. In Canada's Conservative Party, the proportion of "pro-Trump conservatives" has increased. Canadians were advised by Andrew Scheer not to accept the "narrative" presented by the major media.

In Nigeria, there is a huge sympathy for Donald Trump. Trumpist political organizations have been identified as the Finns Party and the National Rally in France. Jair Bolsonaro, frequently referred to as the "Brazilian Donald Trump," looks up to Trump in Brazil. IPOB staged a protest in support of Trump during his inauguration in January 2017, which led to bloody clashes with Nigerian security forces and several fatalities. In a 2020 Pew Research survey, 58% of Nigerians expressed support for Donald Trump.

## Trump's Reign

Unusual rifts in American society were exposed during Donald Trump's four years as president. He was the first president of the United States to be chosen who had no prior experience in politics or the military. After a campaign that bucked convention, the New York businessman and former reality TV personality won the 2016 election. Trump was always in the public eye due to his outsider status and outspoken personality. Trump divided Republicans and Democrats more before becoming president than any other new leader in the previous three decades.

Compared to just 6% of Democrats, Republicans generally approved of Trump's performance at work at an average rate of 86%. Republicans and Democrats became divided over fundamental political principles and problems throughout the tenure of Donald Trump as president. Many Americans decided against discussing Trump or politics with strangers. On significant topics like race and gender, the gulf between Democrats and Republicans grew. Most Republican and Democratic supporters, according to 73% of Americans, cannot agree on "basic facts."

Both the coronavirus outbreak and the 2020 presidential election benefited from misinformation. In 2019, fifty percent of American citizens believed that fake news and information is a serious issue in the nation. During Donald Trump's presidency, conspiracy theories were a particularly prominent form of false information. As president, Donald Trump frequently made disputed or dubious claims. Particularly detrimental was his repeated claims of extensive fraud in the 2020 election, which he lost to Joe Biden.

A week later, on the grounds of encouraging the violence that resulted in his impeachment, the House of Representatives impeached Trump. Who won the election "truly mattered," a record number of people who were registered to vote stated. In 2020, there were around 160 million registered voters in the United States, the largest number in 120 years. The first election held after Donald Trump assumed office, the 2018 midterms, saw the highest voter turnout in modern history. After George Floyd's passing in May, the majority of Americans backed the Black Lives Matter campaign.

By September, the movement's support had dropped to 55%, mostly as a result of declines among White Americans. Many Americans doubted whether the increasing attention on race would result in improvement. In 2019, a majority of Americans claimed that Trump has exacerbated racial tensions in the country. Adults in general (56%) said he had done insufficient to distinguish himself from White nationalist organizations. Adults of color—black, hispanic, and asian—were frequently more negative of Trump's effects on racial relations.

Between the start of the pandemic and Donald Trump's departure from office, more than 400,000 Americans lost their lives to COVID-19. Between February and April 2020, the U.S. unemployment rate more than doubled, which had a terrible impact on the economy. Additionally, it had a significant impact on how the United States was perceived internationally due to the general belief that the country handled the initial outbreak poorly. Most respondents in the 13 countries polled in 2020 had negative opinions of how their nation handled the pandemic. In January 2021, two-thirds of Americans stated that they did not want Trump to remain a prominent political role.

Despite ideological differences among Republicans, more than half of moderate and liberal Republicans said they would prefer for him to leave the political arena. The American public has a fairly favourable opinion of Biden as he takes office.