recursal/Fanatic-Fandom huggingface dataset:
David Armitage - WMQ Critical Forum

## Summary

Based
on this critical review, David Armitage’s book challenges scholars to adjust
the prevailing interpretive framework of the Declaration of Independence. Just
as much as it was a document that professed individual rights and freedoms, it
also presented the **idea of a nation-state that required international**
recognition**. It thus must be examined within a global/transnational framework.**
The Declaration **led to the proliferation of nation-states**, which have come to
define the world and create the structures in which individual rights are
supposed to be protected. What
is key for Armitage is how the document led to the recognition of the U.S. as a
free, sovereign state: The Franco-American treaties of 1778; overt French aid;
recognition by Spain, the Dutch Republic, Morocco and others; and the British
Crown’s formal diplomatic acknowledgement in 1783 of the “said United States as
Free Sovereign, and Independent States.” **Individual rights dependent on state**
rights/sovereignty**. Thus, the declaration’s global history is a story of the**
worldwide spread of statehood. It is also the story of the rise, fall, and
resurgence of the language of human rights.

See also: Ashli White
Ravitch, Diane. The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education. New York: Basic Books, 2011.

## Summary

This
book re-examines contemporary school reform movements – accountability and
choice in particular – that Ravitch initially supported in her career. She
looks at the contemporary history behind these reform efforts, both the players
and ideas, and refutes the value of these reforms for public school education.
Following her work under the Bush administration, Ravitch argued (for over a
decade) that certain managerial and structural changes – choice, charters,
merit pay, and accountability – would help to reform American public schools;
schools would be judged by performance (business principle/market reform for a
leaner government). Schools would thus be aligned with modern and high
performance organizations and enable American education to transition from the
industrial age to the post-industrial age (\*Again, societal changes reflected
in the school, and its reciprocal effect outwards). As a result, government run
schools were seen as ineffective because they were a monopoly and had no
incentive to do better. Democrats in the 1990s saw the opportunity to reinvent
government; Republicans saw the opportunity to diminish the power of Teachers’
unions. Thus, charter schools gained bipartisan support. Over time, however,
Ravitch came to realize that curriculum and instruction were more important
than accountability and reform; that market reforms would not be (and may have
a negative impact) the panacea for public education. This book examines the
evidence that changed Ratvitch’s views: the political controversy of the
history curriculum in the 1990s, the narrowing of reform efforts to math and
literacy scores (case students in District 2, San Diego, and NYC), the
manipulation of the charter school mission, emphasis on testing for
accountability and measurement of school success, and the influence of
foundations on school reform.
Cohen, Robert, When the Old Left Was Young: Student Radicals and America’s First Mass Student Movement, 1929-1941. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997.

## Summary

Responding to the “amnesia” in historical scholarship that has largely overlooked student
movements during the Depression era, Robert Cohen’s book, *When the Old Left was Young* focuses specifically on the student
movement (communists, socialists, liberals, pacifists, and Trotskyists) of the
1930s that emerged out of the crisis of the Great Depression and the growing
rift in international relations that would ultimately lead to WWII. The largest
supporters of the movement were Communists, either from the American Student
Union or the American Youth Congress. Young communists had helped build a broad
student movement by responding to needs, anxieties, and idealism of a
generation affected by the Depression, war and fascism. Cohen also notes that
unlike other movements of the Depression era, the student movement “devoted as
much attention to foreign policy as domestic issues” as the movement’s largest
demonstrations were anti-war and anti-fascists strikes “aimed at staving off
world war.” (xv). However it also had a big weakness, in particular its
apologetic stance to Soviet/Stalin practices, especially after the soviet-Nazi
pact. Cohen thus summarizes: “From the fall of 1939-1941 the increasingly
communist-dominated ASU so discredited itself that the student movement died,
burying as well the politically active style of student life that it had
pioneered.” (277)
Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd. “The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past.” Journal of American History 91, no. 4 (March 2005).

## Summary

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The narrative of the civil rights movement has been coopted in such a way that it ignores root causes (class/economics) and is present in a progressive (complete) narrative, as if the issues of the past have been overcome. This narrative limits our moral imagination. As Dowd writes: “For many white Americans have moved through what the critical theorist Walter Benjamin termed "this storm . . . we call progress" without coming to terms with the past. That lack of accounting opens the way to a color-blind conservatism that is breathtakingly ahistorical and blind to social acts. It impoverishes public discourse, discourages investment in public institutions, and undermines our will to address the inequalities and injustices that surround us now.” She calls for a narrative that centralizes individual agency (while also acknowledging institutional and policy limitations) and moves away from the upward/downward arc of narratives – problems persist.

In justifying LCRM scholarship, Jacquelyn Dowd Hall calls for six ways scholars should reinterpret the black freedom struggle. First, by writing a “longer and broader” story, scholars can challenge the “trope of the South as the nation’s ‘opposite other.” Second, by moving the story back to the New Deal, historians can emphasize the relationship between “civil rights and workers’ rights.” Third, the scholarship can uncover the importance of women’s activism and how gender shaped participation in the movement. Fourth, the long view of the movement can highlight activism in every region of the country. Fifth, scholars can analyze the persistence of civil rights activism after the major political and legal victories of the mid 1960s. Finally, the long view of the movement can recognize the long history of backlash to civil rights activism (1239).
Rudolph, John. Scientists in the Classroom: The Cold War Reconstruction of American Science Education. Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.

## Summary

This
book examines origins and intents of the science curriculum during the 1950s. From
physics to the earth sciences, the scientific community made education a
central plank in their efforts to reshape the social and cultural environment
in which they worked. What is unique is the role of the federal government:
“the United State congress appropriated funds, the National Science Foundation
(NSF) provided guidance, and scientists of various sorts worked together to
realize their vision of what science education should be.” Besides federal intervention, the curriculum
projects emerged out of “existing classroom practices, international and
domestic political tensions, wartime technologies, disciplinary rivalries…professional
desires of the American scientific community,” and concerns over the life
adjustment curriculum. *Scientists thus*
volunteered their services “to the cause of education reform” and believed that
science could be used to cultivate scientific thinking in American students.
However, the nature of science during the 1950s and 1960s was “fundamentally
political and tied directly to the rapid integration of science into the
national security infrastructure o the United States.” *(194) As a result,*
the scientific curriculum that emerged tended to emphasize content (produced by
military research) rather than the mechanics and ways of thinking at the core
of scientific inquiry. These efforts, he argues, offers a window onto the inner
workings of the scientific community and the political struggle it wrought in
schools and institutions.
Gilmore, Glenda, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950. W.W. Norton Press, 2009.

## Summary

Gilmore’s
*Defying Dixie* explores the radical
origins of the civil rights movement that have been marginalized or largely
forgotten by popular memory that emphasizes the “big figures” of the 1950s. Agitating
for the right to vote and desegregating education had roots farther back than
the 1950s, reaching back to the 1920s and 1930s. It was during this time that
civil rights activists were shaped by radical ideologies, such as the
communists who all along argued for equality (Kelley, D.G.). Gilmore’s book begins
here, “at the radical edges of a human rights movement after World War I, with
Communists who promoted and practiced racial equality and considered the South
crucial to their success in elevating labor and overthrowing the capitalist
system.” (4) The popular front of the 1930s expanded the activist network
further. By extending the narrative and including “exiled” black and white
Southerners, Gilmore argues that “the presence of a radical left, in this case
a Communist Left, redefined the debate over white supremacy and hastened its
end.” (6) Their strong ideology of social equality gave Southerners a vision
and a threat. Gilmore also argues that by including Communists, “We can see the
conservative aspects of the NAACP’s litigation strategy and the bankruptcy of
moderate organizations such as the Commission on Interracial Cooperation in the
face of European Fascism.” (7) Extending the narrative also challenges the
argument that the Cold War facilitated the civil rights movement. Gilmore
argues (rightly so) that African Americans were always internationally focused.
The only difference during the Cold War was federal intervention in the South,
though limited. It also radically affected the tactics and (communist)
ideologies of civil rights activists (red scare). Gilmore thus contends “by
giving the movement a 1950s start, we discount the forces that generated and
sustained human rights during the 1930s and 1940s and privilege its religious,
middle class, and male roots.” (9) Furthermore, a narrow focus on the 1950s
portrays the Black Power movement as an aberration, when its radicalism had
always been a part of the movement.
Kerber, Linda. Women of the Republic. Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980.

## Summary

This
book examines women’s work and women’s words and the difference they made during
the Revolutionary years. It challenges the idea that the “real” story of the
Revolutionary years has been thought to lie in accounts of battles or
constitutional conventions, which women were absent from. However, women were
**key to the sustenance of the war effort**: as a civilian source of food and
shelter, a contributor of funds and supplies, and the sole protector of farm
and industry; thus they were fundamental to the American Revolution. Kerber
thus argues that Women were challenged to **commit themselves politically** and, in
effect, the war raised the question of whether a **woman was a political person**. The
war was a politicizing experience for women, yet, the newly created republic
made little room for them as political beings. As a result, women began to
articulate a **“Republican Motherhood”** in which the **“female virtues”** could fit
comfortably with the **civic virtue of the new country**. This new identity reconciled
politics and domesticity and justified continued **political education in the**
context of domesticity**. She concludes that Republican Motherhood, forged by**
women, was “a very important, even revolutionary, invention. It altered the
female domain in which most women had always lived out their lives; it
justified women’s absorption and participation in the civic culture.” (284)
Despite its contradiction, it redefined female political behavior as valuable
rather than abnormal, and as a source of strength to the Republic. Yet, the
promise of the republic had yet to be filled. In this sense, restricting women’s
politics and civic participation to the domestic sphere was one of a series of
conservative choices that Americans made in the postwar America.

Example: Republican
ideology opened up discussion about educational opportunities for women, but
the continuity of domestic ideology shaped the idea education for women as one
that would prepare women to stay in their homes and, in doing so, shape the
characters of their sons and husbands in the direction of benevolence,
responsible independence, and civic virtue. *“Domesticity*
was treated as a vocation, motherhood a profession” and thus the curriculum was
designed to serve this purpose, with very little emphasis on classics, natural
philosophy or other forms of education offered to men."

See also: Douglas Egerton,
Von Eschen, Penny. Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anticolonialism, 1937- 1957. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997.

## Summary

“This
book traces the rise and fall of the politics of the African diaspora from the
late 1930s to the early cold war years.” (p. 2) and the political leaders,
intellectuals, journalists, and activists that articulated the bonds between
African Americans and all oppressed people, focusing on Council on African
Affairs (Paul Robeson, Max Yergan, Alphaeus Hunton), and NAACP (Walter White).
By looking at the 1945 Manchester Pan African Congress, the African American
support of the Nigerian trade union and the Southern African miners, and the
joint efforts of African Americans, South Africans and the government of India
in the early days of the UN, African American activists linked anticolonial
politics with the emergence of the United States as a world power. Activists
thus formed an internationalist politic (diasporic politic) to advocate and
agitate for civil rights in the United States. “Architects of the politics of
the African diaspora,” Von Eschen writes, “forged an identity of passions
through a powerful cross-fertilization of socialist internationalism and the
struggles of colonial peoples for independence.” (p. 6)  These African American activists argued that
their struggles against Jim Crow were inextricably tied to the struggles for
African and Asian peoples struggle for independence. This political project
animated African American activists for a brief time. However, “The embrace of
Cold War American foreign policy by many African American liberals, as well as
US government prosecution of activists such as Robeson and the CAA,
fundamentally altered the terms of anticolonialism and effectively severed the
black American struggle for civil rights from the issues of anticolonialism and
racism abroad.” (p. 3) As a result, the anti-colonialism of the 1940s was
eclipsed by the politics of the 1950s where questions concerning economic and
social rights “in an international context were neglected in favor of an
exclusive emphasis on domestic political and civil rights.” (3)
Elman, Benjamin. Civil Examinations and Meritocracy in Late Imperial China. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013.

## Summary

This
book assesses the role of education, ***examination***, and China's civil service in
fostering the world's ***first professional class (the literati)*** based on
demonstrated knowledge and skill. Civil
examinations had been instituted in China as early as the seventh century CE,
but in the Ming and Qing eras they were the nexus ***linking the intellectual,***
political, and economic life of imperial China***. Local elites and members of the***
court sought to influence how the government regulated the classical curriculum
and selected civil officials. As a guarantor of educational merit, civil
examinations served to tie the dynasty to the privileged gentry and literati
classes--both ideologically and institutionally. These examinations thus took
on ***cultural salience: they represented the focal point for imperial interests,***
family strategies, and individual hopes and aspirations***. Moreover, the***
education ethos carried over in the domains of medicine, law, fiscal policy,
and military affairs. The ninety-five percent that failed often became doctors,
Buddhist priests, teachers, notaries, merchants, astronomers, and printers. He
argues that these civil examinations restructured the complex relationships
between social status, political power, and cultural lineage, in which civil
examinations, as a test of educational merit, “tied the dynasty and its elites
together bureaucratically via culture.” (318) It was also key ***precedent*** to late
adaptations by western countries (especially in France).  He writes: “A classical education based on
nontechnical moral and statecraft theory was as suitable for selection of
elites in China… as humanism and a classical education served elites in the
nation-states of early-modern Europe.” (317)

See Also: John Carson
Veysey, Laurence. “The History of Education,” Reviews in American History 10 (1982), 281-291.

## Summary

Laurence Veysey's article examines the historiographical trends in the field of history of education up to the 1980s.
According to Veysey, writings on the history of American education were largely
in the model of a ***“triumphal, unexamined progressivism”*** until the 1950s and
early 1960s. Called the “Cubberly tradition” after Elwood P. Cubberly, the dean
of the School of Education at Stanford, History of Education was largely written by educators,
rather than historians. Bernard ***Bailyn’s*** *Education*
*in the Forming of American Society* *(1960)* led to a stinging critique of
education research and ***pushed scholarship away from a whiggist/progressive history***. The movements of the 1960s
further transformed the History of Education and, like other history subfields, made a “social”
turn in scholarship. In particular to public school history,
debates emerged between those that sympathized with the “middle class”
bureaucrats” (E.g. Diane Ravitch) and others who ***emphasized the effect of the public school systems***
on different ethnic, class, and racial communities***. In Higher Education, most***
scholarship attempts to find a balance between intellectual history of
disciplines  and the institutions’ relationship
to society and its effect on the institutions' social development.
Oakes, James. Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861 – 1865. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2013.

## Summary

This
book is a history of emancipation that joins the political initiatives of
Lincoln and the Republicans in Congress with the courageous actions of Union
soldiers and runaway slaves in the South. It traces the development of
antislavery policy from its prewar origins to the ratification of the
Thirteenth Amendment. The first policy attempted to surround the South with
free territories and states until the system of slavery collapsed; the second,
during the war, was military emancipation; and the third was a constitutional
amendment. Thus, slavery was far from a dying institution: it took four years
of war, 750,000 deaths, and three different policies to bring slavery to an
end.  He argues that political
abolitionism played a critical role in the formulation of Republican
anti-slavery policies and the coming of the Civil War.  The Republican Party, as base, was an
anti-slavery party. More so, he contends, Republicans constructed their
antislavery policies on the belief that they expected slave to run for freedom
if given a chance. Federal policy makers, Oakes further argues, came to rely on
the loyalty of the slaves, and “with that, how important the legacy of slave
resistance was to the destruction of slavery.” (xvii) Thus, from the beginning,
slavery was the cause of the rebellion and emancipation an appropriate means of
suppressing it. The “restoration of the Union” was the means to accomplish this
goal. From the First Confiscation Act in 186 1 and the order to transfer to a
free labor system in Louisiana to the preliminary proclamation in 1862, the end
of slavery was central to Republican policy. All of this happened prior to the
issuing of the Emancipation Proclamation. “It was always a war for the Union
and always a war over slavery.” (392) If there was a shift during the war, it
was the realization that destroying slavery was much hard than the Republicans
initially expected.

Example:Republicans,
radical and moderate, believed the official purpose of the war was the
restoration of the Union, but “all agreed that slavery had caused the war and
all were prepared to free slaves as a means of ending it.” (110) For example,
the First Confiscation Act made military emancipation official Union policy.
This applied to slaves abandoned by the masters in the face of Union invasion
and slaves in any part of the Confederacy occupied by Union troops.

See also: Barbara Jeanne Fields, Chandra Manning, Walter Johnson (2),
Thelin, John R. A History of American Higher Education. Baltimore, Md.: John Hopkins University Press, 2004.

## Summary

Tracing
the history of American higher education, from its colonial roots to today,
Thelin aims to convey the diversity and change in colleges and universities and
thus suggest doubt about the permanence of many present-day policy and
practices.  He also challenges the notion
that American colleges and universities were the by-product of the “Oxbridge”
model; they were often vibrant responses to localism, ethno-religious
identities, and distinct American cultural and historical conditions. Since
their creation, American colleges and universities have sat at the juncture
between their public and private purposes, between their sectarian origins and
secular ambitions, and what Thelin calls their Janus mentality, between a
monosyllabic Anglo-Saxon past and an increasingly multiethnic future. He brings
to light such matters as institutional costs, access and affordability,
external funding and philanthropy and demographics, issues largely overlooked
by Frederick Rudolph.
Beckert, Sven. Empire of Cotton: A Global History. Knopf, 2014.

## Summary

This
book examines the “empire of cotton” – the globally integrated manufacturing
complex that linked slavery in America, cotton mills in Manchester, and
clothing items around the world. In particular, it tracks the rise and fall of
the European-dominated empire of cotton, a story of the making and remaking of
global capitalism and with it of the modern world. Entrepreneurs in American
and England recast the world’s most significant manufacturing industry by
combining imperial expansion and slave labor with new machines and wage
workers. He argues that Europeans – in particular Great Britain – united the
power of capital and the power of the state to forge a global production
complex, and then used the capital, skills, networks, and institutions of
cotton to embark upon the creation of new technology and wealth that defines
the modern work. At the core of this system was what Beckert calls, *war capitalism:* “slavery, the
expropriation of indigenous peoples, imperial expansion, armed trade, and the
assertion of sovereignty over people and land by entrepreneurs." War capitalism
flourished in the fields and drew its strength from slavery and led to new wealth
and knowledge that in turn strengthened European institutions and states. The
result of this highly aggressive oriented capitalism was that Europeans came to
dominate the centuries old worlds of cotton, merge them into a single empire
centered in Manchester and led to industrial capitalism. Initially tightly
linked to slavery and expropriated lands, industrial capitalism, from wage
labor to property rights, gained strength and enabled a new and different form
of integration of the labor, raw materials, markets, and capital.  Cotton thus brought together slavery and free
labor, states and markets, colonialism and free trade, industrialization and
deindustrialization. It was thus a global struggle, between slaves and
planters, merchants and statesmen, farmers and merchants, workers and factory
owners.

See also: Walter Johnson, Edward Baptist
Henretta, James. “Families and Farms: Mentalite in Pre-Industrial America.” William and Mary Quarterly 35:1 (1978): 3-32.

## Summary

This
article examines the consciousness – the mental, ideological, and emotional
aspects – of the agricultural population in pre-industrial America. Henratta
challenges the idea that
rural/agricultural inhabitants expressed a liberal individualism that
emphasized economic gain over community concerns. Henratta contends, the
settlement patterns – in which ethnic communities settled with similar
ethnic/religious/linguistic communities – suggest that the **rural population**
held **commutarian values.** Henratta finds that previous scholars have ascribed a
consciousness to agricultural communities, rather than understanding the
dimensions of their economic existence. The lack of markets for
agricultural products, he argues, shows that **agricultural production served community**, not
individual, needs. He writes: “Given the absence of an external market, there
was no alternative to subsistence or semi-subsistence production.” (15) Not
only did **subsistence and semi-subsistence farming** dominant amongst the yeoman
farming families of the northern colonies because of the geographic and/or
economic factors (ready access to markets), but they also were enmeshed in a
**web of social relations** and cultural expectations that inhibited the free play
of market forces. The web included: family bonds, members of community often
based on kinship, language, religion, and ethnicity, work was arranged along
familial lines rather than controlled through a wage system. Thus, Henratta
contends, *the '*lineal family stood at the
center of economic and social existence **in northern agricultural society in**
pre-industrial American. “The interlocking relationship between the biological
life cycle and the system of agricultural (and domestic) production continued
to tie the generations together” and this shaped their world view. *However,*
what changed, from the 17th to the earl 19th century was
the increased rate of capital formation stemming from the expansion of the
market economy; the growing importance of profits because of the rise in the
value of land and other scarce commodities, and the extent to which middlemen
dominated the processes of agricultural production. These larger **structural**
changes caused an eventual shift toward **individualism**,especially with the rise
of other social institutions.

Example: While
sawmills, gristmills, fulling mills, and tanneries were profit seeking
businesses, they were also social necessities in a rural community. These
non-agricultural enterprises were traditional, practical necessities rather
than dramatic innovations, and the product of communal legislation as much as
of an adventurous individualism.

See also: Joyce Appleby, Charles Sellers, Jeanne Boydston
Immerwahr, Daniel. Thinking Small: The United States and the Lure of Community Development. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015.

## Summary

Modernization,
as a theory of development, shared a “rival impulse” in **community development**
during the 1950s and 1960s. Responding to the popular memory and romanticism of
the small-scale (“Modernization Comes to Town” Story/caricature of the past),
Immerwhar’s book historicizes the pursuit of “community” and an approach,
defined as “community development” that attempted **shore up small-scale**
solidarities and encourage civic and democratic participation**. Immerwahr**
writes: “*Thinking Small* traces a
generation of thinkers and policymakers,” including Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohandas
Gandhi, Ferdinand Marcos, John F. Kennedy as well as mid-level functionaries
working for the UN and the Peace Corps, “who identified **scale as a central**
issue **and whose attitudes toward centralization fell somewhere between wariness**
and outright hostility.” By 1960, the UN counted sixty countries with
community development projects; Immerwahr’s book focuses on the U.S., India,
and the Philippines. These three countries, Imemrwahr argues, were among the
most important. India, he contends, shaped “both the ideological components of
community development and many of its basic practices.” The Philippines was a
testing ground for community development tied with counterinsurgency.
Eventually, these experiences made it back to the U.S. in the form of Johnson’s
“War on Poverty.” In India, Immerwahr argues, community development schemes
tended to **empower local elite**, rather than the peasants themselves. As a
result, it **reinforced structural problems** (unequal land tenure, caste, and
patriarchy). Immerwahr concludes: “Community development was, in other words,
neither a utopia nor a panacea. It was a complicated undertaking encompassing a
mix of hope, disappointment, and unintended consequences.”

Example: India Etawah Project

See also: David Elkbadh, Andrew Zimmerman
Frederick, Rudolph. American College and University: A History. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1990.

## Summary

Frederick Rudolph's 1962 examines
the social, economic, and political movements in U.S. history, from the
Revolutionary War and the Civil War to the rise of science and the Progressive
Era, and the impact these movements had on the shaping of the American college
and university. Well into the 1990s, this book was the key text for understanding the evolution of the American college and university. More recently, John Thelin has updated this work, offering new insight onto the colonial college and the changes since World War II.
Klein, Christina. Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945-1961. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2003.

## Summary

While
most cultural historians of the Cold War have focused on the culture of
containment, Christina Klein reads the postwar period as one of **international**
economic and political integration**—a distinct chapter in the process of**
U.S.-led globalization. This book examines the relationship between the
expansion of U.S. power into Asia between 1945 and 1961 and the simultaneous
**proliferation of popular American representations of Asia**. Through her analysis
of a wide range of texts and cultural phenomena—including Rodgers and
Hammerstein's *South Pacific* and *The King and I*, James Michener's travel
essays and novel *Hawaii*, and
Eisenhower's People-to-People Program—Klein shows how U.S. policy makers,
together with middlebrow artists, writers, and intellectuals, **created a culture**
of global integration **that represented the growth of U.S. power in Asia as the**
forging of emotionally satisfying bonds between Americans and Asians. She
argues that the representations of Asia and the Pacific was imbued with
politically salient meanings and reinforced the Cold War consensus: the
domestic bloc that supported postwar expansion of U.S. power around the world. These
texts **constructed a national identity for the United States as a global power**;
delved into contemporary political issues between the U.S. and Asia; and linked
questions of race to U.S. expansion. As a result, middlebrow intellectuals in
the late 1940s and 1950s “saw themselves as educating Americans about their
changing relationship to the world at large”; “they sought to situate their
audience in relation to a world increasingly understood as interconnected,
whose ligatures were defined by the logic of the Cold War.” (13) The texts
r**epudiated imperialism and attempted to present narratives of “anti-conquest”**
which legitimated U.S. expansion and placed it within in a system of
reciprocity. Together, she argues, “middlebrow intellectuals and Washington
policymakers produced a **sentimental discourse of integration** that imagined the
forging of bonds between Asians and Americans both at home and abroad.” (16)
Because expansion was predicated on integration, rather than territorial
imperialism, it demanded an ideology of global interdependence, rather than of racial
difference. This was “Cold War Orientalism.”

See also: Andrew Rotter
"Caste or Colony?: Indianizing Race in the United States," Modern Intellectual History 4 (2007): 275-301.

## Summary

This
article examines the two competing vision of “how blacks in the U.S. are
understood to relate to Indians: one vision identifying race with case, the
other identifying race with colony.” (275) Thinkers in both countries,
Immerwahr argues, “have disagreed, sometimes passionately, over whether being
black is like being colonized or like being untouchable.” (276) Moving beyond
the black-Indian analogy (Gandhi-King), we see both moments of mutual inspiration
and bitter contention. Immerwahr explores the long connection of India and the
United States, from the missionary-abolitionists to Ambekdar to black Americans
(Thurman, Rustin, etc.) visits to India and Gandhi, all of which occurred
before King’s travels and adoption of non-violence. Throughout, there was a
contentious ideological relationship with how each compared to the other. Even
King, upon returning to the U.S. after his trip, adopted
government-interventionist approach to ending discrimination that echoed
Ambekdar’s view in the 1930s (a view he took from the United States, in
particular the civil rights bills during the 1860s, and one that Gandhi
opposed). In a circuitous way, King was adopting an American idea, via India.
Moreover, King’s views represented race-caste approach (returning to the sociological
perspective of the 1930s) that contrasted with the black internationalists’
race-colony argument, later adopted by the Black Power Movement. Ultimately,
Immerwhar shows how the connections between Indian and the U.S. created two
threads of comparison: race-caste/race-colony.
Jacobs, Margaret D. “Maternal Colonialism: White Women and Indigenous Child Removal in the American West and Australia, 1880-1940” Western Historical Quarterly 36 (2005), 453-76.

## Summary

This
article recasts women’s involvement in the removal of indigenous children into
an ***international context*** that links the history of ***women and gender in the***
American West ***was part of a larger story of gender and*** settler colonialism
around the world***. She argues that white women, in both the American West and***
Australia, worked as reformers, teachers, and administrators in ***promoting,***
carrying out, and some times challenging the removal ***of American Indian***
children to boarding schools. In addition, white women also contributed to the
racilialized and gendered representations of Indians peoples that made such
policies possible. Women saw the opportunity to participate in a colonial
project as a means of over overcoming their own marginalized status. “Middle class
white women … justified their public activism” for assimilation policy “by
***invoking their traditional roles or potential capabilities as mothers***,” an
ideology broadly defined as maternalism. The “mother voice,” they argued, needed
to be extended beyond the home and into society. Yet, at the same time that
they promoted the scared state of motherhood and used it for political action,
they ***also represented indigenous women as unfit mothers***. These maternalistic
politics, which professed a concern and sisterhood with all women, did not
promote quality between women and often reaffirmed class, racial, and religious
hierarchies.
McGuire. Danielle L. At The Dark End of the Street: Black Women, Rape, and Resistance – A New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power. New York: Vintage, 2011.

## Summary

This
book centralizes rape/sexual violence in the Civil Rights Movement. It is a
"new history of the civil rights movement," one that surveys black
women's resistance to sexual violence over roughly a thirty-year span, from
1944 to 1975. Interracial Rape was used as a means to uphold white patriarchal
power and ”was deployed as a justification for lynching black men who
challenged the Southern status quo.” (xviii). Sex was the means to maintain the
South’s racial hierarchy and underscored the extent to which whites fought to
preserve it. McGuire argues that decades before radical feminists in the
women’s movement urged rape survivors to ‘speak out,’ “African-American women’s
public protests galvanized local, national, and even international outrage and
sparked larger campaigns for racial justice and human dignity.” (XX).  Interracial rape was the cause of their
protests. The famous civil rights campaigns in Little Rock, Arkansas; Macon,
Georgia; Tallahassee, Florida; Washington, NC; Birmingham and Selma, Alabama;
and Hattiesburg, Mississippi “had roots in organized resistance to sexual
violence and appeals for protection of black womanhood. The Montgomery
Improvement Association, for example, was built upon the organizing efforts of
black women trying to combat sexual violence. Montgomery movement, McGuire
contends, was a women’s movement for dignity. Moreover, *Love v. Virginia* becomes an even greater landmark decision when
placed in the broader story of the civil rights movement and sexual violence
Holton, Woody. Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.

## Summary

This
book examines the web influences and competing social groups (class relations)
that pushed Virginia, in particular its elites, into the War of Independence.
Holton argues that between 1763 and 1776 **Indians, merchants, slaves and debtors**
helped **propel free Virginians into the Independence movement** in three distinct
ways. Firstly, free Virginians’ efforts to influence imperial policy were
contested by Native Americans, British merchants, and enslaved Virginians.
Eliminating the government as instrument or ally of merchants, free Virginians
would be in a more dominant position. Secondly, the commercial boycott strategy
against Britain was attractive to Virginians as it would impel Parliament to
repeal laws considered oppressive by white Americans and reduce Virginians’
debts to British merchants. Third, the boycott adopted by the First Continental
Congress in 1774 transformed Virginia’s society and economy and presented
opportunities for slaves and small farmers to challenge the authority of the
provincial gentry. Those challenges, Holton contends, “indirectly helped induce
gentlemen to turn the protests of 1774 into the Independence movement of 1776.”
**Each group challenged Virginian elite’s hold on power and authority. The**
elimination of British government would allow them to more easily control these
factions in the colonies**. When Virginia gentlemen launched their struggle “to**
preserve and extend their freedom, they were powerfully influenced by other
freedom struggles – movements put together by Indians, debtors, merchants, slaves
and smallholders. Thus, “Native Americans, British merchants, debtors, and
enslaved Virginians indirectly and unintentionally helped to bring on the
American Revolution” and in effect elite Virginians are less prominent in the
revolution.

Example: Indians and merchants pursued their interests and inadvertently
undermined relations between Virginia’s leadership and the British government. For
example, British policy changes to control Indian insurgency had detrimental
effects on the economic interests of the white settlers.

See also: (Challenge to) Bernard Bailyn and Gordon Wood,
Donato, Ruben; Lazerson, Marvin. “New Directions in American Educational History: Problems and Prospects,” Educational Researcher 29 (November 2000), 4-15.

## Summary

This
article extends Veysey’s historiographical piece from the early 1980s and updates the field including more recent trends in the 1980s and 1990s. The authors ***connect***
American educational historiography to the education reforms of the 1960s and
1970s***. The educational historians of the 1960s and 1970s articulated a***
scholarship connected to historically significant "social movements and asked
provocative questions about the relationship of democracy to education, the
role of schooling in the reproduction of social class, the origins and
consequences of the bureaucratic organization of public schooling, the role of
schooling in immigrant communities, and the struggles of people of color over
education access.” These revisionist historians (Michael Katz, David Tyack, and others) ***challenged the traditional promotionalist paradigm*** for research in the history of education.The authors argue that the revisionist history of the 1960s and 1970s *(“golden era”) **led to a*** **greater emphasis on *people of color, gender, policy, and higher education***. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, scholars began to show how marginalized communities were far from passive victims in their educaitonal fates (James D. Anderson). Also, scholarship has brought an important gender focus on the history of educaiton, looking at how schools were often more egalitarian than the rest of society (Mary Kelley). More recent scholarship has also revised the history of higher education (Julie Reuben) challening the legacy of such scholarship by Richard Hofstatder and Metzger, which told a story that defended higher education's need to protect the search for scientific truth against religious and populist movements and the development of disciplinary-based research.

See also: John Rury, "The Curious State"; Lawrence Veysey, "The History of Education"
SCP-1250

**SCP-1250** - jest to anomalny potwór przypominający tacosa. Sam uważa, że został wpisany na listę SCP bez powodu. Jeśli nie jest SCP, nazywany jest Tacorexem.

## Postacie 1250

### SCP-1250

Jest to zwykły Tacorex, tyle, że... z wężowatym ciałem. Ma bardzo długie jęzory, którymi może wciągnąć nawet dość duże zwierzęta. Jest tak niebezpieczny, że postanowiono na zawsze zapieczętować go w brzuchu Omegi.

### Normal Tacorex

Tacorex to mały potworek przypominający tacosa z zębami. Zjedzony, replikuje się na cztery Tacorexy, a 3. kopia tworzy każdą kolejną, powodując nieznośny ból brzucha. Zarażony po rozmnożeniu się 16 Tacorexów wymiotuje je, pozwalając rozmnożyć się dalej. Niezwykle ostre w smaku, ale Omegi to nie zraża.

### Golden Tacorex

Goldi nie jest jadalny, ale Omega i Zero w końcu strawią nawet diamenty -.-
Ciastka

Składniki

ilość sztuk: 18 ciasteczek

85 g masła o temperaturze pokojowej
* 115 g jasnego cukru muscovado
* 1 jajko, roztrzepane
* 115 g mąki
* ½ łyżeczki proszku do pieczenia
* 55 g płatków owsianych
* 170 g rodzynków

Przygotowanie: 15min.  ›  Gotowanie: 15min.  ›  Gotowe w: 30min.

* cukrem na jasną i puszystą masę, a następnie stopniowo dodawać jajko.Rozgrzać piekarnik do temperatury 180°C. Utrzeć masło z  Przesiać do masy mąkę, wsypać płatki owsiane oraz rodzynki.
* Nakładać po czubatej łyżeczce ciasta na 3 nasmarowane blachy, pozostawiając między nimi odstępy, bo rosną w czasie pieczenia.
* Piec 10-15 minut, aż ciasteczka się przyrumienią. Studzić je chwilę na blachach, a następnie przełożyć na metalową kratkę, żeby ostygły całkowicie. Ciasteczka te można przechowywać 3-4 dni w szczelnym pojemniku

zalety:

• Rodzynki zawierają sporo żelaza, potasu i błonnika, a także naturalny cukier. Jeśli podamy te ciasteczka z sokiem świeżo wyciśniętym z pomarańczy lub różowego grejpfruta, zawarta w nim witamina C ułatwi organizmowi przyswajanie żelaza z rodzynków. \* • Płatki owsiane są doskonałym źródłem rozpuszczalnego błonnika, który obniża stężenie cholesterolu, zmniejszając w ten sposób ryzyko chorób serca. Rozpuszczalny błonnik spowalnia też wchłanianie węglowodanów do krwiobiegu, zapewniając mniejsze wahania ich poziomu we krwi.

PS:dodałem to bo tak
Zimmerman, Andrew. Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012.

## Summary

In
1901, the **Tuskegee** Institute, founded by Booker T. Washington, sent an
expedition to the German colony of Togo in West Africa, with the purpose of
transforming the region into a cotton economy similar to that of the
post-Reconstruction American South. German colonial authorities saw in
Washington’s model a means to train former slaves into “subordinate and
**productive black labor** in its own African colonies.” This project thus brought
together German social science, African cash cropping, and the racial political
economy of the New South; each transformed the other and the world in the
process and **transplanted to Africa the oppressive labor regime of the New South**
that sought to control and subjugate newly emancipated “Negro” workers. Zimmerman reconstructs the
social science of the global South formulated by such thinkers as Max Weber and
W.E.B. Du Bois, and reveals how their theories defined contemporary race,
class, and culture. **Race replaced “slave” and “serf”** and was used to justify
the exploitation of labor. The transition of precolonial coastal trade to
European capitalist control of African agricultural brought with it a new racial
classification: Africans became “Negroes,” with the help of the Tuskegee
Institute and the patriarchal small farmer was the model for maintaining
economic control over labor. \*All of this supported by social science research
(Park, Dubois, Weber, etc. using the American South as a model of “development”,
a transatlantic social science). Sexuality was also tied to this racial
classification and helped consolidate capitalism and Zimmerman argues that
“Colonial authorities sought to replace the individual autonomy of the Togolese
extended household with the personal and sexual constraint of a patriarchal
family farm.” He looks at the forms of resistance pioneered by African American
freedpeople, Polish migrant laborers, African cotton cultivators, and other
groups exploited by, but never passive victims of, the growing colonial
political economy.

See also: David Elkbadh
Ancient Dragon Scarf

*Not to be confused with the Outback Scarf or Outback Scarf/Super Sweets.*

The **Ancient Dragon Scarf** is a clothing item worn around the neck. It was originally released sometime during October 2017 as a prize available from the Komodo Dragon's Treasure Hunt.

## Appearance

The *Ancient Dragon Scarf*shares a similar appearance with the Outback Scarf. The scarf seems to have a lizard scale pattern. This item comes in 6 different color variants.
Amethyst Heart Amulet

*Not to be confused with the Heart Amulet.*

The **Amethyst Heart Amulet** is a clothing item worn around the neck. It was originally released on February 5, 2022, at the Traveling Salesman for 10 Sapphires.

## Trivia

* This item is in collection with the Amethyst Heart Helmet, Amethyst Heart Armor, Amethyst Heart Gauntlets, and Amethyst Heart Tail Armor.
* This item is only usable by Jammers that are Members.
Strona główna

<hero description="Chora twórczość jest karana ( ͡° ͜ʖ ͡°) teraz musisz umieszczać to na Fredziak Wiki LEL

Pisz jakiekolwiek artykuły na temat Five Nights At Freddy's, Spooky's House Of Jumpscares, SCP: Contaiment Breach i tym podobne ( ͡° ͜ʖ ͡°)" imagename="" cropposition="" />

1. PATRZ Fredziak Wikia
Specimen

Specimen to sweetaśny i... zawałowy kawałek tektury który może ci jebnąć na twarz. Pojawia się w różnych formach.

 Ofiary zawału serca
 Metoda ataku
 Wygląd

## Formy

* Ośmiornica
* Duch
* Szkielet
* Pająk
* Dynia
* Pień drzewa
* Fioletowa Grudka
* Kubek z kawą
* Smutny tost
* Lód w rożku
* Zniekształcona Ośmiornica
* Krwawa czaszka

## Zachowanie

Może na nas jebutnąć w każdej chwili. Czasami są na nich notatki.

## Ciekawostki

* Czasami słodka ośmiorniczka może jebutnąć w postaci krwawej czaszki. Jednak nie martwcie się - jest to rzadkie
* Dzięki notatkom dowiadujemy się że Specimen jest dziełem człowieka piszącego notatki.