Early Roman Empire

The **Early Roman Empire** lasted from about 31 BC until 180 AD. It began with the death of Antony and Cleopatra, which left Octavian Caesar Augustus standing atop the Roman world, alone and unchallenged. It then ended with the reign of Emperor Commodus, which marked the onset of the Crisis for the Third Century.

Though no man is an empire, not even the great Alexander, the Roman Empire was, to an astonishing degree, the creation of one man of outstanding ability; Julius Caesar’s great-nephew and adopted son, Octavian. Later, he was celebrated as Augustus ("the illustrious one"). Sometimes one has the feeling that he invented almost everything that characterized imperial Rome; from the new *Praetorian Guard* which was the first military force stationed permanently in the capital, to the outward façade of a free Republic, with governmental power vested in the *Senate and People of Rome*. But, in reality, Rome was now a monarchy.

This was demonstrated by the succession of Augustus' adopted son, Tiberius. He was the second in the series of fourteen *Emperors*, not counting three short-lived claimants in the brief period of civil war in 69 AD, who ruled the Roman world for almost 200 years; the Julio-Claudian dynasty (14-68 AD); the Flavian dynasty (69-96 AD); and the Adoptive dynasty (96-192 AD). These included some of the most famous names in Roman history: Claudius, who was given a starring role as a scholarly and shrewd observer of palace politics in Robert Graves's novel "*I, Claudius*"; Nero, with his reputation for pyromania, lyre playing, Christian persecution, and family murder; Hadrian, immortalised in Britain for building a Wall on the edge of his Empire, which bears his name to this day; and Marcus Aurelius, the philosopher-emperor, whose "*Meditations*" is even now a bestseller. They also include those who deserves to be as well known: the heroic common sense of Vespasian, for example. The "Augustan template", though enduringly solid in some respects (fourteen rulers in 200 years is one testament to stability), was in others a precarious balancing act.

The rulers of the Roman world did not live easy lives. Domitian is said to have had great mirrors installed at the corners of palace corridors, so that would-be assassins could not lurk around them. Vespasian was the only *Emperor* to die without any rumours of foul play; Caligula, Nero, and Domitian himself met obviously violent ends. Some of these rumours must be fiction. It takes a lot to believe that the sick and elderly Tiberius would need to be smothered with his own bedclothes. True or not, together they underline the uncertainty and danger in the transition of power. Nerva solved the problem by breaking with attempts to ensure dynastic continuity. Instead, he institutionalized the practice of adoption, to which Augustus himself had been driven. The result was a succession of four *Emperors*, who gave the *Empire* a century of good government. All of them came of families with provincial roots; evidence of the degree to which the *Empire* was a cosmopolitan reality, and not merely the property of the Roman-born. Adoption made it easier to find candidates upon whom army, provinces and *Senate* could agree, but this golden age came to an end with a reversion to the hereditary principle; the succession of Commodus, son of Marcus Aurelius. Bad times lay ahead.

By this time, the *Emperors* ruled a far larger area than had the Republic. Augustus established the Danube River as the frontier of the Empire, but incursions beyond the Rhine were less successful; a shock defeat in the Teutoburg Forest in 9 AD destroyed three legions. The ground was never recovered, nor the legions. Eight remained stationed along the Rhine, the most strongly held part of the frontier. Elsewhere, Roman rule still advanced. In 43 AD, Claudius began the conquest of Britain, which was carried to its furthest enduring limit when Hadrian’s Wall was built across the north forty or so years later. Trajan conquered Dacia, later Romania, in 105 AD. This was the last major addition to the *Roman Empire*. In the coming centuries, great generals would come and go, and great battles won and lost, but it was all in the defence of what the *Empire* already was, rather than in the pursuit of the greater glory of Rome.

## History

### Emperor Augustus (31 BC-14 AD)

The Western half of the Roman world had sworn allegiance to Octavian prior to Actium, and, after the defeat of Mark Antony and Cleopatra, the Eastern half followed suit, making him the undisputed master of Rome and all its territories. This dominance of political life, maintained for more than 40 years later, until his death in 14 BC, made him the first *Emperors* of the **Roman Empire** (31 BC-476 AD; or Augustus, as he was officially known after 27 BC, a made-up title meaning something close to "*Illustrious One*". Yet he had to achieve this through a series of small, undramatic and incremental power gains, behind the outward façade of free Republican government.

When Augustus returned to Rome in *Triumph* in the summer of 29 BC, he had every card in his hand and judiciously refrained from playing them, leaving it to his opponents to recognize his strength. The example of Julius Caesar's end made Augustus realise that the old *Senatorial* elite would not tolerate his rule as a despot. At the same time, he could not simply give up his authority, even if he desired to, without risking further civil wars as new leaders emerged to squabble for supremacy. That the Republic needed a guiding hand was beyond doubt. But how was Augustus to remain in control? The great constitutional questions did not need to be answered straight away. In January 28 BC, Augustus began his sixth *Consulship*, which gave him all the legitimate power he needed to rule. Under the *Triumvirate*, the dignity of the office had been cheapened; Augustus was away from Rome on the first day of the previous two years, unable to perform the traditional ceremonies; he monopolised the symbols of office, such as the *Lictors* (the *Consular* bodyguards); his *Consular* colleagues were appointed, and frequently replaced ("suffect" *Consuls* replaced ordinary ones, who stepped down from office mid-term), as a way of rewarding supporters. This year would be different. Augustus, and his chosen colleague, Marcus Agrippa, revived the proper practice. The change demonstrated respect not just for the office, but for the Republic itself. In Augustus' own version of events, his victory at Actium was not the end of the Roman Republic and beginning of the Roman Empire; as later historians would see it. Rather, the Republic had been given a fresh new start. Alongside the revival of constitutional norms, came mass demobilisation of troops, which further eased Roman fears of tyranny. Upwards of 40,000 veterans were settled both in Italy and the provinces, this time without complaint, since the wealth taken from Egypt allowed for ample compensation. As 27 BC arrived, Augustus felt secure enough to begin working-out his new world order with the *Senate*. On the Ides of January (the 13th in this case), Augustus made an elaborate show of returning full power to the *Senate*, and relinquishing all his extra-legal powers. The *Senate's* reaction was largely predictable. His intimates knew what he was going to say, and loudly applauded at appropriate moments. Of the rest, some Senators suspected that the young warlord was merely play-acting, while the vast majority longed for peace and stability, and feared that it might prove fleeting. There were plenty of shouts begging him to reconsider, and to remain in control of the state. Augustus ultimately accepted, with much feigned reluctance, a compromise; a ten-year governorship of provinces that were considered unstable. As a result, he took control of all of Spain, where conquest was incomplete; all of Gaul, where the occupation was threatened by Germanic tribes; Syria, so often disturbed by the Parthians; and he also retained control of Egypt. Augustus did not have a monopoly on political and martial power. The *Senate* controlled the rest of the provinces, including North Africa and Macedonia, two important regions with several legions. Yet Augustus' provinces gave him control over 20 of Rome's 28 standing legions. No one could have had any doubts about his supremacy. In this same year the *Senate* granted Octavian the official title of Augustus ("*Illustrious One*"), the name by which he has subsequently been known to history. Following the settlement, Augustus left Rome for three years to tour his provinces, a wise choice, which allowed the *Senate* a sense of autonomy, while the new arrangements took root. In his absence, his closest aides, Agrippa and Maecenas, took care of matters in Rome. The first problem was Augustus' retention of one of two annually elected *Consulships*, which he had been monopolizing since 31 BC. This not only drew attention to his *de facto* dominance over the Roman political system, but limited the opportunities for others to achieve what was still nominally the pre-eminent position in the Roman state; to the old *Senatorial* elite, a *Consulship* was still the culmination of a lifelong career. So in 23 BC, Augustus gave up his *Consulship*; he would only take up the office twice more, in 5 BC and 2 BC, and then for the specific purpose of introducing his grandsons into public life. In return for this concession, the *Senate* compensated him with all the rights and privileges of a *Tribune*, though not the official title, in perpetuity. He could summon a meeting of the *Senate*, lay business before it, veto proposals, and so on. The second problem was that, while Augustus was supremely powerful in his own provinces, he was left awkwardly without any legal authority in the *Senatorial* provinces. So he had the *Senate* award him a form of empire-wide *Proconsular* power, which allowed him to intervene in any province he happened to visit. With both his *Tribunician* and *Proconsular* powers, Augustus was shrewd enough not to indulge in them; he rarely proposed or vetoed legislation, nor overrode the provincial governor on the spot, yet, thanks to his prestige, his wishes would usually be obeyed. These two powers were to remain the twin pillars of the Roman *Principate*, which is the first phase of the Roman Empire; over time, the Emperor's powers became more overtly autocratic, culminating in the so-called *Dominate*, introduced by Diocletian in the third-century

   While the settlements of 27 BC and 23 BC established the bases of Augustus' formal position, they were by no means the sum of his power. He was wealthy on a new scale, having built upon his inheritance from Caesar, with the riches and ongoing revenues of Egypt. Almost a third of his publicly released memoirs, known as the *Res Gestae,* is devoted to his lavish donations and sponsorship. Here he carefully lists his regular distributions of money and grain, public entertainments staged, and even entire infrastructure projects underwritten at his expense. The message was clear; that the Emperor paraded his generosity to the ordinary Roman in the street, and that they in turn were to look to him as their protector and benefactor. He made the same point again and again in his propaganda. Augustus cultivated several forms of artwork and literature to boast his image as the saviour of Rome, and bringer of peace and stability. In the sphere of art and architecture, the Augustan building program was extensive, prompting his tremendous bravura: "*I found Rome a city of brick and left it a city of marble*". Augustus himself claimed in his *Res Gestae* to have restored eighty-two temples; a number not far short of all the temples in Rome, that was clearly intended to underline his zealous piety. Among his new monuments in the city were the *Forum of Augustus* (still an impressive ruin), the *Ara Pacis* (an altar dedicated to the Roman goddess of peace), and Agrippa's extensive activity in the *Campus Martius*, including the *Pantheon* ("Temple of All Gods"). Through his transformation of Rome’s urban landscape, Augustus could physically demonstrate the prosperity he created. The Augustan literary scene was particularly vibrant, culminating in the *Aeneid* by Virgil, which stands as one of the few masterpieces of Latin verse. The poem crafted a new national epic for the Romans, through their legendary founder Aeneas (a surviving Trojan prince), and thus reinforced the divinity in Augustus (a descendant of Aeneas); his reign presented as the preordained finale of the story. Virgil's contemporaries, such as Horace and Ovid, similarly alludes to Augustus' reign as divinely sanctioned. Among the honours showered on Augustus after Actium were powers usually reserved for a Roman *Censor*, which included a vague responsibility for upholding public morality. These were powers that Augustus actively indulged in, passing laws limiting public displays of extravagance (sumptuary laws), and attempting to maintain stability in marriage and to raise the birth rate in Rome. Adultery, for instance, was a crime punishable by exile; a husband could kill his adulterous wife under certain circumstances. The Augustan morality laws were badly received, and seem to have done little to change anyone's behaviour, not least because Augustus, in his private life, fell short of his own ideals; he had a well-earned reputation for adultery and infidelities of all sorts. Finally, upon the death of Marcus Lepidus in 12 BC, Augustus took up his position of *Pontifex Maximus* (chief priest of Rome). His accumulation of powers was now complete; head of the army, the civilian government, and the church.

At the heart of Augustus' regime lay the army. He completed the ongoing professionalization of the Roman military by establishing a force of 28 standing legions, made up of volunteer recruits, with prescribed terms of service, regular wages, and fixed rewards upon discharge (henceforth cash pension rather than land grants). Augustus was careful to assure their loyalty, by extracting a personal oath, by his role as their sole paymaster, and by hand-picking their commanders (often the likes of Agrippa or Tiberius, that is, members of Augustus' own family). Augustus also established one of the most enduring institutions of the Roman Empire, the “*Praetorian Guard*", a personal bodyguard which he tactfully billeted in towns outside Rome. After the death of Augustus, the Praetorians would become known for palace intrigues, intimidating Emperors, deposing ones not to their liking, and proclaiming his successor. Yet his actions on the army must be judge a rousing success, since it was largely tamed as a force in Roman politics for the better part of a century. In 29 BC, Augustus ordered the doors to the *Temple of Janus* closed, for the first time in over 200 years; signifying that Rome was no longer at war. This allowed him to perpetuate the image of himself as the bringer of peace. But, as Cassius Dio points out, the closure could not have been less appropriate, since almost every year of his 45-year reign saw major **military campaigns**, during which he dramatically enlarged the Empire. Augustus promoted the ideal of a superior Roman civilization with a task of ruling the world, a sentiment embodied in Virgil's *Aeneid*, where Jupiter promises Rome *imperium sine fine* ("sovereignty without end"). But, on a practical level, his grand strategy was to establish naturally defensible frontiers of the Empire. To protect Rome's eastern flank, Augustus intended to embrace a new policy of mutual co-existence with the Parthian Empire, but not before recovering Rome's lost honour. Mark Antony’s defeat in 36 BC had greatly benefited Augustus, but it had been an embarrassment for Rome. Furthermore, the captured legionary standards of Crassus were still being held as trophies in the Parthian court. With a large army stationed in Syria, Augustus managed to negotiate the withdrawal of Parthian forces from Armenia, its recognition as a *de facto* Roman client-kingdom, and the return of the lost standards. What Phraates IV of Parthia (37–2 BC) got from Rome, beyond peace, is less clear. Augustus did give Phraates a slave girl, who soon became his lover, but there must have been some other inducement. While some Romans were disappointed that Antony's and Crassus' defeats were not avenged by military means, Augustus considered the diplomatic return of the eagles among his greatest achievements; it was celebrated in art as a symbol of Parthian submission to Rome. With the eastern frontier secure, Augustus set his sights on some glaring holes within the Empire; the tribes of the northern coast of Spain and the Alpine territories were pacified. But the real battlefields were on the northern border, where Augustus intended the rivers Danube and Elbe to be the Empire's permanent frontier. Victory in battle was not always permanently successful, with newly conquered territories frequently retaken by Rome's Germanic enemies. The most famous example was the Roman defeat at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest (September 9 AD) by a Germanic coalition was led by Arminius (d. 21 AD), a prince of the Cherusci tribe. As a youth, he had been sent to Rome as a hostage, where he received a Roman education, gained Roman citizenship, and served with distinction in the legions. Around 7 AD, he returned to his homeland to become leader of the Cherusci. With a proven record as an ally, and used to Roman manners, Arminius was a frequent dinner guest at the table of Publius Quinctilius Varus (d. 9 AD), the Roman commander tasked with completing the conquest of Germania west of the Elbe. Driven either by personal ambition or desire for liberty, Arminius began secretly plotted a Germanic revolt against Roman rule. With the Roman legions preparing winter quarters near the Rhine, Arminius brought news of a rebellion further to the east. Varus responded in the standard Roman way, and immediately led three legions against the rebels; open resistance crumbled as soon as the legions appeared. The problem apparently solved, Varus began the march back westwards in some haste, beginning further away than he had planned, his supplies running low. There were no Roman roads so far into Germania, and the long column snaked along old cart tracks. At one point, Arminius left the column, ostensibly to fetch guides or other aid. Instead, he went to join the Germanic army mustering to strike at the Romans. Over the next day or two, small parties began to harry vulnerable sections of the column, retreating before the Romans could muster any sort of defence. Archaeological evidence at Kalkriese near Osnabrück reveals the site of what was probably Arminius' decisive ambush. Efforts to break out failed, and one by one the men of Varus’ army died; all accounts stress the completeness of the Roman defeat. The three legionary eagles were taken, as was a great haul of armour, weapons, and other trophies. Augustus retaliated by dispatching Tiberius to the Rhineland on a punitive expedition, which had some success. In private, he raged, refusing to shave for months, and wandering the palace at night, yelling, "*Varus, give me back my legions!*"; the numbers of the lost legion - XVII, XVIII and XIX - would never be used again by the Romans, in contrast to other legions that were re-established after suffering defeat. Teutoburg Forest brought brought the end to Roman expansion into Germany. In all her long history, the Empire would never seriously attempt to expand beyond the river Rhine.

Augustus had all the powers of a monarch, if not the title, and he was determined to be succeeded by someone of his own blood; a most un-Republican idea. Yet the *Senate* was not unsympathetic to the notion, fearful of chaos upon his death. Augustus lived well into his 70s, but his frequent ill-health brought the succession to the political forefront not long after Actium. The search for an heir to his unique position in the Roman state would proved long and complicated, for he had no sons of his own, only a daughter Julia. Augustus first showed signs of favour for his sister's son, Marcellus, who he married to Julia in 25 BC, forming a closer family link. Then, a surprise. In 23 BC, an illness was spreading in Rome, which afflicted both Augustus and Marcellus; the one survived, but the other was not so fortunate. Marcellus was nineteen, and the first member of the imperial family to be interred in the *Mausoleum of Augustus*; but not the last. Next, Augustus turned to his most trusted advisor and friend, Marcus Agrippa. His other chief advisor, Maecenas, though no friend of Agrippa, is said to have commented that Agrippa had been raised so high, that, now, Augustus must either must marry him to Julia, or kill him. Augustus chose the former route, a union that produced five children; three sons and two daughters. Until the children came of age, Agrippa was clearly intended to be Augustus's successor; aside from his marriage to Julia, Agrippa received the same *Proconsular* and *Tribunician* powers as Augustus. When Agrippa himself died in 12 BC, Augustus' vision for the succession can be seen in his assumption of the *Consulship* in 5 and 2 BC, so that he could personally usher his grandsons, Gaius and Lucius, into public life. He also showed favour to his stepson, Tiberius, Livia's son from her first marriage. But it was to be a rocky road indeed that led to his eventual succession. Tiberius, on Augustus' insistence, divorced his own wife in order to marry Agrippa's widow, Julia. Without warning, in 6 AD, Tiberius announced his withdrawal from public life, and went to live on Rhodes. The exact reason is unknown, though it was probably a combination of his failing marriage to Julia, and resentment at Augustus' apparent preference for a blood relative; he hoped his recent robust health would see his grandsons to maturity. But fate intervened once more. Julia’s sons, Gaius and Lucius, died in 2 AD and 4 AD respectively, while her youngest son, Agrippa, proved so vicious that he was widely thought to be insane; Augustus had him banished in 6 AD. By then, Augustus had given up on finding himself a blood heir. Tiberius was recalled to Rome, and formally adopted by Augustus, on the condition that he, in turn, adopt his young nephew Germanicus. Debate has swirled around these arrangements, but it is probably best to avoid notions of the stepson Tiberius as the "stopgap" successor, with the natural great-grandson Germanicus to come behind him. The succession problem was an unhappy one for the imperial house. Aside from the various deaths of princes, Augustus banished his own daughter Julia in 2 BC, and her namesake daughter in 8 AD; the details are murky in each case. The problem only perpetuated in subsequent generations between Julian and Claudian branches of the imperial family. In his later years, Augustus withdrew more and more from the public eye. In any case, Tiberius had been given more and more power, and, by 13 BC, was virtually emperor already. This came just in time. Shortly before his seventy-sixth birthday, in 14 BC, Augustus was travelling to Naples for games honouring him, when he fell severely ill with dysentery, forcing him to bed at his villa in Nola. There were rumours later that Livia had a hand in his end, with some poisoned figs, to ease her son's accession to power; but all unexplained deaths attracted that sort of gossip, whether there was any foundation for it or not. Others believed, more plausibly, that Livia helped smooth the transition of power, suppressing knowledge of Augustus' imminent death and sending for Tiberius; depending on the source, he reached his adoptive father before he died, or arrived too late. Suetonius, who presents the most convincing account, claims Augustus' almost last words were, "*Have I played the part well? Then applaud as I exit*"; a quote from a popular drama. In the last moments of his life, he could finally admit the truth that no one in Rome dared; that his role as defender of the Republic had been nothing but a pretense, his refusal of the title of Emperor a sham, all done for the sake of the audience.

### Emperor Tiberius (14-37 AD)

The reign of **Tiberius** (14-37 AD) was particularly important for the Roman Empire, since it was the first occasion when the powers designed for Augustus alone were exercised by somebody else. There were a few hints that the organisers were anxious. When Tiberius went before the *Senate*, a month after Augustus’ death, to be formally recognized as *Emperor*, he tried to imitate Augustus’ own strategy of laying powers down with apparent humility, so that they could be willingly returned. He was not very good at apparent humility, though. When the *Senate* tried to return the powers, he kept on half-refusing them, prompting one exasperated *Senator* to yell, “*Either do it, or have done with it!*” But, in the end, Tiberius did manage to get himself confirmed as Augustus’ successor. In fact, that first meeting between the *Senate* and the new *Emperor* established a blueprint for their working relations. In his first few years, Tiberius seemed to want the *Senators* to take a more active role in the governant; to act on their own initiative rather than direct orders. If so, it backfired*;* his oblique approach left them baffled and befuddled on what he actually desired. Tiberius' opinion of the once revered body was not high; "*men fit to be slaves*"; a talking shop for rich old men. Despite these difficulties, Tiberius' early years were generally good. He proved to be an effective and dedicated administrator; he seemed adept at choosing provincial governors (with one notable exception); he refrained from costly campaigns of conquest, preferring to resolve frontier threats by diplomacy; and he strengthened the infrastructure, bureaucracy, and finances of the existing empire. But Tiberius lacked Augustus' natural rapport with the people of Rome. This contrasted sharply with his charismatic adopted son, Germanicus (d. 19 AD), the heir-apparent over Tiberius' own natural son, Drusus (d. 23 AD). Just after Augustus' accession, the legions posted on the Rhine and Danube took the opportunity to agitate for better terms of service. Germanicus and Drusus were dispatched to quell the mutinous legions. In Germanicus' sector, he not only brought the restless troops back into line, but led them on a short campaign into Germania, promising whatever plunder they could grab as their bonus. He emerged from the incursion more famous and popular than ever, having recovered two of the three legionary eagles lost at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. Upon his return to Rome, in 17 AD, Germanicus celebrated a *Triumph*; the first full *Triumph* since Augustus' own in 29 BC. Tiberius knew that Augustus had chosen him, as Suetonius puts it, “*through necessity rather than preference*”. Following his *Triumph*, Germanicus was transferred to the eastern provinces, away from any more glamorous adventuring. Unfortunately for Tiberius, Germanicus fell ill and died just two years later, and, on his death-bed, accused the governor of Syria, Calpurnius Piso, of having him poisoned; Piso was a long-time friend of Tiberius, so suspicion fell on the place. When Germanicus' widow, Agrippina, carried his ashes back to Rome, she publicly hinted that Tiberius had ordered her husband's murder in order that his own son, Drusus, should succeed. Whether there is any truth to the accusation, it was widely believed. As his popularity plummeted, Tiberius began to withdraw more and more from public life to an imperial villa on the island of Capri, and leave the daily routine of government to a trusted advisor. That advisor was Aelius Sejanus (d. 31 AD), the commander of the *Praetorian Guard* (the imperial bodyguard). Tiberius openly praised him as "*partner of my labours*"; but Sejanus had his own ideas. There was one major obstacle to his ambition; Drusus. Since the death of Germanicus, Drusus had been openly groomed as Tiberius ' successor, sharing the *Consulship* with his father in 21 AD. Drusus hated Sejanus, resenting his influence over his father; and, since Tiberius was already in his sixties, the possibility of the son succeeding the father loomed large. According to Tacitus, Sejanus found an elegant, if sinister, solution for eliminating Drusus; he seduced the young man's wife, Livilla, and, with her help, Drusus was slowly poisoned, dying, seemingly, of natural causes in 23 AD. With Drusus dead, an ageing Tiberius seemed to lose heart, withdrawing from Rome altogether (never to set food in the city again), and leaving his administration more than ever to Sejanus. In 25 AD, Sejanus asked Tiberius for permission to marry Livilla, Drusus' widow. What exactly he was aiming at remains a matter of debate; to become the emperor's successor through marriage into the imperial family, or, more likely, to be regent for a young successor. In any case, Tiberius refused, warning Sejanus that he was in danger of overstepping his rank. Alarmed by this setback, Sejanus changed tack and sought to isolate Tiberius, by removing those capable of opposing his own power. By leaning hard on the emperor's paranoia, a series of treason trials began in Rome. In rapid succession Germanicus' widow, Agrippina, and eldest sons, Nero and Drusus, were tried and exiled; of Germanicus' sons, the only survivor was Caligula, who was regarded as too young to be a threat. By 31 AD, Sejanus had reached the pinnacle of his power, sharing the *Consulship* with the emperor (*in absentia*); an honour usually reserved for the heir-apparent. But in a shocking and unexpected turn of events, at the end of the year, Sejanus was summoned to a meeting of the Senate, where a letter from Tiberius was read, denouncing him and ordering his arrest as a traitor. What caused his downfall is unknown; ancient historians disagree on who alerted Tiberius to Sejanus' scheming; Josephus, who tends to be most reliable, points to Livilla's mother, together with Sejanus' estranged ex-wife. The *Praetorian Guard*, the very troops recently under Sejanus' command, conveyed him to prison. A witch-hunt followed that dwarfed anything perpetuated by Sejanus. In a climate of paranoia and suspicion, dozens of *Senators* and *Equestrians* were denounced, tried, and executed, often in barbaric fashion; as were several members of the imperial house, including Livilla who committed suicide (or, in more dramatic accounts, was starved to death by her mother). After the Sejanus affair, Tiberius' withdrawal from public life seemed more complete than ever; the empire continued under the inertia of the bureaucracy established by Augustus. Tiberius, if we believe our sources, was inclined more and more to spend his days in pleasure. He built little caves and grottoes all over his private island, and bathed in the surf with a gaggle of naked small boys and girls; these he called his "nymphs of Venus", and carried on with them exactly as the name suggests. The locals took to calling him “*that old goat*”. He was the second Roman *Emperor*, and the first to indulge himself in the indiscriminate fulfilment of all his desires; but not the last. While Tiberius was troubling the Romans at home, a wandering prophet named Jesus annoyed a powerful group of priests in Jerusalem, by challenging their right to control Jewish religious life. In 37 AD, Tiberius died quietly in a villa at Misenum. Even though he was 77 years-old, Tacitus still claim that he was murdered. He relates that the emperor appeared to stop breathing, and his nephew, Caligula, was acclaimed *Emperor*. Then, Tiberius suddenly recovered his faculties. Men, who had moments before recognized Caligula, fled in fear of his wrath. Only the new Praetorian commander kept his head, taking advantage of the confusion to have Tiberius smothered with his own bedclothes. Such rumours can be expected. The level of Tiberius' unpopularity by the time of his death is revealed by the facts that the *Senate* refused to vote him divine honours, and that mobs filled the streets yelling "*To the Tiber with Tiberius!*"; the method of disposal reserved for criminals.

### Emperor Caligula (37-41 AD)

When Gaius Caesar Germanicus was acclaimed emperor on Tiberius' death in 37 AD, he must have seemed like a welcome change. Just 24 years-old, he had as good a claim to the throne as anyone. His mother, Agrippina, was the natural granddaughter of Augustus. His father, Germanicus, had been the wildly popular heir-apparent as *Emperor*, before his untimely, and suspicious, death. It was thanks to his father that Gaius ended up with the nickname **Caligula** ("little boots"), by which he is known to history. Germanicus had taken him as a young child on military campaigns, and dressed him up in a miniature soldier's uniform, including some trademark sandal-boots (*Caligae* in Latin). But that proved the only adorable thing about him. Caligula accepted the powers of the *Emperor* as conferred by the *Senate*, and entered Rome amid scenes of wild rejoicing. His first acts were generous in spirit; he honoured his mother and other dead relatives, interring their remains in the *Mausoleum of Augustus;* he publicly destroyed Tiberius' personal papers, declared that treason trials were a thing of the past, and recalled those who had been exiled; and he cancelled a few taxes that helped out poorer Romans. His financial policy were equally popular, if less prudent: he granted bonuses to the army, including the *Praetorian Guard*; and put on lavish spectacles for the public, including gladiatorial games and chariot races. Philo described the first seven months of Caligula's reign as complete bliss. But the good beginning was deceptive. Ancient accounts are divided about Caligula’s nature; some say that he was diabolical from the beginning, but concealed it long enough to consolidate power; while others claim that he suffered through a serious illness (or poisoning) early in his reign and then emerged with a new personality. But it is hardly surprising that Caligula had mental problems; he had been spared from Sejanus' purges only because of his youth; and then remanded to the personal care of Tiberius on Capri, toadying to the man who may have murdered his father, and surrounded by debauchery and excess. All of the accounts list outlandish stories: he murdered his cousin, grandmother, father-in-law, and brother-in-law, not to mention several *Senators*; he slept with all three of his sisters, as well as male and female prostitutes; he raped other men’s wives, and then reported her performance to her husband; his planned invasion of Britain got no further than the Channel, where he ordered the troops to gather seashells as spoils-of-war; he built a two-mile pontoon bridge, just so he could ride his horse across the Bay of Naples, in defiance of a prophesy; he squandered the vast sums Tiberius had accumulated in the imperial treasury; he insisted on being treated as a god, and ordered statues of himself be erected in the Temple at Jerusalem (only the delaying tactics of the Syrian governor prevented a potential uprising); and, most famously, he planned, or promised, to make his horse a *Consul.* In less than a century, Rome had travelled a very long way from the city where the *Senators* had killed Julius Caesar because he behaved too much like a king. Now Rome was tolerating an erratic autocrat. The problem was that Caligula’s disintegration did not inconvenience everyone; he lavished money and privileges on those who managed to stay on his good side. But the good times were not to last. By 39 AD, Caligula's excesses had exhausted the imperial treasury. After having publicly burned Tiberius' personal papers earlier in his reign, he revealed that he had kept copies. Suddenly, the treason trials were back on, in order to confiscate their property; according to Suetonius, he took pleasure from watching his victims being tortured. Finally, after only four years as emperor, Caligula was murdered by a group of disaffected *Praetorian Guards*, led by Cassius Chaerea. There may have been more high ideals and wider support driving the plot, but Chaerea's motivation was apparently personal; he had become the constant butt of Caligula's cruel jokes. In January 41 AD, Chaerea and two others accosted Caligula alone in a secluded palace corridor, and cut him down. And when his wife arrived on the scene with her baby daughter, they were eliminated too. The sensational and hostile of Caligula's reign, should in no way trivialize its importance. Whatever damage Tiberius' later years had done to the carefully crafted political edifice created by Augustus, Caligula multiplied it tenfold, now revealed for what it was; a raw monarchy tempered only by the self-discipline of the incumbant. That the only means of retiring the wayward *Emperor* was assassination marked another important revelation.

### Emperor Claudius (41-54 AD)

The assassination of Caligula threw Rome into a brief period of political chaos. As soon as news leaked out, the Senate met, and exchanged fine words about a restoration of the Republic, which quickly devolved into arguments over which of them would be the new *Emperor*. The whole debate was in any case too late. The *Praetorian Guard* had already picked a new *Emperor*. The story goes that, terrified by the violent commotion, Caligula’ uncle, the 50 year-old **Claudius** (41-54 AD). had hidden himself behind a curtain. But he was quickly discovered by the Praetorians, and, though fearful that he too was about to be murdered, was hailed as *Emperor* instead. Claudius was the grandson of Augustus' sister Octavia, which made him as plausible a candidate as anyone; and he was conveniently on the spot. Edgy negotiations followed. Claudius rewarded the *Praetorians* that had elevated him with a generous bonus; "*the first emperor to use bribery to secure army loyalty*", carped Suetonius, as if Augustus had not done much the same. The bickering in the *Senate* was finally shut down, when they extracted a general pardon for all those whom Caligula had suspected of treason. His mercy extended to Caligula's assassination; no doubt a number of *Senators* were involved in the wider conspiracy. The mercy only extended to the point that he feared for his own life, however. The lead assassins, Chaerea and one other, were tried, convicted, and put to death; Claudius' legitimacy depended partly on the idea that his predecessor had been rightly eliminated, but disloyalty must to be punished to discourage any repetition. It is a strange thing that Claudius became *Emperor*. In an age that despised weakness, he was unfortunate enough to have been born with afflictions; he had a limp; he stuttered; he was slightly deaf from a childhood illness. His family members mistook his physical infirmity for mental infirmity, and generally kept him out of the public eye as an embarrassment. Throughout the purges of Sejanus, Tiberius, and then Caligula, Claudius survived primarily through being regarded as a dullard and no threat. It is an even strange thing that Claudius turned-out to be one of the most capable *Emperors*.

Claudius took an active interest in government; something the *Empire* had not really seen since the days of Augustus. He personally judged many of the legal cases tried during his reign, helped restore the *Empire*'s finances after the excesses of Caligula's reign, and issued frequent edicts on everything from moral judgments to sick slaves. He was also an ambitious builder, paying special attention to communication, constructing roads, canals, and a new port at Ostia. Due to the circumstances of his succession, Claudius' relationship with the *Senate* did not get off to a good start, and showed little improvement over time. As a result, he was forced to rely on the imperial bureaucracy, setting about remodelling it into a more efficient body to help with the day-to-day running of the Empire. A series of departments were established to deal with different aspects of administration: an office for correspondence, another for the treasury, another for the judiciary, and so on. They were largely staffed by freedmen (ex-slaves), many hundreds of them; reliable administrators, whose loyalty to the *Emperor* could more or less be guaranteed. The department heads formed a sort of cabinet, and were at first usually freedmen; when this powerful servile underclass became something of a *cause célèbre* with the traditional elite, members of the *Equestrian* rank (the middle-class) replaced then as heads. Claudius' greatest accomplishment was the start of the Roman conquest of Britain (43–84). He lacked a military reputation, an essential attribute of *Emperors*; what could be better than to follow in the footsteps of Julius Caesar's expeditions of 55 and 54 BC. But it wasn't just about glory and popularity; Rome had long coveted the mineral wealth of the Celtic-Britons (mines and slaves); and the island had become a haven for rebellious Gauls. The pretext for invasion came in 43 BC, when the expanding Catuvellauni, led by two brother (Caractacus and Togodumnus), displaced a tribe with friendly trade and diplomatic links with Rome. Claudius order his trusted commander Aulus Plautius to lead four legions across the Channel (the future emperor Vespasian commanded one of the legions). When the Romans landed at Kent, the Catuvellauni attempted to hold them at the Medway, but were defeated (Togodumnus was slain). Caractacus was then pushed back to the Thames, where the Romans won another battle in the region of what is now London. At this point, Plautius called a halt, waiting for the public-relations part of the exercise. A few weeks later, Claudius arrived with fresh troops and even a few elephants. For sixteen days, he took personal charge of the final push on Caractacus' capital at Colchester. He then returned to Rome to celebrate a *Triumph*, his military credentials firmly established. This marked the first major expansion of the Roman Empire since Augustus. After the rapid defeat of the Catuvellauni, other tribes, such as the Iceni in East Anglia, quickly come to terms with the Romans; such chieftains were left in power, as allies. The result was that, in the short space of four years, the whole of southern Britain was safely under Roman control. The conquest was to last for decades, ultimately falling short of annexing the whole island.

For all Claudius’ success as *Emperor*, his private life was a complete disaster. His first marriage to Messalina ended in her death. Although she bore him a son, Britannicus (55 AD), Messalina was not one to remain faithful; her affairs were matched only by her willingness to denounce young man who spurned her. In 48 AD, she finally went to too far; at a wild party, a marriage ceremony was performed between herself and her lover. Whatever the intentions behind this folly (a drunken play-act, a prelude to an attempt to usurp the throne), the political fall-out was doomed Messalina, her lover, and assorted hangers-on. Claudius’ second marriage to his niece Agrippina (59 AD) ended in his own death. According to Suetonius, Agrippina won his heath through her feminine wiles. The truth is probably more political. Shaken by the Messalina affair, Claudius realized the weakness of his position, as a member of the Claudian but not the Julian family. Agrippina was one of the few surviving Julians, direct descendants of Augustus. A feud dated back to the death of Agrippina's father, Germanicus; coup attempts could rally around her. In any case, the marriage took place within months of Messalina's death. The last few years of Claudius' life were difficult ones. Agrippina, like every member of the imperial family, was strong willed and ambitious. She had a son by a previous marriage, a 13 year-old boy named Nero. Although Claudius already had a natural son, Britannicus, Agrippina was intent on having her son succeed as *Emperor*. Since Britannicus was still a minor, she persuaded Claudius to adopt Nero; in theory, Britannicus could still be named heir once he reached manhood, but, in practice, Nero was now the sole adult heir. With this achieved, Agrippina decided it was time to dispose of Claudius. According to Tacitus, she chose her poison carefully: something that would appear to be a wasting disease, rather than a sudden death which might betray her crime. In AD 54, she put the poison on Claudius’ dinner mushrooms. When Claudius was almost saved by an attack of diarrhoea, Agrippina ordered the doctor, who was in on the plot, to put more poison on the feather that he stuck down Claudius’ throat. Within hours of his death, Nero was acclaimed *Emperor* in a carefully orchestrated piece of political theatre. Already familiar to the army and the public, he faced no serious opposition.

### Emperor Nero (54-68 AD)

**Nero** (54-68 BC) was not yet 17 years-old at his ascension, making him by far the youngest and least experienced *Emperor* that Rome had seen. Nevertheless, the first five years of his reign were markedly virtuous under the influence of three people; his mother, Agrippina; his former tutor, Seneca (65 AD); and the Praetorian commander, Sextus Afranius Burrus (62 AD). Yet there was almost inevitably competition for influence, with Seneca and Burrus often combined against Agrippina, who, having made her son *Emperor*. saw herself as the power behind the throne. Matters came to a head over Nero's personal life. A marriage to Claudius' daughter, Octavia, was an important step in ultimately securing the throne. But she was quiet, shy, and too modest for his taste. Nero's affair with a slave girl named Claudia Acte was, to Agrippina, a sign of her son's dangerous emancipation. Agrippina tried desperately to retain her influence, going so far as to side with Claudius' dispossessed son, Britannicus, who was now on the verge of manhood. Nero responded by poisoning his stepbrother, and exiling Agrippina from the palace. Although Agrippina retained some degree of influence over her son, these years were the best of Nero's reign. While directing the government themselves, Burrus and Seneca largely left Nero to pursue his own tastes and pleasures, chiefly music, the arts, chariot-racing and athletics; at this stage, they were kept private. Then, in 58 AD, Nero fell in love with Poppaea Sabina, the beautiful wife of a prominent *Senator* named Marcus Salvius Otho (69 AD); who, a decade later, participated in the *Year of Four Emperors*. Otto was sent to the far reaches of the empire, and Poppaea became his mistress. According to Tacitus, Poppaea goaded Nero into getting rid of his mother for good, so that he could divorce Octavia and marry her. Nero considered several methods of murdering his mother without the appearance of guilt on his part. He settled on a specially designed boat that would collapse while she was on board. As it happened, she swam ashore. Unaware that this was no mere accident, Agrippina sent word to Nero that she was well; his response was to send assassins to finish the job. Nero then claimed Agrippina had plotted to kill him and committed suicide. Her legendary last words, uttered as the assassin was about to strike, were "*Smite my womb*". This matricide proved a turning point in Nero's life and reign; all shackles were now removed. The influence of Seneca and Burrus began to wane, and, when Burrus died in 62 AD, Seneca, politically isolation without his colleague, retired from public life. That same year, Nero divorced and exiled Octavia, accusing her of adultery; after public protests, she shared Agippina's fate. Nero was now free to marry Poppaea.

The early-60s AD proved to be tumultuous for Rome, first in Britain, and then in Armenia. In Britain, successive governors had been taking their cue from the *Emperor*, and behaving with a complete lack of restraint. They had begun to build themselves a new city over the ruins of the old Catuvellauni capital at Camulodunum (Colchester); a Roman colony for retired veterans. As free labour, they annexed the nearby Trinovantes tribe, taking their land and forcing the people to build for them. Then, in 60 AD, the client-king of another nearby tribe, the Iceni, died, leaving behind a widow, **Boudica** (d. 61 AD), and two daughters. As he had no son, the Roman governor, Gaius Suetonius Paulinus, decided to simply rule the Iceni territory directly. As Roman soldiers stormed in, they are said to have stripped and flogged Boudica, and raped her daughters. A few months later, while Paulinus was leading a campaign against the druid stronghold on Anglesey in north Wales, the Iceni rose in revolt under Boudica. And the oppressed Trinovantes joined her. Their first target was the partly built city of Camulodunum, guarded only by a tiny garrison. The rebels overran the city without difficult, slaughtering the defenders almost to a man. When news of the rebellion reached Suetonius, he hurried along the Roman road of Watling Street to Londinium (London), the rebels' next target. Suetonius considered fighting them there, but, judging his numbers insufficient, was forced to sacrifice the city. The rebels duly destroyed it, and went on to do the same to Verulamium (St Albans). Unfortunately for the Britons, when it came to set-piece battles, the Romans were second to none; even outnumbered more than ten to one, according to Cassius Dio. Suetonius was able to assemble a force of about ten thousand men. and chose a ground well; a narrow gorge with woods behind, so there could be no enemy except in front. The Britons arrived at the Battle of Watling Street (61 AD) in such confidence that their families were in the baggage-train to witness the victory. But, when they charged, the Romans formed into a wedge, and drove into the oncoming mass of warriors. With their superior armour, weapons, and discipline, the Romans soon had the Britons in full retreat, and, with their flight blocked by their wagons, a slaughter ensued. Boudica was not killed in the battle, but took poison rather than be taken alive by the Romans. The next governors walked more gingerly around the Celtic-Britons, and shook the legions into more temperate behaviour. But there was no one to shake Nero into temperance. Seeing that he could do what he liked without fear or retribution, he began to give rein to his artistic pretensions. An audience with the *Emperor* was as likely to involve listening to him playing the lyre, as matters state. He fancied himself not only as a musician, but an actor and poet; he began to give public performances on stage; in poetry competitions, it was routine that he always won. The future emperor Vespasian fell asleep on more than one occasion, and faced the threat of execution, but was spared. To the Roman elite, these antics seemed a scandalous breach of imperial dignity and decorum; in Roman society, public entertainment was the domain of slaves and prostitutes. In 63 AD, Nero made a decision that did nothing for his popularity; he gave up **Armenia**. Rome and Parthia had long been rivals for pre-eminence in the East. The Kingdom of Armenia, which served as a buffer state between the two great powers, was a constant bone of contention; its king an important issue in the minds of both. Since Augustus’ day, it had been a Roman prerogative to appoint vassal-kings. But the Armenians had long chafed under Roman rule, and, in 53 AD, a Parthian prince named Tiridates - younger brother of Parthia's king, Vologases I (51–78 AD) - had made himself king of Armenia with the support of its people. In response, Nero’s new government took vigorous action, appointing an able general, Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo, to the command. Corbulo had made his reputation fighting on the German frontier. He proved again to be a very capable, invading Armenia, and capturing Tiridates' capital at Artaxata. By around 59 AD, he could claim to control the whole country; Tiridates fled back to his brother in Parthia; and Tigranes, a grandson of Herod the Great, was set on the throne as a pro-Roman vassal-king. But the Roman victory had come at a time when the Parthians were themselves distracted by troubles on their eastern frontier, against the Kushans. When this was dealt with, they began to fight back, and the war turned into an indecisive and draining struggle. The triumphal arch for Corbulo's earlier victory was half-built when Parthian envoys arrived in Rome to discuss peace in 63 AD. The upshot was a new agreement, whereby Parthia would henceforth nominate the Armenian king, but their choice had to be confirmed by Rome. Tiridates travelled to Rome in 66 AD to receive his diadem from Nero. Nero hailed the peace as a major achievement; he ordered the gates of the Temple of Janus to be shut, and celebrated a *Triumph*, although no new territory had been won, To the Romans, the sight of Tiridates' imposing Parthian retinue looked very like defeat.

The **great fire** that ravaged Rome in 64 AD illustrates how low Nero’s reputation had sunk by this time. The city had always been vulnerable to fires; wooden houses and shops, crammed shoulder to shoulder. This one began in the south-east corner of the Circus Maximus, and raged for the better part of a week. There was brief success in controlling the blaze, but then it burst forth once more. After about a fortnight, the fire finally burned itself out, having consumed ten of the fourteen districts into which the city was divided. Countless persons perished. Nero was in Antium through much of the disaster, but his efforts at relief were substantial. Yet many believed that the fires had been started deliberately, and suspected Nero; it had long been known that the *Emperor* dreamed of replacing Rome's squalid neighbourhoods with a more beautiful city. All his efforts for the stricken city could not remove the suspicion that he had "*fiddled while Rome burned*", The story reflects more genuine grievances, particularly when his plans for the rebuilding revealed that a large part of the centre was to become his new palace, a vast complex known as the *Domus Aurea* ("Golden House"). To remove suspicion from himself, Nero realised that someone was needed who could be blamed for the disaster. It so happened that there was such a group ready at hand, Christians had made themselves unpopular; their refusal to worship the imperial cult, or sacrifice to Roman gods; their Eastern way of life; their secret assemblies. Moreover, at the time, two of their most significant "teachers" were in the city; St. Peter and St. Paul. They were the ideal scapegoat; people that most Romans loathed, who had continually proclaimed the forthcoming end of days. The persecution of Christians was planned with the utmost cruelty. Even new kinds of deaths were invented; in the circus, for public entertainment, victims were exposed to wild animals, or crucified upside-down, or smeared with pitch and set ablaze. But Nero's attempt to shift the blame failed; the executions were so grisly that even the populace sympathised with the Christians.

To fund his extravagant reconstruction, Nero increased taxation, particularly on the provinces of the empire. In Judea-Palestine, protests over tax joined the list of other grievances to provoke a major rebellion, that took seven years to put down; the **Great Jewish Revolt** (66-73 AD). Trouble had been brewing in the regions ever since the Romans showed up. Pompey the Great had famously popped his head into the "*Holy of Holies*" of the Temple of Jerusalem, over the vehement protests of the priests, so the Romans and Jews did not get off to a good start. In 37 BC, Mark Antony, as part of his reorganisation of the eastern provinces, appointed a Jew, Herod the Great (d. 4 BC), as Rome's vassal-king of Judea. Even if it were not for his place in Christian demonology, Herod would not have been remembered fondly. No doubt there was popular distaste for a Roman nominee, and a ruler anxious, with reason, to preserve his throne; murdering all family members of the previous dynasty. Herod earned further dislike, though, by the Hellenistic style of his court, and by his heavy taxes to fund grandiose building projects; notably, turning the shabbily rebuilt *Second Temple* into the showpiece for his own greatness. After Herod's death, his kingdom was divided between his three sons, an unsatisfactory arrangement which was superseded in 6 AD, when Judaea was formally incorporated as a Roman province; bringing a great deal of tension. Jewish resistance to Roman rule steadily grew, particularly after Caligula's threat to erected a statue of himself in the Temple; that demand had been avoided, but the Jews sensed that it would only be a matter of time before they were asked to do something truly appalling. Not all Jewish people resented the Romans, however. The Hellenised Jewish elite (the *Sadducees*) fulfilled various political, economic, and religious roles, and enjoyed the finer things that Roman rule brought. Around 44 AD, a political movement emerged (the *Pharisees*), which sought to expel the Romans from the Judea, using terrorism as their main forms of argument. They had the alarming habit of wandering among crowds on public occasions, and stabbing perceived "collaborators", before melting away among a populace increasingly supportive of their aims. Matters finally boils over in 66 AD, when the Roman governor removed part of the treasury from the *Temple*, claiming it as the tax shortfall for the *Emperor*. In the resulting riot, the small Roman garrison in Jerusalem was besieged, forced to surrender, and then slaughtered by an angry mob. Among other unrest all across Judaea, the *Zealot*, a radical offshoot of the *Sadducee*, surprised the Roman fortress at Masada, and overran it. In response, the Roman governor of Syria assembled two legions (around 30,000 men), in order to restore order in the neighbouring province. The Syrian legions took large areas of northern Judaea without much effort. They spread themselves too thin, however. and a full legion was ambushed and defeated at the Battle of Ben-Horon (66 AD); the remnant abandoned their posts and fled back to Syria. This major victory would proved to be something of a mixed blessing, as it simultaneously encouraged many more Jewish volunteers and towns to throw their lot in with the rebels, and, at the same time, convinced the Romans of the need to fully commit to crushing the revolt. Nero appointed the able general, Titus Flavius Vespasian (d. 79 AD), the future *Emperor*, who had already distinguished himself in the conquest of Britain. In the spring of 67 AD, Vespasian arrived in Judea with two legions, and was soon joined by another legions led by his son, Titus, which, together with soldiers and auxiliaries gathered from the region, brought his strength to some 60,000 men. The Roman general set about methodically pacifying the province; accepting the surrender of towns that were so inclined, and besieging and annihilating towns that were not. By early 68 AD, he had crushed Jewish resistance in the north, and began sweeping south along the coast, avoiding direct confrontation Jerusalem, for fear of loses against the heavily fortified city. Vespasian's task was made easier by the fact that the Jewish resistance was internally fractured; the *Sadducees* had wanted nothing to do with the revolt in the first place; the *Pharisees* had shifted dramatically from elation to panic; and the *Zealots* regarded any talk of negotiation with the Romans as treason. As all these factions flooded into Jerusalem, the *Great Jewish Revolt* took on a internecine flavour of mutual assassination and terrorist attacks. By the end of 68 AD, all the prominent leaders at the start of the revolt were dead; none of them at the hands of the Romans. As plans for the strategic encirclement of Jerusalem were being drawn up, great news arrived from the other end of the Empire; Nero was dead, thereby ensuring chaos for the next eighteen months. But the Judean revolt did not stop simply because the Roman world was in crisis. Vespasian assigned his more than capable son Titus to take over the campaign, and, in April 70 AD, he began the Siege of Jerusalem. The historian Josephus, a Jewish resistance leader captured at Yodfat, provided a vivid account of conditions inside the stricken city. At one point, the *Zealots* torched the food stores, believing it would force the populace to fight to the end; the unhappy inhabitants were soon reduced to cannibalism in their struggle to survive. Within three weeks, the Roman army breached the walls of the city. Intense street fighting followed, with the defenders falling back behind the secondary walls around the Temple Mount. But, by September, these last defenders had been overwhelmed. The city was then plundered mercilessly, and burned to the ground; this included the Second Temple, against Titus' explicit orders, according to Josephus. All of Jerusalem's remaining citizens were sold into slavery, and the city was still in ruins sixty years later, when Emperor Hadrian decided to rebuild it. The revolt was broken, but a few Jewish stronghold continued to hold-out. Mopping-up operations lasted another three years, The most famous of these pockets of resistance was Masada, a virtually impregnable hilltop fortress surrounded by sheer cliffs. It took Roman engineers three-months to erect ramparts even to reach the walls. When the Romans finally breached the walls, they found all the rebels and inhabitants dead from an apparent mass suicide; of 967 Jews, two women and five children survived by hiding in a cistern. The Siege of Masada quickly entered the Jewish consciousness, and has held a prominent place ever since; today, members of the Israeli army are sworn in here. The Roman suppression of the *Great Jewish Revolt* was watershed moment in Jewish history. Thousands of Jewish people were sold in to slavery, which was crucial in the story of the *Diaspora,*,the dispersion of Jewish communities around the Roman world and beyond. The destruction of the Temple was another turning point. In its absence, the rabbis and synagogues became the centre of Jewish life.

The end of Nero's reign was marked by plots and treason trials. The large-scale Pisonian conspiracy of 65 AD reveals the diversity of his enemies - *Senators*, *Equestrian*s, military offices*.* The year 66 AD saw perhaps the most distinguished victims of the "reign of terror"; Seneca, the former chief advisor, and Corbulo, hero of the Armenian war. The path to Nero's downfall began in early 68 AD, with the provincial revolt of Gaius Julius Vindex, the governors of the upper Rhine. Aware of his relatively humble origins, Vindex did not covet the throne for himself. Instead, in an attempt to gain support among other governors and administrators, he called upon Servius Sulpicius Galba (d. 69 AD), the wise and respected governor of Spain, to declare himself *Emperor* in opposition to Nero. But Galba refused the offered purple, stating that such a decision was the prerogative of the *Senate*. Without support, Vindex's revolt was easily defeated; but his dream of deposing Nero did not die with him. With the whiff of suspicion lingering on Galba, Nero declared him an enemy-of-the-state *in absentia*. This proved a fatale miscalculation. Galba had been wavering in his loyalty to Nero, but, at that news, he had little choice but to openly revolt. The old general rapidly became a rallying point for Nero's enemies, culminating in the defection of the *Praetorian Guard*. With the loss of his own bodyguard, Nero panicked, and attempted to flee Rome for Egypt. According to Suetonius, he abandoned the idea when soldiers at Ostia openly refused his orders, taunting him with a line from Virgil's *Aeneid*, "*Is it so dreadful a thing to die?*" Finally, on 9 June 68 AD, Nero committed suicide. His death scene remembered above all for his final words, "*What an artist the world is losing*". Even at the end, he was more concerned with his artistic pretensions than affairs of state. With his death, the Julio-Claudian dynasty ended, ushering in a period of chaotic uncertainty known as the *Year of the Four Emperors*.

### Year of the Four Emperors (69 AD)

The aftermath of Nero's death was cataclysmic. The *Year of the Four Emperors* (June 68-July 69) revealed that the real power of the *Emperor* lay not in the blessing of the *Senate*, nor the support of the *Praetorian Guard*, nor any of the civil powers which had been folded into the title of *Princeps*. The real power lay in the *Imperium*, the supreme command of the army. The year 69 AD, then, can be best understood as a competition, between the leading regional generals of the day; Galba and Otho came from Spain; Vitellius from Gaul; and Vespasian from the East. Each of these men commanded forces large enough to prompt high ambition, but not so large that they couldn't be met in the field.

Tacitus famously wrote of **Galba** (June 68-January 69), "*It was everyone’s opinion that he was capable of ruling the Empire, until he actually came to rule the Empire*". He was a scion of the ancient *Patrician* order, who remained loyal to the Julio-Claudians throughout his career. Over the years, he had served as governor in Gaul and North Africa. Under Nero, he was governor of Spain for eight years, even though he was already in his sixties. In all of these posts, Galba gained a reputation for old-fashioned discipline, a trait characteristic of the old aristocracy. With Nero gone, the *Senate* sent word that they would recognise Galba as *Emperor*. Even so, he proceeded cautiously, and spent a month reorganising Spain, before leaving. This delay left Rome uneasy, and tempted Nymphidius Sabinus, the commander of the *Praetorian Guard*, to orchestrate an ill-judged attempt to seize the throne; he was killed by his own men. But the rebellion rattled Galba. During his march on Rome, he punished any officials and cities which hesitated to submit to his authority. When confronted by one boisterous legion, obstinately demanding privileges promised by Nero, Galba not only dispersed them with cavalry, but revived the ancient practice of *Decimation*. By the time he entered Rome, Galba had a reputation as inflexible and cruel. In the capital, the miscalculations and missteps seemed to multiply. First, he relied upon a circle of poor advisors, who shielded him from reality; most notably, Marcus Otho, who had been exiled by Nero to western Spain. Second, he attempted to recover some of Nero's more excessive expenditures by seizing the property of his court favourites; a measure that seems to have gone too far, causing real hardship and resentment. Third, he created further ill-will by refusing to pay-off the *Praetorians* and the army, as the *Emperors* before him had done. This last act proved to be the beginning of the end for Galba. The troops stationed on the Upper Rhine, who had crushed Vindex's revolt, refused to declare allegiance to him, and instead proclaimed their own commander, Aulus Vitellius (d. 69 AD), as the new *Emperor*. In response, Galba decided that he needed to reassure the *Empire* that the centre of the Empire was (and would remain) in Rome, not the legionary camps on the Rhine. Having no surviving sons, he adopt a well-respected *Senator* named Lucius Calpurnius Piso Licinianus as his successor. This angered his long-time supporter Otho, who had considered himself the rightful successor; so angered that he quickly organised a murderous conspiracy with the *Praetorian Guard*, using the now-familiar promise of a liberal bonus. In January 69 AD, Galba was sacrificing at the *Temple of Apollo* when he heard about the coup d'état. He donned his breastplate, and charged into the *Forum* to confront this treasonous challenge to imperial authority. They killed him there. Piso fled to the temple of *Vestal Virgins*, but was dragged out and butchered; his head along with Galba's were stuck on poles. On that same day, a powerless *Senate* hailed **Otho** (January-April 69 AD) as the new *Emperor*. Galba had reigned for just over eight months. by far the shortest tenure since the inception of the *Principate*; it was a record, however, that would not last long. Ascending the throne, Otho felt there was little need to fear from Vitellius; the governor's quarrel had been with Galba, and he was dead. Vitellius, however, felt otherwise. He was already marching on Rome with some of the finest legions in the *Empire*, composed of veterans of the endemic Germanic wars. Yet Otho prepared for war with unexpected vigour. From the more remote province, his strategy was to make quick diversionary strikes, in order to allow time for his forces to assemble in Italy; the Danube provinces also recognised Otho. An advance guard, composed of *Praetorians* and urban cohorts of Italy, was sent to hold the line on the Po River, and enjoyed initial success. The main concern was that Vitellius' commanders had begun to build a bridge at Bedriacum. To counter, Otho ordered a large part of his army to converge on a new base, close enough to interrupt its completion. But his forces, en route, strung out along the *Via Postumia*, were attacked near Cremona. The clash, known as the Battle of Bedriacum (April 69 AD), eventually forced the Ottonians to fall back in disorder upon Bedriacum. Otho, though still commanding a formidable force, now realised that a new round of fighting would potentially involve bloody civil war at Rome. He decided that enough blood had been shed. Otho bade farewell to his officers, had a good night’s sleep, and took his own life in the morning. To be sure, Otho remains an enigma; part unscrupulous scoundrel and part honourable man willing to give his life for the good of the state. Our sources are at a loss to explain the paradox. In assessing **Vitellius** (April-December 69 AD) and his own brief reign, it is difficult to separate fact from fiction. Maligned in the ancient sources as gluttonous, cruel, and extravagant, he was a victim of a hostile biographical tradition established during the Fravian regime which overthrew him. To his credit, Vitellius did seem to show moderation in the transition to the throne. He was generally lenient to Otho's supporters, even pardoning his brother. He also showed his grasp of the power structure by dissolving the existing *Praetorian Guard*, and recreating it from his own loyal troops. The other Roman legions didn’t like this preferential treatment of the soldiers from the Rhinelands. Before long the troops stationed in the eastern part of the *Empire* turned their eyes to yet another candidate: Titus Flavius Vespasian, the Roman general who had distinguished himself against the Great Jewish Revolt. Too far away to really take part, Vespasian had watched the unfolding chaos with dismay. Throughout the early months of 69 AD, Vespasian met frequently on the border with the governor of Syria, Gaius Licinius Mucianus, who implored him to challenge for the *Principate*. Shortly after Vitellius assumed the throne, His appeal was followed by the governor of Egypt, Tiberius Alexander. Shortly after Vitellius assumed the throne, Vespasian finally agreed, and the legions of Judea, Syria, and Egypt formally acclaimed him as *Emperor*. It was agreed that Mucianus should make his way to Rome with a strong force (some 20,000 men), while Vespasian took-up residence in Egypt, in order to secure its grain shipments and starve Italy into submission. Before the plan could be enacted, however, the Danube legions, Otho's former supporters, joined Vespasian's cause. Determined to avenge themselves on Vitellius, they were unwilling to wait for Mucianus, and made a rapid descent into Italy under Marcus Antonius Primus. Vitellius had Rome's best troops on his side, but Primus struck before he could muster all his forces. To make matters worse, his disaffected commanders, Aulus Caecina Alienus, had begun collaborating with the Flavians; he was arrested by his own troops. With the Vitellian forces virtually leaderless, they were soundly defeated at the Second Battle of Bedriacum (October 69 AD), and Cremona was brutally sacked by the victors. The Danube legions were now quite close to Rome. In the capital, Vespasian's brother, Titus Flavius Sabinus, managed to persuade Vitellius to abdicate the throne. However, Vitellius' own supporters thwarted this attempt at a peaceful resolution; Sabinus was killed by an angry mob, during which the venerable *Temple of Jupiter* was burned-to-the-ground. On 20 December, Primus' legions entered Rome against heavy resistance, resulting in brutal urban fighting. Vitellius was eventually dragged out of his hiding-place (according to Tacitus a door-keeper's lodge), hauled off half-naked to the Forum, and unceremoniously killed; his head was paraded as a trophy, with his body tossed into the Tiber. Within two days, the *Senate* granted Vespasian all the honours and privileges usually awarded to *Emperors*. Vespasian faced no serious threat to his imperial power after the death of Vitellius, and became the founder of the stable Flavian Dynasty (69-96 AD).

### Emperor Vespasian (69-79 AD)

**Vespasian** (69-79 AD).had ridden a wave of circumstance to imperial power. His fortuitous placement in the East meant he got into the *Year of Four Emperors* later than his rivals, and was thus able to outlast them. Rome's luck would mirror that of her new ruler's*;* Vespasian proved to be an effective *Emperor*. Arriving in Rome in the summer of 70 AD, Vespasian faced the daunting task of restoring a city and *Empire* ravaged by civil wars. His first task was to restore discipline in the army to prevent further revolts. He reassign commanders on the frontiers to remove his enemies and add his allies, and redivide troops so that old loyalties would be destroyed. With no connection by birth to the Julio-Claudian dynasty, Vespasian clearly felt the need to legitimize his reign. He zealously encouraged the spread of divine omens that supposedly foretold his accession; such as a prophecy, ubiquitous in the East, that from Judaea would come the future rulers of the world (the Messiah). Historians note the increased amount of propaganda that appeared during Vespasian's reign. Coins minted under Vespasian harp relentlessly on two themes; peace and saviour. Vespasian also became the patron of writers, such as Tacitus, Suetonius and Josephus; who all spoke suspiciously well of Vespasian, while condemning the *Emperors* who came before him. In Rome, Vespasian helped rebuild the city after the civil war. He also added several new buildings; a temple of *Pax* (the Roman goddess of peace) near the Forum, and another to the deified Claudius (no doubt designed to identify Vespasian as a legitimate heir to the Julio-Claudians). But his crowning glory was the magnificent *Colosseum* (also known as the *Flavian Amphitheatre*); simultaneously a conspicuous act of generosity to the Roman people (the most famous entertainment venue in history), and a pointed criticism of his predecessor (built on the site of Nero's ostentatious palace). To fund these projects and restore Rome's finances after Nero's excesses, Vespasian increased existing taxes and instituted new ones. Perhaps the most famous of these was his tax on human urine; a key ingredient in the ancient laundry and cloth-processing industry. He almost certainly never uttered the snappy quip on the subject, "*Money does not stink*", often attributed to him, but it captures just the right spirit. Contemporaries inevitably charged the *Emperor* with “avarice”. According to Suetonius, however, Vespasian always ploughed the profits back into the *Empire.* We find him restoring cities and towns desolated by natural calamity, and granting state salaries to teachers for the first time. There were occasional political difficulties; he survived several conspiracies against him; he executed Eprius Marcellus, one of his earliest supporters, for treason in circumstances that remain obscure; he quarrelled with certain obstinate *Senators,* such as Helvidius Priscus, who was executed about 76 AD, But he showed good-natured tolerance of affronts that could do no harm. In other matters, the *Emperor* displayed similar pragmatism. He refilled the depleted *Senatorial* ranks with eligible Italian and provincial candidates, and conferred Roman citizenship on provincial communities, especially in Spain, contributing to their rapid Romanization. There was some fighting on the periphery of the *Empire*: a horrendous outcome to the war in Judea, and a great expansion of Roman rule in Britain, with Gnaeus Julius Agricola leading Roman arms into the Scottish Highlands. But essentially Rome was at peace. In contrast to his immediate predecessors, Vespasian died peacefully in his bed after a brief illness in 79 AD. The occasion is said to have inspired his deathbed quip: "*Oh my, I must be turning into a god!*" In fact, public deification did follow his death, as did his internment in the *Mausoleum of Augustus* alongside the Julio-Claudians. He was succeeded by his eldest son Titus, thus becoming the first *Emperor* to be succeeded by a natural son.

### Emperor Titus (79–81 AD)

Vespasian had carefully groomed his eldest son, **Titus** (79-81 AD), at every step of his career, from his early education to being left to continue the campaign against the *Great Jewish Revolt*. Returning to Rome in 71 AD, Titus had celebrated a lavish joint *Triumph* with his father, establishing him unequivocally as the heir-apparent. He shared in virtually every honour with the *Emperor*, including *Tribunician* power, and numerous joint-*Consulships*. In addition, he was named commander of the *Praetorian Gaurd*, a particularly important post since military loyalty was indispensable to the new regime. During his fathers reign, Titus gained a reputation as somewhat callous and cruel, and potentially another Nero; a perception that developed from his alleged heavy-handedness as *Praetorian* commander (a certain amount of bad press was only to be expected for the regime's enforcer); and his controversial love affair with a Jewish princess named Berenice (Cleopatra had illustrated the Roman bias against Eastern royalty). Once in office, however, he continued his father's pragmatic and moderate administration. Titus had no chance to draw a breath, though. Three disasters hit his reign, one after the other. The first was the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, only two months after his accession. Vesuvius lay on the southwest coast of Italy, not far from the Gult of Naples, and had been rumbling in the background for as long as most Romans could remember. The historian Pliny, as a young man, was staying nearby at the time of the disaster; “*There had been tremors for many days previously,*” he wrote, “*a common occurrence in Campania and no cause for panic*”. But on the night of 23 August 79 AD, the volcano violently spewed forth molten rock, hot ash, and deadly gases. The cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum were obliterated and buried; as were several smaller settlements. Titus at once sent large sums of disaster relief to the stricken area, and visited himself as soon as the site was safe. He was at Pompeii for a second visit, in spring of 80 AD, when a fire broke out in Rome, and burned large sections of the city for three days and three nights. Though not as disastrous as the *Great Fire* of 64 AD, Cassius Dio listed several important buildings that were destroyed, including Agrippa's *Pantheon* and the *Temple of Jupiter*. Once again, the imperial purse contributed heavily to aid the victims and rebuild Rome. And finally, on the heels of the fire came an epidemic, which swept through the overpacked refugees in the city, killing them in scores. Titus' financial acumen must have been formidable. He dealt promptly and efficiently with costly natural disasters, and still left a healthy treasury, as he had found it. In other matters, Titus' brief reign makes it difficult to detect trends in policy. After spectacular inaugural games for the recently completed Colosseum, Titus left Rome to the Sabine hills, where his family had a villa. It was there that he suddenly fell ill with a fever (possibly malaria), and died in September 81 AD. A competing tradition accused his younger brother and successor, Domitian, of having had a hand in the *Emperor*'s demise; but the evidence is scant and contradictory. Allegedly, Titus' last words were the enigmatic, "*I have made but one mistake*". No one is sure of its meaning; did he regret destroying the Temple of Jerusalem, or his dalliance with princess Berenice, or, as some believed, not killing his brother when he had the chance.

### Emperor Domitian (81-96 AD)

    In many ways, Vespasian's younger son, **Domitian** (81-96 AD), is still a mystery; a cruel and paranoid despot by some accounts; one of Rome’s greatest organizers and reformers by others. The difficulty comes from Domitian's notoriously difficult relations with the *Senate*. Unlike his father and brother, he had actually been in Rome throughout the *Year of Four Emperors* of 69 AD. He had seen first hand just how readily the *Senate* swung with the political breeze; praising each new *Emperor* to the stars, and then celebrating their demise. Even the worst *Emperors* had upheld the public facade of a free Republic, and, in return, the *Senate* implicitly acknowledged their status as a *de facto* monarch; some less subtly than others. Domitian made no attempt to hide his distain for the Senatorial elite; nor the ugly autocratic reality of his rule. Revenge would come in the form of a (*Senatorial* class) historical tradition that missed no opportunity to vilify both *Emperor* and his reign. Furthermore, it seem clear that Domitian had something of a chip-on-his-shoulder. His father's choice of Titus as his successor determined Domitian's role during his decade in office. To the elder brother fell the *Tribunician* powers, the joint *Consulships*, and the *Praetorian Prefecture*. The younger, on the other hqnd, was granted various ceremonial honours, but no real responsibility. Little changed when his brother ascended to the throne. Titus assured him that a full partnership in government would soon be his, but never followed through. Whatever self-doubts this had produced in him, Domitian work worked out in imperious behaviour and autocratic tendencies.

    As *Emperor*, Domitian modelled his reign on Augustus. In the breadth of his interests, and depths of his management, he sought to usher in, nothing less than, a new Augustan renaissance. Domitian first official act was to deify his brother. He also actively encouraged the cult to his father. His message was clear; the "*first among equals*" had finally become a divine monarch. Indeed, Suetonius alleged that Domitian insisted on being addressed as *Dominus et deus* (“lord and god”); but since no coins or documentations were issued to that effect, historians remain sceptical. Next, Domitian set about deliberately concentrating power in the palace. The Senate was all but stripped of its role in government. Instead, he relied on the imperial bureaucracy, and a small group of advisors. Above all, he valued honestly, hard-work, and loyally; qualities he found more readily in men of *Equestrian* rank (the middle-class), who were elevated to positions they never could have dreamed of in another administration. Moreover, Domitian rarely favoured family members for key offices, a policy that stood in contrast to the nepotism practiced by all his predecessors. Even Suetonius, a particularly vitriolic critic, admitted that the imperial government never ran more efficiently than under Domitian, whose exacting standards and suspicious nature maintained historically low corruption among public officials and provincial governors. The reality of Domitian's autocracy was further reinforced by the fact that, more than any *Emperor* since Augustus, he spent significant periods of time away from Rome, touring the provinces extensively. Domitian’s capital was wherever the imperial retinue found itself; it moved about the *empire*, passing a year here, a couple of months there, and sometimes only a day or two in the same place. In financial matters, Domitian left the treasury with a healthy surplus, as Vespasian and Titus had. Unlike his predecessors, who had devalued the Roman currency to pay for their pet-projects, he actually raised the silver content of the *Denarius* back to the earlier Augustan standard; Rome's coinage and inflation would be a major theme of the *Crisis of the Third Century*. The rigorous collection of taxes offered a ready outlet for Domitian's ruthlessly efficient bureaucracy. One major expense was a massive building program to restore the architrectual dignity of Rome, which had been in steep decline from the ravages of war and natural disaster. More than fifty public buildings were erected, restored, and completed; a record second only to Augustus. Among his many projects was a new forum (later called the *Forum of Nerva*), and the magnificent *Arch of Titus*. In military affairs, Domitian's successes were largely illusory. He celebrated a Triumph in 83 AD for subduing the Chatti in Germania, but final victory did not really come for another six years. In Britain, similar propaganda masked the withdrawal of Roman forces from Scotland to positions farther south; a clear sign of Domitian's rejection of expansionist warfare. His real military contributions were defensive in nature, particularly the development the *Limes Germanicus*, a vast network of forts, watchtowers, and roads constructed to defend the Rhine-Danube frontier. The greatest threat was on the Danube, where Domitian fought a series of wars but was unable to achieve a decisive victory; and, even worse, suffered heavy casualties and lost one legionary standard. This was naturally held against Domitian in Rome. It did not affect his popularity with the army, however, whose pay he had wisely raised by one-third in 84 AD. There were failures. In 85 AD, Domitian nominated himself *Censor* in perpetuity, and embarked on a hopeless quest to control public morals and conduct; emulating Augustus, even in his least successful policy. Adultery became punishable by exile once again, and consorting with a Vestil Virgin a capital crime. He struck *one Equestrian* from the ranks for divorcing and remarrying his wife, and a *Senator* for acting on stage. He even issued an edict limiting vine-growing and effecting wine imports (designed to encourage grain growing), though he met such opposition that it was never implemented. Despite his moralizing, Domitian efforts were not a total *fool's errand*; he also punished corrupt elected official and jurors who accepted bribes, two real offence with real consequences that had been overlooked for years.

The end of Domitian's reign became engulfed in fear and paranoia. The crisis came with the revolt of Antonius Saturninus, governor of the Upper Rhine, in early 89 AD. This was promptly suppressed, but a sharp increase in treasons trials followed. In his last five years, Domitian executed at least 20 *Senators*, and banishments came with disturbing regularity. The atmosphere in Rome grew oppressive; punishment of misdeeds led to discontent, discontent led to muttering, muttering to plotting, plotting to suspicion, suspicion to punishment of misdeeds, in a relentless cycle of wretchedness. Yet the notion of a "reign of terror" must be put in proper context; the *Emperor* Claudius executed 35 *Senators* and was still deified by the *Senate*. Domitian bemoaned the unfortunate lot of an Emperor, "*no one believes there is a conspiracy against the Emperor, unless he is found dead*". The final conspiracy against his life, however, did succeed. The trial and execution of Domitian's own cousin, Titus Flavius Clemens, convinced a group of close associates that no one was safe. In September 96 AD, Domitian was stabbed to death in his bedchamber; he was 44 years-old. A detailed account of the plot was provided by Suetonius, but the convoluted rational and cross-loyalties casts doubt on the story; for sure, we know that his chamberlain and a steward of Clemens' wife were among the conspirators. Domitian's body was taken away by his nurse, and unceremoniously cremated, with the ashes later deposited at the Flavian family temple. The *Senate* rejoiced at his death, damning his memory to oblivion, toppling his statues, and erasing his name from all public records. He was succeeded by Nerva, one of his closest advisors.

### Emperor Nerva (96-98 AD)

The sudden assassination of Domitian threatened to reopen the door to another round of anarchy and civil war. But, on this occasion, the *Senate* acted quickly and wisely. Within hours of the news, they recognised **Nerva** (96-98 AD) as the new *Emperor*. This was the first time the *Senate* actually chose an Emperor, rather than simply ratifying the choice of a previous emperor, the *Praetorian Guard*, or the provincial legions. Marcus Cocceius Nerva was seen as a safe pair of hands. He was an elder statesman, from a distinguished *Senatorial* family. He was a long-time Flavian loyalist, having server as an advisor under Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian; thereby creating the perception of the continuation of an existing regime, rather than the birth of a new one. He was already 65 years-old; so, if he proved a bad Emperor, they would not have to live with their mistake for long. And he was childless; thereby ensuring that the state would not become his hereditary possession. Upon taking office, Nerva made immediate changes. He called an end to treason trials, released political prisoners, recalled dozens from exiled, and announced a blanket moratorium on executing men of *Senatorial* rank. As the *Senate* had hoped, the new emperor sought to involve them in his government, with mixed success. His advisors were often *Senators* with Flavian ties, though he was less willing to consult the body as a whole. Yet he was also reluctant to assert his authority over the *Senate*, the one part of the political system that really supported him. This led to chaos, as everyone acted in their own interests, while trying to settle old scores with personal enemies; one *Consul* famously remarked that Domitian's tyranny was ultimately preferable to Nerva's anarchy, Nerva also introduced measures to gain support among the Roman populace. To celebrate his ascension, every citizen received a generous gift of money. This was followed by a string of tax exemptions to alleviate the heavy burden that Domitian had placed upon the*m*. But Nerva's most lasting legacy was a social welfare program (the *Alimenta*) for orphans and poor children throughout Italy; later expanded by Trajan. Before long, his lavish expenditure pushed the treasury into some shaky territory, necessitating a special commission to reduce spending. The most superfluous festivals and games were abolished; introduced by the Flavians to show of the *Colosseum*. Large amounts of money were obtained from Domitian's former possessions, including silver and gold statues. While the *Senate* and Roman people welcomed the change of government, there were many who were not so ambivalent to Domitian's death, particularly the army, Nerva then exacerbated the problem by refusing to punish his assassins; only the commander of the *Praetorian Guard* was dismissed (a symbolic gesture, since the ancient sources are unanimous that he was not even involved). In an attempt to appease the soldiers, Nerva granted them a generous bonus upon his ascension, but it was not nearly enough to dampen their outrage. His relations with the provincial legions could never be described as anything but strained. His relations with the *Praetorian Guard* came to a head in October 97 AD, when they mutinied under their new commander, Casperius Aelianus. Taking the *Emperor* as hostage, they demanded that Nerva hand over Domitian's murderers. He not only relented, but was forced to give a public speech of thanks to the mutineers for their actions. After this unsettling ordeal, Nerva realized that his position was untenable without the support of a suitable heir, acceptable to the army. He chose as his adopted son and successor, Trajan, the most popular general of the day; then stationed on the upper Rhine frontier. Contrary to the view popularized by Edward Gibbon, however, Nerva had in fact little choice with regard to his successor; reading between the lines, it is clear that the *Praetorians* forced Trajan on the old man. Just three months later, in January 98, Nerva suffered a stroke during a private audience, and died three weeks later. At Trajan's insistence, he was deified by the *Senate*, and his ashes were interred in the *Mausoleum of Augustus*; we are also told that he dedicated a temple to Nerva, but no trace of it has ever been found.

### Emperor Trajan (98–117 AD)

**Trajan** (98-117 AD) was one of Rome's most acclaimed *Emperors*, a man who enjoyed renown in his lifetime, and in subsequent generations. Every new *Emperor* after him was honoured by the *Senate* with the wish that he be "*luckier than Augustus and better than Trajan*". Marcus Ulpius Trajanus was born in Spain, making him the first *Emperor* of provincial origin. His families were the descendants of early Roman settlers in Spain, who had probably inter-married with the local communities; rather than from the indigenous population. Trajan's father had risen to prominence with the Flavians, commanding a legion under Vespasian in the *Great Jewish Revolt*. Military success was rewarded with the governorship of Syria, one of the key military provinces. Young Trajan accompanied his father to Syria, where he entered military service and began his rapid rise up the ranks. He held the traditional magistracies through the *Praetorship*, which qualified him for a governorship in Spain in 89 AD. That year, at Domitian's orders, Trajan marched to crush the revolt of Saturninus along the Rhine. Although he probably arrived after to late, his unblinking loyalty earned him the favour of Domitian. He held the *Consulship* in 91 AD, followed by key governorships on the Rhine-Danube frontier. Trajan was a natural leader-of-men, with the sort of easy-going authority, that made soldiers, not just ready to serve, but eager to serve. Around this time, he married Pompeia Plotina, to whom he remained devoted. As the marriage remained childless, they were surrogate parents to his orphaned cousin, Hadrian. When Trajan was brought the news that he had been adopted by Nerva as his successor, in October 97, he was in command of the Upper Rhine frontier. On Nerva's death, Trajan did not hasten immediately to Rome. He chose to spend almost a year touring the Rhine-Danube frontier, inspecting the defences, and restoring discipline in the legions after Nerva's troubled reign. His belated entry into Rome in 99 was notably understated; on foot. He quickly established an excellent rapport with the *Senate*, exhorting the body to share the care-taking of the Empire with him. But in truth, his administration essentially continued Domitian's; he was no less an autocrat, the ultimate authority of the state, but affable nature and respect for the pride of proud men won him great favour. Eventually, the *Senate* bestowed upon him the honorific of *Optimus* ("the best"); with its implication that he led on the basis of merit rather than rank.

Trajan’s reputation rested on his basic fairness and decent administration, but, above all, on his willingness to campaign for the greater glory of Rome. The Empire reached its greatest territorial extent during his reign. His first conquest was the the region known to the Romans as Dacia; north of the Danube (part of what is now Romania); the **Dacian Wars** (101-106 AD). Ever since the *Year of Four Emperors*, the tribes beyond the northern frontier had grown more and more bold, particularly the formidable Dacians; a Dacian kingdom of sorts had existed since 82 BC, based on the exploitation of the region's rich gold mines. The Dacian king, Decebalus (87-106 AD), had caused much trouble for Domitian, who mounted two punitive expeditions against Dacian raids across the Upper Danube, but had to settle for an uneasy peace treaty. Under the terms, Decebalus was recognised as a client-kingdom, and paid an annual stipends in order to create a powerful ally against unpacified tribes; essentially buying his good behaviour. However, the resources were used instead to rebuild Dacian fortresses and strengthen the army; Decebalus soon hostile once again. After gaining the *Senate*'s blessing for war, by 101 Trajan was ready to advance on Dacia. This war demonstrated all the military's ingenuity and engineering for which the Roman army was renowned. Trajan was fortunate to have Apollodorus of Damascus in his service, who built a temporary bridge across the Danube, and cut a road through the *Iron Gates* (the sheer cliff on the north bank). This allowed the Roman legions to advance faster into Dacian heartland with nine legions (some 70,000). A first battle, at the fortress guarding the mountain pass at Tapae, was a tentative Roman victory; the Second Battle of Tapae (September 101 AD). As a storm broke out, the Dacians were able to withdraw in good order. With winter looming, Trajan hesitated to continue his offensive on the Dacian capital at Sarmizegetusa. Decebalus took advantage of the pause, and crossed the frozen Danube to attack the Roman territory, in an attempt to force Trajan to withdraw from Dacia. After losing part of his army when the ice broke, the resulting Battle of Adamclisi (January 102) was a hard-fought Roman victory. Even though the outcome was a decisive victory, the Romans suffered very heavy casualties. Thus, when Decebalus sued for peace, Trajan was inclined to accept. The Dacian king prostrated himself, swore obedience, and became a client king once again. It was enough for Trajan to return to Rome in *Triumph*, and added the honorific *Dacicus* to his titulature. Decebalus, however, once left to his own devices, returned to raiding across the Danube and attempting to whip-up neighbouring tribes against Rome. By 105 AD, Trajan had made-up his mind to finish the job of Dacian subjugation. To signal his intention of complete annexation, Trajan ordered Apollodorus to build a permanent bridge over the Danube; the longest arch bridge to be build by the Roman, and one of their greatest architectural achievements. Unfortunately for the architect, it was demolished by the *Emperor* Aurelian, as he attemted to resolidify the Empire during the *Crisis of the Third Century*; fragments of the stone piers can still be seen today. Faced with large numbers of allied tribes, the second war involved several skirmishes that proved costly to the Romans. Undeterred, Trajan brought in reinforcements, and gradually conquered the mountain fortresses surrounding the Dacian capital. Sarmizegetusa initially resisted the Roman assault. However, it could not endure forever. Trajan cut the water-supply, and the city began to starve. When it eventually fell, in the summer of 106 AD, the Romans the city to the ground. Decebalus managed to escape with his family, but, hunted and finally cornered, he committed suicide rather than being paraded in Trajan's *Triumph*. The war was over. It had taxed Roman resources, with a total of eleven legions involved, but the rewards were great. Dacia was established as a province, the first on the north side of the Danube. The surviving native population was sold into slavery, their place taken by Roman immigrants. The vast wealth of Dacian gold and silver mines would fund all of Rome's dreams for many years to come. Trajan celebrated a great *Triumph*, which entertained the populace for 123 days. The war booty enabled him to support an extensive building program almost everywhere; roads, bridges, aqueducts, harbours, public baths. An impressive example survives at Alcantara in Spain, the great bridge spanning the Tagus River, still in use. Rome, in particular, was enriched. Apollodorus designed and built a magnificent new forum, in the centre of which stood *Trajan's Column*; a sculpted column, 98 feet-high, with a 620 foot spiral frieze, which depicted, like a scroll being unwound, the history of the Dacian Wars. The column was both "propaganda" in stone, and mausoleum for the Emperor, whose ashes were indeed placed in the column base.

For the next seven years the *Empire* saw a period of relative peace, but in 113 AD war came to the eastern frontier; the **Roman-Parthian War** (115-117 AD). Back in the time of Nero, some 50 years earlier, Rome and Parthia had come to an understanding over the buffer-state of Armenia; Parthia could nominate the Armenian king, but their choice had to be confirmed by Rome. In 113 AD, the Parthians, then ruled by Vologases III (110-147), duly nominated a new king to fill the vacant throne, but the choice (Parthamasiris) was deemed unacceptable by Trajan. Trajan then consistently refused diplomatic approaches from Parthia intended to settle the matter peacefully. As the surviving accounts are fragmentary and scattered, historian can only speculated on Trajan's decision to wage war; he may well have yearned for one last opportunity at military glory; or sense that the moment was ripe for a final resolution of the "eastern question" by at last destroying Parthia's capacity to rival Rome. In 114 AD, Trajan personally led ten legions into Armenia, deposed Parthamasiris (he was later killed in an unclear incident), and annex it as a Roman province. The next year, he cross directly into Parthian lands. Taking advantage of the ongoing civil war between Vologases and a usurper named Osroes, the army moved down the Tigris River to capture Seleucia, Babylon and Ctesiphon. Trajan even reached as far as the Persian Gulf, where he is said to have lamented that he was too old to go further in Alexander the Great's footsteps. This was the furthest east that Roman power was ever formally to extend, but not for long; the Mesopotamian desert was better suited to guerilla warfare than occupation by large armies. Until 117 AD, Trajan remained in the east, fighting against the ongoing Parthian resistance, but never able to entirely obliterate it. At the same time, another revolt was troubling Roman lands. In 115 AD, Jewish communities in Judea, and scattered across the eastern provinces, had taken the Roman preoccupation with Parthia as an opportunity to rebel; the Kitos War (115-117 AD). This rebellion grew more and more serious, until Trajan decided that he had better suspend operations in Parthia for a more auspicious time. So he turned over his Eastern armies to Hadrian, and began his journey back to Rome. The Jewish revolts were finally crushed by the Roman general Lusius Quietus, whose name later gave the conflict its title; *Kitos* being a corruption of Quietus. Trajan, discouraged and in ill health, never reached Rome. In Cilicia, he had a stroke and died almost at once in August 117 AD; he was sixty-four. On his deathbed, Trajan adopted his ward Hadrian as his son and successor. However, rumours persisted that Hadrian had never been officially adopted. Pompeia Plotina, Trajan's wife, supposedly assured Hadrian's succession by concealing the death until all arrangements were in place, Be that as it may, there was no realistic rival to Hadrian, linked by blood to Trajan, and now in command of Rome's largest army.

### Emperor Hadrian (117-138 AD)

Trajan put the cherry on the top of an already brilliant career by naming **Hadrian** (117-158 AD) as his successor; another man on the short-list of greatest Roman Emperors. Publius Aelius Hadrianus was probably born, like Trajan, in Spain; though some ancient account claim he born in Rome. His actual birthplace, however, is unimportant; his family were provincials, so Hadrian was considered a provincial. His father was Trajan's first cousin; and, when he died, Hadrian became a surrogate son to the childless Trajan and his wife Pompeia Plotina. Hadrian later married Trajan's favourite niece. The marriage endured, but was not particularly happy and remained childless; it did not help, of course, that he was homosexual. Hadrian held an ambiguous position during Trajan's reign. As the *Emperor*'s closest relative and surrogate son, his career was clearly fast-tracked through the *Cursus Honorum*, but he gained no particular distinction befitting an heir-designate. He reached the coveted pinnacle of a *Senator*’s career, the *Consulate*, in 108 AD. He also gained ample military experience at the highest level, and governed provinces in the east, along the Danube, and along the Rhine. But it was only in 117 AD, shortly before his death, that the *Emperor* showed Hadrian clear favour; appointing him governor of Syria, one of the most important offices in the *Empire*. Rumours, doubts, and speculation surrounded Hadrian adoption as heir-designate. Yet his natural rapport with the soldiers meant the eastern legions immediately hailed him as *Emperor*, so, even if the *Senate* had wanted to question the succession, there was nothing they could have done. Hadrian's ascension was marked by the execution of four ex-*Consuls,* which suggest at least a degree of opposition. This action had been ordered by the *Praetorian* commander before his return to Rome, and Hadrian always denied responsibility, but the *Senate* never really forgave him. He earned further disapproval among the elite by abandoning Trajan’s conquests in Mesopotamia as too distant and costly to defend; and by restoring Armenia to join Parthian-Roman suzerainty. Hadrian believed an expansionist policy was no longer sustainable, and preferred to invest in the development of stable, defensible borders for the Empire; later *Emperors* would all follow his example, mostly out of necessity. The new *Emperor* remained in Rome for three years, repairing some of the damage with fine words, and courting popularity by public largesse; gladiatorial games, cancellation of debt, and now customary bonuses for the army. In 121 AD, he set forth on a tour of the *Empire*, west and east. He went to Gaul, and thence to Britain, to inspect frontier defences and military discipline. From there he moved on to Spain, where he made arrangement for a minor campaign in Mauretania (Morocco) against local rebels. He next passed quickly eastward to Syria, in order to negotiate some problems with the Parthians. Returning to the west, he visited Anatolia, Greece, and finally reached Rome again in 125 AD. Hadrian spent another three years in Rome, but, in 128 AD, he set forth again, visiting North Africa, Greece, Anatolia, Syria, Egypt, and then, for the third time, Greece.

Hadrian spent more than half his reign outside Rome, and visited almost every province of the Empire. His travels represented a calculated break from traditional attitudes in which the *Empire* was a collection of conquered people ruled by a purely Roman elite. As a provincial himself, Hadrian sought to include provincials in a commonwealth of civilised peoples and a common Greco-Roman culture. He fostered, or personally subsidised, building projects, civil, cultural, and religious institutions, practically everywhere he visited. Hadrian's travels were also marked by some of his most-memorable achievements. In northern Britain, he drew a line between civilization and wilderness by building a wall across the island. **Hadrian's Wall** stretched for more than 70 miles, all the way from one coast to the other; it was almost entirely finished in just six years. By this time, Roman Britain - the province of *Britannia* - boasted six cities, the largest being *Londinium* (London), which had perhaps 25,000 inhabitants, and a complex Roman infrastructure: baths, drainage, military installations, shipping lanes. To the north, as far as the Romans were concerned, lay only *barbarians*. The strongest tribes were the Picts and Caledones; “*red-haired and large-limbed*,” wrote Tacitus. The Wall was more than a frontier. It was an awe-inspiring projection of Roman power to strike fear into the enemy; its whitewashed surface would have been visible for miles around. In Greece, Hadrian’s benefactions were numerous. An ardent admirer of Greek literature and culture, he sought to make Athens the cultural capital of the Empire, constructing the *Library of Hadrian*, a gymnasium, an aqueduct (which is still in use), several temples, a bridge, and finally completing the *Temple of Olympian Zeus* (begun more than five centuries earlier). In Anatolia, Hadrian encountered a beautiful youth named Antinoüs. Besotted by him, Antinoüs became his constant companion for the next seven years. Homosexuality was certainly not uncommon in Roman society, though it was considered Greek, and thus effeminate; if you were going to have a boy as your lover, it was tactful not to wave him in the face of the Roman public. But, in 130 AD, as they were cruising along the Nile, Antinous died amid unclear circumstances; ranging from accidental drowning to suicide or even intentional human sacrifice (in the belief that his death could rejuvenate Hadrian's health). Hadrian mourned extravagantly, building the city of Antinopolis on the bank of the Nile where he had drowned, and having him deified; a cult of Antinoüs sprang up all over the East. In Rome itself, during his brief sojourns, Hadrian completely rebuilt the *Pantheon* (which had been destroyed by fire), added his own imperial mausoleum (later transformed into the fortress Castel Sant'Angelolater by the *popes*), and created a remarkable villa complex outside the city at Tivoli (here, Hadrian reconstructed, so to speak, miniature copies of the places he had visited on his travels). Hadrian left Rome in 134 AD for his final journey, not as a tourist but as a commander. The major war of his reign came not from expansion, but from an error in judgment; his plans to rebuild Jerusalem, which was still in ruins after the *Great Jewish Revolt* of 66 AD, in the Greco-Roman style. This, coupled with a ban on circumcision (which he viewed as mutilation), sparked yet another huge Jewish uprising; the *Bar Kokhba Revolt* (132–136). This revolt differed markedly from its predecessors in that the Jews presented a united front, under a single charismatic leader, Simon bar Kokhba (d. 135); he was regarded by many Jews as the *Messiah*. Initial rebel success briefly established an independent state over most of Judea. This setback, however, prompted Hadrian to dispatch his most experienced general, Sextus Julius Severus, to put down the revolt. He mounted a war of small battles against Jewish guerrilla outposts all across the country; a strategy that led to absolute devastation. "*50 of their most important towns, and 985 of their most famous villages were razed to the ground,*” Eusebius writes; "*580,000 men were slain in the various raids and battles, and the number of those that perished by famine, disease, and fire was past finding out*". Roman casualties were also heavy. By the time Hadrian arrived in Judea, the revolt was over. He meted-out his revenge by barring the Jews from entering Jerusalem, and renaming the region Syria Palaestina, after the Philistines; the ancient enemies of the Jewish people. When Hadrian returned to Rome in 136 AD, his health was failing. He realized that the time had come to face the issue of succession; and he wanted it resolved in his own way. He inexplicably picked as his eventual successor, Marcus Aurelius, the grandson of a close friend and advisor. The only problem was that Marcus was a bit more than 17 years-old, and not seasoned enough to be *Emperor*; Hadrian needed a stop-gap. In 138 AD, he cleverly arranged for the succession to pass to young Marcus. He adopted an estimable and mature *Senator* named Antoninus Pius as his immediate successor. The *Emperor*, however, required that Antoninus adopt the young man. No one expected that Antoninus would last very long. so an early succession for Marcus seemed assured. Hadrian’s scheme of imposing a double adoption upon his immediate successor looks like an imitation of Augustus, who had made a similar demand of Tiberius. By an irony of fate, however, Antoninus lived far longer than anyone would have thought possible; he did not die for another two decades. Hadrian's last few years were marked by loneliness and conflict. His wife Sabina had died, Antinous was gone, few remained to whom he felt close. At the same time, his arrangements for the succession were not popular. Hadrian had to order his own brother-in-law, Julius Servianus, put to death for treason. It is said that Servianus, before his execution, prayed that Hadrian would "*long for death but be unable to die*". During his final protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions. He died in 138 AD, presumably of a heart attack, at the age of 62.

### Emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161 AD)

The generally peaceful character of Hadrian's reign was followed by more of the same. Very little is known about **Antoninus Pius** (138-161 AD) before he became *Emperor*. Born into a *Senatorial* family, Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Antoninus held various offices on the periphery of Hadrian's administration; he served as *Consul* in 120 AD*.* During a term as governor in Anantolia in 134 AD, he obviously impressed the *Emperor*, and was made one of his advisors. At 51 years-old, Antoninus had achieved a distinguished career. and could have retired with honour, but, in 138 AD, he was adopted by Hadrian and designated his successor, as a safe-pair-of-hand until young Marcus Aurelius matured. To everyone's surprise, not only did Antoninus proved to be a capable, if deeply conservative, *Emperor*, but he lived a lot longer than anyone expected. He was to reign for 23 years, the longest since Augustus. The new *Emperor*'s first official act was to have "father" deified by a reluctant *Senate*. His devotion to Hadrian's memory is one of the reasons cited for the *Senate* bestowing upon him of the honorific "*Pius*". Little detail about Antoninus and his time in office has survived. His reign was the most peaceful in the entire history of the Roman Empire, notwithstanding disturbances to *Pax Romana* in Mauretania, Judea, and Britain. The latter prompted the construction of the *Antonine Wall* across the island, as a second line of defense north of *Hadrian's Wall*. In fact, these twenty-two years seem remarkably uneventful; the most exciting event was a great festival, in 148 AD, to celebrate the 900th anniversary of the founding of Rome. Antoninus' financial policy was generally conservative, keeping taxes reasonable, while avoiding waste and supporting public works projects of a practical nature; his strict control of finances allowed for a large treasury surplus by his death. Although Trajan and Hadrian had been prolific builders in Rome and throughout the Empire, Antoninus chose to more or less abandoned new construction and focused instead on restoring the old, especially roads and bridges. The feeling of well-being that pervaded the *Empire* was reflected in the flourishing of trade and commerce; the first Roman embassey to China was recorded in 166 AD. Antoninus was virtually unique among Emperors in that he dealt with provincial matters without leaving Italy once during his reign. This represent the *Emperor*'s reaction against Hadrian's "cosmopolitanism", and an attempt to restore Rome and Italy to a superior position over the provinces. Antoninus did leave a legacy in his interest in law. He insisted on having local communities conform their legal procedures to existing Roman norms; driven by concerns over equality. He also introduced many important new principles into Roman law, particularly around protections for slaves and freedmen; a practical necessity, now that the age of slaves, made cheap by conquest, was more or less over. Antoninus' legal work would frequently be cited by Justinian's *Corpus Juris Civilis* ("Code of Justinian"). He died peacefully in his bed, after a brief fever, in March 161 AD; he was 74 years-old. Antoninus Pius's long reign is often described as a period of harmony, before the storm of hostile invasions which plagued his successor, Marcus Aurelius. This is the source of the most serious criticism of Antoninus by some historian. With no military experience to speak of and having never once visited the frontiers, it has been claimed that he allowed a sense of complacency to set-in among the troops, and failed to act decisively sooner against external threats.

### Emperor Marcus Aurelius (161-180 AD)

**Marcus Aurelius** (161-180 AD) acquired the reputation of a "philosopher king" within his lifetime; Edward Gibbon also gave him the title. His renown, in subsequent centuries, has suffered little. He was born Marcus Annius Verus, the scion of a distinguished family of Spanish origin. His grandfather was a three-time *Consul*, a rare distinction; in imperial times, there were only twelve men who reached a third *Consulship*. He was also one of Hadrian's closest friends and advisors. Young Marcus was clearly destined for a distinguished public career. How he came to be chosen by Hadrian as his eventual successor, however, remains a mystery. His intellectual pursuits were deep and devoted, his manner so serious that the aged Hadrian took to calling him *Verissimus* ("Most truthful"); a pun on his name. Upon his adoption by Antoninus Pius, following prevailing customs, Marcus added "Aurelius" to his own name; part of his adoptive father's full name. Being groomed to be *Emperor* might have gone to head of another man, but Marcus, even as a young man, displayed the *Stoicism* that would earn him the reputation as Rome's "philosopher king". The *Stoic* man was not dominated by his appetites. He was able to detach himself from both pleasure and pain, in order to decide with objectivity what course of action was good. The long years of Marcus' apprenticeship under Antoninus Pius proved one of the most peaceful in Roman history. The *Emperor*, himself disinclined to military affairs, never left Italy during his reign. As a consequence, Marcus gained no military experience, a failing which could later have proved decisive and disastrous. He did rise steadily through the *Cursus Honorum*, holding the *Consulship* in 140, 145, and 161 AD, combining magistracies with priesthoods. He was always at the *Emperor*'s side, learning the business of government. In preparation for the succession, Marcus married Antoninus' daughter Faustina in 145 AD. who would bear him fourteen children, though several died young. The most important were a son, Commodus, the future *Emperor*, and a daughter, Lucilla, who later married Marcus' step-brother, Lucius Verus (d. 169).

When Antoninus Pius died, Marcus Aurelius was 40 years-old. There was no opposition, no contrary voice, to his succession. Although the *Senate* planned to confirm Marcus alone, he refused to take office unless his step-brother, Lucius Verus, was elevated as co-*Emperor* with him. He may have been enacting what he believed were his predecessor's succession plan. It is more probabale, however that Marcus realised (what later Romans would take for granted) that one man could not govern the whole Roman world by himself. For the first time in history, the Roman Empire had two *Emperors*, though there was no doubt which *Emperor* was the most senior; Marcus held more honours, he had shared in Antoninus's rule, he alone was *Pontifex Maximus*. As one biographer wrote: "*Verus obeyed Marcus ... as a lieutenant obeys a proconsul or a governor obeys the emperor*". Immediately the two were forced to deal with a war. With Antoninus' death, the Parthian king, Vologases IV (147–191 AD), took the opportunity to wrong-foot Rome's new *Emperors*; the **Roman–Parthian War** (161–166 AD). Vologases invaded the buffer state of Armenia, placed his own candidate upon the throne, and dared the Romans to do anything about it. One legions stationed in the east immediately responded, without waiting for instructions or for reinforcements; it was lured into a trap and massacred. Encouraged by this anemic response, Vologases went further, invading Roman Syria. The Parthians, warmly welcomed in Syria from the local Jews in wake of the *Bar Kochba War*, were able to defeat the Roman garrison stationed there. Lucius had more military experience than Marcus, and so took charge of the campaigns in the east personally. It is also thought that Marcus may have manipulated Lucius into going to curtail his extravagant lifestyle. From 162 AD on, the Romans fought back very effectively. Armenia was occupied and reorganized on Roman terms. A Roman army then moved on Mesopotamia, taking and sacking many of Parthia's significant cities, including Nisibis, Seleucia, and Ctesiphon. By 166 AD, Parthia had capitulated, and a Roman nominee sat on the Armenian throne. This success was due, not so much to Verus, but to the work of subordinate generals, notably Gaius Avidius Cassius (d. 175 AD). When Verus returned to Italy with his victorious army, however, they brought back with them a devastating plague. The ***Antonine Plague*** was already sweeping through the city by the time the *Triumphal* parades had ended. From Rome, it quickly spread north to Gaul, and reached nearly every corner of the *Empire* over the next three years. The Greek physician Galen (d. 216 AD), not only witnessed the outbreak, but described its symptoms; "*fever, diarrhoea, and inflammation of the throat, along with dry or pustular eruptions of the skin after nine days*". In all likelihood, the plague was smallpox. As with all ancient diseases, it is almost impossible to assess the impact of the plague. Most estimates put the total death-tole at around 7.5 million people; or 10 percent of the Empire's population. The fatalities were even higher in the cities and the army; 2,000 deaths per day in Rome at the height of the outbreak.

    In the middle of this, with the army severely weakened by illness, the Danube border was suddenly beset by attacks on multiple fronts; the **Marcomannic Wars** (166-180 AD). There were a number of differed factors that combined to produce the unprecedented pressure on the north frontier in the 160s AD. Antoninus Pius had never left Italy; neither did he take aggressive military action throughout his reign. The result was something of a breakdown of Rome's "divide and rule" maxim; making seperate treaties with "barbarian" tribe; engaging in mutually beneficial commerce with some; destroying others in punitive experitions; and nipping naissant alliances in the bud before they grew into something truly dangerous. At the same time, Central Europe was in turmoil, as the first movements of the Goths into the far north put pressure on the established Germanic tribes. And finally, the shift of legions to the Parthian campaign left the Rhine-Danube frontier more porous than it had ever been before. In 167 AD, Marcus and Lucius together set out to restore order on the Danube; desperate measures were adopted to fill the depleted legions, which included the drafting of slaves. Behind their backs, however, a horde of German tribes crossed the Upper Danube in massive strength, moved southwest into Italy, and besieged the city of Aquileia, at the head of the Adriatic. This was the first invasion of Italy since 101 BC, when Gaius Marius defeated the Cimbri. Marcus and Lucius fought the Germans off with success, but, in 169 AD, Lucius suddenly fell ill and died; almost certainly a victim of the plague. Marcus accompanied the body to Rome, where he granted his step-brother full funeral honours. He then returned to the Danube again. He did not know it at the time, but he was destined to spend most of his remaining years on the northern frontier; the only interluce was a trip to the eastern provinces to deal with a rumoured revolt. Three years of fighting, with Marcus in the thick of it, drove the enemy back beyond the Danube, and another three years of punative campaigns were enough to bring one tribe after another to peace; at least for a time. Some of the modern admirers of the gentle philosopher-emperor would be less admiring if they reflected on his many genocidal massacres of German tribes, proudly illustrated in the scenes that circle their way up his commemorative column; that still stands in the centre of Rome.

    Absence from the capital often made an *Emperor* unpopular, but Marcus Aurelius earned himself a reputation for keeping the empire safe, and governing with a gentle hand. When the treasury was drained by the constant wars in the north, he auctioned off imperial property, rather than raising taxes; he even sold “*his wife’s silks, jewels, and gold dishes,*" according to the *Augustan History* (a late collection of biographies). Life in an army tent, well away from Rome's clamorous *Senators* and noisy masses, was actually Aurelius’s preferred place of residence. In his years on the Danue frontier, Marcus Aurelius was able to indulge some of his time in philosophical writing; his *Meditations* became one of the classics of *Stoicism*. The work was a private journal of the *Emperor*'s thoughts on life, written, it seems, to nerve himself for his daunting responsibilities; to what extent he intended them for other eyes is uncertain. In many ages these thoughts have been admired; "*It is not death that a man should fear, but he should fear never beginning to live*". The slow, steady progress in the north was interrupted, in 175 AD, by the revolt of Avidius Cassius, hero of the Parthian War and governor of Syria. Whether he responded to a rumor of Marcus' death or, as gossip had it, conspired with Marcus' wife, Cassius proclaimed himself emperor, and received broad support in the eastern provinces. Marcus made peace with those tribes not already subjugated, and prepared to march east, but, before he could arrive, Cassius was assassinated by his own soldiers. Although the immediate danger had passed, Marcus used the opportunity to make a tour of the eastern provinces, showing himself to the people. He returned to Rome in 177 AD, but was soon called to duty once more on the northern frontier. He took with him as his son Commodus, now 16 years-old, but already long since marked out as his father's intended successor. There, Marcus Aurelius died two years later in March 180 AD; he had been in pain for some time, possibly suffering from cancer. On his deathbed, he urged Commodus to continue the war for at least one more year; but the new *Emperor* was eager to return to the ease and luxury of Rome, and immediately entered into a peace negotiations. Never again was Rome to hold the upper hand in its dealings with the Germanic tribes.

The death of Marcus Aurelius marked a turning point in Roman history; there would be no sixth "*Good Emperor*". His natural son, Commodus, was to prove one of Rome's worst rulers. How much better would it have been if Marcus had chosen his successor by adoption, so that the line of the "*Five Good Emperors"* - Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus himself - could have been extended. In truth, Marcus had no choice in the matter; to leave Commodus alive as anything less than *Emperor* would have created a focus for disaffection and rebellion; and to expect Marcus to order his own son's death is historically untenable.

### Roman Achievement

The standard story of the first two centuries of the Roman Empire focuses on the virtues and vices of the man on the throne, and on his use and abuse of autocratic power. These thirteen *Emperors* are some of the most vividly drawn characters in history. But all the intriguing details can deflect us from the more fundamental questions already glimpsed underneath the story. If the Greek contribution to civilization was essentially mental and spiritual, that of Rome was structural and practical; its essence was the empire itself. It was the Roman boast that their subjects all benefited from the extension of the *Pax Romana*, the imperial peace which removed the threat of foreign incursions or internal strife. The claim has to be qualified by recognition of the violence with which some subject peoples resisted Roman rule, but there is something in it. Within the frontiers there was order and peace as never before. Roman rule accelerated the development of cities; some of them, such as Alexandria or Antioch, or Carthage, grew to a very large size. As time passed, there took place everywhere a gradual Romanization of the local notables. They were encouraged to share a common civilization whose spread was made easier by the new swiftness of communication along the roads; Napoleon could not move couriers faster than the *Emperors* of the second century AD. The Empire was a huge area, and required solutions to problems of government which had not been faced by Greeks, or solved by Persians. A complex bureaucracy appeared, with remarkable scope. All the evidence is that the administration underwent a notable improvement under the *Empire*, by comparison with the corrupt last century of the Republic. Bureaucracy was controlled by the adoption of fairly limited aims. These were to keep the peace, regulate the quarrels of men by a common law, and, above all, to collect taxes; if the money came in, then Roman rule did not interfere with local custom. Rome was tolerant. The cooperation of subject peoples was tempted with a bait. First the Republic, and then the Empire, granted citizenship to wider and wider numbers of subjects. It was an important privilege; among other things, as the Bible tells us, it carried with the right of appeal to the *Emperor* at Rome. On the granting of citizenship could be based the winning of the loyalties; more and more non-Romans make their appearance in the *Senate* as the centuries pass. Finally, in AD 212,  citizenship would be granted to all free subjects of the *Empire*. This was an outstanding instance of Roman power of assimilation. The *Empire* was unashamedly cosmopolitan. Only one of its peoples, the Jews, felt strongly about the retention of their distinction. The element in the new cosmopolitanism which was most obvious was the Greek. All educated Romans were bilingual. Latin was the official language, and always remained the language of the army; to judge by the Roman obsession with documents and public inscriptions, literacy was high. Greek was understood by all officials, and could be used in the courts if the litigants wished. It also continued as the *lingua franca* of learning and literature; Marcus Aurelius' *Meditations* was written in Greek, for example. The creation of a literature which could stand on an equal footing with the Greek classics was the ambition of most Roman writers. In this may lie one clue to the peculiar tenor of Roman culture. Perhaps it is the pervasiveness of the Greek background which does much to deprive it of the air of novelty. Roman sculpture only provided again what Greeks had already done better. The philosophies of Rome were Greek too; *Epicureanism* and *Stoicism* held centre-stage. Neo-Platonism emerged in the third century AD, but that came from the East. As did Christianity, and the mystery religions, which were to provide Romans with something their own culture could not give them.

Only in two practical fields were the Romans to be great innovators – law and architecture. **Roman law** was built on legal developments spanning over a thousand years, from the foundation of the *Twelve Tables* (449 BC), to the complete revision and consolidation of Emperor Justinian; known as the *Corpus Juris Civilis* (529 AD). In the days of the *Republic*, the law was heavily procedural, and there was no professional legal class. Each case was decided afresh from the laws of the state and recorded precedents. During the *Empire*, the *emperor*'s position as ultimate appeals judge brought an ever-increasing legal workload to his office. They came to rely heavily upon an advisory panel of experienced jurists in rendering decisions, and a career path for legal experts was established. A sophisticated edifice of legal rules, principles, and practices emerged, covering a wide range of topics; from the legal protection of property and the equality of citizens. After the dissolution of the Western Roman Empire, the *Corpus Juris Civilis* remained in effect in the Eastern, or Byzantine, Empire until 1453 AD. It was also introduced to Italy (after the conquest by Justinian), from where it was to pass to Western Europe in the 12th century, and became the basis of legal systems in most of Europe; which was eventually spread by Age of Discovery to the Americas and beyond. It also spread, through Byzantine influence, to Eastern Europe and Russia. The historical importance of Roman law is reflected by the continued use of Latin legal terminology; *Alibi*, *Bona Fide*, *Quid Pro Quo*, and *Subpoena*, among many others. In **architecture**, the quality of the Roman achievement is more immediately impressive. Even after 2,000 years, many Roman structures still stand. But more was involved than material factors. The Roman inventions of the arch, the vault, and the dome revolutionized the shapes of buildings. For the first time the interiors of buildings became more than a series of surfaces for decoration; volumes and lighting became part of the architectural subject-matter. The Romans were also responsible for significant developments in urban planning, especially in public hygiene; their piped water, public and private baths and latrines, and under-floor heating, for example. The capital, of course, contained many of its most spectacular relics. There, the *Emperors* tried to leave their stamp, in gleaming marble, on the Roman cityscape. The Roman pattern was reflected in all the great cities of the empire, with remarkable uniformity. Each had a forum, temples, a theatre, baths, and an amphitheatre. And each was connected to the great network of Roman roads, an impressive technological feat in its own right. They were primarily built for military purposes, so joined one point to another in as direct a line as possible, whatever the difficulties in geography. These long straight roads included bridges, tunnels, viaducts, and other engineering tricks, to create a highly practical monument, which, by the second century AD, spread all round the Mediterranean, and throughout Europe up to the Danube, the Rhine and northern England; amounting in all to 50,000 miles. They provided efficient means for the movement of armies, people, communications, and goods. However, as later generations were to discover, they also allowed barbarian hordes to travel from the frontiers to the very gates of Rome with frightening speed.

### Birth of Christianity

Nothing is known of the life of **Jesus of Nazareth**, except what was written down in the *Four Gospels*. No trace of him survives in any contemporary historical record. Nonetheless, there is little doubt that the historical person of Jesus did exist. He was born around the year 6 BC, during the reign of Emperor Augustus, at the time when Herod the Great ruled Judea as client-king; Herod died in 4 BC, and there is some evidence of a census in 6 BC. This was a bad moment in the history of a turbulent province. The Jews were at loggerheads with their Samaritan neighbours, and resented an influx of Hellenistic-Greek culture, noticeable in the coastal towns. In AD 6, Judea was transformed into an official Roman province, abolishing the religious-political office of High Priest of the *Temple*, and bringing a great deal of tension. The Jews detested the Romans as the latest of a long line of conquerors, especially for their tax demands; tax-gatherers - the *Sadducees* of the Bible - were disliked, not just for what they took, but because they took it for the foreigner. Worse still, the Jews were bitterly divided among themselves. The great religious festivals were often stained by bloodshed and rioting between *Sadducees* and *Pharisees*, a nationalist resistance movement. Other Jews rejected both sects, awaiting the coming of a *Messiah*, a leader who would lead them to military or symbolic victory, and inaugurate the last and greatest days of the Kingdom of Israel. The picture of Jesus presented to us is of a man of modest though not destitute family. Galilee, where he grew up, was something of a frontier area, where Judaism was most exposed to contact with Hellenistic-Greek culture, which often irritated religious sensibilities. There preached in the neighbourhood a man called John the Baptist, a teacher modelling himself on the Prophets. The ministry of Jesus began with his baptim by John, as he baptized countless others; Luke places this event in the 15th year of Tiberius' reign, or 29 AD. John is also said to have recognized in Jesus a teacher like himself, and perhaps something more; "*Art thou He that cometh, or look we for another?*" Jesus knew himself to be a holy man; the evidence of his sanctity, which was seen in miracles, particularly of healing. He soon acquired followers. Among them, a group emerged as Jesus' regular companions; these were the *Twelve Apostles*. Peter, a fisherman on the sea of Galilee until his call to join Jesus, emerged as the leader. The idea that Jesus saw him as the leader of a future Church (and therefore, with hindsight, the first Pope) is based on a passage in Matthew's *Gospel*; "*You are Peter,*" Jesus says to him, "*and on this rock I will build my church... I will give you the keys of the kingdom of Heaven*". Most of Jesus's ministry took place in Galilee, but, in a climax of enthusiasm, he and his followers moved triumphantly into Jerusalem just before the festival of the *Passover*. Galilee was a known centre of the *Pharisees*' resistance to Roman rule, at a time of increasing political unrest; one of his *Apostles* was Simon the *Zealot*, an alarming association with an extremist sect. And the preaching of Jesus had been critical of the Jewish authorities, the *Sadducees*; a danger to order even if he aimed only at religious purification and reform. His arrival was not likely to be welcomed by those in power. Jesus's actions did little to reassure them. He went to the *Temple Mount*, and "clensed" the Temple courtyard; chasing away the merchants and money-changers. According to Mark, it was this event that led to his death. Since the abolishment of the office of High Priest, the *Temple* priests no longer had any political power, and they were particularly sensitive to guarding the religious power that remained to them. Jesus had a last supper with his *Apostles*; the implication is that it was the Jewish ritual meal of Passover. He broke bread for them, offered them wine, and specifically - in the Gospel account - associated these with his body and blood; the Eucharist, the central sacrament of the Christian Church. After the meal, Jesus went to pray in the garden of Gethsemane, where Judas Iscariot - the traitor among the *Apostles* - betrayed him to the religious authorities. The end came with a charge of blasphemy before the Jewish court. But to get rid of Jesus, they needed help from the Romans. The political offense they came up with was that Jesus had called himself “*King of the Jews*”, something which was bound to irritate the Roman governor, Pontius Pilate. With some reluctance, Pilate agreed to execute him, in order to avoid further trouble in a volatile city; when asked, Jesus had not unequivocally deny being the King of the Jews. As Jesus was not a Roman citizen, the method chosen was crucifixion after scourging; the standard Roman punishment for agitators, slaves, and pirates. The inscription on the cross on which he was nailed said, "*Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews*"; posted in Latin, Greek and Hebrew. This was probably in 33 AD; though 30 AD has also been put forward. With the details of Jesus' resurrected from the dead and his ascension into *Heaven*, the *Gospel* account of Jesus became the birth of Christianity.

    Judaism was the source of the most fundamental Christian ideas. At the heart of these was that history was a meaningful story, providentially ordained, a cosmic drama of the unfolding design of the one omnipotent God for His chosen people. Through His *Covenant* could be found guidance for right action, and it lay in adherence to His *Law*. The breaking of that *Law* had always brought punishment, such as had come to the whole Israelite people in captivity by the Babylonians. In obedience to it lay the promise of salvation and eternal life. The devotional ideas of Jesus do not go beyond custom; Jewish service in the Temple, and observance of traditional holy days and feasts, together with private prayer. In a very real sense, he lived and died a Jew. Jesus' moral teaching, though, were something subtly new; repentance from sin appears as a strong theme, and deliverance available to all, not just to Jews. The *Law* had its part, but it was not enough; beyond observance lay the duties of forgiveness, not judging others, loving enemies, and caring for the poor. He put love at the center of the *Law*. Such facts provide an outline of Jesus’s teachings; they do not explain their survival, against the historical odds, let alone worldwide success. At his death, his followers were only one tiny Jewish sect among many; only the rite of baptism distinguished them. But they believed that a unique thing had happened; that Christ (as he came to be called) was the *Messiah* and the penultimate prophet of God, who would one day return to redeem the world. In the first years after the Crucifixion, followers of Jesus, soon to be known as Christians, were led by Jesus' *Apostles*; the **Apostolic Age** (33-70 AD). Their preaching brought them into conflict with the Jewish religious authorities in Jerusalem, and soon led to the first martyr, St. Stephen, who was stoned to death by a Jewish mob. One of those who witnessed this was a keen upholder of Jewish orthodoxy named Saul of Tarsus. More familiar now as St. Paul, he became, after a dramatic conversion, the greatest influence in the making of Christianity after Jesus himself. In 47 AD, he began a series of missionary journeys which took him all over the eastern Mediterranean; as a Greek-speaking Roman citizen, he could travel freely, and talk to Athenians in terms they understood. He also introduced to Christianity one startling new element. The early Christians were all Jews. But Paul now began to convert *Gentiles*; people of non-Jewish descent. A *Gentile* converting to Christianity, however, faced one very real problem. They were joining a Jewish sect, and to be Jewish involved circumcision; an unappealing rite for any adult male convert. In 49 AD, a gathering of leaders of the early Church in Jerusalem took the momentous decision that circumcision (and kosher dietary restrictions) would not be compulsory for Christians. This was a turning point for the early Church. The doctrine that Paul taught offered all people, through Christ, the chance at salvation; he writes, “*There is neither Jew nor Gentile, slave nor free, male nor female, for all are one in Jesus Christ*”. In the process, Christian theology began to take place. Jesus became more than a human *Prophet* who had overcome death; he was the son of God. There was no lasting place for such an idea within Judaism, and Christianity was now forced out of Jerusalem. The intellectual world of Greece was the first of many new resting-places.

The *Acts of the Apostles* give plentiful evidence of the uproar which Christian teachings could cause, and also of the tolerance of the *Roman Empire* as long as public order was not involved. But it often was. In 59 AD, St. Paul had to be rescued from a Jewish mob in Jerusalem. When put on trial, he appealed to the *Emperor* and to Rome he went, apparently with success. From that time he is lost to history, though, according to Christian tradition, both he and St. Peter meet their deaths in Rome, presumably during the persecution by Emperor Nero; St. Paul (as a citizen) being beheaded and St. Peter suffering crucifixion. Jerusalem was the first great centre of the Church. There were to be found those who had seen the risen Christ and their successors. It was the Jews, not the Romans, who first persecuted Christianity, as the martyrdom of St. Stephen, and the crucifixion itself, have shown. There was a danger at first that Christians might be confounded with Jews, in a vigorous Roman reaction to *Great Jewish Revolt* of 66 AD, but this announced hostility saved them. Yet the influence of Jerusalem flagged after 70 AD, when a Roman sack of the city. By the beginning of the second century the communities outside Judaea were clearly more numerous and more important. The nationalist movements in Judea apart, the Jews managed to operate within Roman culture to a remarkable degree; the Romans respected the sheer ancientness of their faith. Christians did less well. From time to time in the first two centuries AD, the Roman authorities punished them. There was no sign at this time of general or systematic persecution; that came in the mid-third century AD. But if breaches of the law were alleged - and the refusal to sacrifice to traditional gods might be one - the authorities could punish. The Jews had a right to refuse by law; Christianity was now clearly seen as distinct from Judaism and a recent creation. As a group inclined to secrecy, for fear of attracting hostility, the first Christians left little trace of themselves. If the early spread of the faith is largely invisible, its success can be judged by the extensive structural authority which the *Church* had in place by the 3rd century AD.