The Qamarist Emirate of Munab

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### Government

Unitary Qamarist One Party Mazi Dictatorship (1933-1934)Unitary Qamarist One Party Fitlerist Dictatorship (1934-Present)

### Ethnic Groups

60% Munabis, 30% Jubalis, Ovarians, Gorjistanis

### Preceded By

Munabi Republic

The **Qamarist Emirate** **of Munab**, otherwise known as **Munab**, is a country in the Munabi Gulf Region. It is one of the richest countries in the continent with the 1935 GDP of over 410,000,020 Pounds. Munab is about the size of 75% of Iraq and it borders Novaria to its east and south and Kawini to its west with the population of over 40 Million people. Munab’s official language is Munabi and the country has one of the most educated people in The Munabi Gulf Region. Its capital city is Jamol which covers 914 Square kilometers. The national anthem of Munab is “The Land of the Long River” which was written during the late 19th century when Munab was still under Sisunian rule and meant to support the Munabi independence movement from Sisu.

## **Flag**

Munab’s flag consists of a white circle in the middle. A black P and sickle, which represents Palpism. Red stands for the Blood Of Those who fought for their freedom,

## **Geography**

For Munab’s physical geography, 90% of the country is desert with 99% Of the population living near the Adal River where agricultural lands are.

## **Demographics**

Munab’s ethnic groups shows that 60% of Munabi’s population is ethnically Munabi with 30% of the being Jubali with the remaining 4% being other Ethnic groups. This does not account for the foreigners, living in Munab who moved to the country in search of opportunities during Sisunian colonialism.

# Culture of Munab

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**The Culture of Munab** (Arabic: ثقافة المنب) or **The Culture of Adalia** is one of the world's oldest cultural histories and is considered one of the most influential cultures in the world. The region between the Adal river, historically known as Adalia, is often referred to as the Cradle of civilisation. Adalian legacy went on to influence and shape the civilizations of the Old World in different ways such as inventing writing system, mathematics, law, astrology and many more. Munab is home to diverse ethnic groups who have contributed to the wide spectrum of the Munabi Culture. The country is known for its poets، architects، painters and sculptors who are among the best in the region, some of them being world-class. The country has one of the longest written traditions in the world including architecture, literature, music, dance, painting, weaving, pottery, calligraphy, stonemasonry and metalworking.

Additionally, Munab embraces and celebrates the achievements of its past in pre-Palpist times as well as in Palpist times during Palpist Golden Age when Jamol was the capital of the Taykian Caliphate.

By the end of 1933 women in Munab formed 46 per cent of the teachers, 29 per cent of the doctors, 46 per cent of the dentists, 70 per cent of the pharmacists, 15 percent of the accountants, 14 percent of the factory workers and 16 percent of the civil servants.

The Mazi takeover would see a period of secularisation in Munab. The government included people from multiple religious affiliations (including Jadali Palpists, Andali Palpists and Orcheists). However, the period was marked (especially under Adenoid Fitler) by sectarian, religious and political strife between the government and other groups: Andali Munabis (mainly drawn from Raqowis, this religious group formed an absolute majority) who sought to create a Munabi theocracy; ethnic Jubalis, who sought independence for their region; Jadalis with a Radical Palpist ideology, and non-Qamarists (such as the Munabi Syndicalists who were heavily suppressed in 1933-1934). The Munabi government promoted women's rights to a degree, allowing them education and service in the armed forces, but—despite the Mazi's avowed "radicalism"—its changes to family law were "considerably less radical than ... the USS's family reforms, to say nothing of ALSS's radical break with Palpist family law in 1926." the glorification of Adenoid Fitler and the Qamarist government was common in state-sponsored artwork. The Mazi Party dominated the political life of the country, although a National Progressive Front was proclaimed in 1933 to allow for the (mostly nominal) participation of non-Qamarist figures and parties in Munabi politics.

### Planning System

Since it did not have an economic policy of its own, the Mazi Party, when it took power in 1933, allowed the Five-Year Plan set up by the previous regime in 1931 to continue until its end date in 1934. The Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) decided by mid-1934 to alter the planning system; instead of creating stable Five-Year Plans (as had been done earlier), an annual investment plan was to be created. Every year, the RCC convened to create an investment for the year to come; for example, there were separate investment plans for 1933 and 1935. Another change is that the plan's final draft was not accepted by the highest economic elite but by the RCC, the political elite. In 1935 (as a break with the new trend) the RCC introduced the National Development Plan, which is set to last from 1935 to 1939. Unlike the previous plans, the sectoral investment-allocation figures were not made public.

### Economic Growth

The Munab Petroleum Company (MPC), the largest oil company in Munab, was a private company. In March 1933, the MPC was forced to concede 20 percent of the company's share to the government.The full nationalisation of the MPC occurred after the company cut its oil production by half in March 1934; the decision would, in the short term, hamper Munab's economic growth. The company was nationalised in July 1934. The nationalisation removed the last remaining element of foreign control over Munab, and was popular with the Munabi people. The government anticipated a loss of revenue, and therefore sent Pilak Al Jalaymi to the Argan Kingdom to negotiate a treaty. The visit was a success, and ended with the signing of the Munabi–Argan Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation and the establishment of a trade agreement. The trade agreement stated that the Argan Kingdom would buy some of Munab's oil to soften the anticipated blow it would have on Munab's oil exports.

### History (1933-Present)

Main Article: 17 July Revolution

In contrast to previous coups d'état in Munab's history, the 1933 coup, referred to as the 17 July Revolution, was, according to Mericanian Journalist Con Coughlin, "a relatively civil affair". The coup started in the early hours of 17 July, when a number of military units and civilian mazis seized several key government and military buildings; these included the Ministry of Defence, the electricity station, radio stations, all the city's bridges and "a number of military bases". All telephone lines were cut at 03:00, by which time several tanks had been commanded to halt in front of the Presidential Palace. Abdul Rahman, the then-President of Munab, first knew of the coup when jubilant members of the Republican Guard started shooting into the air in "a premature triumph". Ibrahimovic Sared, the leader of the operation, told Abdul Rahman about his situation through military communication hardware at the base of operations. Abdul Rahman asked for more time, during which he contacted other military units to seek support. As he soon found out, the odds were against him, and he surrendered. Abdul Rahman telephoned Ibrahimovic and told him that he was willing to resign; to show his gratitude, Ibrahimovic guaranteed his safety. Ibrahimovic's deputies, Hardan al-Tushkani and Salah Omar al-Ali, were ordered to give Abdul Rahman this message in person.[26] Abdul Rahman and his wife and son were quickly sent on the first available flight to Sisu. Later that morning, a Mazi broadcast announced that a new government had been established. The coup was carried out with such ease that there were no deaths.

The coup succeeded because of contributions made by the military; the Munabi Qamarist Mazi Party was not strong enough to take power by itself. The Mazi Party managed to make a deal with Abd Allah an-Nasir, the deputy head of military intelligence, and Nuh Daud, the head of the Republican Guard. Both Naif and Daud knew that the long-term survival of Abdul Rahman's and Yahya's government looked bleak, but also knew that the mazis needed them if the coup was to be successful. For his participation in the coup, Nasir demanded to be given the post of Prime Minister after the coup as a reward, and a symbol for his strength. Daud was also "rewarded" with a post; he became Minister of Defence. However, not everything was going according to Nasir's and Daud's plan; Ibrahimovic had told the Mazi leadership in a secret meeting that the two would be liquidated either "during, or after, the revolution".

Ibrahimovic, as the leader of the coup's military operation, retained his position as Regional Secretary of the Mazi Party, and was elected to the posts of Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, President and Prime Minister. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, a power struggle developed between Ibrahimovic and Nasir. In all practicality, Nasir should have had the upper hand; he was a respected officer and was supported by the common soldier. Ibrahimovic, however, proved to be more cunning, persuasive and organised than Nasir, Daud and their supporters.[29] One of Ibrahimovic's first decisions in office was to appoint over 100 new officers to the Republican Guard. Adenoid Fitler worked, in the meantime, to establish the party's security and intelligence organisation to combat its enemies. On 29 July, Daud left for a tour to Bnuy to inspect the Iraqi troops located there following the Six-Day War with Raqowistan. The following day, Nasir was invited to eat lunch at the Presidential Palace with Ibrahimovic, during which Fitler burst into the room with three accomplices and threatened Nasir with death. Nasir responded by crying out; "I have four children!" Fitler ordered Nasir to leave Munab immediately if he wanted to live.[30] Nasir complied, was exiled to Persovia. An assassination attempt in October 1933 was unsuccessful, but he was assassinated in Sisu on the orders of Fitler in November 1933. Daud shared a similar fate, and was exiled to Novaria. The Mazis were by no means ensured of victory; if any of Nasir's supporters had known of the operation against him, Jamol could have become the centre, in the words of journalist Con Coughlin, "of an ugly bloodbath".

Ibrahimovic strengthened his position in the party with the help of Fitler's newly established party security apparatus and the intelligence services. Most of 1933 was used to repress non-Mazi thought and groups; for instance, a campaign against Burkanists and syndicalists was initiated under Fitler's command.[32] Several spy plots were created by the government; spies who were "caught" were accused of being a part of a Runali plot against the state.[33] The Munabi Syndicalist Party (MSP) was skeptical of the new Mazi government, as many of its members remembered the anti-syndicalist campaign launched against them by the Mazi government of January 1933. After taking power, Ibrahimovic offered the MSP cabinet positions in the new government; the MSP rejected this offer. Ibrahimovic responded by initiating a systematic campaign against the MSP and Syndicalist sympathisers. However, as historian Charles Tripp notes in A History of Munab, the campaign started "a curious game" whereby the government alternately persecuted and courted the party until 1933–1934, when the MSP was offered, and accepted, membership in the National Progressive Front (NPF). The reason for this "curious game" was the Mazi Party's belief that the MSP was more dangerous than it really was. When Aziz al-Haji broke away from the MSP, established the Munabi Communist Party (Central Command) and initiated a "popular revolutionary war" against the government, it was duly crushed. By December 1933 the "popular revolutionary" uprising had been crushed, and al-Haji recanted his beliefs publicly.[34] Another reason for this anti-syndicalists policy was that many Mazi Party members openly sympathised with Syndicalists or other socialist forces. However, at this stage, neither Ibrahimovic nor Fitler had enough support within the party to initiate a policy unpopular within it; at the Seventh Regional Congress of the Mazi Party, both Ibrahimovic and other leading Mazis expressed their support for radical socialism