History of France from 1813-1848

`The history of France from 1813 to 1848, a period known as the Post-Napoleonic France, was started by the death of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1813 and ended with the French Revolution of 1848, with a period marked by a steady decline in the outwards influence of France in Europe (which had reached its zenith under the Emperor) in favour of a more balanced equilibrium among the Great Nations, as well as subsequent periods of stabilization and destabilization of the French State be it by weak government, social unrest, revolts or revolutions and economic downturns. The period is usually divided in three subperiods: the regency (1813-1829), the reign of Napoleon II (1829-32) and that of his sucessor Napoleon III previous to the 1848 revolution, also called the June Monarchy (1832-1848).

### History

* 1813-Death of Napoleon I of France, Louis Bonaparte assumes the regency
* 1829-Napoleon II gains power as emperor w/o a regency
* 1830-French conquest of Algeria begins/July revolts
* 1832-Death of Napoleon II/June Revolution/Ascension of Napoleon III under heavily curtailed Bonaparte power
* 1848-French Revolution as part of the revolutions of 1848

### Government

United Bonapartist Absolute Monarchy (1813-1832)Unitary Parliamentarian Semi-Constitutional Monarchy (1832–1848)

### Head of Government

Emperor of the French

Emperor of the French: * Napoleon II (1813-1832)
* Napoleon III (1832-1848)

### Legislature

UC: Sénat Conservateur LC: Corps Législatif

### Currency

French Frank

After Napoleon crowned himself emperor of the French in 1804, he continued to wage war against most of the European nations that opossed him, eventually leading to the signing of the Congress of Erfurt, which reshaped the European political order. Initially understood to be a short-lasting peace agreement, as most nations were expecting to re-coup their losses, then strengthen and decare war again, eventually, the peace would prove lasting, specially after Napoleon’s main frenemy Alexander suddenly expired, leaving the throne to his much duller and malleable brother and his somewhat ambitious wife, both readily pro-Napoleonic. Wether the unmanageable situation in Russia would have lasted remains unclear, for although tensions again rose up and it looked like Europe was on its way towards war, suddenly Napoleon’s health started to deteriorate. By February he seemed prostrated to the bed and eventually in early March 1813, he died at the Tuilleries Palace at the age of only 43 years. Many suspected murder and poison, but nowadays historians seem to agree on the consensus that his sudden demise was a direct result of his stomach ulcer, which was what eventually also killed his father Carlo and sister Elisa.

## Regency of Louis Bonaparte

On March 3rd, 1813, Napoleon Emperor of the French, King of Italy and a myriad of other titles, became no more. After his death, a great deal of pilitical machinations started to take place in Paris to see who would become the new regent for the newly crowned Napoleon II, who was just 2 years of age.

There were three main contestants for the position, which was in the meantime filled by Napoleon’s trusted advisor Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord. They had had a falling out a couple of years beforehand, but recently started to reconcile once Napoleon saw his health deteriorate. He trusted upon Talleyrand to secure the throne for his young infant son, and surprisingly for most of the political spectators of the time, Talleyrand did follow through. Rapidly, he managed to secure the reins of government by making a political alliance with minister of Police Anne Jean Marie René de Savary, and with Bernard Germain de Lacépède, president of the Sénat Conservateur. The hours after teh emperor died, they convened to decided upon the official head of the necessary regency that would take upon Napoléon II’s younger years. There had been initial debate as to wether they should just declare the republic once again, but Talleyrand decided that it was too inconvinient at the time. The declaration of a new republic would possibly push the other Powers, who hadn’t completely accepted the emperor’s reign, into believing France was politically and militarily weak, thus pushing it into another war. Furthermore, the declaration of a republic would lead to political instability and thus far that was France’s number one public enemy. They must, no, they had to secure a stable near future for France, and part of that would require for the emperor of Austria’s oldest grandson to become emperor. With this, possibly Austria would agree at the very least to a lukewarm relationship which could incentivize other powers to keep peace even if for peace’s sake. A new detach was sent to Vienna to get Metternich’s position, which proved positive.

However, Talleyrand was also not too keen on allowing too much Austrian influence in court. Thus, even if an initial plan would agree for Marie Louise to become the regent as a mere figurehead whilst the three gentlemen would secrelty rule from the shadows, he realized that if Metternich got too much power onto Marie Louise his position and thus the political independence of France could be threatened. So, they decided to try and get another member of the Imperial Family to act as the official regent, someone malleable they could easily influence. Napoleon’s siblings became the most ideal candidates. However, as a way to invalidate Marie Louise, they deciede that the candidate had to be male, thus all of Napoleon’s sisters were cut off. The brothers that were also already sovereigns were eventually scratched off, even though Joseph was one of the strongest candidates. Lucien also was considered, however he was seen as way too uninterested in the Imperial system and thus it could be a threat from the insisde. Thus the only possible option was Louis Bonaparte, who had shortly been declared King of Holland until he was forced by his brother to give up the throne due to the peace of Erfurt. He had shown governing aptitudes, even if a little too independent for the triad’s liking. But non the less, he was approached by Talleyrand and eventually after much deliberation and convincing, he reluctantly accepted. Thus starts the rgeency of Prince Louis Bonaparte, which lasted until 1829.

### Consolidation of Louis’ and the Triad’s regime and international reaction

TO say that the regime was hanging by a thread would be an understatement. As soon as it was let known that the emperor had expired, many factions both outside and within the Empire started to scheme and consider how to react to the news. Great Britain and Sweden immediately pondered wether to declare war and take advantage of the lack of internal direction and militar weakness that entailed the death of Napoleon. Within Paris, many pro-Bourbon factions that still remained tried to gather support for a quiet and subtle coup, with strong personalities like Chateaubriand involved (though not prosecuted as he couldn’t be linked to the conspirators). Regardless, the initial climate of conspiracy eventually died down, as most of the Great Powers realized that it wass better to keep Napoleon II around even if just for the sake of international stability. Within France, Savary cracked down any type of person that voiced concern or dissent for the actual regime and indirect supression of free press continued just as it had been doing since Napoleon’s reign.

Louis initially was reluctant on accepting the position, but eventually pressure from his sisters (mainly Elisa and Paolina) and from members of the Bonaparte personal circle won him out. He accepted his role diligently and always took himself and his position very seriously, to the amusement of Talleyrand, who saw him as a mere puppet he was the master of. Non the less, Louis did make good use of his newfound powers by allowing himself to be divorced from his estranded wife Hortense de Beauharnais. Thus started the fall of the De Beauharnais family from France.

Thus, the regime of Napoleon was now divided across three main figures: to the eyes of the international community the emperor was under the regency of his uncle, Louis Bonaparte, who was aided by several ministers including Talleyrand but reigned absolute. However, in truth, the reins of power were held by Talleyrand and Savary, who acted by curtailing information from reaching Louis and thus making him take decisions as they so desired. As international relations, the House of Bonaparte was cemented as one of the imperial houses in Europe, specially as the geeration of Napoleon’s nieces and nephews started to grow older and reach marriageable age. Marie Louise, the empress dowager, became part of Louis’ circle of advisors and confidantes, and there were rumours that the two would marry in order to consolidate the family’s position in France. Nothing however came of this. Marie Louise, who had been sent by Metternich initially with the off-chance intention she could become a Vienese agent at Paris, nontheless refused to partake in the running of the Empire, and dedicated herself more to taking care of her only son.

### Political stagnation and popular discontent

Once the triad was settled, the government tried by all measures to continue governing like Napoleon had. Yet the major problem was that the Triad and Louis were not Napoleon, nor did they have such personal charisma and such a strong grip on dissident groups. This would work partially, and opposition to their leadership would gather in the form of writtings, though political émigrés like Mme de Stäel and Châteaubriand would do much to raise the regime’s prestige. As a matter of fact, to appease international pressures, Talleyrand sponsored and promoted a general pardon to most political émigrés still remaining as long as they weren’t perceived to be an immediate threat to the Imperial Government (like the Bourbons) and or had actively fought against the empire. Thus, many émigrés came back and received some sort of compensation, which after proving unsubstantial enough, they started to build back their fortunes by marrying with the new aristocracy, eager to win the old still prestigious last names of the Ancien Régime.

Talleyrand, for as good as he was with political diplomacy and international relations, had sometimes trouble in the day-to-day running of the Empire, thus eventually the Triad divided itself into three roles, Lacépède as the appeaser and ensurer of loyalty from the Sénat and the Corps, Savary as the interior ruler of France, and Talleyrand as the mastermind of international policy. Louis was the signature giver, and although he tried to involve himself into the day-to-day running of the empire, he was mostly overlooked and pushed by the triad

As time went on, Savary became increasingly more despotic, sometimes even directly ignoring Prince Regent Louis. As his grip on France increased, he started to worry Talleyrand, who saw in the minister’s figure a worringly semblance of Napoleon, and who was worried he would be replaced if Savary became too powerful.

That Louis and Savary were not popular in the mostly-liberal minded urban Paris became apparent in April 1827, when chaos ensued during the regents's review of the National Guard in Paris. In retaliation, the National Guard was disbanded but, as its members were not disarmed, it remained a potential threat. After losing a majority in a general election in November 1827 in the Corps Législatives, Louis was pressured to appoint a new government. Regardless, Savary retained power and refused to recall the Chambers until March 1830.

### International politics

*international relations (1808- )*

On international politics, Talleyrand basically translated his erratic and self-preserving personality into France’s international policy. First and foremost, he worked really hard to cultivate an image of a post-bellum France that was eager to work herself into the concert of Europe in a non-threatening manner. According to this narrative, the warring years of France and Europe were over and now it was time to come together and stop the spread or radical liberalism. Thusly, they were to work together and stop bickering and fighting. The truth however behind this narrative couldn’t be farther from that, for throughout this period whenever there were conflicts where the great powers intervened indirectly, France would almost always find herself against the other Great Powers.

In Indonesia, French colonial administration took hold in an attempt from preventing a British take-over like that of 1811. Expanding outwards, their bellicious policy served as a way for Talleyrand to make use of many of the armies that were otherwise jobless and potentially willing to conspire for the continuation of conflict in Europe. Davout was oe of the most famous “relocated” marshalls and he eventually became governor of the colony from 1820 onwards. As one of the most important events from this time, Talleyrand managed to negotiate the first amicable colonial treaty with the British in the “Convention of London” of 1814, wherein the former Dutch colonial holdings were divided among British and French interest in a more thrurough manner than in the Congress of Erfurt. In exchange for Ceylan and half of Dutch Guiana, the United Kingdom gave France the holdings of Sumatra it hold. Furthermore, the treaty confirmed British holding of SIngapore and French holding of Cape Town. The British tried negotiating fur the latter but refusal from Talleyrand (who was interested in keeping the British at a disadvantage in Cape Town) eventually led to the British foundation of the Port Elizabeth and eventually the Maputo Cease and the foundation of St Augustin Bay. Although Talleyrand tried to mantain good relations with the British, the truth was that the refusal to cede the Cape Colony led to the commencement of the Anglo-French colonial race both in Southern Africa and eventually the world.

The first international threat the regime faced was as a part of the 1820 revolutions that swept the entire continent. Initiating in Spain, the movement soon spread throughout the Southern part of Europe, and affected territories both held by France and her puppet regimes. First in Portugal, where the Murat Regime had been established a mere 12 years ago and where the Portuguese revolutionaries demanded French troops leave the country as well as the perceived “agent of France” of Queen Mother Carolina. Some even asked for the young king Carlos I to also abdicate but the monarch managed to negotiate with them. Then, revolutions spread to Sicily and Naples, wherein the latter the regime of Giuseppe Bonaparte eventually led to the creation of both a Parliament and a constitution. Metternich demanded to intervene in favour of pollitical stability in the region, but Talleyrand was wary of Austrian intervention in a Puppet regime. As Giuseppe didn’t ask for intervention and eventually told Louis that he needn’t interfere, eventually the waters calmed down. Finally, in the Piédmont (most of the Post-Alpine French Regions in Italy), Santorre di Santa Rosa tried to conspirate for a revolution to start in Turin, but he was quickly found out and put on trial.

In all, the 1820’s revolutions showed the weakness France truly was in. The regime failed to uphold backing of its puppet regimes, and soon other puppet states started to drift from France’s sphere of influence. The process had already started as soon as Napoleon died with the Duchy of Warsaw where the Prime Minister Count Potocki and Duke Frederick Augustus had mantained nominal ties with France in order to avoid being invaded by Prussia or Russia. However, since by 1820 the country was somewhat well-established and backed by Austria so long as it served as a counterbalance against Prussia. Thus by 1820 when some opposition centered around his cabinet, the aging Count Potocki resigned and the new ministers took the chance to start a process of independence for Poland from all European powers. They would eventually break their personal union with the Kingdom of Saxony in 1830 in favour of the house of Saxe-Coburg-Warsaw.

The other regimes also started to drift. Both Westphalia and Naples remained loyal but their rulers (siblings of Louis) started t favour their countries’ interest above those of France. In Italy, although French presence remained militarly in the French Departéments and the Papal States, the Kingdom of Italy, under Eugène I, became the more independent and alligned with France.

On 31 January 1830, the Savary government decided to send a military expedition to Algeria to end the threat of Algerian pirates to Mediterranean trade, hoping also to increase his government's popularity through a military victory. The pretext for the war was an outrage by the Viceroy of Algeria, who had struck the French consul with the handle of his fly swat in a rage over French failure to pay debts from Napoleon's invasion of Egypt. French troops occupied Algiers on 5 July.

## July Revolution

Discontent with Savary started to gather around the youths of Paris, and likewise liberally-minded individuals. One of the more importants was Napoleon II himself, who was growing tired of a regency council that wanted to rule over him until he was 21. When he reached 18 in 1829, a conflict broke out. Savary argued that the intention would be for the regency to last until 1832, when 21 year old Napoleon II would be considered more matured and capable of ruling. This was but a ruse, for the real intentions of Savary were to hold onto power for as long as possible. There were several reasons for this, among other personal desires, but it should also be noted that both the Parisian elites and the other Great Powers were looking with unease at the increasingly patriotic young emperor, for they feared that his coming to power would mean a continuation of the Napoleonic Wars that had been settled long ago but not so long it was no longer on the back of people’s minds. For that they turned to Savary with the assurance that he would take care that the emperor matured well-past his initial young idillyc war plans.

Thus, a strange pollitical array started to ferment. A power-hungry Savary was intended on latching onto power, to the detriment of Napoleon II, who in turn grew resentful. Talleyrand then also grew weary of Savary’s intentions, fearing he might grow too powerful. Then, in a strange alliance, both figures convened through a common acquaintance, Adolphe Thiers. A revolutionary journalist, young Thiers had been Talleyrand’s pollitical apprentice for some years, and had been somewhat shielded from the repressive measures imposed on Parisian press and in turn he had been somewhat lenient on the policies enacted by Savary. However, he had also befriended a group of liberal-minded friends that led to him becoming acquaintance with friends of the emperor, who albeit sheltered behind the Palace doors, had through his tutors adcquired a liberal mindset and education.

In all, Talleyrand started to instruct Thiers to encourage his fellow journalists to criticize the regime as much as posible. It was then that the liberal minds in the Empire found a figure onto which project their disatisfactions, and as such Savary doubled down on his censorship laws. This in turn led to the Parisian press demanding freedom of the press, which Savary answered by doubling down on censorship. This set the stage for popular disatisfaction, which Savary responded to by ordering the Invasion of Algiers in mid June 1830.

### Saint Cloud Ordinances

In Algiers, Napoleon II was sent as the leader of the conquest. Once in Algiers, Savary tried to capitalize on this absence to try and get the coming of age affair in order. Moreover, in order for Napoleon not to be notified, as well as trying not to have the unpopular wave of press that usually followed through, he ordained the Saint Cloud Ordinances, wherein most of the press would be censored. It was a hot, dry summer, pushing those who could afford it to leave Paris for the country. Most businessmen could not, and so were among the first to learn of the Saint-Cloud "Ordinances", which banned them from running as candidates for the Chamber of Deputies. Such membership was indispensable to those who sought the ultimate in social prestige. In protest, members of the *Bourse* refused to lend money, and business owners shuttered their factories. Workers were unceremoniously turned out into the street to fend for themselves. Unemployment, which had been growing through early summer, spiked. "Large numbers of... workers therefore had nothing to do but protest."

While newspapers such as the *Journal des débats*, *Le Moniteur*, and *Le Constitutionnel* had already ceased publication in compliance with the new law, nearly 50 journalists from a dozen city newspapers met in the offices of *Le National*. There they signed a collective protest, and vowed their newspapers would continue to run. After this meeting, Thiers emerged as the new head of the journalist “résistance” whist Talleyrand ensured that Savary was fed fake reports about the situation, as well as trying to ensure his situation.

That evening, when police raided a news press and seized contraband newspapers, they were greeted by a sweltering, unemployed mob angrily shouting, "*À bas Savary!*" ("Down with Savary!") and "*Vive l’Empereur!*" ("Long live the Emperor!").

Armand Carrel, a journalist, wrote in the next day's edition of *Le National*:

> France... falls back into revolution by the act of the government itself... the legal regime is now interrupted, that of forcehas begun... in the situation in which we are now placed obedience has ceased to be a duty... It is for France to judge how far its own resistance ought to extend.
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Despite public anger over the police raid, Jean-Henri-Claude Magin, the Paris *Préfet de police*, wrote that evening: "the most perfect tranquility continues to reign in all parts of the capital. No event worthy of attention is recorded in the reports that have come through to me."

### Tuesday, 27 July 1830: Day One

Throughout the day, Paris grew quiet as the milling crowds grew larger. At 4:30 pm commanders of the troops of the First Military division of Paris and the *Garde Royale* were ordered to concentrate their troops, and guns, on the Place du Carrousel facing the Tuileries, the Place Vendôme, and the Place de la Bastille. In order to maintain order and protect gun shops from looters, military patrols throughout the city were established, strengthened, and expanded. However, no special measures were taken to protect either the arm depots or gunpowder factories. For a time, those precautions seemed premature, but at 7:00 pm, with the coming of twilight, the fighting began. "Parisians, rather than soldiers, were the aggressor. Paving stones, roof tiles, and flowerpots from the upper windows... began to rain down on the soldiers in the streets". At first, soldiers fired warning shots into the air. But before the night was over, twenty-one civilians were killed.

One witness wrote:

> [I saw] a crowd of agitated people pass by and disappear, then a troop of cavalry succeed them... In every direction and at intervals... Indistinct noises, gunshots, and then for a time all is silent again so for a time one could believe that everything in the city was normal. But all the shops are shut; the Pont Neuf is almost completely dark, the stupefaction visible on every face reminds us all too much of the crisis we face....
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In 1828, the city of Paris had installed some 2,000 street lamps. These lanterns were hung on ropes looped-on-looped from one pole to another, as opposed to being secured on posts. The rioting lasted well into the night until most of them had been destroyed by 10:00 PM, forcing the crowds to slip away.

### Wednesday, 28 July 1830: Day Two

Fighting in Paris continued throughout the night. One eyewitness wrote:

> It is hardly a quarter past eight, and already shouts and gun shots can be heard. Business is at a complete standstill.... Crowds rushing through the streets... the sound of cannon and gunfire is becoming ever louder.... Cries of "*À bas le régent!', 'À la guillotine!!*" can be heard....
>
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This shows that the focus of the protesters was also shifting to Louis Bonaparte, who ordered Maréchal Auguste Marmont, Duke of Ragusa, the on-duty Major-General of the *Garde Royale*, to repress the disturbances. Marmont was personally liberal, and opposed to the ministry's policy, but was bound tightly to the Triad because he believed such to be his duty. Talleyrand then decided to leave his palace and sought to leave the capital quietly before the attention gathered around him. He left his states to his trustees, and specially after receiving reassurance from Thiers that he would not be targeted by the revolutionaries.

Marmont's plan was to have the *Garde Impériale* and available line units of the city garrison guard the vital thoroughfares and bridges of the city, as well as protect important buildings such as the Palais Royal, Palais de Justice, and the Hôtel de Ville. This plan was both ill-considered and wildly ambitious; not only were there not enough troops, but there were also nowhere near enough provisions. The *Garde Imperiale* was mostly loyal for the moment, but the attached line units were wavering: a small but growing number of troops were deserting; some merely slipping away, others leaving, not caring who saw them.

In Paris, a committee of the opposition, composed of banker Jacques Laffitte, Casimir Perier, Generals Étienne Gérard and Georges Mouton, comte de Lobau, among others, had drawn up and signed a petition in which they asked for the *ordonnances* to be withdrawn. The petition was critical "not of the Emperor, but his ministers", thereby countering the conviction Savary that his liberal opponents were enemies of the Bonaparte dynasty. They asked Marmont to take them to Louis in name of the emperor, and he reluctantly agreed.

At 4 pm, Louis Bonaparte received Colonel Komierowski, one of Marmont's chief aides. The colonel was carrying a note from Marmont:

> Sire, it is no longer a riot, it is a revolution. It is urgent to take measures for pacification. The honour of the crown can still be saved. Tomorrow, perhaps, there will be no more time... I await with impatience the Emperor's orders.
>
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### Thursday, 29 July 1830: Day Three

Louis was indecisive about what to do, however, he as advised by Savary not to give in to the revolutionaries demands, for he asked “what his brother would have done”. Meanwhile, Marmont lacked either the initiative or the presence of mind to call for additional troops from Saint-Denis, Vincennes, Lunéville, or Saint-Omer. The opposition and supporters of the July Revolution swarmed to his headquarters demanding the arrest of Savary and the other ministers, while supporters of the Savary clique and city leaders demanded he arrest the rioters and their puppet masters. Marmont refused to act on either request, instead awaiting orders from the emperor. He by the way, was finally alerted of the chaos the empire was in and decided to turn back to France, leaving Algiers to other colonial forces and his cousin Prince Napoléon Louis.

By 1:30 pm, the Tuileries Palace had been sacked. Some drank wine from the palace cellars. Earlier that day, the Louvre had fallen, even more quickly. Swiss troops of the Royal Army, confronted by the mob and under orders from Marmont not to fire unless fired upon, were withdrawn by their officers who feared a repetition of the massacre of Swiss Guards that had occurred when the Tuileries had been stormed on 10 August 1792.

By mid-afternoon, the greatest prize, the Hôtel de Ville, had been captured. The amount of looting during these three days was surprisingly small; not only at the Louvre—whose paintings and *objets d'art* were protected by the crowd—but the Tuileries, the Palais de Justice, the Archbishop's Palace, and other places as well.

A few hours later, politicians entered the battered complex and set about establishing a provisional government. Though there would be spots of fighting throughout the city for the next few days, the revolution, for all intents and purposes, was over. Savary was ordained to give up his position and Louis on his part was deposed officially as regent, stepping in Jean Baptiste Jourdan as “Liutenant Général”. Napoleon would arrive on August 2nd and appoint a new government.

## July Monarchy

Once Napoleon II came to power, he would officially begin a period of French history called the “July Monarchy”. He was officially recognized as of legal age and ruling emperorship by Jourdan. Two days later, the first cabinet was formed, gathering the Constitutionalist opposition to Savary, including Casimir Perier, the banker Jacques Laffitte, Count Molé, the duke of Broglie, François Guizot, etc. The new government's first aim was to restore public order, while at the same time appearing to acclaim the revolutionary forces which had just triumphed. Assisted by the people of Paris in overthrowing the old elite, the new bourgeoisie had to establish its new order.

Napoleon II inmediately started to clash with some of his cabinet members. Civil unrest continued for three months, supported by the left-wing press. The government was not able to put an end to it, mostly because the National Guard was headed by one of the Republican leaders, the Marquis de La Fayette, who advocated a "popular throne surrounded by Republican institutions." He had already proved to ba a little bit of a thorn on Napoleon’s side, but whilst under “Old Bonaparte” he had been quiet, now he proved himself quite political. The Republicans then gathered themselves in popular clubs, in the tradition established by the 1789 Revolution. Some of those were fronts for secret societies (for example, the Blanquist *Société des Amis du Peuple*), which sought political and social reforms, or the execution of several ministers. Strikes and demonstrations were permanent.

In order to stabilize the economy and finally secure public order, in the autumn of 1830 the government had the Assembly vote a credit of 5 million francs to subsidize public works, mostly roads. Then, to prevent bankruptcies and the increase of unemployment, especially in Paris, the government issued a guarantee for firms encountering difficulties, granting them 60 million francs. These subsidies mainly went into the pockets of big entrepreneurs aligned with the new regime, such as the printer Firmin Didot.

Talleyrand stayed a little bit in the outside. Inmediately after the revolution, a prize was put on his head by many of the most Republican revolutionaries. However, the state of things pushed back the thirst for his blood and amicable press by Thiers ensured that he could re-incorporate into civil service, aiding the young emperor in “affairs étrangères” by 1831. The emperor however proved weary of Talleyrand and mostly send in into diplomatic missions, and he wouldn’t gain back his old power until the reign of Napoleon III.

As per Louis Bonaparte, he was by Napoleon’s accounts “a sad, tired old-man hopeful to get to retire”. Although he pitied his uncle, and there was revolutionary sentiment against him, he nontheless decided to allow him to retire to his old house at Saint-Leu-la-Forêt. As per Savary, he was briefly exiled to The Hague but eventually he too would be asked to come back in order to participate in the on-going Algerian wars, partially as a way for him to get out of the Parisian sphere. There too he would prove unpopular due to the mistreatment of the Arab leaders and he would be destituted before dying in Algiers in June 1832.

Following some riots, Interior Minister Guizot requested the resignation of the Prefect of the Seine, Odilon Barrot, who had criticized one of the parliamentarians' address to the emperor. Supported by Victor de Broglie, Guizot considered that an important civil servant could not criticize an act of the Chamber of Deputies, particularly when it had been approved by the Emperor and his government. Dupont de l'Eure took Barrot's side, threatening to resign if the emperor disavowed him. The banker Laffitte, one of the main figures of the *Parti du mouvement*, thereupon put himself forward to coordinate the ministers with the title of "President of the Council". This immediately led Broglie and Guizot, of the *Parti de l'Ordre*, to resign, followed by Casimir Perier, André Dupin, the Count Molé and Joseph-Dominique Louis. More keen on Laffite’s political inclinations, the emperor put him forward.

The government enacted various reforms demanded by the *Parti du Movement*. The revolutioanry movement, however, inspired several branches of French society and opposition to raise at first timid criticism with Bonaparte rule. Then, the several opposition groups started to finance and stage their own political movements. One of these was Legitimism, which although illegal, was growing some populatiry among the richer land-owning classes, which in turn tried to convince the populace on the idea of a constitutional Bourbon monarchy under the leadership of Charles Ferdinand, Duke of Berry. On 14 March 1831, on the initiative of a patriotic society created by the mayor of Metz, Jean-Baptiste Bouchotte, the press launched a campaign to gather funds to create a national association aimed at struggling against any Bourbon Restoration and the risks of foreign invasion. All the major figures of the Republican Left (La Fayette, Dupont de l'Eure, Jean Maximilien Lamarque, Odilon Barrot, etc.) supported it. Local committees were created all over France, leading the president of the Council, to issue a circular prohibiting civil servants from membership of this association, which he accused of challenging the state itself by implicitly accusing it of not fulfilling its proper duties.

In the beginning of April 1831, the government took some unpopular measures, forcing several important personalities to resign: Odilon Barrot was dismissed from the Council of State, General Lamarque's military command suppressed, Bouchotte and the Marquis de Laborde forced to resign. When on 15 April 1831 the *Cour d'assises* acquitted several young Republicans (Godefroy Cavaignac, Joseph Guinard and Audry de Puyraveau's son), mostly officers of the National Guard who had been arrested during the riots, new riots acclaimed the news on 15–16 April. But Lafitte, implementing the 10 April 1831 law outlawing public meetings, used the military as well as the National Guard to dissolve the crowds. In May, the government used fire hoses as crowd control techniques for the first time. Lafitte tried really hard to navigate the revolutionary sentiment with the idea of stability, leading to sometimes messy and counteracting.

Another riot, started on the Rue Saint-Denis on 14 June 1831, degenerated into an open battle against the National Guard, assisted by the Dragoons and the infantry. The riots continued on 15 and 16 June.

The major unrest, however, took place in Lyon with the Canuts Revolt, started on 21 November 1831, and during which parts of the National Guard took the demonstrators' side. In two days, the Canuts took control of the city and expelled General Roguet and the mayor Victor Prunelle. On 25 November Laffitte announced to the Chamber of Deputies that Marshal Soult, assisted by the Emperor, would immediately march on Lyon with 20,000 men. They entered the city on 3 December re-establishing order without any bloodshed.

Civil unrest, however, continued, and not only in Paris. On 11 March 1832, sedition exploded in Grenobleduring the carnival. The prefect had canceled the festivities after a grotesque mask of Napoleon I had been displayed, leading to popular demonstrations. The prefect then tried to have the National Guard disperse the crowd, but the latter refused to go, forcing him to call on the army. The 35th regiment of infantry (*infanterie de ligne*) obeyed the orders, but this in turn led the population to demand their expulsion from the city. This was done on 15 March and the 35th regiment was replaced by the 6th regiment, from Lyon. When Lafitte learnt the news, he dissolved the National Guard of Grenoble and immediately recalled the 35th regiment to the city. The emperor, outraged at the blatant disrespect of his idolized power, recalled Lafitte’s orders and tried to go to Grenoble himself. He was dissuaded due to his failing health.

Beside this continuing unrest, in every province, Dauphiné, Picardy, in Carcassonne, Alsace, etc., various Republican conspiracies threatened the government (conspiracy of the *Tours de Notre-Dame* in January 1832, of the *rue des Prouvaires* in February 1832, etc.) Even the trials of suspects were seized on by the Republicans as an opportunity to address the people: at the trial of the Blanquist *Société des Amis du peuple*in January 1832, Raspail harshly criticized the Empire while Auguste Blanqui gave free vein to his socialist ideas. All of the accused denounced the government's tyranny, the incredibly high cost of Napoleon's civil list, police persecutions, etc. The omnipresence of the French police, organized by Fouché, was depicted by the Legitimist writer Balzac in *Splendeurs et misères des courtisanes*. The strength of the opposition led the Emperor to shift his view somewhat further to the right, along with grand part of the Imperial family (including Prince Napoléon Louis, which would factor in later).

### The 1832 cholera epidemic

The cholera pandemic that originated in India in 1815 reached Paris around 20 March 1832 and killed more than 13,000 people in April. The pandemic would last until September 1832, killing in total 100,000 in France, with 20,000 in Paris alone. The disease, the origins of which were unknown at the time, provoked a popular panic. The people of Paris suspected poisoners, while scavengers and beggars revolted against the authoritarian measures of public health.

Cholera also struck d'Argout and Guizot. Casimir Périer, who on 1 April 1832 visited the patients at the Hôtel-Dieu with the Prince Impérial, contracted the disease. He resigned his ministerial activities before dying of cholera on 16 May 1832.

Napoleon II had caught pneumonia and was bedridden at the beginning of the year. He was in and out of his bed and most of the affairs d’état were left to both his mother, Talleyrand or the Prince Impérial. Finally, low defenses and poor health led him to catch cholera, before dying on July 22nd, 1832. He had no children; thus the throne of France passed to his cousin, Napoléon Bonaparte.

## Reign of Napoleon III Bonaparte

Casimir Périer’s departure rom the political scene, as well as the coming to power of the new Emperor meant a swift and new face on the French government. The new emperor was not in any hurry to find a new President of the Council, all the more since the Parliament was in recess and that the troubled situation demanded swift and energetic measures.

FUrthermore, the regime was being attacked on all sides. The Legitimist attempted an uprising in spring 1832 in Provence and Vendée, a stronghold of the ultra-royalists, while the Republicans headed an insurrection in Paris on 5 June 1832, on the occasion of the funeral of one of their leaders, General Lamarque, also struck dead by the cholera. General Mouton crushed the rebellion. (Victor Hugo later described the scene in his 1862 novel *Les Misérables*.)

This double victory, over both Legitimists and the Republicans, was a success for the regime. However, the June uprising did destabilize the structure of government, and the new emperor saw himself insecurely holding onto power. He lacked both the legendary charisma of his uncle and the legit claim of his cousin, so he decided to initiate some reforms. Thus, he called a trusted man, Marshal Soult, to the Presidency of the Council in October 1832. Soult was supported by a triumvirate composed of the main politicians of that time: Adolphe Thiers, the duc de Broglie and François Guizot. The conservative *Journal des débats* spoke of a "coalition of all talents". In a circular addressed to the high civil-servants and military officers, the new President of the Council, Soult, stated that he would explicitly follow the policies of Périer("order at home", "peace abroad") and denounced both the Legitimist right-wing opposition and the Republican left-wing opposition.

The opening of the parliamentary session on 19 November 1832, was a success for the regime. The governmental candidate, André Dupin, was easily elected on the first round as President of the Chamber, with 234 votes against 136 for the candidate of the opposition, Jacques Laffitte.

Strengthened by these recent successes, Napoleon III initiated two visits to the provinces, first into the north to meet with the victorious Marshal Gérardand his men, and then into Normandy, where Legitimist troubles continued, from August to September 1833. In order to conciliate public opinion, the members of the new government took some popular measures, such as a program of public works, leading to the completion of the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, and the re-establishment, on 21 June 1833, of Napoleon I's statue on the Colonne Vendôme. The Minister of Public Instruction and Cults, François Guizot, had the famous law on primary education passed in June 1833, leading to the creation of an elementary school in each commune. Finally, a ministerial change was enacted after the Duke de Broglie's resignation on 1 April 1834. Broglie had found himself in a minority in the Chamber concerning the ratification of a treaty signed with the United States in 1831.

#### April 1834 insurrections

The ministerial change coincided with the return of violent unrest in various cities of France. At the end of February 1834, a new law that subjected the activities of town criers to public authorization led to several days of confrontations with the police. Furthermore, the 10 April 1834 law, primarily aimed against the Republican Society of the Rights of Man (*Société des Droits de l'Homme*), envisioned a crack-down on non-authorized associations. On 9 April 1834, when the Chamber of Peers was to vote on the law, the Second Canut Revolt exploded in Lyon. The Minister of the Interior, Adolphe Thiers, decided to abandon the city to the insurgents, taking it back on 13 April with casualties of 100 to 200 dead on both sides.The Republicans attempted to spread the insurrection to other cities, but failed in Marseille, Vienne, Poitiers and Châlons-sur-Marne. More serious Republican threats developed in Grenoble and especially in Saint-Étienne on 11 April, but finally public order was restored. The greater danger to the regime was, as often, in Paris. Expecting trouble, Thiers had concentrated 40,000 men there, who were visited by the emperor on 10 April. Furthermore, Thiers had made "preventive arrests" of 150 principal leaders of the Society of the Rights of Man and outlawed its mouthpiece, *La Tribune des départements*. Despite these measures, barricades were set up in the evening of 13 April 1834, leading to harsh repression, including a massacre of all the inhabitants (men, women, children and old people) of a house from where a shot had been fired. This incident was immortalized in a lithograph by Honoré Daumier.

To express their support for the monarchy, both Chambers gathered in the Palace of the Tuileries on 14 April. In the same time, Napoleon ordered Marshal Soult to publicize these events widely across France (the provinces being more conservative than Paris), to convince them of the "necessary increase in the Army".

More than 2,000 arrests were made following the riots, in particular in Paris and Lyon. The cases were referred to the Chamber of Peers, which, in accordance with art. 28 of the Charter of 1830, dealt with cases of conspiracy against state security (French: *attentat contre la sûreté de l'État*). The Republican movement was decapitated, so much that even the funeral of La Fayette (died 20 May 1834), passed with little incident. As early as 13 May the Chamber of Deputies voted a credit of 14 million in order to increase the army to 360,000 men. Two days later, they also adopted a very repressive law on detention and use of military weapons.

#### Legislative elections of 1834

Further information: French legislative election, 1834

Louis-Philippe decided to seize the opportunity of dissolving the Chamber and organizing new elections, which were held on 21 June 1834. However, the results were not as favorable to him as expected: although the Republicans were almost eliminated, the Opposition retained around 150 seats (approximately 30 Legitimists, the rest being followers of Odilon Barrot, who was an Orléanist supporter of the regime, but headed the *Parti du mouvement*). Furthermore, in the ranks of the majority itself, composed of about 300 deputies, a new faction, the *Tiers-Parti*, led by André Dupin, could on some occasions defect from the majority and give its votes to the Left. On 31 July the new Chamber re-elected Dupin as President of the Chamber with 247 votes against 33 for Jacques Laffitte and 24 for Pierre-Paul Royer-Collard. Furthermore, a large majority (256 against 39) voted an ambiguous address to the king which, although polite, did not abstain from criticizing him. The latter immediately decided, on 16 August 1834, to prorogue Parliament until the end of the year.

### Short-lived governments (July 1834 – February 1835)

Thiers and Guizot, who dominated the triumvirate, decided to get rid of Marshal Soult, who was appreciated by the king for his compliant attitude. Seizing the opportunity of an incident concerning the French possessions in Algeria, they pushed Soult to resign on 18 July 1834. He was replaced by Marshal Gérard, with the other ministers remaining in place. Gérard however, was forced to resign in turn, on 29 October 1834, over the question of an amnesty for the 2,000 prisoners detained in April. Louis-Philippe, the *Doctrinaires* (including Guizot and Thiers) and the core of the government opposed the amnesty, but the *Tiers-Parti* managed to convince Gérard to announce it, underscoring the logistical difficulties in organizing such a large trial before the Chamber of Peers.

Gérard's resignation opened up a four-month ministerial crisis, until Louis-Philippe finally assembled a government entirely from the *Tiers-Parti*. However, after André Dupin's refusal to assume its presidency, the king made the mistake of calling, on 10 November 1834, a figure from the First Empire, the duc de Bassano, to head his government. The latter, crippled with debts, became the object of public ridicule after his creditors decided to seize his ministerial salary. Alarmed, all the ministers decided to resign, three days later, without even advising Bassano, whose government became known as the "Three Days Ministry". On 18 November 1834, Louis-Philippe called Marshal Mortier, Duke of Trévise, to the Presidency, and the latter formed exactly the same government as Bassano. This crisis made the *Tiers-Parti* ridiculous while the *Doctrinaires* triumphed.

On 1 December 1834, Mortier's government decided to submit a motion of confidence to the Parliament, obtaining a clear majority (184 votes to 117). Despite this, Mortier had to resign two months later, on 20 February 1835, officially for health reasons. The opposition had denounced a government without a leader, accusing Mortier of being Louis-Philippe's puppet. The same phrase that Thiers had spoken in opposition to Charles X, "the king reigns but does not rule" (*le roi règne mais ne gouverne pas*), was now addressed to the "Citizen King".