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14421-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4709310

A tax protester, in the United States, is a person who denies that he or she owes a tax based on the belief that the Constitution, statutes, or regulations do not empower the government to impose, assess or collect the tax. The tax protester may have no dispute with how the government spends its revenue. This differentiates a tax protester from a tax resister, who seeks to avoid paying a tax because the tax is being used for purposes with which the resister takes issue. Origin of American tax protesters. People have protested taxation at various times in the history of the United States, sometimes violently. In the colonial era, Americans insisted on their rights as Englishmen to have their own legislature raise all taxes. Beginning in 1765 the British Parliament asserted its supreme authority to lay taxes, and a series of American protests began that led directly to the American Revolution. The first wave of protests attacked the Stamp Act of 1765, and marked the first time Americans from each of the 13 colonies met together and planned a common front against taxes the colonists considered illegal. At The Boston Tea Party, colonists threw British tea into Boston Harbor because it contained a hidden tax Americans refused to pay. The British responded by trying to crush traditional liberties in Massachusetts, leading to war in 1775. In 1794, settlers in western Pennsylvania responded to a federal tax on liquor with the Whiskey Rebellion. President George Washington led an army to crush the rebellion—the rebels dispersed and federal supremacy in taxation was assured. The Fries Rebellion saw German Americans in Pennsylvania protest new federal taxes on houses in 1798. It also failed, but when the low-tax Democratic Republican Party came to power in 1801, it repealed the whiskey and land taxes. Anger at the Tariff of 1828 led South Carolina to reject the federal law, until President Andrew Jackson threatened to send in the army to enforce it. The tariff was lowered, again and again, at Southern insistence, until 1861. During the Civil War, with Republicans in control, the tariff was raised to produce needed revenue; after the war it was kept high to encourage industrialization, and became a major issue with conservative Bourbon Democrats such as President Grover Cleveland opposing, and Republicans led by William McKinley promoting tariffs as the route to national wealth. In each of these cases, some opponents of the tax in question contended that it was not merely bad, but exceeded the authority of the body that enacted it. The Civil War saw the enactment of the first federal income tax; it was temporary. A federal income tax in 1894 was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. To remedy that defect, conservatives (led by Senator Nelson Aldrich) wrote and the nation passed the 16th Amendment in 1909. The goal was to shift away from tariffs to a more widely based tax, which proved essential in financing World War I. The Great Depression made tax delinquency widespread during the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, when income taxes increased dramatically to pay for New Deal programs and U.S. involvement in World War II. The modern tax protester movement. The modern tax protester movement appears to have originated in the 1940s and then to have become, in the mid-1970s, a phenomenon specifically characterized by legally frivolous arguments as some people came to assert that the federal tax on individual income is nonexistent, unconstitutional, or inapplicable to various forms of income such as wages. Early example: tax protest in transition. Connecticut industrialist Vivien Kellems was an early advocate of the position that the tax laws were ineffective. In 1948, frustrated that the government had not reduced the historically high tax rates assessed during World War II, Kellems refused to withhold payroll taxes for her employees. She did not dispute the propriety of the tax at that time, but contested the power of the government to require her to collect taxes on its behalf. The IRS then seized the money owed from her bank account. She brought suit against them and, in a book she wrote, asserted that she won, although she did not challenge the constitutionality of tax withholding itself. She lost a separate case challenging the constitutionality of withholding itself, and continued to pursue legal battles and appeals until her death in 1975, ultimately unsuccessful in challenging the withholding of tax. The tax-protester movement began to develop a greater following in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Many books, lectures and other materials promised to help people avoid having to pay taxes. Another early protester was Arthur J. Porth, who argued that the Sixteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution should itself be declared unconstitutional, under his theory that the income taxes under the Internal Revenue Code of 1939 imposed "involuntary servitude" in violation of the Thirteenth Amendment. That argument was ruled to be without merit in "Porth v. Brodrick, United States Collector of Internal Revenue for the State of Kansas". He continued his tax protester activities and was eventually convicted of willful failure to file returns and other tax crimes; see "United States v. Porth". C. George Swallow was convicted of tax evasion and filing false tax returns. In 1962, his convictions were upheld on appeal. In 1963, in a separate appeal, the Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit also rejected (1) his argument that the income tax laws and regulations are so complex that it is impossible for a taxpayer to comprehend and comply with them, and that the tax laws therefore violate the Fifth Amendment, (2) his argument that the income tax laws are unconstitutionally arbitrary, unfair and discriminatory; (3) his argument that the tax proceeds are used for unconstitutional purposes such as the economic welfare of certain groups of taxpayers, foreign people, and foreign governments; and (4) his argument that certain provisions of the Internal Revenue Code violate the establishment of religion clause of the First Amendment. Modern tax protesters: Positions based on legally frivolous arguments. In another early case, "Lamb v. Commissioner", the taxpayer argued that because his income was not received in the form of gold or silver currency, none of the income was taxable. He also argued that his income was not taxable because Federal Reserve notes were bogus and counterfeit under the Constitution. In 1973, the United States Tax Court rejected those arguments. Also in 1973, a disbarred attorney named Jerome Daly lost an appeal on his conviction for willfully failing to file federal income tax returns. In rejecting Daly's appeal, the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit noted that one of Daly's contentions involved his "seemingly incessant attack against the federal reserve and monetary system of the United States. His apparent thesis is that the only 'Legal Tender Dollars' are those that contain a mixture of gold and silver and that only those dollars may be constitutionally taxed. This contention is clearly frivolous." In a case before the United States Tax Court in 1974, Everett and Dorothy Vernaccini argued that the Internal Revenue Service should allow them certain deductions on the theory that the record keeping requirements of Internal Revenue Code section 274 were unconstitutional under the Thirteenth Amendment (prohibiting slavery and involuntary servitude), and under the theory that the record keeping requirements violated (which prohibits "peonage"). The Tax Court rejected those arguments. In 1975, the term "tax protester" began to appear in reported court decisions. The first two reported federal cases may have been "Gilbert v. Miriami" and "United States v. Scott", coincidentally decided only two days apart. In "Gilbert v. Miriami", the taxpayer (Walter Gilbert) sued the District Director of Internal Revenue (Charles Miriami) asking for injunctive and declaratory relief from enforcement of the internal revenue laws, including a request for a judgment that the statute prohibiting most suits to restrain the assessment or collection of Federal taxes was unconstitutional. The court rejected the taxpayer's claims. In "Scott", the court noted that an undercover government agent had sworn out an affidavit regarding the agent's infiltration into a "tax-protester" organization. The case involved James Walter Scott, the leader of that organization. Scott had failed to file tax returns from 1969 to 1972, based on Constitutional arguments against the validity of the income tax. Scott argued unsuccessfully that the Sixteenth Amendment was not properly ratified, that federal reserve notes were not legal tender and that he was not required to report their receipt as income, and that he was not required to file tax returns if he felt they would incriminate him. The United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit upheld Scott's conviction. In 1977, the United States District Court for the Northern District of Texas, in the case of "Ex parte Tammen", referred to a tax-protester group called the "United Tax Action Patriots" or "UTAP": See also Gordon Kahl. Ideas associated with the tax protester movement have been forwarded under different names over time. These ideas have been put forth, for example, in the broader Christian Patriot and Posse Comitatus movements, which generally assert that the Constitution has been usurped by the federal government. More recently, tax protesters have styled themselves as the "Tax Honesty Movement". Level of civil and criminal tax protester cases. Tax protester cases appear to be a relatively small percentage of total Federal tax decisions. An "unscientific" May 2, 2006 search of one database used by tax lawyers, certified public accountants, and other tax professionals revealed 56 likely decisions in the year 2003 where the term "tax protester" was used and 42 such decisions in 2004. Seventy-two likely tax protester decisions were rendered in 2005, or less than 7% of the approximately 1,121 Federal tax decisions (including Tax Court and all district court, bankruptcy court, appeals courts and U.S. Supreme Court tax cases) rendered during that year. These statistics do not take into account the fact that some reported, rendered decisions involve multiple levels (trial court, appellate court) of the same case. They also do not take into account cases where taxpayers presented tax protester arguments but the court did not mention the term "tax protester" in its decision (e.g., where the court instead used the legal term "frivolous" or another similar term). The statistics also do not take into account the decisions for which the courts rendered a judgment but no written opinion. The statistics include both civil and criminal tax cases. Prohibition on IRS use of the designation. In 1998, the U.S. Congress passed a prohibition on the use of the term "illegal tax protester" by officers and employees of the Internal Revenue Service. The prohibition stemmed from complaints about the excessive use of the term not only to describe persons who raised frivolous theories, but against any persons who protested the amount of their tax assessment. Specifically, section 3707 of the "Internal Revenue Service Restructuring and Reform Act of 1998" states that IRS personnel: Following this ban, some agents have resorted to euphemisms like "Constitutionally challenged" to replace the banned designation. Further, subsection (b) of section 3707 specifically authorized IRS personnel to use the term "nonfiler" to describe certain taxpayers. This prohibition has had no bearing on the courts, which continue to use the term. For instance, in "Hattman v. Commissioner", a per curiam opinion issued in September 2005 (and joined by future Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito), the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit stated: Ironically, the Congressional Committee Report on the legislation that introduced the prohibition on the use of the term by the IRS used the term "tax protester" in a different section to describe frivolous anti-tax arguments that should be given no weight. In a section of the report discussing the burden of proof in tax hearings, the Committee stated that although the IRS carries the burden of overcoming evidence that a tax assessed is not owed, "Implausible factual assertions, frivolous claims, or tax protester-type arguments are not credible evidence." Old arguments and new. Since the advent of the tax protester movement, all the arguments that have been raised in actual court proceedings have ultimately been deemed incorrect by the courts. Many tax protesters have taken these setbacks to mean that the courts, the Congress, and the executive branch are conspiring to continue receiving the revenue which pays their salaries and supports their benefits. Within the tax protester movement, there has been discord as to which arguments are appropriate to bring, based in part on the belief that different courts will respond in different ways to certain arguments. Attorney Lowell Harrison "Larry" Becraft Jr, who has spent much of his career defending tax protesters, has recently decried "innocents who today believe certain legal arguments popular years ago, but which were litigated by ill prepared, desperate people and lost. To continue going down such dead end roads and to follow these dead arguments will only result in disaster". Furthermore, in addition to those who express heartfelt beliefs about the tax laws, some con artists have been known to take advantage of the beliefs of tax protesters by profitably engaging in "tax scams". Such scams have included "the marketing of bogus trusts, 'untax' kits or other devices that would ostensibly allow people to avoid paying income taxes". Notable tax protesters. Some people who do not pay income taxes have been able to do so successfully for many years. Others have been arrested for tax evasion or other tax crimes, and have been prosecuted, convicted and imprisoned. The following sections describe some notable proponents of tax protester arguments (in the narrow legal sense of arguments that are legally frivolous). John L. Cheek. John L. Cheek was a pilot employed by American Airlines. Beginning with the 1980 tax year, Cheek stopped filing Federal income tax returns. He was eventually charged with six counts of willfully failing to file Federal income tax returns under for 1980, 1981, and 1983 through 1986. He was also charged with tax evasion under for years 1980, 1981, and 1983. At his criminal trial, Cheek represented himself. He stated that he sincerely believed that the tax laws were being unconstitutionally enforced, and that his actions were lawful. Cheek specifically testified that he believed he was not required to file tax returns or pay taxes. He also contended that his wages from a private employer did not constitute income under the internal revenue laws. Cheek argued that he therefore had acted without the "willfulness" required for a criminal tax conviction. Cheek was convicted, but his conviction was reversed by the United States Supreme Court because of an erroneous jury instruction. The Supreme Court remanded the case for a re-trial with a correct jury instruction. In the re-trial, the jury rejected Cheek's claim that he believed that wages were not taxable. He was again convicted. The second conviction was upheld by the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, and the United States Supreme Court let that decision stand, denying Cheek's petition for a writ of certiorari. John L. Cheek was sentenced to a year and a day in prison, and was released from prison in December 1992. Jack Ray Carr. On June 20, 2012, Jack Ray Carr, of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, was convicted after a jury trial of one count of corruptly interfering with the due administration of the Internal Revenue laws, four counts of filing false income tax returns and one count of aiding and assisting in the preparation of a false income tax return. The evidence at trial established that Carr threatened violence against a federal agent, filed false documents and tax returns with the IRS, and attempted to pay his tax debt with fraudulent bonds, fictitious money orders and a fake check. On three successive personal income tax returns, Carr falsely reported that his and his wife's income was "$0.00," despite earning hundreds of thousands of dollars in total during the 2001, 2002 and 2003 tax years. In 2009, on two tax returns, Carr reported more than $100,000 of federal income tax withholdings based on fictitious IRS 1099-OID Forms, one of the "Dirty Dozen" methods, attached to the tax returns that Carr filed. In doing so, Carr claimed more than $150,000 of fraudulent tax refunds from the U.S. government. On January 6, 2014, Carr was sentenced to over six years in federal prison. Carr is scheduled for release on July 11, 2018. Irwin Schiff. Irwin Schiff was convicted on three separate occasions in connection with Federal tax crimes: (1) for tax years 1974 and 1975; (2) for tax years 1980 through 1982 and, (3) most recently, for tax years 1997 through 2002, and has spent several years in Federal prisons. Among the arguments raised by Irwin Schiff in various court cases are the argument that no tax assessment can be made unless a tax return has been voluntarily filed; the argument that the Internal Revenue Service, in enforcing the income tax, seeks to impose a tax not authorized by the taxing clauses of the United States Constitution; and the argument (still displayed, as of early 2007, on Schiff's internet web site) that "[f]or tax purposes, 'income' only means corporate 'profit.' Therefore, no individual receives anything that is reportable as 'income.'" All the arguments were rejected by the courts. Schiff's latest convictions came in late 2005, when he was found guilty of multiple counts of filing false tax returns, aiding and assisting in the preparation of false tax returns filed by other taxpayers, conspiring to defraud the United States, and income tax evasion. Schiff was sentenced to 13 years and 7 months in prison (including a year for contempt of court), and was ordered to pay over $4.2 million in restitution. He was scheduled for release in July 2017, although he died in prison on October 16, 2015. Bonita Lynne Meredith. Bonita Lynne Meredith, also known as Lynne Meredith, Lynne Meridith, Lynn Meridith and Lynn Meredith, was sentenced in June 2005 to ten years and one month in prison for conspiracy, four counts of mail fraud, two counts of using a false social security number, making a false statement in a passport application, and five counts of failing to file a tax return. In its press release following the sentencing of Meredith, the Department of Justice stated: "The evidence presented during a 13-week trial showed that beginning in 1991 and continuing until April 2002, Meredith conducted seminars at which she sold books and bogus 'pure trusts' to people with the purpose of leading them to believe they could legally shield income and assets from taxation. She owned and operated various businesses, including We the People (WTP), Free the People, Sovereignty Pure Trusts, and Liberty International. She wrote two books, "How to Cook a Vulture" and "Vultures in Eagle's Clothing". The books instructed customers to falsely report to the IRS that they did not owe income taxes. Meredith and her co-defendants encouraged and assisted taxpayers by forming phony 'pure trusts,' opening bank accounts with phony Taxpayer Identification Numbers, filing fraudulent income tax returns and encouraging taxpayers to stop filing income tax returns." Four other persons convicted of conspiracy in connection with the activities of Meredith were also sentenced to prison. On June 26, 2012, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit affirmed her conviction and the sentence in the United States District Court for the Central District of California. Meredith served time in Federal prison and was released from Federal custody on February 1, 2013 (one day earlier than originally scheduled). Wayne C. Bentson. In May 2005, the IRS announced that Wayne C. Bentson was sentenced to four years in prison and three years of supervised release, and was ordered to pay the IRS over $1.1 million in restitution. In December 2004, Bentson was convicted on charges of conspiracy and willful failure to file his income tax returns. According to the U.S. Justice Department, Bentson told clients that he was a tax expert and falsely advised clients that the tax laws applied only to individuals living in the Virgin Islands, Guam, and Puerto Rico. According to the Justice Department, Bentson also falsely advised clients that they were not taxpayers, that they had not earned income, and that they were not required to pay federal income tax. Some witnesses reportedly testified during Bentson's trial that they also had been prosecuted after following Bentson's advice. Bentson was released from prison in May 2008. Larken Rose. Larken Rose, an adherent of the 861 argument, was sentenced to 15 months in prison for willful failure to file income tax returns in five years in which the government alleged that his income was approximately $500,000. He was released from prison in December 2006. Rose wrote a 79-page discussion on his views, and sold a video entitled "Theft by Deception". Tax blogger Walter Olson described his theory as "folk law", arguments that were developed from outside the legal profession. Wesley Snipes arguments were based, in part upon his theory. Charles Thomas Clayton. Charles Thomas (Tom) Clayton, M.D., regularly filed Federal income tax returns until he became involved with a "tax protest organization." For the year 1992, he failed to file a return. In October 1996 he pleaded guilty and was sentenced to one year of probation for failure to file the 1992 return. Clayton filed tax returns for 1997 and 1998. On August 29, 2006, he was found guilty by a jury in Federal court in Austin, Texas, of two counts of willfully making false statements on some returns that he had filed, and six counts of willfully failing to file tax returns. According to "The Courier of Montgomery County", "Clayton's defense at the trial centered on the '861 argument' -- a defense used numerous times in previous years, but never successfully [ . . . . ]" According to an April 7, 2006 Justice Department news release shortly after he was indicted, Clayton failed to file income tax returns for years 1999 through 2004 while receiving over $1.5 million in gross income. The government also charged that for years 1997 and 1998 Clayton filed false amended returns, claiming refunds of over $160,000. The conviction was upheld on appeal. Criminal investigators of the Internal Revenue Service had gathered information on Clayton during the IRS investigation of Larken Rose (see above). According to the prosecutor's office, Clayton "disregarded multiple written notices from the Internal Revenue Service informing him that his 861 argument was without merit," and Clayton "had also been told the same thing by two Certified Public Accountants." On December 15, 2006, Clayton was sentenced to five years in prison and a fine of $50,000, plus a requirement that he pay over $7,400 in prosecution costs. Clayton was incarcerated at the Federal Correctional Institution at Bastrop, Texas. As a result of his conviction, the Texas Medical Board revoked Clayton's license to practice medicine. Clayton was released from federal prison in June 2011. Under the sentence, he was subject to supervision for one year following his prison term. Clayton applied to have his Texas physician's license re-instated, but the Texas Medical Board denied the application in February 2015. Wesley Snipes. On February 1, 2008, actor Wesley Snipes was found guilty on three misdemeanor counts of failing to file Federal income tax returns. He was acquitted on one felony count of conspiracy to defraud the government and one felony count of filing a false claim with the government. The allegations against Snipes had included charges that he filed a false amended return including a false tax refund claim of over US$4 million for the year 1996 and a false amended return including a false tax refund claim of over US$7.3 million for the year 1997, using the "861 argument." The indictment said Snipes used accountants who already had a history of filing false returns to obtain refund payments for their clients. On April 24, 2008, Snipes was sentenced to three years in prison. He was released to home confinement on April 2, 2013. William J. Benson. William J. Benson, the co-author of the book "The Law that Never Was" (in which Benson had argued that the Sixteenth Amendment was not properly ratified), was convicted of tax evasion and willful failure to file tax returns in connection with over $100,000 of unreported income, and his conviction was upheld on appeal. He was sentenced to four years in prison and five years of probation. See "United States v. Benson". Benson's "Sixteenth Amendment was not properly ratified" argument was rejected. On December 17, 2007, the United States District Court for the Northern District of Illinois ruled that Benson's "Reliance Defense Package" (including Benson's Sixteenth Amendment non-ratification argument), constituted a "fraud perpetrated by Benson" that had "caused needless confusion and a waste of the customers' and the IRS' time and resources." Robert B. Clarkson. Robert B. Clarkson was indicted in 1994 for conspiracy to impede, impair, obstruct and defeat the functions of the Internal Revenue Service under . Clarkson gave seminars in which he asserted that it was legal to claim false exemptions, to hide income, and to refuse to file income tax returns or pay income tax. He and two associates were convicted, and the convictions were upheld on appeal. He was sentenced to 57 months in prison, and was released in 1999. Clarkson died on March 1, 2010. Richard M. Simkanin. Richard Michael Simkanin was a tax protester who became involved with the We the People Foundation and espoused the "income taxes are voluntary" argument. He served a seven-year sentence for convictions on ten counts of willfully failing to collect and pay over employment taxes under , fifteen counts of knowingly making and presenting false, fictitious or fraudulent claims for refund of employment taxes under and , and four counts of willfully failing to timely file federal income tax returns under . Five days after his release from prison, he was sent back to jail pending a hearing regarding alleged violations of the terms of his release. On July 2, 2010, his terms of release were revoked, and the Court sentenced him to an additional six years and seven months in prison. Simkanin died while serving his prison sentence in late 2010, at the age of sixty-seven. Arthur Farnsworth. Arthur Farnsworth (born 1962) is a convicted tax protester. Evidence found by the government in Farnsworth's case helped the government indict actor Wesley Snipes on tax charges. Kent Hovind. In November 2006, Kent Hovind was convicted of twelve counts of willful failure to collect, account for, and pay over Federal income taxes and FICA taxes under , forty-five counts of knowingly structuring transactions in Federally-insured financial institutions to evade the reporting requirements of , in violation of , and 31 C.F.R. sec. 103.11, and one count of corruptly endeavoring to obstruct and impede the administration of the internal revenue laws under . Twelve of the charges were for failing to pay employee-related taxes, totaling $473,818, and 45 of the charges were for evading reporting requirements by making multiple cash withdrawals just under the $10,000 reporting requirement (smurfing). Hovind had argued that he was not liable for taxes that and his ministry did not have to pay taxes because his workers were "missionaries", not "employees". In previous dealings with the IRS, Hovind had asserted tax protester arguments including the "income taxes are voluntary" argument. The government charged that Hovind falsely listed the Internal Revenue Service as his only creditor in a bankruptcy case, and that Hovind filed a false and frivolous lawsuit against the IRS in which he demanded damages for criminal trespass, made threats of harm to those investigating him and to those who might consider cooperating with the investigation, filed a false complaint against IRS agents investigating him, filed a false criminal complaint against IRS special agents (criminal investigators), and destroyed records. Former and current workers, IRS agents, a bank employee, and a lawyer of a non-profit Christian organization testified in the trial. Workers testified that they had to punch time cards, had vacation and sick days; while others testified Hovind claimed he had "beat" the tax system. On January 19, 2007, Hovind was sentenced to ten years in prison and three years of probation, and was ordered to pay the federal government restitution of over $600,000. Hovind was released from prison on August 7, 2015. Edward Lewis Brown and Elaine A. Brown. Tax protesters Edward Lewis Brown and his wife Elaine A. Brown "believe the IRS and the federal income tax are part of a deliberate plot perpetrated by Freemasons to control the American people and eventually the world." On January 18, 2007, Edward Lewis Brown, an ex-convict who previously served prison time for assault and armed robbery, was found guilty by a jury in a Federal District Court in Concord, New Hampshire of one count of conspiracy to defraud the United States under , one count of conspiracy to structure financial transactions to evade the Treasury reporting requirements in violation of , and , and one count of structuring financial transactions to evade the Treasury reporting requirements and aiding and abetting under and . On that day the same jury found Elaine A. Brown guilty one count of conspiracy to defraud the United States under , five counts of tax evasion and aiding and abetting under and , eight counts of willful failure to collect employment taxes under and aiding and abetting under , one count of conspiracy to structure financial transactions to evade the Treasury reporting requirements in violation of , and , and two counts of structuring financial transactions to evade the Treasury reporting requirements and aiding and abetting under and . The Browns stated that they had not been presented with any statute or law that required them to pay income taxes (see Tax protester statutory arguments). The tax evasion convictions of Mrs. Brown involved the failure to report income of $1,310,706 over a period of five years. On April 24, 2007, Ed and Elaine Brown were sentenced to five years and three months in prison each. After a long standoff at their New Hampshire residence, the Browns were arrested by Federal law enforcement authorities on October 4, 2007, and began serving their prison sentences. Andrew Joseph Stack III. Andrew Joseph Stack III was a computer programmer who on February 18, 2010 set fire to his own house, drove to a local airport, then flew a Piper Dakota into a local IRS field office in Austin Texas. Stack had been in tax disputes with the IRS since the 1980s, including his involvement in a scheme to call himself a member of clergy for tax purposes, and was being audited at the time of his death. He posted an online "manifesto" expressing his anger at the government for his financial problems. His arguments in the manifesto, combined with his activities, indicate a mixture of tax resistance arguments, tax protest, and a more general belief that the US government had forfeited its legitimacy by failing to address his complaints. Nonetheless, he directed this anger specifically toward the IRS and wrote in anticipation that others would follow him. Stack and an IRS employee were killed and 13 people were injured. The IRS said there was no direct budgetary impact as a result of the attack on the IRS's ability to provide taxpayer services or enforce tax laws . Further reading. Allen D. Madison, "The Futility of Tax Protester Arguments," 36 "Thomas Jefferson Law Review" 253 (Vol. 36, No. 2, Spring 2014).

1992 tax document

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=36261006

The marine biology dredge is used to sample organisms living on a rocky bottom or burrowing within the smooth muddy floor of the ocean (benthic) species).The dredge is pulled by a boat and operates at any depth on a cable or line, generally with a hydraulic winch. The dredge digs into the ocean floor and bring the animals to the surface where they are caught in a net that either follows behind or is a part of the digging apparatus. Early dredging samplers did not have a closing device, and many organisms were washed out. This led to a mistaken impression that the deep-sea bed lacked species diversity, as theorised by Forbes in his Azoic hypothesis. Later samplers devised by Howard L. Sanders and the Epibenthic sled designed by Robert Hessler showed that deep-sea bottoms are sometimes rich in soft-bottom benthic species. History. The first marine biology dredge was designed by Otto Friedrich Müller and in 1830 the results of two dredging expeditions undertaken by Henri Milne-Edwards and his friend Jean Victoire Audouin during 1826 and 1828 in the neighbourhood of Granville were published. This was remarkable for clearly distinguishing the marine fauna of that portion of the French coast into four zones. Müller's design was modified by the Dublin naturalist Robert Ball in 1838 and at the Birmingham meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1839 a committee was appointed for dredging research with a view to the investigation of the marine zoology of Great Britain, the illustration of the geographical distribution of marine animals, and the more accurate determination of the fossils of the Pliocene period. The committee was led by Edward Forbes. Later annual reports of the British Association contained communications from the English, Scottish and Irish branches of the committee, and in 1850 Forbes submitted its first general report on British marine zoology. Ball's dredge was still in use in 1910. In the 20th century the 'anchor-dredge' was developed to sample deep burrowing animals. It is not towed but digs in, and is released, in the manner of an anchor. The wide variety of dredges and other benthic sampling equipment makes site comparison difficult.

wrong assumption

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1381317

The culture of Taiwan is a blend of Confucian Chinese and indigenous Taiwanese cultures. Despite the overwhelming traditional Chinese influence, Japanese culture has influenced a lot of Taiwanese culture as well. The common socio-political experience in Taiwan gradually developed into a sense of Taiwanese cultural identity and a feeling of Taiwanese cultural awareness, which has been widely debated domestically. Reflecting the continuing controversy surrounding the political status of Taiwan, politics continues to play a role in the conception and development of a Taiwanese cultural identity, especially in the prior dominant frame of a Taiwanese and Chinese dualism. In recent years, the concept of Taiwanese multiculturalism has been proposed as a relatively apolitical alternative view, which has allowed for the inclusion of mainlanders and other minority groups into the continuing re-definition of Taiwanese culture as collectively held systems of meaning and customary patterns of thought and behavior shared by the people of Taiwan. State cultural policy overview. Historical context. Taiwan's culture and cultural legacy has been largely shaped by the processes of imperialism and colonization as the structural and psychological effects of successive colonial projects have been integral to developing Taiwan's self-image and the evolution of both official and unofficial Taiwanese culture. For most of its colonized existence, Taiwan remained on the cultural margins, far from the centers of civil and cultural life of each regime, and with every regime change, Taiwan's cultural center shifted. At various times Taiwan's cultural center has been Indigenous Taiwan, Amsterdam, Xiamen (Amoy), Qing-era Beijing, Imperial Japan, postwar China and even, arguably, the United States. Before the Qing Empire ceded Taiwan to Japan in 1895, Taiwan's culture was characterized by Qing frontier societies of Han farmers and highland Aborigines. Due to Taiwan's strategic location along East Asian trade routes, Taiwanese were also exposed to cosmopolitan influences and the effects of European commerce. By the middle of the Japanese era (1895–1945), Taiwan had begun to shift from local to contemporary global culture, under the guidance of Japanese style "westernization". Beginning during Japan's build up for war, Japan invigorated its policies to Japanize Taiwan for mobilization against the Allies. Japan's effort taught Taiwan's elite, Japanese culture and language, but did not largely interfere in religious organization. When Japan's suppressive wartime policies were lifted following World War II, Taiwanese were eager to continue with their prewar cosmopolitan activities. Japan's colonial legacy has shaped many of the customs and mannerisms of Taiwanese. Japan's colonial legacy is still visible, due to Japan's massive effort in constructing Taiwan's economic infrastructure and industrial base, which is often cited as a major factor in Taiwan's rapid economic development. KMT era cultural policy. During the early postwar period the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) suppressed Taiwanese cultural expression and barred Taiwanese from cosmopolitan life except in the spheres of science and technology. The authoritarian KMT dominated public cultural space and Chinese nationalist networks became a part of cultural institutions, leaving little resource for cultural autonomy to grow. Under the early KMT, Taiwan was realigned from a Japanese imperial center to a Chinese nationalist center, under the influence of KMT and American geo-political interests. Although American cultural activities were modest, they played a significant role in Taiwan's developing cultural scene. The KMT claimed a loss of morale led to "losing China" and thus the state issued a series of ideological reforms aimed to "retake" China, which became the major state cultural program of the time. The immediate preoccupation with losing China diverted long term investment in the humanities and social sciences. On another level, the state's main objective was to "sinicize" the Taiwanese by teaching them Mandarin Chinese and Nationalist ideology through compulsory primary education. By the late 1940s the KMT had eliminated dissent for its cultural policies. When Taiwanese had resumed the cultural activities, which were outlawed by the Japanese in 1937, the Nationalist attitude was that Taiwanese had been Japanese "slaves" and would therefore have to complete a period of moral and ideological tutelage before they could enjoy their full rights as citizens of the Republic of China. The February 28 Incident destroyed Taiwan's urban elite and the arrival of the mainlander elite ensured Nationalist domination of urban cultural centers. In 1953, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek issued his first major opinion on culture to complete Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People, which included prescribing Nationalist curriculum for education, building facilities for intellectual and physical recreation and the major state cultural program of promoting anti-communist propaganda. In regard to Taiwanese cultural life, the major thrust was for "universalization" of education in Mandarin, which was enforced by law. Despite the hard-line Chinese control over culture, the Soviet advances in technology led to a new Nationalist focus on building closer cooperation with American universities and developing engineering programs. The American presence in Taiwan also encouraged Taiwanese to resume some politically, ethnically neutral cultural activities, which was expressed in a flourishing Taiwanese-language media market. Between the 1960s and the 1980s Taiwan's culture was described by its media as the contrast between Taiwan (Free China) and China (Communist China), often drawing from the official tropes of Taiwan as a bastion of traditional Chinese culture, which had preserved "true" Chinese values against the "false" Chinese values of post Communist China. At the same time, Taiwanese cultural expressions were brutally suppressed by Chiang Kai-shek and the KMT. In response to the Cultural Revolution of China, the government of Taiwan began promoting the Chinese Cultural Renaissance" (中華文化復興運動), with a myriad of programs designed to promote traditional Chinese culture to counter the communist movement on the mainland which aimed at uprooting the "Four Olds". These programs involved subsidized publication of Chinese Classics, the symbolic functions of the National Palace Museum, promoting famous prewar scholars to prominent positions in government and academic institutions, textbook and curriculum design with a focus on the official view of "traditional" Chinese culture and involvement in social and community events and the exemplification of Confucian ideology intertwined with Sun Yat-sen thought. Taiwanization. After 1975. Bentuhua or Taiwanization/Taiwanese localization has become, arguably, the most important symbol of cultural change over the past twenty years. Bentuhua describes the social and cultural movement by the people of Taiwan to identify with Taiwan's unique historical and cultural legacy. Bentuhua has often been associated with Taiwan Name Rectification Campaign, Taiwan Independence, and Taiwanese nationalism. Religion. The prevalent form of religious belief in Taiwan is a blend of Buddhism, Taoism, and Chinese folk religion, including Chinese ancestral worship, Mazu worship, Wang Ye worship and Zhai Jiao Traditions. However, there are also large numbers of devotees to each of these belief systems. Apart from the syncretic form of traditional Chinese folk religion, Humanistic Buddhism is the major distinguishing trait of modern Taiwanese Buddhism. Humanistic Buddhism traces its roots to Chinese monk Venerable Taixu (1890–1947), who promoted more direct contributions to society through the Buddhist community and was a significant influence for Venerable Yin Shun, who is generally considered to be the key figure who brought Humanistic Buddhism to Taiwan. Christian churches have been active in Taiwan for many years, a majority of which are Protestant (with 2.6% of the population identifying themselves as Protestant) with Presbyterians playing a particularly significant role. The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan has been active in promoting human rights and the use of the spoken and written Taiwanese (see Pe̍h-ōe-jī), both during Japanese rule, as well as the martial law period of the Republic of China, during which the exclusive use of Mandarin was legally mandated. As such, the church has been associated with the Taiwan Name Rectification Campaign and the pan-green coalition. Several Taiwanese religious organizations have extended their operations beyond the country. Several organizations, especially Buddha's Light International Association (Fo Guang Shan), Tzu Chi Foundation, Dharma Drum Mountain and Chung Tai Shan, have set up branch temples (or centres) and extended their humanitarian or missionary works around the world. Buddhist-Taoist religious belief makes up 93%, Christian 4.5%, and others 2.5%. Food. Pearl milk tea (also known as bubble tea or boba) is a popular tea drink available in many parts of the world. A notable Japanese influence exists due to the period when Taiwan was under Japanese rule. Taiwanese cuisine itself is often associated with influences from mid to southern provinces of China, most notably from the province of Fujian, but influences from all of China can easily be found due to the large number of Chinese who immigrated to Taiwan at end of the Chinese Civil War and when Taiwan was under Chinese rule (ROC). In the process, Taiwan developed a distinct style of cuisine. Languages. The language with the most native speakers in Taiwan is Taiwanese Hokkien, or "Taiwanese" for short, spoken by about 70% of the population. People who emigrated from mainland China after 1949 (about 13% of the population) mostly speak Mandarin Chinese. The Hakka, who make about 13% of the population, speak the distinct Hakka language. The Formosan languages are the ethnic languages of the Taiwanese Aborigines, comprising about 2.3% of the island's population. Standard Chinese is the official language and is almost universally spoken and understood. English is taught universally, starting in elementary school. Taiwanese Mandarin, derived from Standard Chinese, is spoken at different levels according to the social class and situation of the speakers. Some terms have different meanings in Taiwan and mainland China, such as: 土豆 ("tǔdòu"), which means peanut in Taiwan, but potato in China. There also exist differences in official pronunciations of a few words such as 垃圾, which is pronounced "lèsè" in Taiwan but "lājī" in China, with the former being derived from Shanghainese. Art. The artistic heritage of Taiwan is extremely diverse. Stonecutters of the Changbin culture began to make art on Taiwan at least 30,000 years ago. Around 5,000 years ago jade and earthenware works started to appear. Art was first institutionalized in Taiwan during the Japanese Colonial period and the establishment of public schools dedicated to the fine arts. The Japanese introduced oil and watercolor paintings to Taiwan and Taiwanese artists were heavily influenced by their Japanese counterparts. As was typical of colonel rulers Japanese did not establish tertiary institutions for art education in Taiwan, all students wishing to pursue an advanced degree in the arts had to travel to Japan to do so. When the Nationalists fled to Taiwan in 1949 they brought many of China's most prestigious artists with them. The Nationalists also established the first art colleges and universities in Taiwan. Along with Chinese influences the Nationalists also allowed the United States to establish a series of military bases in Taiwan, American pop culture and artistic ideas such as abstract expressionism were introduced to Taiwan by the Americans. Democratization in the late 1980s and the lifting of martial law granted Taiwanese artists freedom of expression for the first time in history. The economic boom of the '80s and ‘90s also saw the financial resources of Taiwanese museums and patrons increase significantly. By 1990 Taiwan was Asia's biggest art market. As Taiwan's art scene matured there began to be a greater specialization in exhibit spaces with dedicated museums for things like photography and ceramics opening. In the 21st century Taiwan's artistic community embraced new technologies and new mediums. While no longer the largest art market in Asia the tastes of Taiwan's collectors have matured and Taiwan remains the most cutting edge art market in Asia. Media. Taiwan's freedom of press is guaranteed by the Constitution and its worldwide press freedom index ranks at 32 among 169 nations, as of 2007. Taiwan had been under martial law, with strict restrictions on the press and broadcasting, before political liberalization loosened restrictions in the 1980s. Sports. Popular sports in Taiwan include: Athletes from Taiwan compete in international sporting events, often under the banner of "Chinese Taipei" due to PRC's opposition to the use of "Taiwan" or "ROC" under such circumstances. Tea. Taiwanese tea culture, include tea arts, tea ceremony, and a very social way of enjoying tea. While the most common teas are oolongs, especially Taiwanese oolongs such as Iron Goddess and Alpine Oolong. However, black teas and green teas are also popular. Many of the classical arts can be seen in the tea culture, examples: calligraphy, flower arts, incense arts, and such. Recreation. Karaoke is incredibly popular in Taiwan, where it is termed KTV (karaoke television). This is an example of something the Taiwanese have drawn, on scale, from contemporary Japanese culture. Pachinko is another example. During typhoons, many young Taiwanese will spend the day singing karaoke or playing mahjong. Many people enjoy watching miniseries collectively called Taiwanese drama. Since 1999, hot springs, known as "wēnquán" in Chinese and "onsen" in Japanese, have been making a comeback thanks to efforts by the government. Over 100 hot springs have been discovered since the Japanese introduced their rich onsen culture to Taiwan, with the largest concentration on the northernmost part of Taiwan island. Anime and manga are very popular in Taiwan. Comics, including manga, are called "manhua" in Taiwan. It is common to see a manga rental shop or a manga store every couple of streets in larger cities. Convenience store culture. Boasting over 9,200 convenience stores in an area of 35,980 km² and a population of 22.9 million, Taiwan has the Asia Pacific's and perhaps the world's highest density of convenience stores per person: one store per 2,500 people or .0004 stores per person. As of 1 January 2009, Taiwan also has 4,800 7-Eleven stores, and thus the world's highest density of 7-Elevens per person: one store per 4,786 people or .000210 stores per person. In Taipei, it is not unusual to see two 7-Elevens across the street from or several of them within a few hundred meters of each other. Because they are found nearly everywhere, convenience stores in Taiwan provide services on behalf of financial institutions or government agencies such as collection of the city parking fee, utility bills, traffic violation fines, and credit card payments. Eighty-one percent of urban household shoppers in Taiwan visit a convenience store each week. The idea of being able to purchase food items, drink, fast food, magazines, videos, computer games, and so on 24 hours a day and at any corner of a street makes life easier for Taiwan's extremely busy and rushed population. Convenience stores include: Cram school culture. Taiwan, like its neighbors in East Asia, is well known for its "buxiban" (), often translated as cram school, and literally meaning "make-up class" or "catch-up class" or to learn more advanced classes. Nearly all students attend some sort of "buxiban", whether for mathematics, computer skills, English, other foreign languages, or exam preparation (college, graduate school, TOEFL, GRE, SAT, etc.). This is perpetuated by a meritocratic culture that measures merit through testing, with entrance into college, graduate school, and government service decided entirely on testing. This has also led to a remarkable respect for degrees, including PhDs and overseas Western degrees (US and Great Britain). English teaching is a big business in Taiwan, with Taiwan, as part of its project to reinvigorate the Taiwan Miracle, aiming to become a trilingual country—fluent in Mandarin, Taiwanese, and English. Popular culture. Cell phones are very popular in Taiwan. Mobile penetration rate stands at just over 100%. Because of their high use, phones in Taiwan have many functions and are becoming cheaper. Internet cafes are very popular with teenagers. They often sell food. Many gamers eat while using the internet. Many parents and teachers are concerned with the amount of time youth spend in the internet cafes. One of the best known figures in Taiwanese cinema is director Ang Lee, who has also made movies in the West and has won an Academy Award. Some popular pop artists in Taiwan include Leehom Wang, Jay Chou, Jolin Tsai, and David Tao. Some of them have gained international fame and toured Asian countries like Japan, Malaysia and Singapore. Since Taiwan is well known for its entertainment scene, some of its TV stations have organised talent search to find new and young talents to join the big family of pop culture here. Some successful bands like S.H.E were formed in the talent search. Hip-hop culture from the United States, the United Kingdom and Japan also flourished in Taiwan. J-pop, G-Unit and Eminem are also very popular as well. In this process, Taiwan produced several hip-hop artists, including Dog G, MC HotDog, Machi, and L.A. Boyz. Taiwanization of the culture of Taiwan has been a trend since democratisation in the 1980s and 1990s. In 2000, after half a century of Chinese Kuomintang (KMT) party rule, the first ever democratic change of ruling parties in Taiwan occurred with the election of Chen Shui-bian and his Taiwan-centric Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), marking an important step towards Taiwanization. While generally the KMT, the other major political party, is also more open to promoting Taiwan's cultural autonomy than in the past, the DPP made Taiwanization a key plank in its political platform. The Chen administration's policies included measures designed to focus on Taiwan while de-emphasizing cultural and historical ties to China. These policies included changes such as revising textbooks and changing school curricula to focus more on Taiwan's own history to the exclusion of China, and changing the names of institutions that contain "China" to "Taiwan". This sometimes led to incongruities such as Sun Yat-sen being treated as both a "foreign" (Chinese) historical figure and as the "Father of the Country" (Republic of China). These policies are called Taiwanization but have been attacked by detractors as "desinicization", which explains why these policies are generally applauded by most ethnic Taiwanese and opposed by the KMT. One phenomenon that has resulted from the Taiwanization movement is the advent of "Taike" subculture, in which people consciously adopt the wardrobe, language and cuisine to emphasize the uniqueness of popular, groundroots Taiwanese culture, which in previous times had often been seen as provincial and brutally suppressed by Chiang Kai-shek. The Kuomintang took power in 2008 with the election of Ma Ying-jeou to the presidency. The new KMT administration has controversially sought to reverse some of the desinicizing policies of the Chen administration, to various degrees of public support. The restoration of the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall to its former state has been generally supported. By contrast, a directive by the administration to foreign missions to henceforth refer to visits by foreign dignitaries as "visiting (cultural) China" has been rescinded after criticism from DPP legislators. Since 1949, Taiwan had managed to develop itself into the center of Chinese pop culture (also known as "C-pop" or 中文流行文化). Today, the commercial Chinese music industry in the world (especially Mandopop and Taiwanese pop) is still largely dominated by Taiwanese pop artists. Successful Chinese pop artists from other countries (e.g. Stefanie Sun, JJ Lin from Singapore) are also trained, groomed and marketed in Taiwan. Chinese pop artists from other countries who wish to become successful usually have to go to Taiwan to develop their music career. Mandopop and Taiwanese (Hokkien) genre music continue to flourish in Taiwan today. Ever since the 1990s, Taiwanese variety shows (綜藝節目) had grown from its home base in Taiwan to other parts of the world. Today, it is widely watched and enjoyed by the Overseas Chinese communities in countries such as Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the United States.

increased usage

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3132874

The Yoroiden-Samurai Troopers CD Dramas (鎧伝サムライトルーパー) (Ronin Warriors) take place in the second season of the TV series "Yoroiden-Samurai Troopers". During YST's run in the late 1980s and early 1990s, countless merchandise was produced by Sunrise Animation Studio and other supporting companies. Some of these included doujinshi, novels, compact discs, and cassette tapes that involve the Troopers in off-screen action (i.e. not shown on television). The most notable off-screen adventures take place within the drama CDs that were released. Four of these CDs center around the four Samurai Troopers that aid "Rekka no Ryo" (Ryo of the Wildfire) in his quest to fight evil. As Ryo is the main protagonist of the series, these CDs take a much closer look at his friends and their backgrounds. Tenkūden. "Tenkūden" (The Legend of Tenkū) is the CD drama that focuses on "Tenkū no Tōma" (Rowen of the Strata) and introduces fans to his parents (mainly his mother), and how he feels around his friends and family. It also introduces "Garyūda", a demon from the "Yōjakai" (Nether World) who wishes to get Arago's attention. Garyūda disrupts a plane in mid-flight that obtained many passengers inside, including Tōma's mother. The Troopers couldn't do anything on the ground and their only hope was Tōma, whose abilities blossom and enables him to actually fly. He is able to defeat Garyūda with his super attack move and save his mother's life. Kōrinden. "Kōrinden" (The Legend of Kōrin) is the CD drama focusing on "Kōrin no Seiji" (Sage of the Halo). It reveals a darker side to Seiji, as he feels that being around the Troopers when not in battle would only lead to more battles. So he chooses to stay away from them and focus on his life. But a car accident sends Seiji to the hospital and fighting for his life. Fortunately his friends somehow reach through to him and help him pull out of his weakened state. Through this he learns that no matter what, he can trust his friends whether they are in battle or not. Seiji's background is revealed to fans, as the drama takes place in the Date dojo. Suikoden. "Suikoden" (The Legend of Suiko) is "Suiko no Shin's" (Cye of the Torrent) CD drama. Unlike the previous two CDs, only Ryo, Seiji, and Shin are featured as the main characters. A new villain is introduced: The Ice Warlord "Toryūki". Ryo, Seiji, and Shin take a train to a woodland attraction where a great lake sat. It is there they encounter Toryūki and experience first hand his icy wrath. Unlike other demons the Troopers fought, Toryūki is a demon who lives in the "Ningenkai" (Mortal World) and dislikes Arago. Ryo and Seiji are frozen by Toryūki's powers. Shin struggles against his new opponent and it isn't until he is able to power himself and his abilities that he is able to defeat him. Toryūki's super attack move was no match for Shin's and was defeated—Ryo and Seiji were also freed at this point. Toryūki is one of the few redeemable villains in the series, as he expresses his love for his land and wishes for its beauty to not be destroyed. He vanishes and is never seen again. Tsuki. "Tsuki" (Moon) is "Kongō no Shū's" (Kento of Hardrock) CD drama. It arrived much later in production (during the time that the "Message" OVA was released) compared to the other dramas. And unlike the others, Tsuki features the three remaining "Mashō" (Dark Warlords). The new opponent is named "Gōgasha", a demon who has an eye for being the new leader of the "Four Mashō", something that "Anubis" (Cale), "Rajura" (Dais), and "Naaza" (Sekhmet) do not approve of. Tsuki takes place right after the episodes that involve Ryo using the "Kikōtei" against "Saranbo", their latest enemy. The Troopers contemplate the possibility of Arago's return and Shū wishes for them to visit his family's restaurant in Yokohama. However, the others think it would be a waste of time and ultimately hurt his feelings. Later in the evening, Shū is late meeting up with the others. Gōgasha makes his appearance and proves to be a powerful opponent. As the Troopers struggle, Shū arrives on the scene and summons his armor. He proves to be more than enough for the demon and defeats him. Back in the "Yōjakai", the three Mashō are actually grateful for Gōgasha's defeat. Fans learn of the respect the Mashō actually have for Shutendōji (Anubis) and how nobody can take his place, despite their differences.

fragile condition

2047-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=498831

In biology, polymorphism is the occurrence of two or more clearly different morphs or forms, also referred to as alternative "phenotypes", in the population of a species. To be classified as such, morphs must occupy the same habitat at the same time and belong to a panmictic population (one with random mating). Put simply, polymorphism is when there are two or more possibilities of a trait on a gene. For example, there is more than one possible trait in terms of a jaguar's skin colouring; they can be light morph or dark morph. Due to having more than one possible variation for this gene, it is termed 'polymorphism'. However, if the jaguar has only one possible trait for that gene, it would be termed "monomorphic". For example, if there was only one possible skin colour that a jaguar could have, it would be termed monomorphic. The term polyphenism can be used to clarify that the different forms arise from the same genotype. Genetic polymorphism is a term used somewhat differently by geneticists and molecular biologists to describe certain mutations in the genotype, such as single nucleotide polymorphisms that may not always correspond to a phenotype, but always corresponds to a branch in the genetic tree. See below. Polymorphism is common in nature; it is related to biodiversity, genetic variation, and adaptation. Polymorphism usually functions to retain variety of form in a population living in a varied environment. The most common example is sexual dimorphism, which occurs in many organisms. Other examples are mimetic forms of butterflies (see mimicry), and human hemoglobin and blood types. According to the theory of evolution, polymorphism results from evolutionary processes, as does any aspect of a species. It is heritable and is modified by natural selection. In polyphenism, an individual's genetic makeup allows for different morphs, and the switch mechanism that determines which morph is shown is environmental. In genetic polymorphism, the genetic makeup determines the morph. The term polymorphism also refers to the occurrence of structurally and functionally more than two different types of individuals, called zooids, within the same organism. It is a characteristic feature of cnidarians. For example, "Obelia" has feeding individuals, the gastrozooids; the individuals capable of asexual reproduction only, the gonozooids, blastostyles; and free-living or sexually reproducing individuals, the medusae. Balanced polymorphism refers to the maintenance of different phenotypes in population. Terminology. Although in general use, polymorphism is a very broad term. In biology, polymorphism has been given a specific meaning, being distinguishable from monomorphism (having only one form). A more specific term, when only two forms occur, is dimorphism. Nomenclature. Polymorphism crosses several discipline boundaries, including ecology and genetics, evolution theory, taxonomy, cytology, and biochemistry. Different disciplines may give the same concept different names, and different concepts may be given the same name. For example, there are the terms established in ecological genetics by E.B. Ford (1975), and for classical genetics by John Maynard Smith (1998). The shorter term morphism may be more accurate than polymorphism, but is not often used. It was the preferred term of the evolutionary biologist Julian Huxley (1955). Various synonymous terms exist for the various polymorphic forms of an organism. The most common are morph and morpha, while a more formal term is morphotype. Form and phase are sometimes also used, but are easily confused in zoology with, respectively, "form" in a population of animals, and "phase" as a color or other change in an organism due to environmental conditions (temperature, humidity, etc.). Phenotypic traits and characteristics are also possible descriptions, though that would imply just a limited aspect of the body. In the taxonomic nomenclature of zoology, the word "morpha" plus a Latin name for the morph can be added to a binomial or trinomial name. However, this invites confusion with geographically variant ring species or subspecies, especially if polytypic. Morphs have no formal standing in the ICZN. In botanical taxonomy, the concept of morphs is represented with the terms "variety", "subvariety" and "form", which are formally regulated by the ICN. Horticulturists sometimes confuse this usage of "variety" both with cultivar ("variety" in viticultural usage, rice agriculture jargon, and informal gardening lingo) and with the legal concept "plant variety" (protection of a cultivar as a form of intellectual property). Mechanisms. Three mechanisms may cause polymorphism: Relative frequency. Endler's survey of natural selection gave an indication of the relative importance of polymorphisms among studies showing natural selection. The results, in summary: Number of species demonstrating natural selection: 141. Number showing quantitative traits: 56. Number showing polymorphic traits: 62. Number showing both Q and P traits: 23. This shows that polymorphisms are found to be at least as common as continuous variation in studies of natural selection, and hence just as likely to be part of the evolutionary process. Genetics. Genetic polymorphism. Since all polymorphism has a genetic basis, "genetic polymorphism" has a particular meaning: The definition has three parts: a) sympatry: one interbreeding population; b) discrete forms; and c) not maintained just by mutation. In simple words, the term polymorphism was originally used to describe variations in shape and form that distinguish normal individuals within a species from each other. Presently, geneticists use the term genetic polymorphism to describe the inter-individual, functionally silent differences in DNA sequence that make each human genome unique. Genetic polymorphism is actively and steadily maintained in populations by natural selection, in contrast to "transient polymorphisms" where a form is progressively replaced by another. By definition, genetic polymorphism relates to a balance or equilibrium between morphs. The mechanisms that conserve it are types of balancing selection. Pleiotropism. Most genes have more than one effect on the phenotype of an organism (pleiotropism). Some of these effects may be visible, and others cryptic, so it is often important to look beyond the most obvious effects of a gene to identify other effects. Cases occur where a gene affects an unimportant visible character, yet a change in fitness is recorded. In such cases the gene's other (cryptic or 'physiological') effects may be responsible for the change in fitness. Pleiotropism is posing continual challenges for many clinical dysmorphologists in their attempt to explain birth defects which affect one or more organ system, with only a single underlying causative agent. For many pleiotropic disorders, the connection between the gene defect and the various manifestations is neither obvious, nor well understood. Epistasis. Epistasis occurs when the expression of one gene is modified by another gene. For example, gene A only shows its effect when allele B1 (at another locus) is present, but not if it is absent. This is one of the ways in which two or more genes may combine to produce a coordinated change in more than one characteristic (for instance, in mimicry). Unlike the supergene, epistatic genes do not need to be closely linked or even on the same chromosome. Both pleiotropism and epistasis show that a gene need not relate to a character in the simple manner that was once supposed. The origin of supergenes. Although a polymorphism can be controlled by alleles at a single locus (e.g. human ABO blood groups), the more complex forms are controlled by supergenes consisting of several tightly linked genes on a single chromosome. Batesian mimicry in butterflies and heterostyly in angiosperms are good examples. There is a long-standing debate as to how this situation could have arisen, and the question is not yet resolved. Whereas a gene family (several tightly linked genes performing similar or identical functions) arises by duplication of a single original gene, this is usually not the case with supergenes. In a supergene some of the constituent genes have quite distinct functions, so they must have come together under selection. This process might involve suppression of crossing-over, translocation of chromosome fragments and possibly occasional cistron duplication. That crossing-over can be suppressed by selection has been known for many years. Debate has centered round the question of whether the component genes in a super-gene could have started off on separate chromosomes, with subsequent reorganization, or if it is necessary for them to start on the same chromosome. Originally, it was held that chromosome rearrangement would play an important role. This explanation was accepted by E. B. Ford and incorporated into his accounts of ecological genetics. However, today many believe it more likely that the genes start on the same chromosome. They argue that supergenes arose "in situ". This is known as Turner's sieve hypothesis. John Maynard Smith agreed with this view in his authoritative textbook, but the question is still not definitively settled. Ecology. Selection, whether natural or artificial, changes the frequency of morphs within a population; this occurs when morphs reproduce with different degrees of success. A genetic (or balanced) polymorphism usually persists over many generations, maintained by two or more opposed and powerful selection pressures. Diver (1929) found banding morphs in "Cepaea nemoralis" could be seen in prefossil shells going back to the Mesolithic Holocene. Non-human apes have similar blood groups to humans; this strongly suggests that this kind of polymorphism is ancient, at least as far back as the last common ancestor of the apes and man, and possibly even further. The relative proportions of the morphs may vary; the actual values are determined by the effective fitness of the morphs at a particular time and place. The mechanism of heterozygote advantage assures the population of some alternative alleles at the locus or loci involved. Only if competing selection disappears will an allele disappear. However, heterozygote advantage is not the only way a polymorphism can be maintained. Apostatic selection, whereby a predator consumes a common morph whilst overlooking rarer morphs is possible and does occur. This would tend to preserve rarer morphs from extinction. Polymorphism is strongly tied to the adaptation of a species to its environment, which may vary in colour, food supply, and predation and in many other ways. Polymorphism is one good way the opportunities get to be used; it has survival value, and the selection of modifier genes may reinforce the polymorphism. In addition, polymorphism seems to be associated with a higher rate of speciation. Polymorphism and niche diversity. G. Evelyn Hutchinson, a founder of niche research, commented "It is very likely from an ecological point of view that all species, or at least all common species, consist of populations adapted to more than one niche". He gave as examples sexual size dimorphism and mimicry. In many cases where the male is short-lived and smaller than the female, he does not compete with her during her late pre-adult and adult life. Size difference may permit both sexes to exploit different niches. In elaborate cases of mimicry, such as the African butterfly "Papilio dardanus", female morphs mimic a range of distasteful models, often in the same region. The fitness of each type of mimic decreases as it becomes more common, so the polymorphism is maintained by frequency-dependent selection. Thus the efficiency of the mimicry is maintained in a much increased total population. However it can exist within one gender. The switch. The mechanism which decides which of several morphs an individual displays is called the "switch". This switch may be genetic, or it may be environmental. Taking sex determination as the example, in humans the determination is genetic, by the XY sex-determination system. In Hymenoptera (ants, bees and wasps), sex determination is by haplo-diploidy: the females are all diploid, the males are haploid. However, in some animals an environmental trigger determines the sex: alligators are a famous case in point. In ants the distinction between workers and guards is environmental, by the feeding of the grubs. Polymorphism with an environmental trigger is called polyphenism. The polyphenic system does have a degree of environmental flexibility not present in the genetic polymorphism. However, such environmental triggers are the less common of the two methods. Investigative methods. Investigation of polymorphism requires use of both field and laboratory techniques. In the field: And in the laboratory: Without proper field-work, the significance of the polymorphism to the species is uncertain and without laboratory breeding the genetic basis is obscure. Even with insects, the work may take many years; examples of Batesian mimicry noted in the nineteenth century are still being researched. Relevance for evolutionary theory. Polymorphism was crucial to research in ecological genetics by E. B. Ford and his co-workers from the mid-1920s to the 1970s (similar work continues today, especially on mimicry). The results had a considerable effect on the mid-century evolutionary synthesis, and on present evolutionary theory. The work started at a time when natural selection was largely discounted as the leading mechanism for evolution, continued through the middle period when Sewall Wright's ideas on drift were prominent, to the last quarter of the 20th century when ideas such as Kimura's neutral theory of molecular evolution was given much attention. The significance of the work on ecological genetics is that it has shown how important selection is in the evolution of natural populations, and that selection is a much stronger force than was envisaged even by those population geneticists who believed in its importance, such as Haldane and Fisher. In just a couple of decades the work of Fisher, Ford, Arthur Cain, Philip Sheppard and Cyril Clarke promoted natural selection as the primary explanation of variation in natural populations, instead of genetic drift. Evidence can be seen in Mayr's famous book "Animal Species and Evolution", and Ford's "Ecological Genetics". Similar shifts in emphasis can be seen in most of the other participants in the evolutionary synthesis, such as Stebbins and Dobzhansky, though the latter was slow to change. Kimura drew a distinction between molecular evolution, which he saw as dominated by selectively neutral mutations, and phenotypic characters, probably dominated by natural selection rather than drift.

a positive method

10433-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=33963660

Chicken eyeglasses, also known as chickens specs, chicken goggles, generically as pick guards and under other names, were small eyeglasses made for chickens intended to prevent feather pecking and cannibalism. They differ from blinders as they allowed the bird to see forward whereas blinders do not. One variety used rose-colored lenses as the coloring was thought to prevent a chicken wearing them from recognizing blood on other chickens which may increase the tendency for abnormal injurious behavior. They were mass-produced and sold throughout the United States as early as the beginning of the 20th century. Description and purpose. Chicken eyeglasses were often made from celluloid or aluminum and typically consisted of "two oval panels that fit over the upper beak of the chicken. A pin is put through the nostril to-hold the oval pieces in place." Different designs were produced that attached to the chicken's head in different ways. Some were held in place by a strap, some by small hooks into the nares (nostrils) and some by piercing the bone septum between the nostrils with a cotter pin. Due to the piercing of tissue, this last type of design is illegal in some countries. Some versions of the devices had lenses that were semi- or fully transparent whereas others were tinted, often red- or rose-colored. Other designs were blinders which are opaque and completely prevent forward vision. The intended purposes of chicken eyeglasses were to prevent aggressive pecking, cannibalism, and feather pecking. Chicken eyeglasses are an alternative to beak trimming, which is the removal of approximately one-third of the beak by a cold or heated blade, or an infrared beam, usually when chicks are 1-day old. This is often effective in reducing pecking injuries, but causes pain and has significant effects on chicken welfare. Red-tinted lenses. Red-tinted lenses were considered to be effective in reducing internecine pecking because they disguise the color of blood. As summed up in a 1953 article in Indiana's "National Road Traveler" newspaper, "The deep rose-colored plastic lenses make it impossible for the cannibal [chicken] to see blood on the other chickens, although permitting it to see the grain on the ground." Elmer Haas of the National Band & Tag Company, a major producer of rose-colored chicken eyeglasses, whose grandfather had devised wire frames for chickens in 1902, indicated that he believed the purported blood-masking effect of the rose coloring was a myth: "the firm added the rose colored glasses because it indulged the chicken owners ... [c]hickens are color blind". (In fact, chickens, like other birds, have good color vision.) The firm had added the rose-colored feature to its glasses in 1939 under the brand name "Anti-Pix". This variety of eyeglasses was more complicated than others because the red lenses were fixed to a hinge at the top of the frame. This meant that as the hen lowered its head to feed, the lens swung out giving the hen an unobstructed view of the ground. When the hen raised her head, as she would during aggression, the lens would swing down giving the hen a red tinted perception of the environment. Rose-colored contact lenses, rather than eyeglasses, have also been proposed to reduce cannibalism in chickens. History. A form of chicken eyeglasses was first patented in 1903 by Andrew Jackson Jr. of Munich, Tennessee, as an "Eye-protector for chickens". In the U.S. they were available through the mail order company Sears-Roebuck, or through chicken feed stores for a few cents. The eyeglasses are no longer produced by the National Band & Tag Company, but are sought as collector's items. Using chicken eyeglasses was still practiced in 1973, evident by a report in Illinois' "The Hawk-Eye" newspaper that a farmer had 8,000 chickens fitted with the rose-colored variety. One inventor of a form of the glasses proposed legislation in Kansas to require "all" chickens in the state to be fitted with glasses, but his campaign was unsuccessful. In popular culture. On January 16, 1955, Sam Nadler of the National Farm Equipment Company of Brooklyn appeared on CBS' popular primetime television show, "What's My Line?" The show was in the format of a guessing game, in which a panel attempted to determine the line (occupation) of contestants. Show officials listed Mr. Nadler's occupation for the audience as "sells 'eyeglasses' for chickens". After the panel was unsuccessful in guessing his occupation, Mr. Nadler's identity was revealed and he stated that his company sold 2–3 million pairs of chicken eyeglasses per year. "What's My Line? "s director, Frank Heller, said in 1958 that the show's "most unusual occupation" over its then eight-season run was "...the gentleman who makes eye glasses for chickens."

final kind

9484-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1105886

Selection is the stage of a genetic algorithm in which individual genomes are chosen from a population for later breeding (using the crossover operator). A generic selection procedure may be implemented as follows: For many problems the above algorithm might be computationally demanding. A simpler and faster alternative uses the so-called stochastic acceptance. If this procedure is repeated until there are enough selected individuals, this selection method is called fitness proportionate selection or "roulette-wheel selection". If instead of a single pointer spun multiple times, there are multiple, equally spaced pointers on a wheel that is spun once, it is called stochastic universal sampling. Repeatedly selecting the best individual of a randomly chosen subset is tournament selection. Taking the best half, third or another proportion of the individuals is truncation selection. There are other selection algorithms that do not consider all individuals for selection, but only those with a fitness value that is higher than a given (arbitrary) constant. Other algorithms select from a restricted pool where only a certain percentage of the individuals are allowed, based on fitness value. Retaining the best individuals in a generation unchanged in the next generation, is called "elitism" or "elitist selection". It is a successful (slight) variant of the general process of constructing a new population. Methods of Selection (Genetic Algorithm). Roulette Wheel Selection. In the roulette wheel selection, the probability of choosing an individual for breeding of the next generation is proportional to its fitness, the better the fitness is, the higher chance for that individual to be chosen. Choosing individuals can be depicted as spinning a roulette that has as many pockets as there are individuals in the current generation, with sizes depending on their probability. Probability of choosing individual formula_1 is equal to formula_2, where formula_3 is the fitness of formula_1 and formula_5 is the size of current generation (note that in this method one individual can be drawn multiple times). Rank Selection. Rank Selection also works with negative fitness values and is mostly used when the individuals in the population have very close fitness values (this happens usually at the end of the run). This leads to each individual having an almost equal share of the pie (like in case of fitness proportionate selection) and hence each individual no matter how fit relative to each other has an approximately same probability of getting selected as a parent. This in turn leads to a loss in the selection pressure towards fitter individuals, making the GA to make poor parent selections in such situations. Steady State Selection. This is not a particular method of selecting parents. Main idea of this selection is that big part of chromosomes should survive to next generation. In every generation are selected a few (good - with high fitness) chromosomes for creating a new offspring. Then some (bad - with low fitness) chromosomes are removed and the new offspring is placed in their place. The rest of population survives to new generation. Tournament Selection. Tournament Selection is a method of choosing the individual from the set of individuals. The winner of each tournament is selected to perform crossover. Elitism Selection. Often to get better parameters, strategies with partial reproduction are used. One of them is elitism, in which a small portion of the best individuals from the last generation is carried over (without any changes) to the next one. Boltzmann Selection. In Boltzmann selection, a continuously varying temperature controls the rate of selection according to a preset schedule. The temperature starts out high, which means that the selection pressure is low. The temperature is gradually lowered, which gradually increases the selection pressure, thereby allowing the GA to narrow in more closely to the best part of the search space while maintaining the appropriate degree of diversity.

large portion

2528-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=21244096

An odor (American English) or odour (British English; see spelling differences) is caused by one or more volatilized chemical compounds that are generally found in low concentrations that humans and animals can perceive by their sense of smell. An odor is also called a "smell" or a "scent", which can refer to either a pleasant or an unpleasant odor. While "odor" can refer to pleasant and unpleasant odors, the terms "scent", "aroma", and "fragrance" are usually reserved for pleasant-smelling odors and are frequently used in the food and cosmetic industry to describe floral scents or to refer to perfumes. In the United Kingdom and other Commonwealth, English-speaking nations, "odour" refers to scents in general—without positive or negative connotations; but in the United States, and for many non-native English speakers around the world, "odor" generally has a negative connotation as a synonym for "stink". An unpleasant odor can also be described as "reeking" or called a "malodor" or "stench". Physiology of smell. Sense of smell. The perception of odors, or sense of smell, is mediated by the olfactory nerve. The olfactory receptor (OR) cells are neurons present in the olfactory epithelium, which is a small patch of tissue at the back of the nasal cavity. There are millions of olfactory receptor neurons that act as sensory signaling cells. Each neuron has cilia in direct contact with the air. Odorous molecules bind to receptor proteins extending from cilia and act as a chemical stimulus, initiating electric signals that travel along the olfactory nerve's axons to the brain. When an electrical signal reaches a threshold, the neuron fires, which sends a signal traveling along the axon to the olfactory bulb, a part of the limbic system of the brain. Interpretation of the smell begins there, relating the smell to past experiences and in relation to the substance(s) inhaled. The olfactory bulb acts as a relay station connecting the nose to the olfactory cortex in the brain. Olfactory information is further processed and forwarded to the central nervous system (CNS), which controls emotions and behavior as well as basic thought processes. Odor sensation usually depends on the concentration (number of molecules) available to the olfactory receptors. A single odorant is usually recognized by many receptors. Different odorants are recognized by combinations of receptors. The patterns of neuron signals help to identify the smell. The olfactory system does not interpret a single compound, but instead the whole odorous mix. This does not correspond to the concentration or intensity of any single constituent. Most odors consist of organic compounds, although some simple compounds not containing carbon, such as hydrogen sulfide and ammonia, are also odorants. The perception of an odor effect is a two-step process. First, there is the physiological part. This is the detection of stimuli by receptors in the nose. The stimuli are recognized by the region of the human brain which handles olfaction. Because of this, an objective and analytical measure of odor is impossible. While odor feelings are personal perceptions, individual reactions are usually related. They relate to things such as gender, age, state of health, and personal history. Smell acuity by age and sex. The ability to identify odor varies among people and decreases with age. Studies show there are sex differences in odor discrimination, and women usually outperform men. Conversely, there are some studies showing a male advantage. A recent meta-analysis showed that the differences in olfaction are extremely small, but confirmed a small advantage for women. Pregnant women have increased smell sensitivity, sometimes resulting in abnormal taste and smell perceptions, leading to food cravings or aversions. The ability to taste also decreases with age as the sense of smell tends to dominate the sense of taste. Chronic smell problems are reported in small numbers for those in their mid-twenties, with numbers increasing steadily, with overall sensitivity beginning to decline in the second decade of life, and then deteriorating appreciably as age increases, especially once over 70 years of age. Smell acuity compared to other animals. For most untrained individuals, the act of smelling acquires little information concerning the specific ingredients of an odor. Their smell perception primarily offers information that elicits an emotional response. Experienced individuals, however, such as flavorists and perfumers, can identify discrete chemicals in complex mixtures using only the sense of smell. Odor perception is a primary evolutionary sense. The sense of smell can induce pleasure or subconsciously warn of danger, which may, for example, help to locate mates, find food, or detect predators. Humans have an unusually good sense of smell considering they have only 350 functional olfactory receptor genes compared to the 1,300 found in mice, for example. This is despite an apparent evolutionary decline in the sense of smell. The human sense of smell is comparable with many animals, able to distinguish between a diverse range of odors. Studies have reported that humans can distinguish in the region of one trillion unique aromas. Habituation or adaptation. Odors that a person is used to, such as their own body odor, are less noticeable than uncommon odors. This is due to "habituation". After continuous odor exposure, the sense of smell is fatigued, but recovers if the stimulus is removed for a time. Odors can change due to environmental conditions: for example, odors tend to be more distinguishable in cool dry air. Habituation affects the ability to distinguish odors after continuous exposure. The sensitivity and ability to discriminate odors diminishes with exposure, and the brain tends to ignore continuous stimulus and focus on differences and changes in a particular sensation. When odorants are mixed, a habitual odorant is blocked. This depends on the strength of the odorants in the mixture, which can change the perception and processing of an odor. This process helps classify similar odors as well as adjust sensitivity to differences in complex stimuli. Genetic component. The primary gene sequences for thousands of olfactory receptors are known for the genomes of more than a dozen organisms. They are seven-helix-turn transmembrane proteins. But there are no known structures for any olfactory receptor. There is a conserved sequence in roughly three quarters of all ORs. This is a tripodal metal-ion binding site, and Suslick has proposed that the ORs are in fact metalloproteins (most likely with zinc, copper, and manganese ions) that serve as a Lewis Acid site for the binding of many odorant molecules. In 1978, Crabtree suggested that Cu(I) is "the most likely candidate for a metallo-receptor site in olfaction" of strong-smelling volatiles. These are also good metal-coordinating ligands, such as thiols. In 2012, Zhuang, Matsunami, and Block confirmed the Crabtree/Suslick proposal for the specific case of a mouse OR, MOR244-3, showing that copper is essential for detection of certain thiols and other sulfur-containing compounds. Thus, by using a chemical that binds to copper in the mouse nose, so that copper wasn't available to the receptors, the authors showed that the mice couldn't detect the thiols without the copper. However, these authors also found that MOR244-3 lacks the specific metal ion binding site suggested by Suslick, instead showing a different motif in the EC2 domain. Evolutionary impact. Gordon Shepherd proposed that the retro-nasal route of olfaction (odorants introduced to the olfactory mucosa through the oral cavity often as food) was partially responsible for the development of human olfactory acuity. He suggested the evolutionary pressure of diversification of food sources and increased complexity of food preparation presented humans with a broader range of odorants, ultimately leading to a "richer repertoire of smells". Animals such as dogs show a greater sensitivity to odors than humans, especially in studies using short-chain compounds. Higher cognitive brain mechanisms and more olfactory brain regions enable humans to discriminate odors better than other mammals despite fewer olfactory receptor genes. Measuring techniques. Olfaktometrie. In Germany, concentrations of odorants have since the 1870s been defined by "Olfaktometrie", which helps to analyze the human sense of smell according to odor substance concentration, intensity of odor, odor quality, and hedonic assessment. The most accurate smell sensing is when a smell is first encountered, before habituation begins to change perception of odor. Concentration. Odor concentration is an odor's pervasiveness. To measure odor sensation, an odor is diluted to a detection or recognition threshold. The detection threshold is the concentration of an odor in air when 50% of a population can distinguish between the odorous sample and an odor-free reference sample. The recognition odor threshold is usually a factor of two to five higher than the detection threshold. The measurement of odor concentration is the most widespread method to quantify odors. It is standardized in CEN EN 13725:2003. The method is based on dilution of an odor sample to the odor threshold. The numerical value of the odor concentration is equal to the dilution factor that is necessary to reach the odor threshold. Its unit is the "European Odour Unit", OUE. Therefore, the odor concentration at the odor threshold is 1 OUE by definition. Olfactometer. To establish odor concentration, an olfactometer is used which employs a group of human panelists. A diluted odorous mixture and an odor-free gas—n-Butanol—as a reference are presented from sniffing ports to a group of panelists who are sensitive in odor perception. To collect an odor sample, the samples are collected using specialized sample bags, which are made from an odor free material, e.g., Teflon. The most accepted technique for collecting odor samples is the lung technique, where the sample bag is placed in a sealed drum, where a vacuum is created outside the bag, which fills under expansion, and draws into itself the sample from the source. Critically, all components which touch the odor sample, must be odor free, which includes lines and fittings. In comparing the odor emitted from each port, the panelists are asked to report if they can detect a difference between the ports. The gas-diluting ratio is then decreased by a factor of 1.4 or two (i.e., the concentration is increased accordingly). The panelists are asked to repeat the test. This continues until the panelists respond with certainty and correctly twice in a row. These responses are used to calculate the concentration of the odor in terms of European odor units (OUE/m3), where 1 OUE/m3≡40 ppb/v n-butanol. Humans can discriminate between two odorants that differ in concentration by as little as 7%. A human's odor detection threshold is variable. Repeated exposure to an odorant leads to enhanced olfactory sensitivity and decreased detection thresholds for a number of different odorants. It was found in a study that humans who were unable to detect the odor of androstenone developed the ability to detect it after repeated exposure. People who cannot smell are said to be anosmic. There are a number of issues which have to be overcome with sampling, these include: Issues such as temperature and humidity are best overcome using either pre-dilution or dynamic dilution techniques. Other analytical methods. Other analytic methods can be subdivided into the physical, the gas chromatographical, and the chemosensory method. When measuring odor, there is a difference between emission and immission measurements. Emission measurement can be taken by olfactometry using an olfactometer to dilute the odor sample. Olfactometry is rarely used for immission measurement because of low odor concentrations involved. The same measuring principles are used, but the judgment of the air-assay happens without diluting the samples. Odor measurement is essential for odor regulation and control. An odor emission often consists of a complex mixture of many odorous compounds. Analytical monitoring of individual chemical compounds present in such an odor is usually not practical. As a result, odor sensory methods, instead of instrumental methods, are normally used to measure such odor. Odor sensory methods are available to monitor odor both from source emissions and in the ambient air. These two contexts require different approaches for measuring odor. The collection of odor samples is more easily accomplished for a source emission than for odor in the ambient air. Field measurement with portable field olfactometers can seem more effective, but olfactometer use is not regulated in Europe, while it is popular in the U.S. and Canada, where several states set limits at the receptor sites or along the perimeter of odor-emitting plants, expressed in units of dilution-to-threshold (D/T). Intensity. Odor intensity is the perceived strength of odor sensation. This intensity property is used to locate the source of odors and perhaps most directly related to odor nuisance. The perceived strength of the odor sensation is measured in conjunction with odor concentration. This can be modeled by the Weber-Fechner law: I = a × log(c) + b, where "I" is the perceived psychological intensity at the dilution step on the butanol scale, "a" is the Weber-Fechner coefficient, "C" is the chemical concentrations, and "b" is the intercept constant (0.5 by definition). Odor intensity can be expressed using an odor intensity scale, which is a verbal description of an odor sensation to which a numerical value is assigned. Odor intensity can be divided into the following categories according to intensity: Odor intensity is determined in a laboratory by specialists who have been trained to accurately define intensity. Hedonic tone assessment. Hedonic assessment is the process of rating odors according to a scale ranging from extremely unpleasant to extremely pleasant. Intensity and hedonic tone, whilst similar, refer to different things: that is, the strength of the odor (intensity) and the pleasantness of an odor (hedonic tone). The perception of an odor may change from pleasant to unpleasant with increasing concentration, intensity, time, frequency, or previous experience with a specific odor—all factors in determining a response. FIDOL factors. The overall set of qualities are sometimes identified as the "FIDOL (Frequency, Intensity, Duration, Offensiveness, Location) factors". The character of an odor is a critical element in assessing an odor. This property is the ability to distinguish different odors and is only descriptive. First, a basic description is used—such as sweet, pungent, acrid, fragrant, warm, dry, or sour. The odor is then referenced to a source such as sewage or apple which can then be followed by a reference to a specific chemical such as acids or gasoline. Most commonly, a set of standard descriptors is used, which may range from "fragrant" to "sewer odor". Although the method is fairly simplistic, it is important for the FIDOL factors to be understood by the person rating the smell. This method is most commonly used to define the character of an odor which can then be compared to other odors. It is common for olfactometry laboratories to report character as an additional factor post sample-analysis. Categorization. Different categorizations of primary odors have been proposed, including the following, which identifies seven primary odors: Although recent progress has been made, the idea of primary perceptions is disputed, and more so the concept of primary odors. Interpretive dispersion modeling. In many countries odor modeling is used to determine the extent of an impact from an odor source. These are a function of modeled concentration, averaging time (over what time period the model steps are run over, typically hourly), and a percentile. Percentiles refer to a statistical representation of how many hours per year the concentration C may be exceeded based on the averaging period. Sampling from area sources. There are two main odor sampling techniques: direct and indirect odor sampling techniques. Direct sampling. Direct refers to the placement of an enclosure on or over an emitting surface from which samples are collected, and an odor emission rate is determined. The most commonly used direct methods include the flux chamber and wind tunnels such as the one at the University of New South Wales (UNSW). There are many other available techniques, and consideration should be given to a number of factors before selecting a suitable method. A source which has implications for this method are sources, such as bark bed biofilters, that have a vertical velocity component. For such sources, consideration must be given as to the most appropriate method. A commonly used technique is to measure the odor concentration at the emitting surface, and combine this with the volumetric flow rate of air entering the biofilter to produce an emission rate. Indirect sampling. Indirect sampling is often referred to as back calculation. It involves the use of a mathematical formula to predict an emission rate. Many methods are used, but all make use of the same inputs which include surface roughness, upwind and downwind concentrations, stability class (or other similar factor), wind speed, and wind direction. Health risks. The human sense of smell is a primary factor in the sensation of comfort. Olfaction as a sensory system brings awareness of the presence of airborne chemicals. Some inhaled chemicals are volatile compounds that act as a stimulus, triggering unwanted reactions such as nose, eye, and throat irritation. Perception of odor and of irritation is unique to each person, and varies because of physical conditions or memory of past exposures to similar chemicals. A person's specific threshold, before an odor becomes a nuisance, depends also on the frequency, concentration, and duration of an odor. The perception of irritation from odor sensation is hard to investigate because exposure to a volatile chemical elicits a different response based on sensory and physiological signals, and interpretation of these signals is influenced by experience, expectations, personality, or situational factors. Volatile organic compounds (VOCs) may have higher concentrations in confined indoor environments, due to restricted infiltration of fresh air, as compared to the outdoor environment, leading to greater potential for toxic health exposures from a variety of chemical compounds. Health effects of odor are traced to the sensation of an odor or the odorant itself. Health effects and symptoms vary—including eye, nose, or throat irritation, cough, chest tightness, drowsiness, and mood change—all of which decrease as an odor ceases. Odors may also trigger illnesses such as asthma, depression, stress-induced illness, or hypersensitivity. The ability to perform tasks may decrease, and other social/behavioral changes may occur. Occupants should expect remediation from disturbing and unexpected odors that disturb concentration, diminish productivity, evoke symptoms, and generally increase the dislike for a particular environment. It is important to set occupational exposure limits (OELs) to ensure the health and safety of workers, as well as comfort, because exposure to chemicals can elicit physiological and biochemical changes in the upper respiratory system. Standards are hard to set when exposures are not reported and can also be hard to measure. Workforce populations vary in terms of discomfort from odors because of exposure history or habituation, and they may not realize possible risks of exposure to chemicals that produce specific odors. Types. Some odors are sought after, such as from perfumes and flowers, some of which command high prices. Whole industries have developed around products that remove or mask unpleasant odors, such as deodorant. Odor molecules transmit messages to the limbic system, the area of the brain that governs emotional responses. Some believe that these messages have the power to alter moods, evoke distant memories, raise spirits, and boost self-confidence. This belief has led to "aromatherapy", wherein fragrances are claimed to cure a wide range of psychological and physical problems. Aromatherapy claims that fragrances can positively affect sleep, stress, alertness, social interaction, and general feelings of well-being. Evidence for the effectiveness of aromatherapy is mostly anecdotal and controlled scientific studies to substantiate its claims are lacking. Some people are allergic to the fragrances found in perfume, scented shampoo, scented deodorant, or similar products. Reactions, as with other chemical allergies, can range from slight headaches to anaphylactic shock, which can result in death. Unpleasant odors play various roles in nature, often to warn of danger, though this may not be known to the subject who smells it. The natural gas industry uses odor to enable consumers to identify leaks. Natural gas in its native state is colorless and almost odorless. To help users detect leaks, an odorizer with the scent of rotten eggs, tert-Butylthiol (t-butyl mercaptan), is added. Sometimes a related compound, thiophane, may be used in the mixture. An odor that is viewed as unpleasant by some people or cultures can be viewed as attractive by others where it is more familiar or has a better reputation. It is commonly thought that those exuding an unpleasant body odor are unattractive to others. But studies have shown that a person who is exposed to a particular unpleasant odor can be attracted to others who have been exposed to the same unpleasant odor. This includes odors associated with pollution. What causes a substance to smell unpleasant may be different from what one perceives. For example, perspiration is often viewed as having an unpleasant odor, but it is odorless. It is bacteria in the perspiration that causes the odor. Unpleasant odors can arise from specific industrial processes, adversely affecting workers and even residents downwind of the source. The most common sources of industrial odor arise from sewage treatment plants, refineries, animal rendering factories, and industries processing chemicals (such as sulfur) which have odorous characteristics. Sometimes industrial odor sources are the subject of community controversy and scientific analysis. Body odor is present both in animals and humans and its intensity can be influenced by many factors (behavioral patterns, survival strategies). Body odor has a strong genetic basis both in animals and humans, but it can be also strongly influenced by various diseases and psychological conditions. Study. The study of odors is a growing field but is a complex and difficult one. The human olfactory system can detect many thousands of scents based on only minute airborne concentrations of a chemical. The sense of smell of many animals is even better. Some fragrant flowers give off "odor plumes" that move downwind and are detectable by bees more than a kilometer away. The study of odors is complicated by the complex chemistry taking place at the moment of a smell sensation. For example, iron-containing metallic objects are perceived to have a distinctive odor when touched, although iron's vapor pressure is negligible. According to a 2006 study, this smell is the result of aldehydes (for example, nonanal) and ketones: 1-octen-3-one) released from the human skin on contact with ferrous ions that are formed in the sweat-mediated corrosion of iron. The same chemicals are also associated with the smell of blood, as ferrous iron in blood on skin produces the same reaction. Pheromones. Pheromones are odors that are used for communication, and are sometimes called "airborne hormones". A female moth may release a pheromone that can entice a male moth that is several kilometers downwind. Honeybee queens constantly release pheromones that regulate the activity of the hive. Worker bees can release such smells to call other bees into an appropriate cavity when a swarm moves into new quarters, or to "sound" an alarm when the hive is threatened. Advanced technology. Most artificial or electronic nose instruments work by combining output from an array of non-specific chemical sensors to produce a fingerprint of whatever volatile chemicals in the local environment. Most electronic noses need to be "trained" to recognize chemicals of interest before it can be used. Many current electronic-nose instruments suffer from problems with reproducibility subject to varying ambient temperature and humidity. An example of this type of technology is the colorimetric sensor array, which visualizes odor through color change and creates a "picture" of it. Behavioral cues. Odor perception is a complex process involving the central nervous system and can evoke psychological and physiological responses. Because the olfactory signal terminates in or near the amygdala, odors are strongly linked to memories and can evoke emotions. The amygdala participates in the hedonic or emotional processing of olfactory stimuli. Odors can disturb our concentration, diminish productivity, evoke symptoms, and in general increase a dislike for an environment. Odors can impact the liking for a person, place, food, or product as a form of conditioning. Memories recalled by odors are significantly more emotional and evocative than those recalled by the same cue presented visually or auditorily. Odors can become conditioned to experiential states and when later encountered have directional influences on behavior. Doing a frustrating task in a scented room decreases performance of other cognitive tasks in the presence of the same odor. Nonhuman animals communicate their emotional states through changes in body odor, and human body odors are indicative of emotional state. Human body odors influence interpersonal relationships and are involved in adaptive behaviors, such as parental attachment in infants or partner choice in adults. "Mothers can discriminate the odor of their own child, and infants recognize and prefer the body odor of their mother over that of another woman. This maternal odor appears to guide infants toward the breast and to have a calming effect." Body odor is involved in the development of infant–mother attachment and is essential to a child’s social and emotional development and evokes feelings of security. Reassurance created by familiar parental body odors may contribute significantly to the attachment process. Human body odors can also affect mate choice. Fragrances are commonly used to raise sexual attractiveness and induce sexual arousal. Researchers found that people choose perfume that interacts well with their body odor. Body odor is a sensory cue critical for mate selection in humans because it is a signal of immunological health. Women prefer men with major histocompatibility complex (MHC) genotypes and odor different from themselves especially during ovulation. Different MHC alleles are favorable because different allele combinations would maximize disease protection and minimize recessive mutations in offspring. Biologically females tend to select mates "who are most likely to secure offspring survival and thus increase the likelihood that her genetic contribution will be reproductively viable." Studies have suggested that people might be using odor cues associated with the immune system to select mates. Using a brain-imaging technique, Swedish researchers have shown that gay and straight males' brains respond in different ways to two odors that may be involved in sexual arousal, and that the gay men respond in the same way as straight women, though it could not be determined whether this was cause or effect. The study was expanded to include lesbian women; the results were consistent with previous findings that lesbian women were not as responsive to male-identified odors, while their response to female cues was similar to that of straight males. According to the researchers, this research suggests a possible role for human pheromones in the biological basis of sexual orientation. An odor can cue recall of a distant memory. Most memories that pertain to odor come from the first decade of life, compared to verbal and visual memories which usually come from the 10th to 30th years of life. Odor-evoked memories are more emotional, associated with stronger feelings of being brought back in time, and have been thought of less often as compared to memories evoked by other cues. Use in design. The sense of smell is not overlooked as a way of marketing products. The deliberate and controlled application of scent is used by designers, scientists, artists, perfumers, architects, and chefs. Some applications of scents in environments are in casinos, hotels, private clubs, and new automobiles. For example, "technicians at New York City’s Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center disperse vanilla-scented oil into the air to help patients cope with the claustrophobic effects of MRI testing. Scents are used at the Chicago Board of Trade to lower the decibel level on the trading floor." If ingredients are listed on a product, the term "fragrance" can be used in a general sense. Scent preferences. Effect of perfume on sexual attractiveness. Both men and women use perfume to boost their sexual attractiveness to members of the opposite, or same, sex. When people find that a particular perfume or aftershave is perceived positively, they may be hard-pressed to change it. Olfactory communication is natural in humans. Without perfume or aftershave, humans unconsciously detect people's natural scents: in the form of pheromones. Pheromones are usually detected unconsciously, and it is believed that they have an important influence on human's social and sexual behaviour There are a number of hypotheses concerning why humans wear perfume or aftershave, and whether it amplifies or reduces their natural scents. In 2001, a study found that the major histocompatibility complex (MHC) (a polymorphic set of genes which is important for immune-function in humans) is correlated with the ingredients found in perfume. This suggests that humans do, in fact, choose perfumes that complement or enhance their natural scents (their pheromones). This evidence offers support for the hypothesis that perfume is chosen by individuals to advertise their physical health. Research suggests that this advertisement of good health will, in fact, enhance females’ attractiveness to the opposite sex as health markers have been shown to do. While strong evidence has been found to support the hypothesis that wearing perfume enhances females’ attractiveness to males, little research has been done into the effect of fragrance on males’ attractiveness to females. Considerably more research has covered the effect of males’ natural odor and females’ ratings of attractiveness. Many studies (e.g.) found that odor predicted attractiveness when female raters were not on any form of contraceptive pill. For those who were, there was no relation between attractiveness and body odor. A person's odor can increase or decrease ratings of attractiveness because the olfactory receptors in the brain are directly linked with the limbic system, the part of the brain that is thought to be most involved with emotion. This link is important, because if an individual associates positive affect (elicited by pheromones), with a potential mate, their liking for, and attraction to, that potential mate will be increased. Although not a typically evolutionary hypothesis, this hypothesis is one that acknowledges how humans have adapted their mating strategies to modern-day societal norms. Major histocompatibility complex (MHC) and body odor preferences. Major histocompatibility complex (MHC) is a genotype found in vertebrates, including humans. MHC is thought to contribute to mate choice in animals and humans. In sexual selection, females opt for mates with an MHC which differs from their own, optimising genes for their offspring. The "heterozygote advantage" and "Red Queen" explanations for these findings fall under the "pathogen hypothesis". Due to differences in MHC alleles' resistance to pathogens, a preference for mates with a dissimilar MHC composition has been argued to act as a mechanism to avoid infectious diseases. According to the heterozygotes-advantage hypothesis, diversity within the MHC genotype is beneficial for the immune system due to a greater range of antigens available to the host. Therefore, the hypothesis proposes that MHC heterozygotes will be superior to MHC homozygotes in fighting off pathogens. Experimental research has shown mixed findings for this idea. The "Red Queen" or "rare-allele" hypothesis suggests that diversity in the MHC gene provides a moving target for pathogens, making it more difficult for them to adapt to MHC genotypes in the host. Another hypothesis suggests that preferences for MHC-dissimilar mates could serve to avoid inbreeding. Body odor can provide MHC information. Although less is known about how odor is influenced by MHC genes, possible explanations have been that microbial flora or volatile acids are affected by the gene, which can be detected in body odor. Female mice and humans have both shown odor preferences for males with MHC-dissimilarity. Research has shown that women prefer the scent of men with dissimilar MHC genes. In a study, women rated the scent of T-shirts, worn over two nights by men, as more pleasant when smelling those of MHC-dissimilar men. It has also been found that women were reminded more of current or prior partners when smelling odors from men whose MHC was dissimilar to their own. A study of married couples found that MHC haplotypes differed between spouses more than chance would dictate. Taking oral contraceptives has been found to reverse the MHC-dissimilarity odor preference. Women's scent preferences and the menstrual cycle. Women’s preferences for body odor change with their menstrual cycles. The ovulatory-shift hypothesis argues that women experience elevated immediate sexual attraction, relative to low-fertile days of the cycle, to men with characteristics that reflect good genetic quality. Body odor may provide significant cues about a potential sexual partner's genetic quality, reproductive status, and health, with a woman's preferences for particular body odors becoming heightened during her most fertile days. As certain body odors can reflect good genetic quality, woman are more likely to prefer these scents when they are fertile, as this is when they are most likely to produce offspring with any potential mates, with conception-risk being related to a preference for the scent of male symmetry. Men also prefer the scent of women at their fertile cycle points. There are several scents that reflect good genetic quality that females prefer during the most fertile phase of their cycles. Women prefer the scent of symmetrical men more during the fertile phases of their menstrual cycle than during their infertile phases, with estrogen positively predicting women's preferences for the scent of symmetry. Women's preferences for masculine faces is greatest when their fertility is at its highest, and so is the preference for attractive faces. Other scents found to be preferred by women in the most fertile phase of their cycle are the scent for developmental stability, and the scent for dominance. If women are taking a contraceptive pill the changes in mate scent preferences over the menstrual cycle are not expressed. If odor plays a role in human mate choice then the contraceptive pill could disrupt disassortative mate preferences. Those taking a contraceptive pill show no significant preference for the scent of either symmetrical or asymmetrical men, whereas normally cycling women prefer the scent of shirts worn by symmetrical men. Males' preferences for women's scent may also change if the woman is taking oral contraceptives. When women take a contraceptive pill, this has been found to demolish the cycle attractiveness of odors that men find attractive in normally ovulating women. Therefore, a contraceptive pill affects both women's preferences for scent and also affects their own scents, making their scents less attractive to males than the scent of normally cycling women.

larger susceptibility

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48835904

Pigot's Case (1614) 11 CoRep 26b, [1558-1774] All ER Rep 50, 77 ER 1177 is a 17th-century decision of the English courts. It is often simply referred to by reference to the rule in Pigot's Case. The rule has been described as a "ghost of the past". Facts. Henry Pigot was indebted to Benedict Winchcombe, and on 2 March 1611 they executed a bond by way of deed relating to the indebtedness. Subsequently, in 1614, Winchcombe was appointed as High Sheriff of Oxfordshire. At this point, some well-meaning but unknown person altered the deed to record this fact by inserting the words ""Vicecomiti Comitatus Oxon" (Sheriff of the County of Oxford) immediately after the words Benedict Winchcombe, Esq and before the specification of the amount due. No other changes were made to the deed. In 1614 Winchcombe brought an action against Pigot on the deed. Pigot, relying on existing case law, entered a plea of "non est factum"" (it is not my deed), essentially arguing that because the deed had been altered, it was not the deed that he had originally entered into three years previously. Decision. The case came before the eminent 17th-century English jurist, Lord Coke. The jury had found as a fact that the amendments (a) were made by a stranger, and (b) that they did so without the permission of Winchcombe. The Court further held that the amendment was not a material one. Coke held: Much of Coke's judgment was pure "obiter dictum". Having found that the amendments were not material and were made by a stranger, in the way in which Coke commonly did, he still dedicated the larger part of his judgment to consider the legal implications of material alterations by strangers and alterations by parties to the agreement. However, those "obiter" comments served to formulate the common law jurisprudence on the subject until today. The decision has been summarised to the effect that: The rule itself has now been modified by subsequent cases (some of which are summarised below). The most recent edition of "Chitty on Contracts" describes the rule as: Earlier cases. Although the strict consequences of a party to the deed making a non-material alteration to the document appear harsh today, the case actually softened the effect of a much harsher line of earlier authorities. In raising his plea, Pigot was relying upon decisions such as "Elliott v Holder" (1567) 3 Dyer 261b, 73 ER 580 where it had been held that any alteration of a deed made it "utterly void": Subsequent cases. In 1791 the scope of the rule in "Pigot's Case" was extended from deeds to all contracts and other legal instruments by the decision in "Master v Millar" (1791) 14 TR 320. The rule remains good law in most common law jurisdictions, and has been cited with approval many times, including by the Privy Council in . Other recent citations of the rule include: Repeal. The rule has been repealed by statute in New South Wales.

significant thing

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2237801

Short stature refers to a height of a human which is below typical. Whether a person is considered short depends on the context. Because of the lack of preciseness, there is often disagreement about the degree of shortness that should be called "short". In a medical context, short stature is typically defined as an adult height that is more than two standard deviations below a population’s mean for age and gender, which corresponds to the shortest 2.3% of individuals in that population. The median or typical adult height in developed countries (as the widely abundant statistics from these countries clearly state) is about for men and for women. Causes. Shortness in children and young adults nearly always results from below-average growth in childhood, while shortness in older adults usually results from loss of height due to kyphosis of the spine or collapsed vertebrae from osteoporosis. The most common causes of short stature in childhood are constitutional growth delay or familial short stature. From a medical perspective, severe shortness can be a variation of normal, resulting from the interplay of multiple familial genes. It can also be due to one or more of many abnormal conditions, such as chronic (prolonged) growth hormone or thyroid hormone deficiency, malnutrition, disease of a major organ system, mistreatment, treatment with certain drugs, chromosomal deletions. Human growth hormone (HGH) deficiency may occur at any time during infancy or childhood, with the most obvious sign being a noticeable slowing of growth. The deficiency may be genetic. Among children without growth hormone deficiency, short stature may be caused by Turner syndrome or Noonan syndrome, chronic kidney disease, being small for gestational age at birth, Prader–Willi syndrome, Wiedemann-Steiner syndrome, or other conditions. Genetic skeletal dysplasias also known as osteochondrodysplasia usually manifest in short-limbed disproportionate short stature. When the cause is unknown, it is called "idiopathic short stature". Short stature can also be caused by the bone plates fusing at an earlier age than normal, therefore stunting growth. Normally, the bone age is the same as the biological age but for some people, it is older. For many people with advanced bone ages, they hit a growth spurt early on which propels them to average height but stop growing at an earlier age. However, in some cases, people who are naturally shorter combined with their advanced bone age, end up being even shorter than the height they normally would have been because of their stunted growth. Classification. Chronic illnesses, malnutrition, endocrine, metabolic disorders or chromosomal anomalies are characterized by proportionate short stature. On the other hand, most genetic skeletal dysplasias are known for short stature that may be proportionate or disproportionate. Disproportionate short stature can be further subdivided as specified by the body segments affected by shortening, namely limbs versus trunk: Short-limb short stature can be further subcategorised in accordance with limb segment affected by shortening. These subcategories of limb shortening include, rhizomelic (humerus and femur), mesomelic (radius, ulna, tibia and fibula) and acromelic (hands and feet). Anthropometric measurements provide are very beneficial tools to the diagnostic process of genetic skeletal dysplasias. The anthropometric measurements include height, sitting height, arm span, upper/ lower-body segment ratio, sitting height/height ratio, and arm span/height ratio for age. They also aid in the differential diagnosis of skeletal dysplasia subtypes. Treatment. The decision to treat is based on a belief that the child will be disabled by being extremely short as an adult, so that the risks of treatment (including sudden death) will outweigh the risks of not treating the symptom of short stature. Although short children commonly report being teased about their height, most adults who are very short are not physically or psychologically disabled by their height. However, there is some evidence to suggest that there is an inverse linear relationship with height and with risk of suicide. Treatment is expensive and requires many years of injections with human growth hormones. The result depends on the cause, but is typically an increase in final height of about taller than predicted. Thus, treatment takes a child who is expected to be much shorter than a typical adult and produces an adult who is still obviously shorter than average. For example, several years of successful treatment in a girl who is predicted to be as an adult may result in her being instead. Increasing final height in children with short stature may be beneficial and could enhance health-related quality of life outcomes, barring troublesome side effects and excessive cost of treatments. Cost. The cost of treatment depends on the amount of growth hormone given, which in turn depends on the child's weight and age. One year's worth of drugs normally costs about US$20,000 for a small child and over $50,000 for a teenager. These drugs are normally taken for five or more years. Cultural issues. From a social perspective shortness can be a problem independently of the cause. In many societies there are advantages associated with taller stature and disadvantages associated with shorter stature, and vice versa. Pharmaceutical companies Genentech and Eli Lilly, makers of human growth hormone, have worked to medicalize short stature by convincing the public that short stature is a disease rather than a natural variation in human height. Limiting sales of the hormone to children diagnosed with growth hormone deficiency, rather than being short for any reason, limited their sales market. Expanding it to all children whose height was below the third percentile would create 90,000 new customers and US$10 billion in revenue. In the early 1990s, they paid two US charities, the Human Growth Foundation and the MAGIC Foundation, to measure the height of thousands of American children in schools and public places, and to send letters urging medical consultations for children whose height was deemed low. Parents and schools were not told that the charities were being paid by the drug companies to do this. Paired with a campaign to advertise the hormone to physicians, the campaign was successful, and tens of thousands of children began receiving HGH. About half of them do not have growth hormone deficiency, and consequently benefited very little, if at all, from the hormone injections. Criticism of the universal screening program eventually resulted in its end. Advantage. Short stature decreases the risk of venous insufficiency. History. During World War I in Britain, the minimum height for soldiers was . Thus thousands of men under this height were denied the opportunity to fight in the war. As a result of pressure to allow them entry, special "Bantam Battalions" were created composed of men who were to . By the end of the war there were 29 Bantam Battalions of about 1,000 men each. Officers were of normal size.

evident symptom

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2120748

Lapping is a machining process in which two surfaces are rubbed together with an abrasive between them, by hand movement or using a machine. This can take two forms. The first type of lapping (traditionally called grinding), involves rubbing a brittle material such as glass against a surface such as iron or glass itself (also known as the "lap" or grinding tool) with an abrasive such as aluminum oxide, jeweller's rouge, optician's rouge, emery, silicon carbide, diamond, etc., between them. This produces microscopic conchoidal fractures as the abrasive rolls about between the two surfaces and removes material from both. The other form of lapping involves a softer material such as pitch or a ceramic for the lap, which is "charged" with the abrasive. The lap is then used to cut a harder material—the workpiece. The abrasive embeds within the softer material, which holds it and permits it to score across and cut the harder material. Taken to a finer limit, this will produce a polished surface such as with a polishing cloth on an automobile, or a polishing cloth or polishing pitch upon glass or steel. Taken to the ultimate limit, with the aid of accurate interferometry and specialized polishing machines or skilled hand polishing, lensmakers can produce surfaces that are flat to better than 30 nanometers. This is one twentieth of the wavelength of light from the commonly used 632.8 nm helium neon laser light source. Surfaces this flat can be molecularly bonded (optically contacted) by bringing them together under the right conditions. (This is not the same as the wringing effect of Johansson blocks, although it is similar). Operation. A piece of lead may be used as the lap, charged with emery, and used to cut a piece of hardened steel. The small plate shown in the first picture is a hand lapping plate. That particular plate is made of cast iron. In use, a slurry of emery powder would be spread on the plate and the workpiece simply rubbed against the plate, usually in a "figure-eight" pattern. The second picture is of a commercially available lapping machine. The lap or lapping plate in this machine is in diameter, about the smallest size available commercially. At the other end of the size spectrum, machines with plates are not uncommon, and systems with tables in diameter have been constructed. Referring to the second picture again, the lap is the large circular disk on the top of the machine. On top of the lap are two rings. The workpiece would be placed inside one of these rings. A weight would then be placed on top of the workpiece. The weights can also be seen in the picture along with two fiber spacer disks that are used to even the load. In operation, the rings stay in one location as the lapping plate rotates beneath them. In this machine, a small slurry pump can be seen at the side, this pump feeds abrasive slurry onto the rotating lapping plate. When there is a requirement to lap very small specimens (from down to a few millimetres), a lapping jig can be used to hold the material while it is lapped (see Image 3, Lapping machine and retention jig). A jig allows precise control of the orientation of the specimen to the lapping plate and fine adjustment of the load applied to the specimen during the material removal process. Due to the dimensions of such small samples, traditional loads and weights are too heavy as they would destroy delicate materials. The jig sits in a cradle on top of the lapping plate and the dial on the front of the jig indicates the amount of material removed from the specimen. Two-piece lapping. Where the mating of the two surfaces is more important than the flatness, the two pieces can be lapped together. The principle is that the protrusions on one surface will both abrade and be abraded by the protrusions on the other, resulting in two surfaces evolving towards some common shape (not necessarily perfectly flat), separated by a distance determined by the average size of the abrasive particles, with a surface roughness determined by the variation in the abrasive size. This yields closeness-of-fit results comparable to that of two accurately-flat pieces, without quite the same degree of testing required for the latter. One complication in two-piece lapping is the need to ensure that neither piece flexes or is deformed during the process. As the pieces are moved past each other, part of each (some area near the edge) will be unsupported for some fraction of the rubbing movement. If one piece flexes due to this lack of support, the edges of the opposite piece will tend to dig depressions into it a short distance in from the edge, and the edges of the opposite piece are heavily abraded by the same action - the lapping procedure assumes roughly equal pressure distribution across the whole surface at all times, and will fail in this manner if the workpiece itself deforms under that pressure. Accuracy and surface roughness. Lapping can be used to obtain a specific surface roughness; it is also used to obtain very accurate surfaces, usually very flat surfaces. Surface roughness and surface flatness are two quite different concepts. A typical range of surface roughness that can be obtained without resorting to special equipment would fall in the range of 1 to 30 units Ra (average roughness), usually microinches. Surface accuracy or flatness is usually measured in helium light bands (HLB), one HLB measuring about . Again, without resort to special equipment accuracies of 1 to 3 HLB are typical. Though flatness is the most common goal of lapping, the process is also used to obtain other configurations such as a concave or convex surface. Measurement. Flatness. The easiest method for measuring flatness is with a height gauge positioned on a surface plate. Note that you must set up the part on three stands and find the minimum variation while adjusting them, just placing the part on the surface plate and using a dial indicator to find TIR on the opposite side of the part measures parallelism. Flatness is more easily measured with a co-ordinate measuring machine. But neither of these methods can measure flatness more accurately than about . Another method that is commonly used with lapped parts is the reflection and interference of monochromatic light. A monochromatic light source and an optical flat are all that are needed. The optical flat – which is a piece of transparent glass that has itself been lapped and polished on one or both sides – is placed on the lapped surface. The monochromatic light is then shone down through the glass. The light will pass through the glass and reflect off the workpiece. As the light reflects in the gap between the workpiece and the polished surface of the glass, the light will interfere with itself creating light and dark fringes called Newton's rings. Each fringe – or band – represents a change of one half wavelength in the width of the gap between the glass and the workpiece. The light bands display a contour map of the surface of the workpiece and can be readily interpreted for flatness. In the past the light source would have been provided by a helium-neon lamp or tube, using the neon 632.8nm line,or mercury vapor green line but nowadays a more common source of monochromatic light is the low pressure sodium lamp. Today, Laser diodes and LEDs are used, both being inexpensive and narrow-band light sources. With semiconductor light sources, blue is an option, having a smaller wavelength than red. For a more thorough description of the physics behind this measurement technique, see interference. Roughness. Surface roughness is defined by the minute variations in height of the surface of a given material or workpiece. The individual variances of the peaks and valleys are averaged (Ra value), or quantified by the largest difference from peak-to-valley (Rz). Roughness is usually expressed in microns. A surface that exhibits an Ra of 8 consists of peaks and valleys that average no more than 8 µm over a given distance. Roughness may be also measured by comparing the surface of the workpiece to a known sample. Calibration samples are available usually sold in a set and usually covering the typical range of machining operations from about 125 µm Ra to 1 µm Ra. Surface roughness is measured with a profilometer, an instrument that measures the minute variations in height of the surface of a workpiece.

most significant disparity

12486-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=56386268

(Romance) in the Digital Age is a 2017 feature-length film written and directed by Jason Michael Brescia. Plot. The film is music focused, which according to "Deadline", "a former emo musician who invites his ex-bandmates to his Christmas-themed wedding." While there a video of the fictional band Autumn in August performing the song "P.S. Whatever", which in turn becomes a viral hit. Cast. Like Brescia's previous film "Bridge and Tunnel", "(Romance) In The Digital Age" features an ensemble cast. The film also features cameo appearances by Frank Iero of My Chemical Romance, Andrew W.K., John Nolan of Taking Back Sunday, Mary Kate Wiles, Annet Mahendru, Hornswoggle, and Tay Zonday. Production. Shooting for the film began on February 27, 2016 in Long Beach, New York and wrapped on March 17 of the same year. The film was shot entirely in Long Beach and Amityville, New York, a Long Island suburb. Pickups for certain segments took place throughout 2016, with the final segment featuring Annet Mahendru wrapping up in February, 2017. Release. On June 7, 2017 it was announced by Deadline that the film had been acquired by Comedy Dynamics for global distribution. In August 2017 the film premiered at the Long Beach International Film Festival where it received the Joan Jett Music Award for "Best Music". On November 3, 2017 the film had a screening in New York City featuring a concert afterwards featuring John Nolan and LOLO performing songs from the film's soundtrack. The following night in Amityville, Nolan and LOLO performed full sets at the soundtrack release show On November 7, 2017 "(Romance) In The Digital Age" was released worldwide on video on demand. That night the film also screened in Los Angeles at the Regal Cinema at L.A. Live.

worldwide issuing

268-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1570387

Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine of Wembley, (22 August 1887 – 22 January 1983) was one of the leading British and international trade unionists of the twentieth century and a notable public figure. Yet, apart from his renowned guide to the conduct of meetings, ABC of Chairmanship, he has been little spoken of in the history of the labour movement. More recently, labour historians have begun to re-assess Citrine's role. By redefining the role of the Trades Union Congress (TUC), whose General Secretary he was from 1926 until 1946, he helped create a far more coherent and effective union force. This, in turn, transformed the Labour Party into a substantial social democratic force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) from 1928 until 1945. He was also joint Secretary of the key TUC/ Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a director of the UK Daily Herald newspaper until 1946 which was then a mass circulation Labour paper with considerable influence. In these important roles, Citrine was highly influential in the industrial and political wings of the labour movement. His prominent involvement helped secure its recovery after the deep crisis and crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour government in 1931. In particular, he played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour's foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Winston Churchill. Citrine strengthened the TUC's influence over the Labour Party. He opposed plans by the Labour Government in 1931 to cut unemployment benefits. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Conservatives to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have him expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee government's policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board and served as chairman of the Central Electricity Board 1947–57. He was granted a peerage in 1947. Citrine authored "ABC of Chairmanship", regarded by many in the labour movement as the "bible" of committee chairmanship. His autobiography "Men and Work" was published in 1964 and the second volume, "Two Careers", in 1967. His personal papers are held at the London School of Economics. Career. Citrine was born to a working-class family in Liverpool; his father was a ship rigger and Mersey pilot and his mother a hospital nurse. His great-grandfather Francisco Cirtrini seems to have been an immigrant from Italy and his father was born in Liverpool in 1852. Although he left school at the age of 12, like many of the union leaders of those days he was an autodidact who studied electrical theory, economics and accountancy, as well as learning the relatively ornamental Gregg shorthand writing – a skill that stood him in good stead as a union official. As a member of the Independent Labour Party from 1906, he became widely read in the standard socialist tracts, including Marx's works and from the 1910s Citrine was quite left-wing with mildly-syndicalist views. Citrine joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911 and within a few years was the leading activist for that union in Merseyside, leading a national electrician's dispute there in 1913. He was elected as the union's first full-time District Secretary in 1914 (the year he married his wife and life-time companion, Doris), a post he served in throughout World War 1 and until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks as well as with electrical contractors in the area. He became secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected as Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920 at their headquarters in Manchester. In this role he transformed the union's finances with administrative changes which secured their income, creating his reputation for these unusual union skills. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress on account of his reputation for financial and administrative abilities. The TUC, though four to five million strong with over two hundred unions affiliated, had up to then been a largely ineffective body. As the General Secretary, Fred Bramley, was ill, Citrine took on a much wider role from the start. In time, he would transform it into a coherent and effective lobbying organisation for a growing movement. He acted enthusiastically as General Secretary during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position after it, without opposition, at the Trades Union Congress of September 1926. The defeat of the general strike proved a watershed for the trade unions, persuading most General Council leaders to abandon their previous syndicalist philosophy. With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin (1881–1951), Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from the path of class conflict rhetoric to pragmatic cooperation with employers and government in return for union recognition and industrial advances. It was said that they took the TUC 'from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall'. From 1928 to 1945 he was also President of the International Federation of Trade Unions, chiefly an honorific position. He was also a Director of the "Daily Herald" 1929–1946, the newspaper that spoke for the trades union movement. Citrine declined Churchill's offer to serve in his all-Party war-time coalition government. He did accept the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to the Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout the war. Together with Bevin who became Minister of Labour and National Service, they mobilised and directed the organised working classes' enthusiastic productive effort for victory. Citrine also acted as an envoy for the Prime Minister with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This major contribution to the war effort immensely strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill's government of 1940 to 1945 which greatly assisted Labour's election as a majority government in 1945. That government's radical programme had been shaped on the National Joint Council of the 1930s. With this new prestige and standing, the trade unions came to be regarded as 'an estate of the realm', by all parties. Feuds with communists and far-left. Citrine's battles with the Communist International (Comintern) and its British agents began after the 1926 general strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front group in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU), later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike and attacked them viciously. In a fully-researched pamphlet, Citrine exposed that attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and helped to isolate British communists in the trade unions and the Labour Party. However, Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union – an admirer of what he described as Lenin's 'Electric Republic'. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and would do so again in 1935, 1941, 1943, 1945 and 1956 However, as president of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931 to 1936, he saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement partly as the fault of the communists' divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain which perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in its dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. Thar caused much hostility by the left, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many leftists to him thereafter. Michael Foot's biography of Aneurin Bevan is indicative of that. Citrine wrote that his robust exposure of the Communist International and the Communist Party of Great Britain attempts to subvert British trade union leaders' authority and to capture key posts in the trade union movement drew a "campaign of calumny" against him "in which everything I did was distorted into some sinister conspiracy against the workers". One example that he gave were allegations that he had colluded with the French Labour Minister Charles Pomaret "to clamp down on French labour with a set of drastic wage-&hour decrees in 1939 and had agreed a proposal by British Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir John Simon that pay rises in Britain be stopped." As TUC General Secretary, Citrine and seven members of his General Council had gone to France to confer with its counterparts in the Confederation Generale du Travail "to secure close co-operation between the two trade union movements to prosecute the war against Hitlerism". Only "The Daily Worker" (later "The Morning Star"), organ of the Communist Party and the Comintern, were likely to criticize them for that since they were supporting the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Citrine and his colleagues sued the "Daily Worker" for libel in April 1940 in a case that lasted six days, with Queen's Counsel on both sides. In finding for Citrine and the General Council, Mr Justice Stable said: Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and their costs, but they were never paid, as the Daily Worker changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine: "Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940". Indicative of the inaccurate press that Citrine still receives by the left, the "malicious invention" continues to appear in articles without any reference to the real story or to Citrine's reasoned rebuttal. Finland. Citrine was totally opposed to the Soviet incursion into Finland in late 1939 and was persuaded to join a Council of Labour delegation to Finland to report to both the Labour Party and TUC. He visited Finland at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union in January 1940. He interviewed many people ranging from Gerneral Carl Mannerheim to Soviet prisoners. He visited the front line near the Summa sector of the Mannerheim line. He wrote a popular account of his brief visit in "My Finnish Diary". Soviet Union. In October 1941 a TUC delegation under his leadership travelled on the Australian warship HMAS "Norman" from Iceland to the Soviet Union (Archangel) via the Arctic route. The Anglo-Soviet Trade Union Committee they established with the Soviet trade unions was part of the TUC's diplomatic efforts to cement the Anglo-Soviet alliance against the Nazis after the German invasion of Russia. The Soviet Foreign Secretary, Molotov, asked to meet them to press for more British assistance in the war and Citrine briefed Churchill and Eden on his return. This prior to the establishment of the Arctic convoys to supply war materials from Britain to the Soviet Union. Postwar. When the Labour Party came to power in 1945, Citrine was about to retire from the TUC but was not invited to join the government by Attlee and Bevin. In 1946, at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Emmanuel Shinwell MP, he was invited to join the newly nationalized National Coal Board and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). He served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the British Electricity Authority (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority),and in 1947, Prime Minister Attlee confirmed this 'romance' appointment for the former electrician. He served in this capacity for ten years (remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity. In this role, he embarked on an entirely new career, hence the second volume of his memoirs title, "Two Careers". Citrine at the TUC worked with Prime Minister Clement Attlee, Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin and other Labour leaders to develop an anti-Communist foreign policy in 1945–46. He collaborated with the American Federation of Labor to strengthen non-Communist unions around the world, especially in the West Indies. Personal life. Walter Citrine married his life-time partner, Dorothy Ellen ('Doris') Slade (1892–1973) in 1914 and they had two sons. They settled in Wembley Park from 1925/6. In 1955 they were living at Dorislade 59, Royston Park Road, Hatch End (Pinner). His wife died in 1973.and Citrine later moved to Brixham in Devon. He took his title, Baron Citrine of Wembley from this long association. He is buried in Harrow Weald Cemetery. Sir Walter Citrine had been knighted in 1935, made a Privy Councillor in 1940 and a peer in 1946, when he retired from the TUC to become a member of the National Coal Board for a year. He then became chairman of the Central Electricity Authority from 1947 to 1957, (and a part-time board member for another five years), until he finally retired aged over seventy. He began attending debates in the House of Lords in the 1960s and made many well-received contributions throughout that decade. In 1975, Lord Citrine made his last appearance at the rostrum of his old union, the ETU, to receive the union's highest honour, its gold badge and the huge acclaim from the delegates. In the 1960s, he published his autobiography in two volumes, Men and Work (1964) and Two Careers (1967), which demonstrate considerable writing skills, as well as being one of the best accounts of his times, based on the meticulous shorthand notes he kept as the events unfolded.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20753584

Arthur Morris was a key member of Donald Bradman's famous Australian cricket team, which toured England in 1948. The Australians went undefeated in their 34 matches; this unprecedented feat by a Test side touring England earned them the sobriquet "The Invincibles". A left-handed opening batsman, Morris played in all five Tests, partnering the right-handed Sid Barnes in three Tests—Barnes was injured for the other two Tests. As one of three on-tour selectors, Morris was a member of the leadership group along with Bradman and vice-captain Lindsay Hassett. Morris ended the first-class tour with 1,922 runs at a batting average of 71.18 including seven centuries, recording the second highest aggregate behind Bradman. Morris' s form peaked in the Test series; he headed the runscoring aggregates and averages for all players with 696 runs at 87.00, and was the only player to compile three Test centuries. In the Second Test at Lord's, Morris struck 105 to set up Australia's first innings of 350 and eventual win. He scored 182 on a deteriorating pitch on the final day of the Fourth Test at Headingley, combining for a triple-century partnership with Bradman. Australia scored 3/404 in the second innings to win by seven wickets, setting a world record for the highest successful run-chase in Test history. In the Fifth Test at The Oval, Morris scored 196, more than half of Australia's 389 as the tourists went on to win by an innings. Based on his performance during the tour of England, "Wisden Cricketers' Almanack" named Morris as one of their Cricketers of the Year in 1949. They described him as "one of the world's best left-hand batsmen". Background. During the Australian season of 1947–48, which preceded the tour of England, Morris played in the first four Tests against the touring Indians, scoring 45 and an unbeaten 100 in the Third Test victory in Melbourne. He was omitted for the Fifth Test because the selectors wanted to trial other candidates for the 1948 tour of England. Morris ended the series with 209 runs at a batting average of 52.25, making him the third highest scorer as Australia won 4–0. During the series, he had opened with both Bill Brown, the veteran who had been a mainstay of Australian teams of the 1930s, and New South Wales teammate Sid Barnes. The Australian selectors chose Brown for the first two Tests against the Indians, but he struggled and made only 18 and 11—Australia batted once in both Tests—and was then dropped for Barnes, who made only 12 and 15 in the Third Test. Retained for the Fourth Test, Barnes made 112 in an Australian victory. Morris—whose place was secure—was rested for the Fifth Test to give Brown another chance to show that he was worthy of selection. Barnes made 33 while Brown made 99 run out as Australia completed a 4–0 series win. In the end, all three were selected for the England tour. As specialist opening batsmen, the trio were competing for the two opening positions in Bradman's first-choice team. Morris—recently appointed co-captain of New South Wales—greatly impressed Australian captain Don Bradman, to the extent that Bradman made himself, Morris and vice-captain Lindsay Hassett the three on-tour selectors for the 1948 visit to England. Morris was a key part of Bradman's inner circle during the planning of the tour. Bradman had long harboured an ambition to tour England without losing a match; his team would become the first to achieve this feat, earning themselves the sobriquet, "The Invincibles". Early tour. Morris marked his first-class debut on English soil in the opening match of the tour, against Worcestershire. After the hosts had batted first and made 233, Morris stroked with a fluent 138 (including 19 fours) from 275 minutes. He put on an opening stand of 79 with Sid Barnes, before adding 186 for the second wicket with Bradman. Australia declared at 8/462 before completing an innings victory. Morris and Bradman's scoring matched one another during their partnership and both were close to being the first Australian century-maker on the tour. The former was on 95 and took three runs to move to 98, before Bradman hit consecutive fours to progress from 91 to 99. The Australian captain failed to score for the rest of the over, so Morris took the strike in the next over and reached his century before Bradman followed suit. After reaching triple figures, Morris added his last 38 runs in 50 minutes. Morris’s role indicated his standing alongside Barnes as a first-choice opener, as Australia customarily selected its strongest team for the tour opener. The third opener taken on tour, Bill Brown, played out of position in the middle order. Morris was rested from the second tour match, which was against Leicestershire; Bradman’s team won by an innings. He returned against Yorkshire, and in a low-scoring match on a damp pitch favouring slower bowling, made 17 and three as Australia won by only four wickets. The match saw 324 runs scored for the loss of 35 wickets and a top-score of only 34. Morris’s 17 in the first innings was actually the fourth highest score for the entire match. The match was the closest Australia came to defeat for the whole tour; the tourists were 6/31 in pursuit of the target of 60, with effectively only three wickets in hand because Sam Loxton was injured and unable to bat. The Australians travelled to London to play Surrey at The Oval. In the first hour of play, Australia's openers played solidly and rarely missed a ball. Morris scored 65 as he and Barnes put on an opening stand of 136, which laid the foundation for Australia's 632. The tourists went on to win the match by an innings. In the next fixture, Morris managed only 26 as Australia piled on 4/414 declared against Cambridge University. Morris bowled for the first time on tour, sending down five wicketless overs for 11 runs as Australia completed their second innings victory in succession. Morris was rested as Australia crushed Essex by an innings and 451 runs, their largest winning margin for the summer. During the match, the Australian batsmen set a world record by scoring 721 runs on the first day, a new world record for the most runs in one day of first-class cricket. Morris returned for the innings victory against Oxford University, putting on an opening stand of 138 with Brown before being run out for 64. Former Australian Test batsman Jack Fingleton reported that Hubert Webb "brilliantly ran out Morris from the boundary with a throw over the stumps". Australia amassed 431 and won completed their fourth consecutive innings victory. In the hosts' second innings, Morris took his first wicket of the tour, bowling Indian Test batsman Abdul Hafeez Kardar to end with 1/6 from three overs. The next match was against the Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) at Lord's. The MCC fielded seven players who would represent England in the Tests, and were basically a full strength Test team, while Australia fielded their strongest possible team. Morris and Barnes retained their positions at the top of the order, while Brown played out of position in the middle order. It was a chance to players from both sides to gain a psychological advantage ahead of the Tests, but Morris looked uncomfortable, managing only five as Australia amassed 552 and enforced the follow on to win by an innings. In the MCC’s second innings, Morris caught Jim Laker from the bowling of Colin McCool. The Lord’s fixture was followed by Australia's first non-victory of the tour, which was against Lancashire. Morris continued to struggle, making five and 22, falling twice to England Test paceman Dick Pollard, In the drawn match against Nottinghamshire, Morris continued his form slump, making 16 in the tourists' only innings. Morris found batting difficult for the first few weeks of the tour, as he struggled to adapt to the unfamiliar batting conditions. He reached 50 only twice in the nine innings after the Worcestershire match, totalling only 223 runs at 24.77; Morris sometimes attempted to drive balls pitched just short of a good length, and if they reared suddenly, he was liable to be caught. Morris was worried about edging the ball to the slips cordon and had become fidgety and shuffled across the crease. After being rested for the eight-wicket win over Hampshire, Morris rectified his technical problem, and success followed against Sussex. After the hosts had been rolled for 86 in their first innings, Morris dominated an opening partnership of 153 with Brown, who made only 44 before becoming the first man to fall. Morris added a further 189 for the second wicket with Bradman before he fell for 184 at 2/342. He had struck 26 fours, laying the platform for Australia's total of 5/549 declared and eventual innings victory. He was to hit five more first-class centuries before the end of the season. First Test. Morris thus headed into the First Test at Trent Bridge with a century under his belt. He held his position at the top of the order along with Barnes, while Brown played out of position in the middle order. Morris bowled three overs for four runs in the first innings as England were bowled out for 165 on the first day after winning the toss and electing to bat. During the innings, Morris took a reflex catch when Godfrey Evans hit a ball strongly, directly to him at short leg to leave England at 7/74. Australia survived the last 15 minutes on the first evening to reach stumps on 0/17, with Morris on 10. Barnes and Morris took the score to 73 before the latter was bowled by Jim Laker's off spin for 31. Barnes batted confidently, while the hesitant Morris shuffled around the crease. At one stage, Morris scored only seven runs in 55 minutes, During this period, Morris unnecessarily played at a ball outside off stump from seamer Alec Bedser and edged it to wicket-keeper Evans, who dropped the catch. He recomposed himself and hit left arm orthodox spinner Jack Young's first ball—a full toss—for runs as Australia passed 50 without loss. Morris fell when he tried to force a ball from Laker away, but hit it from the middle of his bat into his back pad; the ball rebounded onto the stumps. Australia went on to amass 509, and when England batted again, they lost their third wicket at 150. Joe Hardstaff junior came in, and on the third ball he aimed a cut that went low to second slip, just as he did in the first innings. However, Morris dropped the catch. Hardstaff exploited his second chance to make 43 before falling at 4/243. Australia eventually bowled England out for 441, leaving them a target of 98 on the final day. Bradman’s openers progressed quickly at the start of the chase. Barnes took 13 runs from the opening over by Bedser, but Morris again lacked fluency. Australia reached 38 from 32 minutes when Bedser bowled Morris for nine, but the tourists steadied to reach their target with eight wickets in hand. After bowling several balls that moved away, Bedser caught out Morris with an inswinger. Morris had developed a habit of trying to defend the ball to the leg side while shuffling towards the off, and was not in a position to deal with a ball that hurried off the pitch. Following the match, Fingleton criticised Morris, feeling that he was shuffling across the crease too much instead of playing from the back foot. In the match immediately after the First Test, Morris scored 60 against Northamptonshire, putting on 122 runs with Lindsay Hassett as Australian completed an innings win. He was then rested ahead of the Second Test as Australia drew with Yorkshire at Bramall Lane in Sheffield. Second Test. In the Second Test at Lord's, Australia elected to bat first and England made an ideal start. The debutant Alec Coxon opened the bowling and removed Barnes for a duck in his second over to leave the tourists at 1/3. England restricted the Australians in the first hour and created several near misses, particularly against Bradman, who nervous early on. In contrast, Morris was playing fluently and scored many runs from the back cut. At the end of the pace bowlers' opening spells, the leg spin of Doug Wright was introduced and Australia cut loose. Wright bowled a no-ball that Morris dispatched over the leg side fence for six, before hitting another ball for four. Bradman and Morris settled down as Coxon and Wright operated steadily, although the latter was able to extract substantial spin, hitting Morris in the stomach with a ball that turned in sharply from outside off stump. At lunch, Australia were 1/82 with Morris on 45 and Bradman on 35. Shortly afterwards, with the score at 87, Bradman was caught for the third consecutive time in Tests in Bedser's leg trap. Len Hutton—who took the catch—had dropped Bradman in the same position when the Australian captain was on 13. At the other end, Morris began to take control. He drove the ball through the covers and clipped it off his pads through the leg side. Morris reached his century with consecutive boundaries from Coxon. Fingleton called the innings "a pretty Test century in the grandest of all cricket settings". This ended a run of poor form for Morris, a period during which he had shuffled uncertainly on the crease without moving forward or back decisively. O'Reilly called it Morris's best Test century to date, as this was the strongest English attack he had faced during his career, and because of the loss of wickets at the other end. O'Reilly said Morris had been disciplined in not playing loose shots outside off stump and missing or edging them, yet still being able to score quickly at every opportunity. Morris was out soon after for 105 from 166 balls, after hitting Coxon to Hutton in the gully to leave Australia at 3/166. His innings included 14 fours and one six, and was noted for powerful, well-placed cover drives. With Morris gone, Australia fell to 7/258 at stumps, before the lower order counterattacked on the second morning and took the total to 350. Bradman’s team took a 135-run lead after dismissing England for 215. The weather was fine as Australia started their second innings on the third morning. The Australian openers took a cautious approach to begin with, avoiding the hook shot and not playing at balls that were not going to hit the stumps, looking for a solid start. Both openers were given early reprieves. Barnes survived a stumping opportunity when he was 18. Laker came on and induced Morris into hitting an airborne ball back down the pitch, but he was slow to react to the possibility of a caught and bowled. According to O'Reilly, most other bowlers would have been able to reach the ball and attempt a catch. The openers took advantage to combine for an opening stand of 122. Wright came on and again bowled a no-ball at the start of his spell, which Morris lofted into the crowd for six. After shuffling around with uncertainty at the start of his innings, Morris began to play more fluently. He was eventually bowled for 62, knocking a ball from Wright onto his stumps. The opening partnership laid the platform for Australia's 7/460 declared, which allowed them to set an imposing target of 596 and win by 409 runs to take a 2–0 series lead. Morris was rested by Bradman for the second match against Surrey, which started the day after the Test and ended in a ten-wicket victory for the Australians. The following match was against Gloucestershire at Bristol, and in only five hours on the first day, Morris scored his career best of 290. Having lost the first two Tests, England were contemplating changes to their team: Tom Goddard was earmarked to replace Jim Laker as the off spinner after performing strongly in county cricket, while Laker had struggled in the Second Test. The English hoped Goddard would be the strike bowler to cut through Australia's strong batting line-up. Morris's assault ended Goddard's hopes of Test selection. His innings was highlighted by his quick assessment of the length of the ball, followed by decisive footwork. Morris confidently advanced out of the crease when the ball was of a full length to drive and rocked onto the back foot to and cut if Goddard dropped short. Unable to contain Morris, Goddard packed the leg side field and bowled outside leg stump. Morris responded by stepping down the wicket towards the leg side, charging the bowler and repeatedly lofting the ball inside out over the off side. He reached his century before lunch and his 200 by the tea interval. By the time Morris was dismissed, he had struck 40 fours and a six. He put on stands of 102 with Barnes, 136 with Keith Miller and 162 with Neil Harvey before falling with the score at 4/466. Fingleton said "Morris flayed it [the home team's bowling] in all directions", while former English Test paceman Maurice Tate said "Tom [Goddard] is not used to batsmen using their feet to him ... the county batsmen diddle and diddle [shuffle about indecisively instead of quickly moving into position and attacking] to him and that gets him many wickets." Australia amassed 5/560 on the first day before declaring at 7/774, their largest score of the tour and the second highest by any Australian team on English soil. Morris took a match total of 1/35 as Australia won by an innings. Third Test. Following his effort in Bristol, Morris proceeded to the Third Test at Old Trafford. England batted first and made 363. During the innings, Barnes was hit in the kidneys by a Dick Pollard pull shot while fielding at short leg. When Australia started their first innings reply, Barnes was still recuperating after being carried from the field and taken to hospital for a medical examination. Having dropped Brown for the Test, Barnes's injury left Australia with only Morris as a specialist opener. Off spinner Ian Johnson was deployed as Australia's makeshift second opener. He was unable to make an impact, as Bedser removed him for one, before Pollard trapped Bradman leg before wicket (lbw) to leave Australia at 2/13. The tourists were pinned down as Pollard bowled 17 consecutive overs from his long run, aiming at leg stump. Pollard was reinforced by Bedser, who bowled unchanged for 90 minutes. Morris and Hassett rebuilt the innings, adding 69 for the third wicket in 101 minutes before the latter fell. Miller joined Morris and the pair took the score to 3/126 at stumps, with the latter—who had been the more sedate in the partnership—on 48. Australia struggled against the new ball in the first hour of the day three. Miller played and missed three times in one over before being trapped lbw for 31; the tourists added only nine runs in the first hour. Four runs later, Morris reached 51 and fell to Bedser, leaving Australia at 5/139. It had been a slow morning for Morris—he took 21 minutes to add a single to his overnight total and reached 50 after taking another 24 minutes to register his second run of the day. Australia fell for 221, narrowly avoiding the follow on, and England declared at 3/174 on the last morning after many rain delays. This left Bradman’s team with a victory target of 317, but the rain kept falling and the entire morning was lost. Play finally began after the tea, and the pitch played very slowly because of the excess moisture. As Australia had no intention of chasing the runs, England captain Norman Yardley often installed seven men in close catching positions. In the first half-hour, the tourists showed little attacking intent and scored only six runs. Johnson then fell for six to leave Australia at 1/10. Bradman came to the crease and played 11 balls without scoring while Morris scored two streaky fours from Bedser. Yardley used his spinners for an hour, while Morris and Bradman made little effort to score. For 105 minutes, Morris stayed at one end and Bradman at the other; neither looked to rotate the strike by taking singles. The Australian skipper faced only eight balls from Morris's main end, and at one point was so startled when his partner wanted a single that he sent him back. Thereafter, the tourists batted steadily and defensively to ensure a draw. They ended at 1/92 from 61 overs, a run rate of 1.50, with 35 maidens; this was the slowest innings run rate for the series to date. Morris finished unbeaten on 54, his fourth consecutive half-century during the Test series. The match finally ended after a series of periodic rain interruptions. Morris struck 109 against Middlesex in the following tour match at Lord’s. The hosts batted first and made 203, and Australia stumbled to 3/53 before Morris combined with Sam Loxton (123) for a 172-run fourth-wicket stand. Australia recovered to reach 317 and went on to a ten-wicket win. Morris's century meant he had amassed 504 runs in just over a week of cricket. Fourth Test. The Fourth Test at Headingley in Leeds saw Morris at his finest; England elected to bat and started strongly with 496 in the first innings, their highest score of the series. On a placid pitch, Morris was one of seven bowlers used as Bradman sought a breakthrough; each of the first three wickets put on century partnerships. Bill Edrich hit a long hop from Morris's left arm unorthodox spin to the boundary to reach his century, before Bedser lifted him high over square leg for six. This prompted Bradman to replace Morris after he conceded 20 runs in five overs as England reached 2/423. Edrich was out when he attempted to pull Johnson to the on side in the large gap between mid-on and square leg, but only hit it in the air to Morris, who completed the catch diving forwards at wide mid-on to leave the score at 4/426, before England collapsed to 496. England took a 38-run lead after Australia replied with 458. Morris contributed only six while batting with vice-captain Lindsay Hassett, who had been promoted from the middle order to open while Barnes was still injured; Bradman had overlooked reserve opener Brown. Morris chipped Bedser in the air to Ken Cranston at mid-wicket to leave Australia at 1/13. Australia slumped to 3/68 before a middle-order fightback took Australia to 458 early on the fourth morning. England declared at 8/365 early on the fifth morning, leaving Australia to chase 404 runs for victory. Batting into the final day allowed Yardley the right to ask the groundsman to use a heavy roller, which would help to break up the wicket and make the surface more likely to spin and bounce unevenly. At the time, 404 would have been the highest ever fourth innings score to result in a Test victory for the batting side. Australia had only 345 minutes to reach their target, and the local press wrote them off, predicting that they would be dismissed by lunchtime on a deteriorating wicket expected to favour spin bowlers. Morris and Hassett started slowly, scoring only six runs in the first six overs on a pitch offering spin and bounce. It appeared they were playing carefully at first before deciding whether to try to achieve the target at a later point. In Bedser's second over, the third of the innings, Morris chipped the ball in the air towards mid-wicket, in a similar manner to his first innings dismissal, but this time the ball evaded Cranston. After 15 minutes, Australia had only made 0/10. After Bedser had bowled three overs, Laker replaced him in the seventh over as Yardely attempted to exploit the turning surface, but 13 runs were taken from his first over. Hassett hit a four and took a single to rotate the strike. Later in the over, Morris hit a four, was beaten by a bouncing ball that hurried off the pitch, before striking another boundary. Despite the expensive Laker over, only 44 runs came in the first hour, meaning that the tourists still needed 360 runs from 285 minutes. The crowd heckled the Australian openers for their slow scoring and they applauded ironically after Morris took a single. After his poor first over, Laker had settled down and conceded only two runs from his next six overs, and "was getting at least one ball every over to turn considerably". In an attempt to exploit the worn surface, Yardley brought on the part-time left-arm unorthodox spin of Compton to partner Laker. The occasional bowler was inaccurate and Morris struck two fours in his first over to bring up Australia's 50 in 64 minutes. However, Compton's deceived Morris—who danced down the pitch and missed the ball—in the next over, but Evans fumbled the stumping opportunity with the batsman on 32 and Australia at 0/55. Laker beat Morris in the following over with an off break that spun a foot, before Compton removed Hassett for 17 with the score at 57. Bradman joined Morris with 347 runs needed in 271 minutes. The Australian captain signalled his intentions by reaching 12 in only six minutes. Yardley then called upon the occasional leg spin of Hutton in an attempt to exploit the turning wicket. However, Hutton did not bowl regularly so he had trouble in maintaining his consistency. Morris promptly joined Bradman in the counter-attack, hitting three consecutive fours to reach 51 during Hutton's first over, which Fingleton described as "rather terrible" due to the errant length. Bradman took two fours off Hutton's next over before almost hitting a catch. However, the 20 runs from Hutton's two inaccurate overs had allowed Australia to reach 1/96 from 90 minutes. In the next over, Compton greatly troubled Bradman, who edged two balls and was dropped once. At the other end, Morris continued to take advantage of Hutton's inaccurate leg breaks, and Australia reached lunch at 1/121, with the opener on 63 and his captain on 35. Hutton had conceded 30 runs in four overs, and in the half-hour preceding the interval, Australia had added 64 runs. Although Australia had scored at a reasonable rate, they had also been troubled by many of the deliveries and were expected to face further difficulty if they were to avoid defeat. Upon resumption, Compton continued as Yardley persisted with his policy of trying to exploit the deteriorating pitch with as much spin as possible. Compton was not a regular bowler and sent down a series of full tosses and long hops that were easily dispatched for runs. Morris struck seven fours in two overs of what Fingleton called "indescribably bad bowling". This sequence included six fours in eight balls. As Morris continued to attack, Compton began to crack under the pressure and his accuracy worsened. Compton had generated trouble for the batsmen by tossing the ball up and beating the bat or inducing edges, but Morris counterattacked with drives. Compton tried to hold back his length to avoid being driven, but the Australian opener pounced on the shorter balls. Morris reached the 90s just 14 minutes after the interval and hit another boundary to reach his century in just over two hours. Morris had added 37 runs since lunch, while Bradman had furthered his total by only three. The Australian onslaught against the spinners prompted Yardley to take the new ball and replace Compton with his fast men. Bradman reached 50 in 60 minutes and Yardley dropped him soon after. Australia reached 202—halfway to the required total—with 165 minutes remaining, after Morris dispatched consecutive full tosses from Laker to the fence. Bradman then hooked two boundaries, but suffered a fibrositis attack, which put him in significant pain. Drinks were taken during a delay for treatment, and Morris had to shield Bradman from the strike until the skipper’s pain had subsided. Australia reached 250 shortly before tea, with Morris on 133 and Bradman on 92. Bradman then reached his century as the second-wicket stand passed 200. Morris was given another life on 136, when Laker dropped him at square leg from the bowling of Compton. Bradman was given another life at 108; he advanced two metres down the pitch towards Laker and missed, but Evans fumbled the stumping opportunity. Australia reached tea at 1/292 with Morris on 150. The pair had added 171 during the session. Morris was eventually dismissed by Yardley for 182, after hitting a tired-looking shot to mid-off, having partnered Bradman for a stand of 301 in 217 minutes. He struck 33 fours in 290 minutes of batting. Australia still needed 46 for victory, and went on to win by seven wickets with 15 minutes to spare, setting a new world record for the highest successful Test run-chase. Morris was rested for the match against Derbyshire immediately after the Headingley Test, which Australia won by an innings, as well as the next match against Glamorgan, which was a rain-affected draw. He returned to score 32 and 20 not out as Australia defeated Warwickshire by nine wickets. Australia faced Lancashire for the second time on the tour; Morris made 49 and 16 as the match ended in a draw. Morris and Barnes put on 123 in the first innings, but their teammates were unable to build on the platform and Australia ended on 321. Morris was rested from the non-first-class match against Durham, which was a rain-affected draw. Fifth Test. Australia proceeded to The Oval for the Fifth Test. England won the toss and elected to bat on a pitch affected by heavy rain prior to the match. With the score at 2/17, Lindwall bowled a bouncer, which Compton hooked. Morris ran from his position at short square leg to take a difficult catch, described by Fingleton as "one of the catches of the season". England collapsed to be all out for 52 as Australia’s pacemen extracted bounce and movement from the pitch. In contrast, Australia batted with ease, as the overcast skies cleared and sun came out. The debutant Allan Watkins opened the bowling, delivering four overs for 19 runs before the after-effects of a Lindwall blow to the shoulder became too much. The openers passed England's first innings total with ease in less than an hour, and Australia reached 100 at 17:30, with Barnes on 52 and Morris on 47. The tourists reached 117 before Barnes fell to Eric Hollies for 61, ending an opening stand that had been compiled in only 126 minutes. This brought Bradman to the crease late on the first day. As the Australian captain had already announced his retirement after the end of the series, the innings would be his last in Test cricket if Australia batted only once. The crowd gave him a standing ovation as he walked out to the wicket. Yardley led the Englishmen in giving Bradman three cheers, before shaking his hand. The Australian captain needed only four runs for a Test average of 100, but was bowled by Hollies for a second ball duck with a googly that went between bat and pad. Bradman received another large round of applause as he left the arena. Hassett came in at 2/117 and together with Morris saw Australia to the close at 2/153. Morris was unbeaten on 77, having hooked Hollies for two fours just before stumps. On the second morning, Morris registered his third century of the Test series and his sixth in Ashes matches. The innings had taken 208 minutes and included four fours. Hassett and Morris took the score to 226 before their 109-run stand was broken when Young trapped the former for 37. As the Australians had dismissed their hosts cheaply on the first day and were already well in the lead, they had plenty of time to complete a victory, so Hassett and Morris had no need to take undue risks and scored at a sedate pace. The following batsmen were unable to establish themselves at the crease. Miller made five, before Harvey came to the crease and hit two quick boundaries before being dismissed. Hollies took both wickets. Loxton came in and accompanied Morris for 39 further runs before falling to Edrich. Lindwall fell for nine before Morris was finally removed for 196, ending an innings noted for his hooking and off-driving. It took a run out to remove Morris; he attempted a quick run after the ball was hit to third man. Morris was called through for a run by Don Tallon, but he was too slow for the substitute fielder Reg Simpson's arm. Australia went on to finish with 389. Morris had scored more than half the runs as the rest of the team struggled against the leg spin of Hollies, who took 5/131. Hollies tossed the ball up repeatedly, coaxing the Australians into attacking balls that spun after pitching on off stump. Morris took four catches for the match as Australia took victory by an innings and 149 runs, sealing a 4–0 Test series triumph. Later tour matches. Seven matches remained on Bradman's quest to go through a tour of England without defeat. Australia batted first against Kent and Morris made 43 in a total of 361 before Australia enforced the follow on and completed an innings victory. Morris was rested for the following three matches against the Gentlemen of England, Somerset and the South of England. The first two matches were won by innings while the third was washed out after Australia took a large first-innings lead. In the meantime, Morris underwent minor surgery for a split in his hand. Australia's biggest challenge in the post-Test tour matches was against the Leveson-Gower's XI, named after H. D. G. Leveson-Gower. During the last tour in 1938, this team was effectively a full-strength England outfit, but this time Bradman insisted only six current Test players be allowed to play for the hosts. After his demands were met, Bradman named a full-strength team. After the tourists dismissed the home team for 177, Morris made 62 in a 102-run opening stand with Barnes before Yardley bowled him. Australia declared at 8/489 and time ran out with Leveson-Gower's XI at 2/75 after multiple rain delays. The tour ended with two non-first-class matches against Scotland. In the first match, Morris was the mainstay of the innings, scoring 112 as Australia batted first and made 236. The Scots replied with 85 and were forced to follow on. Morris led the wicket-taking in the second innings, taking 5/10 from five overs as the hosts fell for 111 to hand the Australians an innings victory. He continued his success in the second match, taking three of Scotland's first four batsmen to end with 3/17 as the hosts fell for 178. Batting at No. 7, Morris made 10 as Australia declared at 6/407 and bowled four overs for eight runs without taking a wicket as Bradman’s men ended the tour with another innings victory. Role. A left-handed opening batsman, Morris played in all five Tests, partnering the right-handed Sid Barnes in three Tests; Barnes was injured in the Third and Fourth Tests. Barnes was unable to open in the former and did not play in the latter. Three opening batsmen were taken on the tour, with Bill Brown being the reserve. During the tour matches, which were usually played consecutively with only one or no days between fixtures, Bradman rotated the trio, so one would generally be rested while the other two opened. Notable exceptions occurred in the Test series and the opening match against Worcestershire and the clash against the MCC. In those matches, Australia fielded its first-choice team; Brown played out of position in the middle order, while Morris and Barnes opened. A very occasional left-arm unorthodox spin bowler, Morris delivered only 35 overs during the first-class matches, including eight in the Tests. He took two wickets, both outside the Test arena. Morris ended the first-class matches with 1,922 runs at 71.18 including seven centuries, ranking him second in runs only to Bradman (2,428 at 89.92) and substantially ahead of third-placed Hassett (1,563 at 74.42). He did so despite being troubled by a split between the first and second fingers of his left hand, caused by constant jarring from the bat as he played the ball. The wound often opened while he was batting, forcing him to undergo a minor operation which sidelined him from some matches in the latter part of the tour. In recognition of his performances, Morris was named as one of the five Wisden Cricketers of the Year in 1949. "Wisden" described him as "one of the world's best left-hand batsmen". Neville Cardus—his former critic—praised Morris's performance during "The Invincibles" tour as "masterful, stylish, imperturbable, sure in defence, quick and handsome in stroke play. His batting is true to himself, charming and good mannered but reliant and thoughtful." Morris's form peaked in The Ashes, heading the Test averages and aggregates with 696 runs at 87.00. Bradman (502 at 72.57) and Denis Compton (562 at 62.44) were the next closest; nobody else scored more than 360 runs. He was the only player to compile three Test centuries, and added three further fifties. Notes. Statistical note. n-[1] This statement can be verified by consulting all of the scorecards for the matches, as listed here.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=28376129

The Rayleigh sky model describes the observed polarization pattern of the daytime sky. Within the atmosphere Rayleigh scattering of light from air molecules, water, dust, and aerosols causes the sky's light to have a defined polarization pattern. The same elastic scattering processes cause the sky to be blue. The polarization is characterized at each wavelength by its degree of polarization, and orientation (the e-vector angle, or scattering angle). The polarization pattern of the sky is dependent on the celestial position of the sun. While all scattered light is polarized to some extent, light is highly polarized at a scattering angle of 90° from the light source. In most cases the light source is the sun, but the moon creates the same pattern as well. The degree of polarization first increases with increasing distance from the sun, and then decreases away from the sun. Thus, the maximum degree of polarization occurs in a circular band 90° from the sun. In this band, degrees of polarization near 80% are typically reached. When the sun is located at the zenith, the band of maximal polarization wraps around the horizon. Light from the sky is polarized horizontally along the horizon. During twilight at either the Vernal or Autumnal equinox, the band of maximal polarization is defined by the North-Zenith-South plane, or meridian. In particular, the polarization is vertical at the horizon in the North and South, where the meridian meets the horizon. The polarization at twilight at an equinox is represented by the figure to the right. The red band represents the circle in the North-Zenith-South plane where the sky is highly polarized. The cardinal directions N, E, S, W are shown at 12-o'clock, 9 o'clock, 6 o'clock and 3 o'clock (counter-clockwise around the celestial sphere since the observer is looking up at the sky). Note that because the polarization pattern is dependent on the sun, it changes not only throughout the day but throughout the year. When the sun sets toward the South, in the winter, the North-Zenith-South plane is offset, with "effective" North actually located somewhat toward the West. Thus if the sun sets at an azimuth of 255° (15° South of West) the polarization pattern will be at its maximum along the horizon at an azimuth of 345° (15° West of North) and 165° (15° East of South). During a single day, the pattern rotates with the changing position of the sun. At twilight it typically appears about 45 minutes before local sunrise and disappears 45 minutes after local sunset. Once established it is very stable, showing change only in its rotation. It can easily be seen on any given day using polarized sunglasses. Many animals use the polarization patterns of the sky at twilight and throughout the day as a navigation tool. Because it is determined purely by the position of the sun, it is easily used as a compass for animal orientation. By orienting themselves with respect to the polarization patterns, animals can locate the sun and thus determine the cardinal directions. Theory. Geometry. The geometry for the sky polarization can be represented by a celestial triangle based on the sun, zenith, and observed pointing (or the point of scattering). In the model, γ is the angular distance between the observed pointing and the sun, Θs is the solar zenith distance (90° – solar altitude), Θ is the angular distance between the observed pointing and the zenith (90° – observed altitude), Φ is the angle between the zenith direction and the solar direction at the observed pointing, and ψ is the angle between the solar direction and the observed pointing at the zenith. Thus, the spherical triangle is defined not only by the three points located at the sun, zenith, and observed point but by both the three interior angles as well as the three angular distances. In an altitude-azimuth grid the angular distance between the observed pointing and the sun and the angular distance between the observed pointing and the zenith change while the angular distance between the sun and the zenith remains constant at one point in time. The figure to the left shows the two changing angular distances as mapped onto an altitude-azimuth grid (with altitude located on the x-axis and azimuth located on the y-axis). The top plot represents the changing angular distance between the observed pointing and the sun, which is opposite to the interior angle located at the zenith (or the scattering angle). When the sun is located at the zenith this distance is greatest along the horizon at every cardinal direction. It then decreases with rising altitude moving closer toward the zenith. At twilight the sun is setting in the west. Hence the distance is greatest when looking directly away from the sun along the horizon in the east, and lowest along the horizon in the west. The bottom plot in the figure to the left represents the angular distance from the observed pointing to the zenith, which is opposite to the interior angle located at the sun. Unlike the distance between the observed pointing and the sun, this is independent of azimuth, i.e. cardinal direction. It is simply greatest along the horizon at low altitudes and decreases linearly with rising altitude. The figure to the right represents the three angular distances. The left one represents the angle at the observed pointing between the zenith direction and the solar direction. This is thus heavily dependent on the changing solar direction as the sun moves across the sky. The middle one represents the angle at the sun between the zenith direction and the pointing. Again this is heavily dependent on the changing pointing. This is symmetrical between the North and South hemispheres. The right one represents the angle at the zenith between the solar direction and the pointing. It thus rotates around the celestial sphere. Degree of polarization. The Rayleigh sky model predicts the degree of sky polarization as: As a simple example one can map the degree of polarization on the horizon. As seen in the figure to the right it is high in the North (0° and 360°) and the South (180°). It then resembles a cosine function and decreases toward the East and West reaching zero at these cardinal directions. The degree of polarization is easily understood when mapped onto an altitude-azimuth grid as shown below. As the sun sets due West, the maximum degree of polarization can be seen in the North-Zenith-South plane. Along the horizon, at an altitude of 0° it is highest in the North and South, and lowest in the East and West. Then as altitude increases approaching the zenith (or the plane of maximum polarization) the polarization remains high in the North and South and increases until it is again maximum at 90° in the East and West, where it is then at the zenith and within the plane of polarization. Click on the adjacent image to view an animation that represents the degree of polarization as shown on the celestial sphere. Black represents areas where the degree of polarization is zero, whereas red represents areas where the degree of polarization is much larger. It is approximately 80%, which is a realistic maximum for the clear Rayleigh sky during day time. The video thus begins when the sun is slightly above the horizon and at an azimuth of 120°. The sky is highly polarized in the effective North-Zenith-South plane. This is slightly offset because the sun's azimuth is not due East. The sun moves across the sky with clear circular polarization patterns surrounding it. When the sun is located at the zenith the polarization is independent of azimuth and decreases with rising altitude (as it approaches the sun). The pattern then continues as the sun approaches the horizon once again for sunset. The video ends with the sun below the horizon. Polarization angle. The scattering plane is the plane through the sun, the observer, and the point observed (or the scattering point). The scattering angle, γ, is the angular distance between the sun and the observed point. The equation for the scattering angle is derived from the law of cosines to the spherical triangle (refer to the figure above in the geometry section). It is given by: In the above equation, ψs and θs are respectively the azimuth and zenith angle of the sun, and ψ and θ are respectively the azimuth and zenith angle of the observed point. This equation breaks down at the zenith where the angular distance between the observed pointing and the zenith, θs is 0. Here the orientation of polarization is defined as the difference in azimuth between the observed pointing and the solar azimuth. The angle of polarization (or polarization angle) is defined as the relative angle between a vector tangent to the meridian of the observed point, and an angle perpendicular to the scattering plane. The polarization angles show a regular shift in polarization angle with azimuth. For example, when the sun is setting in the West the polarization angles proceed around the horizon. At this time the degree of polarization is constant in circular bands centered around the sun. Thus the degree of polarization as well as its corresponding angle clearly shifts around the horizon. When the sun is located at the zenith the horizon represents a constant degree of polarization. The corresponding polarization angle still shifts with different directions toward the zenith from different points. The video to the right represents the polarization angle mapped onto the celestial sphere. It begins with the sun located in a similar fashion. The angle is zero along the line from the sun to the zenith and increases clockwise toward the East as the observed point moves clockwise toward the East. Once the sun rises in the East the angle acts in a similar fashion until the sun begins to move across the sky. As the sun moves across the sky the angle is both zero and high along the line defined by the sun, the zenith, and the anti-sun. It is lower South of this line and higher North of this line. When the sun is at the zenith, the angle is either fully positive or 0. These two values rotate toward the west. The video then repeats a similar fashion when the sun sets in the West. Q and U Stokes parameters. The angle of polarization can be unwrapped into the Q and U Stokes parameters. Q and U are defined as the linearly polarized intensities along the position angles 0° and 45° respectively; -Q and -U are along the position angles 90° and −45°. If the sun is located on the horizon due west, the degree of polarization is then along the North-Zenith-South plane. If the observer faces West and looks at the zenith, the polarization is horizontal with the observer. At this direction Q is 1 and U is 0. If the observer is still facing West but looking North instead then the polarization is vertical with him. Thus Q is −1 and U remains 0. Along the horizon U is always 0. Q is always −1 except in the East and West. The scattering angle (the angle at the zenith between the solar direction and the observer direction) along the horizon is a circle. From the East through the West it is 180° and from the West through the East it is 90° at twilight. When the sun is setting in the West, the angle is then 180° East through West, and only 90° West through East. The scattering angle at an altitude of 45° is consistent. The input stokes parameters q and u are then with respect to North but in the altitude-azimuth frame. We can easily unwrap q assuming it is in the +altitude direction. From the basic definition we know that +Q is an angle of 0° and -Q is an angle of 90°. Therefore, Q is calculated from a sine function. Similarly U is calculated from a cosine function. The angle of polarization is always perpendicular to the scattering plane. Therefore, 90° is added to both scattering angles in order to find the polarization angles. From this the Q and U Stokes parameters are determined: and The scattering angle, derived from the law of cosines is with respect to the sun. The polarization angle is the angle with respect to the zenith, or positive altitude. There is a line of symmetry defined by the sun and the zenith. It is drawn from the sun through the zenith to the other side of the celestial sphere where the "anti-sun" would be. This is also the effective East-Zenith-West plane. The first image to the right represents the q input mapped onto the celestial sphere. It is symmetric about the line defined by the sun-zenith-anti-sun. At twilight, in the North-Zenith-South plane it is negative because it is vertical with the degree of polarization. It is horizontal, or positive in the East-Zenith-West plane. In other words, it is positive in the ±altitude direction and negative in the ±azimuth direction. As the sun moves across the sky the q input remains high along the sun-zenith-anti-sun line. It remains zero around a circle based on the sun and the zenith. As it passes the zenith it rotates toward the south and repeats the same pattern until sunset. The second image to the right represents the u input mapped onto the celestial sphere. The u stokes parameter changes signs depending on which quadrant it is in. The four quadrants are defined by the line of symmetry, the effective East-Zenith-West plane and the North-Zenith-South plane. It is not symmetric because it is defined by the angles ±45°. In a sense it makes two circles around the line of symmetry as opposed to only one. It is easily understood when compared with the q input. Where the q input is halfway between 0° and 90°, the u input is either positive at +45° or negative at −45°. Similarly if the q input is positive at 90° or negative at 0° the u input is halfway between +45° and −45°. This can be seen at the non symmetric circles about the line of symmetry. It then follows the same pattern across the sky as the q input. Neutral points and lines. Areas where the degree of polarization is zero (the skylight is unpolarized), are known as neutral points. Here the Stokes parameters Q and U also equal zero by definition. The degree of polarization therefore increases with increasing distance from the neutral points. These conditions are met at a few defined locations on the sky. The Arago point is located above the antisolar point, while the Babinet and Brewster points are located above and below the sun respectively. The zenith distance of the Babinet or Arago point increases with increasing solar zenith distance. These neutral points can depart from their regular positions due to interference from dust and other aerosols. The skylight polarization switches from negative to positive while passing a neutral point parallel to the solar or antisolar meridian. The lines that separate the regions of positive Q and negative Q are called neutral lines. Depolarization. The Rayleigh sky causes a clearly defined polarization pattern under many different circumstances. The degree of polarization however, does not always remain consistent and may in fact decrease in different situations. The Rayleigh sky may undergo depolarization due to nearby objects such as clouds and large reflecting surfaces such as the ocean. It may also change depending on the time of the day (for instance at twilight or night). In the night, the polarization of the moonlit sky is very strongly reduced in the presence of urban light pollution, because scattered urban light is not strongly polarized. Extensive research shows that the angle of polarization in a clear sky continues underneath clouds if the air beneath the cloud is directly lit by the sun. The scattering of direct sunlight on those clouds results in the same polarization pattern. In other words, the proportion of the sky that follows the Rayleigh Sky Model is high for both clear skies and cloudy skies. The pattern is also clearly visible in small visible patches of sky. The celestial angle of polarization is unaffected by clouds. Polarization patterns remain consistent even when the sun is not present in the sky. Twilight patterns are produced during the time period between the beginning of astronomical twilight (when the sun is 18° below the horizon) and sunrise, or sunset and the end of astronomical twilight. The duration of astronomical twilight depends on the length of the path taken by the sun below the horizon. Thus it depends on the time of year as well as the location, but it can last for as long as 1.5 hours. The polarization pattern caused by twilight remains fairly consistent throughout this time period. This is because the sun is moving below the horizon nearly perpendicular to it, and its azimuth therefore changes very slowly throughout this time period. At twilight, scattered polarized light originates in the upper atmosphere and then traverses the entire lower atmosphere before reaching the observer. This provides multiple scattering opportunities and causes depolarization. It has been seen that polarization increases by about 10% from the onset of twilight to dawn. Therefore, the pattern remains consistent while the degree changes slightly. Not only do polarization patterns remain consistent as the sun moves across the sky, but also as the moon moves across the sky at night. The moon creates the same polarization pattern. Thus it is possible to use the polarization patterns as a tool for navigation at night. The only difference is that the degree of polarization is not quite as strong. Underlying surface properties can affect the degree of polarization of the daytime sky. The degree of polarization has a strong dependence on surface properties. As the surface reflectance or optical thickness increase, the degree of polarization decreases. The Rayleigh sky near the ocean can therefore be highly depolarized. Lastly, there is a clear wavelength dependence in Rayleigh scattering. It is greatest at short wavelengths, whereas skylight polarization is greatest at middle to long wavelengths. Initially it is greatest in the ultraviolet, but as light moves to the Earth's surface and interacts via multiple-path scattering it becomes high at middle to long wavelengths. The angle of polarization shows no variation with wavelength. Uses. Navigation. Many animals, typically insects, are sensitive to the polarization of light and can therefore use the polarization patterns of the daytime sky as a tool for navigation. This theory was first proposed by Karl von Frisch when looking at the celestial orientation of honeybees. The natural sky polarization pattern serves as an easily detected compass. From the polarization patterns, these species can orient themselves by determining the exact position of the sun without the use of direct sunlight. Thus under cloudy skies, or even at night, animals can find their way. Using polarized light as a compass however is no easy task. The animal must be capable of detecting and analyzing polarized light. These species have specialized photoreceptors in their eyes that respond to the orientation and the degree of polarization near the zenith. They can extract information on the intensity and orientation of the degree of polarization. They can then incorporate this visually to orient themselves and recognize different properties of surfaces. There is clear evidence that animals can even orient themselves when the sun is below the horizon at twilight. How well insects might orient themselves using nocturnal polarization patterns is still a topic of study. So far, it is known that nocturnal crickets have wide-field polarization sensors and should be able to use the night-time polarization patterns to orient themselves. It has also been seen that nocturnally migrating birds become disoriented when the polarization pattern at twilight is unclear. The best example is the halicitid bee "Megalopta genalis," which inhabits the rainforests in Central America and scavenges before sunrise and after sunset. This bee leaves its nest approximately 1 hour before sunrise, forages for up to 30 minutes, and accurately returns to its nest before sunrise. It acts similarly just after sunset. Thus, this bee is an example of an insect that can perceive polarization patterns throughout astronomical twilight. Not only does this case exemplify the fact that polarization patterns are present during twilight, but it remains as a perfect example that when light conditions are challenging the bee orients itself based on the polarization patterns of the twilight sky. It has been suggested that Vikings were able to navigate on the open sea in a similar fashion, using the birefringent crystal Iceland spar, which they called "sunstone", to determine the orientation of the sky's polarization. This would allow the navigator to locate the sun, even when it was obscured by cloud cover. An actual example of such a "sunstone" was found on a sunken (Tudor) ship dated 1592, in proximity to the ship's navigational equipment. Non-polarized objects. Both artificial and natural objects in the sky can be very difficult to detect using only the intensity of light. These objects include clouds, satellites, and aircraft. However, the polarization of these objects due to resonant scattering, emission, reflection, or other phenomena can differ from that of the background illumination. Thus they can be more easily detected by using polarization imaging. There is a wide range of remote sensing applications in which polarization is useful for detecting objects that are otherwise difficult to see.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=322221

The national debt of the United States is the total national debt owed by the federal government of the United States to Treasury security holders. The national debt at any point in time is the face value of the then outstanding Treasury securities that have been issued by the Treasury and other federal government agencies. The terms "national deficit" and "national surplus" usually refer to the federal government budget balance from year to year, not the cumulative amount of debt. In a deficit year the national debt increases as the government needs to borrow funds to finance the deficit, while in a surplus year the debt decreases as more money is received than spent, enabling the government to reduce the debt by buying back some Treasury securities. In general, government debt increases as a result of government spending and decreases from tax or other receipts, both of which fluctuate during the course of a fiscal year. There are two components of gross national debt: Historically, the U.S. public debt as a share of gross domestic product (GDP) increases during wars and recessions and then subsequently declines. The ratio of debt to GDP may decrease as a result of a government surplus or via growth of GDP and inflation. For example, debt held by the public as a share of GDP peaked just after World War II (113% of GDP in 1945) but then fell over the following 35 years. In recent decades, aging demographics and rising healthcare costs have led to concern about the long-term sustainability of the federal government's fiscal policies. The aggregate, gross amount that Treasury can borrow is limited by the United States debt ceiling. As of August 31, 2020, federal debt held by the public was $20.83 trillion and intragovernmental holdings were $5.88 trillion, for a total national debt of $26.70 trillion. At the end of 2020, debt held by the public was approximately 99.3% of GDP, and approximately 37% of this public debt was owned by foreigners. The United States has the largest external debt in the world; as of 2017, its debt-to-GDP ration was ranked 43rd out of 207 countries and territories. The total number of U.S. Treasury securities held by foreign countries in June 2020 was $7.04 trillion, up from $6.63 trillion in June 2019. A 2018 report by Congressional Budget Office (CBO) forecast that publicly-held debt will rise to nearly 100% of GDP by 2028, perhaps higher if current policies are extended beyond their scheduled expiration date. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the federal government spent trillions in virus aid and economic relief. The CBO estimated that the budget deficit for fiscal year 2020 would increase to $3.3 trillion or 16% GDP, more than triple that of 2019 and the largest as % GDP since 1945. History. The United States federal government has continuously had a fluctuating public debt since its formation in 1789, except for about a year during 1835–1836, a period in which the nation, during the presidency of Andrew Jackson, completely paid the national debt. To allow comparisons over the years, public debt is often expressed as a ratio to GDP. The United States public debt as a percentage of GDP reached its highest level during Harry Truman's first presidential term, during and after World War II. Public debt as a percentage of GDP fell rapidly in the post-World War II period and reached a low in 1974 under Richard Nixon. Debt as a share of GDP has consistently increased since then, except during the presidencies of Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton. Public debt rose sharply during the 1980s, as Ronald Reagan negotiated with Congress to cut tax rates and increase military spending. It fell during the 1990s because of decreased military spending, increased taxes and the 1990s boom. Public debt rose sharply during George W Bush's presidency and in the wake of the 2007–2008 financial crisis, with resulting significant tax revenue declines and spending increases, such as the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009. In their September 2018 monthly report published on October 5 and based on data from the Treasury Department's "Daily Treasury Statements" (DTS), the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) wrote that the federal budget deficit was c.$782 billion for the fiscal year 2018—which runs from October 2017 through September 2018. This is $116 billion more than in FY2017. The Treasury statements as summarized by in the CBO report that corporate taxes for 2017 and 2018 declined by $92 billion representing a drop of 31%. The CBO added that "about half of the decline ... occurred since June" when some of the provisions of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 took effect, which included the "new lower corporate tax rate and the expanded ability to immediately deduct the full value of equipment purchases". According to articles in "The Wall Street Journal" and "Business Insider", based on documents released on October 29, 2018, by the Treasury Department, the department's projection estimated that by the fourth quarter of the FY2018, it would have issued c. $1.338 trillion in debt. This would have be the highest debt issuance since 2010, when it reached $1.586 trillion. The Treasury anticipated that the total "net marketable debt"—net marketable securities—issued in the fourth quarter would reach $425 billion; which would raise the 2018 "total debt issuance" to over a trillion dollars of new debt, representing a "146% jump from 2017". According to the "Journal" that is the highest fourth quarter issuance "since 2008, at the height of the financial crisis." As cited by the "Journal" and the "Business Insider", the primary drivers of new debt issuance are "stagnant", "sluggish tax revenues", a decrease in "corporate tax revenue", due to the GOP Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, the "bipartisan budget agreement", and "higher government spending". Valuation and measurement. Public and government accounts. As of July 20, 2020, debt held by the public was $20.57 trillion, and intragovernmental holdings were $5.94 trillion, for a total of $26.51 trillion. Debt held by the public was approximately 77% of GDP in 2017, ranked 43rd highest out of 207 countries. The CBO forecast in April 2018 that the ratio will rise to nearly 100% by 2028, perhaps higher if current policies are extended beyond their scheduled expiration date. The national debt can also be classified into marketable or non-marketable securities. Most of the marketable securities are Treasury notes, bills, and bonds held by investors and governments globally. The non-marketable securities are mainly the "government account series" owed to certain government trust funds such as the Social Security Trust Fund, which represented $2.82 trillion in 2017. The non-marketable securities represent amounts owed to program beneficiaries. For example, in the cash upon receipt but spent for other purposes. If the government continues to run deficits in other parts of the budget, the government will have to issue debt held by the public to fund the Social Security Trust Fund, in effect exchanging one type of debt for the other. Other large intragovernmental holders include the Federal Housing Administration, the Federal Savings and Loan Corporation's Resolution Fund and the Federal Hospital Insurance Trust Fund (Medicare). Accounting treatment. Only debt held by the public is reported as a liability on the consolidated financial statements of the United States government. Debt held by government accounts is an asset to those accounts but a liability to the Treasury; they offset each other in the consolidated financial statements. Government receipts and expenditures are normally presented on a cash rather than an accrual basis, although the accrual basis may provide more information on the longer-term implications of the government's annual operations. The United States public debt is often expressed as a ratio of public debt to GDP. The ratio of debt to GDP may decrease as a result of a government surplus as well as from growth of GDP and inflation. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac obligations excluded. Under normal accounting rules, fully owned companies would be consolidated into the books of their owners, but the large size of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac has made the U.S. government reluctant to incorporate them into its own books. When the two mortgage companies required bail-outs, White House Budget Director Jim Nussle, on September 12, 2008, initially indicated their budget plans would not incorporate the government-sponsored enterprise (GSE) debt into the budget because of the temporary nature of the conservator intervention. As the intervention has dragged out, pundits began to question this accounting treatment, noting that changes in August 2012 "makes them even more permanent wards of the state and turns the government's preferred stock into a permanent, perpetual kind of security". The federal government controls the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, which would normally criticize inconsistent accounting practices, but it does not oversee its own government's accounting practices or the standards set by the Federal Accounting Standards Advisory Board. The on- or off-balance sheet obligations of those two independent GSEs was just over $5 trillion at the time the conservatorship was put in place, consisting mainly of mortgage payment guarantees and agency bonds. The confusing "independent but government-controlled" status of the GSEs resulted in investors of the legacy common shares and preferred shares launching various activist campaigns in 2014. Guaranteed obligations excluded. U.S. federal government guarantees were not included in the public debt total as they were not drawn against. The U.S. federal government in late-2008 had guaranteed large amounts of obligations of mutual funds, banks, and corporations under several programs designed to deal with the problems arising from the late-2000s financial crisis. The guarantee program lapsed at the end of 2012 when Congress declined to extend the scheme. The funding of direct investments made in response to the crisis, such as those made under the Troubled Asset Relief Program, were included in the debt totals. Unfunded obligations excluded. The U.S. federal government is obligated under current law to make mandatory payments for programs such as Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) projects that payouts for these programs will significantly exceed tax revenues over the next 75 years. The Medicare Part A (hospital insurance) payouts already exceed program tax revenues, and social security payouts exceeded payroll taxes in fiscal year 2010. These deficits require funding from other tax sources or borrowing. The present value of these deficits or unfunded obligations is an estimated $45.8 trillion. This is the amount that would have had to be set aside in 2009 in order to pay for the unfunded obligations which, under current law, will have to be raised by the government in the future. Approximately $7.7 trillion relates to Social Security, while $38.2 trillion relates to Medicare and Medicaid. In other words, health care programs will require nearly five times more funding than Social Security. Adding this to the national debt and other federal obligations would bring total obligations to nearly $62 trillion. However, these unfunded obligations are not counted in the national debt, as shown in monthly Treasury reports of the national debt. Measuring debt burden. GDP is a measure of the total size and output of the economy. One measure of the debt burden is its size relative to GDP, called the "debt-to-GDP ratio." Mathematically, this is the debt divided by the GDP amount. The Congressional Budget Office includes historical budget and debt tables along with its annual "Budget and Economic Outlook." Debt held by the public as a percentage of GDP rose from 34.7% GDP in 2000 to 40.5% in 2008 and 67.7% in 2011. Mathematically, the ratio can decrease even while debt grows if the rate of increase in GDP (which also takes account of inflation) is higher than the rate of increase of debt. Conversely, the debt to GDP ratio can increase even while debt is being reduced, if the decline in GDP is sufficient. According to the "CIA World Factbook", during 2015, the U.S. debt to GDP ratio of 73.6% was the 39th highest in the world. This was measured using "debt held by the public." However, $1 trillion in additional borrowing since the end of FY 2015 raised the ratio to 76.2% as of April 2016 [See Appendix#National debt for selected years]. Also, this number excludes state and local debt. According to the OECD, general government gross debt (federal, state, and local) in the United States in the fourth quarter of 2015 was $22.5 trillion (125% of GDP); subtracting out $5.25 trillion for intragovernmental federal debt to count only federal "debt held by the public" gives 96% of GDP. The ratio is higher if the total national debt is used, by adding the "intragovernmental debt" to the "debt held by the public." For example, on April 29, 2016, debt held by the public was approximately $13.84 trillion or about 76% of GDP. Intra-governmental holdings stood at $5.35 trillion, giving a combined total public debt of $19.19 trillion. U.S. GDP for the previous 12 months was approximately $18.15 trillion, for a total debt to GDP ratio of approximately 106%. Calculating the annual change in debt. Conceptually, an annual deficit (or surplus) should represent the change in the national debt, with a deficit adding to the national debt and a surplus reducing it. However, there is complexity in the budgetary computations that can make the deficit figure commonly reported in the media (the "total deficit") considerably different from the annual increase in the debt. The major categories of differences are the treatment of the Social Security program, Treasury borrowing, and supplemental appropriations outside the budget process. Social Security payroll taxes and benefit payments, along with the net balance of the U.S. Postal Service, are considered "off-budget", while most other expenditure and receipt categories are considered "on-budget". The total federal deficit is the sum of the on-budget deficit (or surplus) and the off-budget deficit (or surplus). Since FY1960, the federal government has run on-budget deficits except for FY1999 and FY2000, and total federal deficits except in FY1969 and FY1998–FY2001. For example, in January 2009 the CBO reported that for FY2008, the "on-budget deficit" was $638 billion, offset by an "off-budget surplus" (mainly due to Social Security revenue in excess of payouts) of $183 billion, for a "total deficit" of $455 billion. This latter figure is the one commonly reported in the media. However, an additional $313 billion was required for "the Treasury actions aimed at stabilizing the financial markets," an unusually high amount because of the subprime mortgage crisis. This meant that the "debt held by the public" increased by $768 billion ($455B + $313B = $768B). The "off-budget surplus" was borrowed and spent (as is typically the case), increasing the "intra-governmental debt" by $183 billion. So the total increase in the "national debt" in FY2008 was $768B +$183B = $951 billion. The Treasury Department reported an increase in the national debt of $1,017B for FY2008. The $66 billion difference is likely from "supplemental appropriations" for the War on Terror, some of which were outside the budget process entirely until President Obama began including most of them in his FY2010 budget. In other words, spending the "off budget" Social Security surplus adds to the total national debt (by increasing the intragovernmental debt) while the "off-budget" surplus reduces the "total" deficit reported in the media. Certain spending called "supplemental appropriations" is outside the budget process entirely but adds to the national debt. Funding for the Iraq and Afghanistan wars was accounted for this way prior to the Obama administration. Certain stimulus measures and earmarks were also outside the budget process. The federal government publishes the total debt owed (public and intragovernmental holdings) monthly. Reduction. Negative real interest rates. Since 2010, the U.S. Treasury has been obtaining negative real interest rates on government debt, meaning the inflation rate is greater than the interest rate paid on the debt. Such low rates, outpaced by the inflation rate, occur when the market believes that there are no alternatives with sufficiently low risk, or when popular institutional investments such as insurance companies, pensions, or bond, money market, and balanced mutual funds are required or choose to invest sufficiently large sums in Treasury securities to hedge against risk. Economist Lawrence Summers states that at such low interest rates, government borrowing actually saves taxpayer money and improves creditworthiness. In the late 1940s through the early 1970s, the U.S. and UK both reduced their debt burden by about 30% to 40% of GDP per decade by taking advantage of negative real interest rates, but there is no guarantee that government debt rates will continue to stay this low. Between 1946 and 1974, the U.S. debt-to-GDP ratio fell from 121% to 32% even though there were surpluses in only eight of those years which were much smaller than the deficits. Raising reserve requirements and full reserve banking. Two economists, Jaromir Benes and Michael Kumhof, working for the International Monetary Fund, published a working paper called "The Chicago Plan Revisited" suggesting that the debt could be eliminated by raising bank reserve requirements and converting from fractional-reserve banking to full-reserve banking. Economists at the Paris School of Economics have commented on the plan, stating that it is already the "status quo" for coinage currency, and a Norges Bank economist has examined the proposal in the context of considering the finance industry as part of the real economy. A Centre for Economic Policy Research paper agrees with the conclusion that "no real liability is created by new fiat money creation and therefore public debt does not rise as a result." Debt ceiling. The debt ceiling is a legislative mechanism to limit the amount of national debt that can be issued by the Treasury. In effect, it restrains the Treasury from paying for expenditures after the limit has been reached, even if the expenditures have already been approved (in the budget) and have been appropriated. If this situation were to occur, it is unclear whether Treasury would be able to prioritize payments on debt to avoid a default on its debt obligations, but it would have to default on some of its non-debt obligations. Debt holdings. Because a large variety of people own the notes, bills, and bonds in the "public" portion of the debt, the Treasury also publishes information that groups the types of holders by general categories to portray who owns United States debt. In this data set, some of the public portion is moved and combined with the total government portion, because this amount is owned by the Federal Reserve as part of United States monetary policy. (See Federal Reserve System.) As is apparent from the chart, a little less than half of the total national debt is owed to the "Federal Reserve and intragovernmental holdings". The foreign and international holders of the debt are also put together from the notes, bills, and bonds sections. To the right is a chart for the data as of June 2008: Foreign holdings. As of October 2018, foreigners owned $6.2 trillion of U.S. debt, or approximately 39% of the debt held by the public of $16.1 trillion and 28% of the total debt of $21.8 trillion. As of August 2020, the largest foreign holders were Japan ($1.278 trillion), China ($1.068 trillion), United Kingdom ($419 billion), and Ireland ($335 billion). Historically, the share held by foreign governments had grown over time, rising from 13% of the public debt in 1988 to 34% in 2015. In more recent years, foreign ownership has retreated both in percent of total debt and total dollar amounts. China's maximum holding of 9.1% or $1.3 trillion of U.S. debt occurred in 2011, subsequently reduced to 5% in 2018. Japan's maximum holding of 7% or $1.2 trillion occurred in 2012, subsequently reduced to 4% in 2018. According to Paul Krugman, "America actually earns more from its assets abroad than it pays to foreign investors." Nonetheless, the country's net international investment position represents a debt of more than $9 trillion. Forecasting. CBO ten-year outlook 2018–2028 (pre–COVID-19 pandemic). The CBO estimated the impact of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and separate spending legislation over the 2018–2028 period in their annual "Budget & Economic Outlook", released in April 2018: CBO ten-year outlook 2020–2030 (during the COVID-19 pandemic). The CBO estimated that the budget deficit for fiscal year 2020 would increase to $3.3 trillion or 16% GDP, more than triple that of 2019 and the largest as % GDP since 1945, because of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. CBO also forecast the debt held by the public would rise to 98% GDP in 2020, compared with 79% in 2019 and 35% in 2007 before the Great Recession. CBO long-term outlook. The CBO reports its "Long-Term Budget Outlook" annually, providing at least two scenarios for spending, revenue, deficits, and debt. The 2019 Outlook mainly covers the 30-year period through 2049. The CBO reported: Large budget deficits over the next 30 years are projected to drive federal debt held by the public to unprecedented levels—from 78 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2019 to 144 percent by 2049. That projection incorporates CBO’s central estimates of various factors, such as productivity growth and interest rates on federal debt. CBO’s analysis indicates that even if values for those factors differed from the agency’s projections, debt several decades from now would probably be much higher than it is today. Furthermore, under alternative scenarios: If lawmakers changed current laws to maintain certain major policies now in place—most significantly, if they prevented a cut in discretionary spending in 2020 and an increase in individual income taxes in 2026—then debt held by the public would increase even more, reaching 219 percent of GDP by 2049. By contrast, if Social Security benefits were limited to the amounts payable from revenues received by the Social Security trust funds, debt in 2049 would reach 106 percent of GDP, still well above its current level. Over the long-term, the CBO projects that interest expense and mandatory spending categories (e.g., Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security) will continue to grow relative to GDP, while discretionary categories (e.g., Defense and other Cabinet Departments) continue to fall relative to GDP. Debt is projected to continue rising relative to GDP under the above two scenarios, although the CBO did also offer other scenarios that involved austerity measures that would bring the debt to GDP ratio down. Risks and debates. CBO risk factors. The CBO reported several types of risk factors related to rising debt levels in a July 2010 publication: Concerns over Chinese holdings of U.S. debt. According to a 2013 Forbes article, many American and other economic analysts have expressed concerns on account of the People's Republic of China's "extensive" holdings of United States government debt as part of their reserves. The National Defense Authorization Act of FY2012 included a provision requiring the Secretary of Defense to conduct a "national security risk assessment of U.S. federal debt held by China." The department issued its report in July 2012, stating that "attempting to use U.S. Treasury securities as a coercive tool would have limited effect and likely would do more harm to China than to the United States. An August 19, 2013 Congressional Research Service report said that the threat is not credible and the effect would be limited even if carried out. The report said that the threat would not offer "China deterrence options, whether in the diplomatic, military, or economic realms, and this would remain true both in peacetime and in scenarios of crisis or war." A 2010 article by James K. Galbraith in "The Nation", defends deficits and dismisses concerns over foreign holdings of United States government debt denominated in U.S. dollars, including China's holdings. In 2010, Warren Mosler, wrote that "When[ever] the Chinese redeem those T-securities, the money is transferred back to China's checking account at the Fed. During the entire purchase and redemption process, the dollars never leave the Fed." Australian economist, Mitchell, Bill wrote that the United States government had a "nearly infinite capacity...to spend." An August 2020 "Kyodo News" report from Beijing, says that, against the backdrop of an escalation in Sino-U.S. tensions, financial markets are concerned that China might weaponize its holdings of over a $1 trillion of United States debt. If China undertakes a massive sales of its U.S. Treasury bonds, it would result in a decrease in the price of debt and an increase in interest rates in the United States, that would stifle American domestic "investment and consumer spending." However, a massive Chinese selloff, resulting in a drop in the price of debt, will also adversely impact China's proceeds on sale as well as the value of its remaining holdings. Sustainability. In 2009 the Government Accountability Office (GAO) reported that the United States was on a "fiscally unsustainable" path because of projected future increases in Medicare and Social Security spending. According to the Treasury report in October 2018, summarized by "Business Insider"'s Bob Bryan, the U.S. federal budget deficit rose as a result of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 signed into law by President Donald Trump on December 22, 2017 and the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2018 signed into law on March 23, 2018. Risks to economic growth. Debt levels may affect economic growth rates. In 2010, economists Kenneth Rogoff and Carmen Reinhart reported that among the 20 developed countries studied, average annual GDP growth was 3–4% when debt was relatively moderate or low (i.e., under 60% of GDP), but it dips to just 1.6% when debt was high (i.e., above 90% of GDP). In April 2013, the conclusions of Rogoff and Reinhart's study came into question when a coding error in their original paper was discovered by Herndon, Ash and Pollin of the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Herndon, Ash and Pollin found that after correcting for errors and unorthodox methods used, there was no evidence that debt above a specific threshold reduces growth. Reinhart and Rogoff maintain that after correcting for errors, a negative relationship between high debt and growth remains. However, other economists, including Paul Krugman, have argued that it is low growth which causes national debt to increase, rather than the other way around. Commenting on fiscal sustainability, former Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke stated in April 2010 that "Neither experience nor economic theory clearly indicates the threshold at which government debt begins to endanger prosperity and economic stability. But given the significant costs and risks associated with a rapidly rising federal debt, our nation should soon put in place a credible plan for reducing deficits to sustainable levels over time." Interest and debt service costs. Despite rising debt levels, interest costs have remained at approximately 2008 levels (around $450 billion in total) because of lower than long-term interest rates paid on government debt in recent years. The federal debt at the end of the 2018/19 fiscal year (ended September 30, 2019) was $22.7 trillion. The portion that is held by the public was $16.8 trillion. Neither figure includes approximately $2.5 trillion owed to the government. Interest on the debt was $404 billion. The cost of servicing the U.S. national debt can be measured in various ways. The CBO analyzes net interest as a percentage of GDP, with a higher percentage indicating a higher interest payment burden. During 2015, this was 1.3% GDP, close to the record low 1.2% of the 1966–1968 era. The average from 1966 to 2015 was 2.0% of GDP. However, the CBO estimated in 2016 that the interest amounts and % GDP will increase significantly over the following decade as both interest rates and debt levels rise: "Interest payments on that debt represent a large and rapidly growing expense of the federal government. CBO's baseline shows net interest payments more than tripling under current law, climbing from $231 billion in 2014, or 1.3% of GDP, to $799 billion in 2024, or 3.0% of GDP—the highest ratio since 1996." Definition of public debt. Economists also debate the definition of public debt. Krugman argued in May 2010 that the debt held by the public is the right measure to use, while Reinhart has testified to the President's Fiscal Reform Commission that gross debt is the appropriate measure. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) cited research by several economists supporting the use of the lower debt held by the public figure as a more accurate measure of the debt burden, disagreeing with these Commission members. There is debate regarding the economic nature of the intragovernmental debt, which was approximately $4.6 trillion in February 2011. For example, the CBPP argues: that "large increases in [debt held by the public] can also push up interest rates and increase the amount of future interest payments the federal government must make to lenders outside of the United States, which reduces Americans' income. By contrast, intragovernmental debt (the other component of the gross debt) has no such effects because it is simply money the federal government owes (and pays interest on) to itself." However, if the U.S. government continues to run "on budget" deficits as projected by the CBO and OMB for the foreseeable future, it will have to issue marketable Treasury bills and bonds (i.e., debt held by the public) to pay for the projected shortfall in the Social Security program. This will result in "debt held by the public" replacing "intragovernmental debt". Intergenerational equity. One debate about the national debt relates to intergenerational equity. For example, if one generation is receiving the benefit of government programs or employment enabled by deficit spending and debt accumulation, to what extent does the resulting higher debt impose risks and costs on future generations? There are several factors to consider: Krugman wrote in March 2013 that by neglecting public investment and failing to create jobs, we are doing far more harm to future generations than merely passing along debt: "Fiscal policy is, indeed, a moral issue, and we should be ashamed of what we're doing to the next generation's economic prospects. But our sin involves investing too little, not borrowing too much." Young workers face high unemployment and studies have shown their income may lag throughout their careers as a result. Teacher jobs have been cut, which could affect the quality of education and competitiveness of younger Americans. Credit default. The U.S. has never fully defaulted. In April 1979, however, the U.S. may have technically defaulted on $122 million in Treasury bills, which was less than 1% of U.S. debt. The Treasury Department characterized it as a delay rather than as a default, but it did have consequences for short-term interest rates, which jumped 0.6%. Others view it as a temporary, partial default. Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The COVID-19 pandemic in the United States impacted the economy significantly beginning in March 2020, as businesses were shut-down and furloughed or fired personnel. About 16 million persons filed for unemployment insurance in the three weeks ending April 9. It caused the number of unemployed persons to increase significantly, which is expected to reduce tax revenues while increasing automatic stabilizer spending for unemployment insurance and nutritional support. As a result of the adverse economic impact, both state and federal budget deficits will dramatically increase, even before considering any new legislation. To help address lost income for millions of workers and assist businesses, Congress and President Trump enacted the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES) on March 27, 2020. It included loans and grants for businesses, along with direct payments to individuals and additional funding for unemployment insurance. While the act carried an estimated $2.3 trillion price tag, some or all of the loans may ultimately be paid back including interest, while the spending measures should dampen the negative budgetary impact of the economic disruption. While the law will almost certainly increase budget deficits relative to the January 2020 10-year CBO baseline (completed prior to the COVID-19 pandemic), in the absence of the legislation, a complete economic collapse could have occurred. CBO provided a preliminary score for the CARES Act on April 16, 2020, estimating that it would increase federal deficits by about $1.8 trillion over the 2020-2030 period. The estimate includes: CBO reported that not all parts of the bill will increase deficits: “Although the act provides financial assistance totaling more than $2 trillion, the projected cost is less than that because some of that assistance is in the form of loan guarantees, which are not estimated to have a net effect on the budget. In particular, the act authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to provide up to $454 billion to fund emergency lending facilities established by the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Because the income and costs stemming from that lending are expected to roughly offset each other, CBO estimates no deficit effect from that provision.” The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget estimated that the budget deficit for fiscal year 2020 would increase to a record $3.8 trillion, or 18.7% GDP. For scale, in 2009 the budget deficit reached 9.8% GDP ($1.4 trillion nominal dollars) in the depths of the Great Recession. CBO forecast in January 2020 that the budget deficit in FY2020 would be $1.0 trillion, prior to considering the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic or CARES. CFRB further estimated that the national debt would reach 106% of U.S. GDP in September 2020, a record since the aftermath of World War II. COVID-19 pandemic and 2021 spendings. Both President Trump and President Biden have spent significant amounts of money towards relief of the COVID-19 pandemic. According to a May 2021 report, Biden has or plans to spend $5.72 trillion dollars toward this effort and others such as climate change including providing stimulus checks and serving schools and low-income children. Appendix. Interest paid. Note that this is all interest the U.S. paid, including interest credited to Social Security and other government trust funds, not just "interest on debt" frequently cited elsewhere. Foreign holders of U.S. Treasury securities. The following is a list of the top foreign holders of U.S. Treasury securities as listed by the U.S. Treasury (revised by March 2021 survey): Statistics. A 1998 Brookings Institution study published by the Nuclear Weapons Cost Study Committee (formed in 1993 by the W. Alton Jones Foundation), calculated that total expenditures for U.S. nuclear weapons from 1940 to 1998 was $5.5 trillion in 1996 Dollars. The total public debt at the end of fiscal year 1998 was $5,478,189,000,000 in 1998 Dollars or $5.3 trillion in 1996 Dollars. International debt comparisons. Sources: Eurostat, International Monetary Fund, "World Economic Outlook" (emerging market economies); Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, "Economic Outlook" (advanced economies)IMF, 1China, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand 2Afghanistan, Armenia, Australia, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, China, People's Republic of, Fiji, Georgia, Hong Kong SAR, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kiribati, Korea, Republic of, Kyrgyz Republic, Lao P.D.R., Macao SAR, Malaysia, Maldives, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Fed. States of, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nauru, Nepal, New Zealand, Pakistan, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Samoa, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Tonga, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Vietnam State and local government debt. U.S. states have a combined state and local government debt of about $3 trillion and another $5 trillion in unfunded liabilities.

recovery operation

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=779807

In typography, overstrike is a method of printing characters that are missing from the printer's character set. The character was created by placing one character on another one — for example, overstriking "L" with "-" resulted in printing a "Ł" (L with stroke) character. The ASCII code supports six different diacritics. These are: grave accent, tilde, acute accent (approximated by the apostrophe), diaeresis (double quote), cedilla (comma), and circumflex accent. Each is typed by typing the preceding character, then backspace, and then the 'related character', which is `, ~, ', ", , or ^, respectively for the above-mentioned accents. With the wide adoption of Unicode (especially UTF-8, which supports a much larger number of characters in different writing systems), this technique is of little use today. However, combining characters such as diacritics are still used to depict characters which cannot be shown otherwise. Many font renderers in computer programs invent missing bold characters by overstriking the normal character with itself, slightly horizontally offset. The horizontal offset is essential since, unlike a typewriter where repeating a letter in exactly the same space will make it darker, most modern printers will not darken repeated "strikes" to the same space. Actual bold fonts are designed with some features thicker and others the same size as a regular font, so the use of this "fake bold" is considered undesirable from a typographic point of view. The character set for the APL programming language includes several characters that were printed by overstriking other characters on printing terminals such as the IBM 2741, for example the functions ⌽ and ⊖ may be used to reverse the elements of an array. WordPerfect word processing program included an overstrike functionality. Word and LibreOffice do not. No known keyboard arrangement includes a function key that allows any two characters to be superimposed.

font unit

1878-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9427617

Charles Frederick Rogers (December 30, 1921 disappeared June 23, 1965) was an American seismologist, pilot, and suspected murderer. Rogers disappeared in June 1965 after police discovered the dismembered bodies of his elderly parents in the refrigerator of the Houston home all three shared, in what the media later dubbed "The Icebox Murders". Rogers has never been found and was declared dead "in absentia" in July 1975. He remains the only suspect in the murders, which are still considered unsolved. Background and education. Rogers enrolled at Texas A&M University in 1942, but later dropped out. He then enrolled at the University of Houston, where he earned a Bachelor of Science degree in nuclear physics. During World War II, Rogers was a pilot in the United States Navy and also served in the Office of Naval Intelligence. After the war, he worked as a seismologist for Shell Oil for nine years. He abruptly quit his job in 1957 without giving an explanation. Friends and associates of Rogers later said that he was highly intelligent and had a talent for finding gas, oil and gold for the companies for which he worked. He also spoke seven languages and had an interest in ham radios. In the mid-1950s, Rogers joined the Civil Air Patrol where he reportedly met David Ferrie, an alleged conspirator in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Murders and disappearance. By 1965, Rogers was unemployed and living with his elderly parents, Fred Christopher (born January 19, 1884) and Edwina Ivor Rogers (née Harman; born October 8, 1892), in the Montrose neighborhood of Houston. Described as "reclusive", Rogers was reported to have communicated with his parents by way of notes slipped under the door. Neighbors were unaware that Rogers lived with his parents as he generally left the home before dawn and did not return until after dark. On June 23, 1965, two Houston police officers forced their way into the Rogers' home after Edwina's nephew Marvin reported that his phone calls to his aunt went unanswered for days. Upon entering the home, police found nothing unusual but noticed food sitting on the dining room table. One officer opened the refrigerator and found what appeared to be numerous cuts of washed, unwrapped meat neatly stacked on the shelves. The officer later recalled that he thought the meat was that of a butchered hog. As the officer was closing the door, he noticed two human heads visible through the clear glass of the vegetable bin. The heads were those of Fred and Edwina Rogers. What the officer initially thought was unwrapped cuts of hog meat were the couple's dismembered limbs and torsos. Police later discovered the couple's organs in a nearby sewer (the organs had been removed, cut up and flushed down the toilet) while other remains were never found. Police determined that Fred and Edwina Rogers had been killed on June 20, Father's Day. An autopsy showed that Fred was killed by blows to the head with a claw hammer. His eyes had been gouged out and his genitalia were removed. Edwina had been beaten and shot, execution style, in the head. Police further said that the bodies were dismembered in the upstairs bathroom by a person "with some knowledge of anatomy". There was little blood in the house and it appeared it had been thoroughly cleaned after the murders. What little blood was found led to Charles Rogers' bedroom. There, police found a bloodstained keyhole saw but no trace of Rogers himself. A search for Rogers was launched and a warrant was issued for him as a material witness to the crime, but he was never found. Allegations of involvement in the assassination of JFK. Rogers' life was documented in the 1992 book "The Man on the Grassy Knoll" by John R. Craig and Philip A. Rogers. According to this work, Rogers was a CIA agent, and it was likely that he impersonated Lee Harvey Oswald in Mexico City and, along with Charles Harrelson, was one of two shooters involved in the assassination of President Kennedy. The authors contend that Rogers, Harrelson, and Chauncey Holt were the "three tramps" arrested in Dealey Plaza after the assassination, and that Rogers murdered his parents because his mother was tracking his many telephone calls. In this account, Rogers fled to Guatemala. "Publishers Weekly" reviewed the book stating: "The authors do a workmanlike job with their thesis, but the degree of poetic license, in terms of reconstructed dialogue and attributed thought, seems excessive here, and sourcing is virtually nonexistent. Assassination buffs, however, will welcome the book for its novelty value and its easy readability." Aftermath. In 1975, a Houston judge declared Rogers legally dead so his estate could be probated. The case still remains officially unsolved and Rogers remains the only suspect. Houston forensic accountant Hugh Gardenier and his wife Martha have continued to investigate the case and concluded that Rogers did murder his parents and was later killed in Honduras. While they have dismissed John R. Craig and Philip A. Rogers's claim that Rogers was a CIA operative due to a lack of evidence, they admit that Rogers did have dealings with contract workers for the CIA when he worked as a seismologist. The Gardeniers believe that Rogers planned the murder of his parents for years because his father was abusive and both parents were "devious con artists". According to them, Fred Rogers worked as a bookie who regularly engaged in illegal activities such as gambling and fraud. They believe he continued abusing Charles into adulthood and began stealing large sums of money from him. The Gardeniers say that after Rogers killed and dismembered his parents, he fled the U.S. for Mexico, and was never found because he was aided by "powerful friends" he met through his ham radio hobby and while working for various oil and mining companies. They have theorized that Rogers eventually made his way to Honduras where he was killed over a wage dispute with miners. In October 2003, Redbud Publishing released "The Ice Box Murders", a novel written by Hugh and Martha Gardenier. According to a review in the "Houston Press": ""The Ice Box Murders" is written as fact-based fiction and supposition. There are many unnamed characters in the book: various politicians and attorneys as well as the eyewitness who said he saw Rogers in Honduras after 1965." "Publishers Weekly" also referred to the novel as "fact-based fiction". The house in which the murders took place was located at 1815 Driscoll Street. After the murders, the house remained empty and unsold. It was torn down in 1972. The lot remained empty until 2000 when condominiums were built on the lot. In popular culture. Rogers is featured in two novels by James Ellroy: "American Tabloid" and "The Cold Six Thousand". The murder case involving Rogers, as well as Hugh and Martha Gardenier looking into the case, is the subject of Episode 41 of the "Criminal" podcast, titled "Open Case".

originality significance

1112-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2601678

Military deception (MILDEC) is an attempt by a military unit to gain an advantage during warfare by misleading adversary decision makers into taking actions detrimental to the adversary. This is usually achieved by creating or amplifying an artificial fog of war via psychological operations, information warfare, visual deception, or other methods. As a form of disinformation, it overlaps with psychological warfare. Military deception is also closely connected to operations security (OPSEC) in that OPSEC attempts to conceal from the adversary critical information about an organization's capabilities, activities, limitations, and intentions, or provide a plausible alternate explanation for the details the adversary can observe, while deception reveals false information in an effort to mislead the adversary. Deception in warfare dates back to early history. "The Art of War", an ancient Chinese military treatise, emphasizes the importance of deception as a way for outnumbered forces to defeat larger adversaries. Examples of deception in warfare can be found in Ancient Egypt, Greece, and Rome, the Medieval Age, the Renaissance, and the European Colonial Era. Deception was employed during World War I and came into even greater prominence during World War II. In modern times, the militaries of several nations have evolved deception tactics, techniques and procedures into fully fledged doctrine. Types. Military deception may take place at the tactical, operational, and strategic levels of warfare. The five basic tactics include: These basic deception tactics are often used in combination with each other as part of a larger deception plan. Axioms and principles. The development of modern military deception doctrine has led to the codification of several rules and maxims. In U.S. doctrine, three of the most important are expressed as Magruder's Principle, the Jones' Dilemma, and Care In the Placement of Deceptive Material (Avoid Windfalls). Magruder's Principle: Named for Confederate general John B. Magruder, this principle states that it usually easier to deceive a deception target into holding on to a pre-existing belief than it is to convince the target that something the target believes to be true is not. Examples include the Allies of World War II making use in the Operation Mincemeat deception of the pre-existing German belief that Greece and the Balkans would be their next invasion target after North Africa, when the Allies actually intended to invade Sicily. Jones' Dilemma: Named for British scientist Reginald Victor Jones, who played an important role in the Allied effort during World War II, the Jones dilemma indicates that the greater the number of intelligence and information gathering and transmitting resources available to the deception target, the more difficult it is to deceive the target. Conversely, the more of the target's intelligence and information systems that are manipulated in a deception plan or denied to the target, the more likely the target is to believe the deception. One reason the World War II Operation Bodyguard deception was accepted as true on the German side is that Germany's ability to acquire information about activities in England was limited, enabling the Allies to manipulate the few German intelligence gathering resources that were available. Avoid Windfalls: If a deception target obtains deceptive information too easily ("too good to be true"), the target is unlikely to act on it and the deception will fail. This requires deception planners to take care in placing deceptive information so that it will appear to have been acquired in a seemingly natural manner. The deception target is then able to assemble details from multiple sources into a coherent, believable, but untrue story. The best deception plans co-opt the enemy's skepticism through requiring enemy participation, either by expending time and resources in obtaining the deceptive information, or by devoting significant effort to interpreting it. In an example of valid information being dismissed as a windfall, early in World War II a plane carrying German officers to Cologne became lost in bad weather and landed in Belgium. Before being arrested by Belgian authorities, the Germans attempted to burn the papers they were carrying, which included copies of the actual invasion plans for Belgium and the Netherlands. Belgian authorities discounted this true information as false because of the ease with which they obtained it. Planning process. The doctrine for planning deception has been codified over time. In the U.S. military, this doctrine begins with understanding the deception target's cognitive process. Expressed as "See-Think-Do", this understanding of the adversary considers what information has to be conveyed to the target through what medium in order for the target to develop the perception of the situation that will cause the enemy to take an action beneficial to the friendly side. In the planning process, "See-Think-Do" is considered in reverse order—what does the friendly side want the enemy to do as a result of the deception, what perceptions will the target have to form in order to take the action, and what information needs to be transmitted to the target through which medium so that the target will develop the desired perception. As an example, the intent for Operation Bodyguard was for Germany to allocate forces away from Normandy ("Do"). The perception the Allies wanted to create in the mind of the deception target (Hitler) was that the Allies were planning to invade at Calais ("Think"). The information the Allies conveyed to the target to create the perception included the false radio traffic, dummy equipment displays, and deceptive command messages of the fictional First United States Army Group ("See"). History. Ancient Egypt. According to a story from an ancient Egyptian papyrus, in about 1450 BC, an Egyptian army under Pharaoh Thutmose III and his general Djehuty besieged the Caananite city of Yapu (later Joppa and now Jaffa). Unable to gain entry, they resorted to deception. Djehuty hid several soldiers in baskets and had the baskets delivered to the town with the message that the Egyptians were admitting defeat and sending tribute. The people of Yapu accepted the gift and celebrated the end of the siege. Once inside the city, the hidden soldiers emerged from the baskets, opened the city gates, and admitted the main Egyptian force. The Egyptians then conquered the city. Ancient Greece. The "Iliad" and The "Odyssey", epic poems composed between the 9th and 6th centuries BC, are credited to the Ancient Greek author Homer. These poems contain details of the Trojan War, presumed by the Greeks to have been fought in approximately the 13th century BC. The "Odyssey" provides the details of the Trojan Horse, a successfully executed deception. After several years of stalemate, a Greek leader, Odysseus, devised a ruse. Over three days, the Greeks constructed a hollow wooden horse, which they inscribed as an offering to the goddess Athena in prayer for safe return to their homes. The Greeks then pretended to depart the area around Troy, giving the impression that they had sailed for Greece. Rather than risk offending Athena, the Trojans brought the horse into the city. That night, Greek soldiers concealed inside the horse came out of their hiding place and opened the city gates. The main force of Greek soldiers who had actually remained nearby then entered the city and killed the inhabitants. Ancient Macedon. In 326 BC, the army of Macedon, which was led by Alexander the Great, had advanced through the Middle East to Asia, conquering numerous kingdoms along the way. Alexander planned for battle against the forces of Porus, the king of the region of Pakistan and India that is now Punjab. To confront Porus, Alexander needed to cross the Hydaspes River. Porus used the terrain to his advantage and arranged his forces to prevent Alexander from crossing the river at the most likely fording point. Leading up to the battle, Alexander scouted several alternative fords, but Porus moved each time to counter him. Alexander eventually located a suitable crossing point approximately 17 miles north of his base. He then led a portion of his army to the crossing site, while his subordinate Craterus kept the entire army's campfires burning within sight of Porus and feigned several river crossings that Porus was able to observe. With Porus distracted, Alexander successfully led his detachment across the river, then marched south to engage in battle. In the Battle of the Hydaspes, Alexander's army had the element of surprise and quickly defeated Porus' troops, while sustaining relatively few casualties on the Macedonian side. Having conquered Porus' kingdom, Alexander then allowed Porus to rule his former kingdom as one of Alexander's satraps. Ancient China. In 341 BC, troops under the general Sun Bin of the state of Qi faced battle with the forces of the state of Wei. Knowing that Wei regarded the army of Qi as inferior and cowardly, Sun Bin decided to use Wei's perception to his advantage. When Qi's forces invaded Wei, Sun Bin ordered them to light 100,000 camp fires on the first night. On the second night, they lit 50,000. On the third, 30,000. Sun Bin's deception caused the Wei forces led by general Pang Juan to believe Qi faced mass desertions. Rushing to attack what they believed to be an inferior army, the Wei forces assaulted Qi's troops at a narrow gorge, not knowing Sun Bin's soldiers had prepared it as an ambush site. When Pang Juan's troops reached the gorge they observed that a sign had been posted. Lighting a torch to see the message, the Wei commander read "Pang Juan dies beneath this tree". The lighting of the torch was the signal for Qi to initiate the ambush. Sun Bin's army quickly routed Pang Juan's and Pang Juan committed suicide. Another well-known deceptive measure from ancient China has come to be known as the Empty Fort Strategy. Employed several times in numerous conflicts, the best-known example is a fictional one contained in a historical novel from the 1320s AD, "Romance of the Three Kingdoms". This work, which contains embellished tales of actual Chinese history from 169 to 280 AD, includes the story of general Zhuge Liang of Shu Han employing the Empty Fort Strategy. As recounted in the novel's description of Zhuge Liang's Northern Expeditions, an actual historical event, the forces of general Sima Yi of Cao Wei arrived at Zhuge Liang's location, the city of Xicheng, while the bulk of Zhuge Liang's army was deployed elsewhere. Zhuge Liang instructed the few troops he had on hand to pretend to be townspeople and told them to perform tasks which would make them visible to Sima Yi, including sweeping the town's streets. Zhuge Liang ordered Xichneg's gates to be opened, then took up a visible position on a viewing platform, playing his Guqin while flanked by only two pages. Because Zhuga Liang's reputation as a military leader was so great, Sima Yi assumed Zhuge Liang had prepared an ambush, so he declined to enter Xicheng. Zhuge Liang's deception saved the town and prevented the few soldiers he had with him from being massacred or taken prisoner. Ancient Carthage. During the Second Punic War, the Carthaginian general Hannibal employed deception during the Battle of Cannae in 216 BC. In preparing to face a Roman force led by Lucius Aemilius Paullus and Gaius Terentius Varro, Hannibal had 40,000 soldiers, as compared to the over 80,000 that had been amassed by Rome. To overcome the Roman advantage in numbers, Hannibal placed his less experienced and disciplined Gauls in the center of his formation, arranged to bulge out towards the Romans. On either side of his line, Hannibal positioned his experienced and disciplined Libyan and Gaetuli infantry. Hannibal intended for the Gauls to give way to the advancing Romans, with the center of his line bending but not breaking. Seeing the Gauls appear to retreat, the Romans would advance into the bowl shape or sack created by the bending of Hannibal's line. Once inside the sack, the African infantry positioned on the left and right would wheel inwards and attack the Roman flanks. In combination with the Carthaginian cavalry, the infantry on the flanks would continue moving until they encircled the Romans and could attack their rear. The battle unfolded as Hannibal had envisioned. Only 10,000 Romans escaped, with the rest either killed or captured. The battle came to be seen as evidence of Hannibal's genius for tactical generalship, while it was among the worst defeats suffered by Ancient Rome. Ancient Rome. During the Gallic Wars, in 52 BC Roman commander Julius Caesar attempted to engage the forces of tribal leader Vercingetorix in open battle in what is now central France. Vercingetorix kept the River Elave (now Allier) between Caesar's forces and his own. His troops destroyed or removed the bridges and mirrored the movements of Caesar's troops, preventing Caesar from crossing the river. Caesar responded by hiding forty of his sixty cohorts and arranging the remaining twenty to give the appearance of sixty as viewed from the opposite riverbank. The twenty cohorts continued to march along the river, and Vercingetorix's troops continued to mirror their movements. Caesar then led the forty hidden cohorts back to a repairable bridge, had it fixed, led his troops across, and sent for the other twenty cohorts to rejoin him. Now on the same side of the river as Vercingetorix, Cesar was able to engage the Gallic tribes in battle as he intended. Mongol Empire. The Mongol Empire frequently used deception to aid its military success. A favored tactic was to exaggerate the size of their army, which would cause their enemies to surrender or flee. When he fought the Naimans in 1204, Chinggis Khan ordered his soldiers to light five campfires each, giving the impression of a more numerous army. In 1258 Möngke Khan invaded Szechuan with 40,000 soldiers, and spread rumors of 100,000 in an effort to intimidate his enemy. When confronting numerically superior forces, the Mongols often sent troops behind their own lines to raise dust with branches tied to their horses' tails, which created the impression that reinforcements were "en route". Mongol soldiers had more than one horse each, and to exaggerate the size of their army, they would compel prisoners or civilians to ride their spare horses within sight of the enemy, or mount dummies on their spare horses. To make their forces appear smaller, the Mongols would ride in single file, minimizing dust and making the hoofprints of their horses more difficult to count. Mongol armies also used the feigned retreat. A typical tactic was to deploy the mangudai, a vanguard unit that would charge the enemy, break up its formation, and then fall back in an attempt to draw the enemy into a position more favorable to the Mongols. Middle Ages. Examples of deception occurred during the Crusades. In 1271, Sultan Baybars captured the formidable Krak des Chevaliers by handing the besieged knights a letter, supposedly from their commander, ordering them to surrender. The letter was fake, but the knights believed it was genuine and capitulated. In 1401, during the Glyndŵr Rising, the Tudors of Wales were seeking a revocation of the price that Henry Percy had placed on their heads. After deciding to capture Percy's Conwy Castle, one member of the Tudor faction posed as a carpenter, gained access, and then admitted his compatriots. The successful deception was in part responsible for the creation of England's Tudor dynasty. Renaissance. In an event from the early 1480s that was recounted in Washington Irving's "Conquest of Granada", during the Granada War, the Alhama de Granada was besieged by Moors. During the siege, a portion of the fortress' outer wall was destroyed after the earth beneath it was washed away in a violent storm. To conceal the breach, the Conde de Tendilla, leader of the Spanish defenders, directed the erection of a cloth screen. The screen deceived the Moors because it was painted to resemble stone, and no Moorish besiegers ventured close enough to spot the fakery. The wall was repaired over the next several days, and the Moors did not learn of the gap in the Alhama's defenses. Henry VIII of England led troops on the European mainland during the War of the League of Cambrai. On September 4, 1513, Henry's forces began to besiege the city of Tournai in what is now Belgium. The site of a thriving tapestry industry and home to many well-known painters, Tournai prolonged the siege by using painted canvas that resembled trenchworks to exaggerate the strength of its defenses. As a result of this deception, the city held out for several days longer than expected and obtained favorable terms when it surrendered. Colonial Africa. In 1659, the kingdom of Denmark–Norway constructed Fort Christiansborg near what is now Accra in Ghana. Used to control commerce in slaves, as well as raw materials including gold and ivory, the site changed hands several times between Denmark–Norway, Portugal, and Sweden, sometimes by force, sometimes by purchase. In 1692, Nana Asamani, the king of the Akwamu people, planned to capture the fort from Denmark–Norway. Disguising himself as a cook and interpreter, he obtained work at the fort, where over the next year he became proficient in the Danish language and conducted reconnaissance to learn about the activities of the facility's occupants and the people with whom they traded. After gaining familiarity with Fort Christiansborg's occupants and operations, in 1693 Asamani informed the Danish traders who occupied it about a group of Akwamu who desired to purchase weapons and ammunition, and suggested they were so anxious to buy that the Danes should inflate their prices. Lured by the prospect of large profits, the Danes bartered with the 80 Akwamu that Asamani had brought to the fort. When the Danes allowed the Akwamu to inspect rifles and prepare to test-fire them, the Akwamu instead used the guns to commence an attack on the Danes. Caught by surprise, the Danes were quickly overpowered and ejected from Fort Christiansborg. The Akwamu occupied the post for a year before Asamani agreed to sell it back to Denmark–Norway. Asamani kept the keys as a trophy, and they are still in the possession of the Akwamu. French and Indian War. During the French and Indian War, British commander James Wolfe attempted throughout the summer of 1759 to force French commander Louis-Joseph de Montcalm to come out of his well-defended position in Quebec City. When artillery fire that destroyed most of the city did not produce the desired effect, Wolfe employed a deception strategy called "uproar east, attack west" Wolfe ordered Admiral Charles Saunders to move the British fleet on the Saint Lawrence River to a position opposite one of Montcalm's main camps east of Quebec City. This demonstration gave the appearance of preparations for an upcoming attack. Montcalm was deceived, and moved troops to guard against a British assault from that location. Wolfe's soldiers at Quebec City capitalized on the favorable balance of forces created by the deception. First, they opened a road from the riverbank to the city heights. Next, they deployed into battle formation on a farmer's field near the city walls. Caught by surprise, Montcalm knew he would not be able to withstand a siege and had no choice but to fight. On September 13, 1759's Battle of the Plains of Abraham, the French were decisively beaten. The loss of Quebec led to defeat in the war and France was forced to cede Canada to the British. American Revolution. Siege of Boston. As head of the Continental Army, George Washington successfully used deception to equalize the odds in the fight against the larger, better-equipped, and better-trained British army and its mercenary allies. During the Siege of Boston from April 1775 to March 1776, the newly organized Continental Army suffered from numerous equipment and supply shortages. Among the most critical was a lack of gunpowder, which was so acute that in a battle, Washington's troops would be able to fire no more than nine bullets per man. To conceal the lack of gunpowder from the British, Washington's quartermaster soldiers filled gunpowder casks with sand and shipped them from Providence, Rhode Island to the Continental Army's depots. The deception fooled British spies, and British commanders decided not to risk an attack during the siege. Battle of Long Island. After the Patriot defeat at the Battle of Long Island in late August 1776, Washington's forces retreated to Brooklyn Heights, with a superior British force surrounding them on three sides and their backs to the East River. The British expected Washington would find his position untenable and surrender. Washington instead arranged for a flotilla of small boats to ferry his 9,000 troops across the river to the relative safety of Manhattan Island. Moving under cover of darkness, Washington's troops withdrew unit by unit to avoid the appearance that a general retreat was taking place. The wheels of supply wagons and gun carriages were wrapped in rags to muffle their noise, and troops ordered to remain silent to avoid alerting the nearby British. Rear guard units kept campfires blazing through the night. These measures fooled British scouts into thinking the Patriot army was still on Brooklyn Heights. A morning fog obscured visibility, which helped the Continentals complete their retreat, and all 9,000 were safely ferried across the river. When the British advanced, they were surprised to find the American positions completely empty. Battle of Trenton. Prior to the Battle of Trenton on Christmas Day 1776, Washington used a spy, John Honeyman to gain information about the positions of Britain's Hessian mercenaries. Posing as a Loyalist butcher and weaver, Honeyman traded with British and Hessian troops and acquired useful intelligence. At the same time, he aided Washington's plan by spreading disinformation that convinced the British and Hessians that Continental Army morale was low and an end-of-year attack against British positions unlikely. Honeyman's deceptive information enabled Washington to gain the element of surprise, and his troops routed the stunned Hessians. Battle of Princeton. After the Battle of Trenton, the British dispatched a large army under General Charles Cornwallis to chase down Washington's smaller force. At the January 2, 1777 Battle of the Assunpink Creek, the Continental troops under Washington successfully repulsed three British attacks on their positions. Darkness ended the British attacks and they planned to resume the following morning. That night, Washington again resorted to the same deceptive tactics he had used in Brooklyn, including muffling the wheels of wagons and gun carriages to reduce noise, and leaving a rear guard to keep campfires burning. The British were again fooled, and Washington was able to move his army into a position from which he defeated the British at the Battle of Princeton on January 3. Siege of Fort Stanwix. In August 1777, the first Patriot attempt to relieve the Siege of Fort Stanwix, New York was blocked by the British as the result of the Battle of Oriskany. A second attempt, led by Benedict Arnold succeeded in part because of a successful effort to deceive the British besiegers. Arnold dispatched a messenger, Hon Yost Schuyler to the British lines. Schuyler was a Loyalist and regarded by the British army's Mohawk allies as a prophet because of his strange dress and conduct. To ensure his good conduct, Arnold held Schuyler's brother as a hostage. Upon reaching the British positions outside Fort Stanwix, Schuyler informed the Mohawk that Arnold's relief column was nearer than it was, and that it was much larger than it actually was. The Mohawk initially disbelieved Schuyler, but assumed he was telling the truth after other American Indian messengers sent by Arnold began to arrive with the same information. The Mohawk decided to leave, forcing British commander Barry St. Leger to order a retreat. The end of the siege also ended British attempts to control the Mohawk Valley. Battle of Cowpens. In the fall of 1780, Continental Army general Nathanael Greene, commander of the Southern Department, carried out a harassment campaign against the British in North and South Carolina. One of Greene's subordinates, Daniel Morgan, commanded a force of approximately 600, and was tasked with harassing the enemy in the backcountry of South Carolina. In January 1781, as a British force commanded by Banastre Tarleton closed in on Morgan near Cowpens, South Carolina on the Broad River, he opted to fight rather than risk being attacked while attempting to cross the water. Knowing the British regarded Patriot militia as inferior, Morgan used this perception to his advantage by arranging his troops in three lines. The first was sharpshooters, who provided harassing fire and attempted to pick off British officers. The sharpshooters would then fall back to the second line, which would consist of militiamen. The militia would fire two volleys, then feign a rout and pretend to flee. If the British believed they had caused a panic in the militiamen, they would charge forward. But instead of catching up to the fleeing militia, they would run into the third line—Continental Army soldiers commanded by John Eager Howard. As a reserve, Morgan had a small Continental cavalry force commanded by William Washington. Morgan's deception proved decisive. At the Battle of Cowpens on January 17, 1781, the British under Tarleton launched a frontal assault. The militia feigned retreat, and Tarleton's troops charged forward. As planned, they were met by Howard's troops, then surprised by Washington's cavalry charging into their flanks. The British lost over 100 killed, over 200 wounded, and over 500 captured. Morgan's command sustained only 12 killed and 60 wounded. French Revolutionary Wars. Napoleon Bonaparte made significant use of deception during his campaigns. At the 1796 Battle of Lodi, he used deception to achieve a successful crossing of the River Po. As a diversion, Napoleon mounted a token crossing attempt against a strong Austrian force under Johann Peter Beaulieu. Meanwhile, the bulk of his force moved upriver and obtained an uncontested bridgehead at Piacenza. Once it had crossed the river, Napoleon's force attacked the enemy's rear guard in a tactic he referred to as "manoeuvre sur les derrières" ("maneuvering behind"). War of the First Coalition. During the War of the First Coalition, France attempted an invasion of Britain. During the February 1797 Battle of Fishguard, Colonel William Tate an Irish-American commanding French and Irish troops, landed near Fishguard in Wales. English and Welsh militia and civilians under the command of John Campbell, 1st Baron Cawdor hastily assembled to defend the town. When discipline began to break down among Tate's troops and their attempted invasion slowed down, Tate asked for surrender terms that would permit his command to leave. Instead of offering terms, Cawdor demanded unconditional surrender. As Tate and his subordinates considered Cawdor's demands overnight, Cawdor backed up his bluff with several deceptive measures. According to local lore, these included having women in Traditional Welsh costumes and Welsh hats line the cliffs near the French camp. from a distance, the women appeared to be British soldiers in red coats and Shakos. Convinced that he was outnumbered, Tate surrendered and his troops were taken prisoner. First Barbary War. In October, 1803 the frigate ran aground off the North African port of Tripoli during the First Barbary War and was captured by the Tripolitan forces. In February 1804, a U.S. military detachment under the command of Stephen Decatur Jr., was assigned to retrieve the ship or destroy it in order to keep Tripoli from putting it into service. The raiding party deceived the Tripolitan authorities by sailing into Tripoli harbor aboard , a captured Tripolitan ketch which they disguised as a Maltese merchant ship. The ship's Sicilian harbor pilot spoke to the Tripolitan authorities in Arabic, claimed the ship had lost its anchors in a storm, and sought permission to tie up next to the captured "Philadelphia". Permission was granted and Decatur and his crew overwhelmed the small force guarding "Philadelphia", using only swords and pikes to avoid gunshots that would alert authorities on shore of their presence. Unable to sail "Philadelphia" away, Decatur and his crew burned it, then safely escaped. War of 1812. Siege of Detroit. In a notable deception that occurred during the War of 1812's Siege of Detroit, British Major General Isaac Brock and Native American chief Tecumseh used a variety of tricks, including letters they allowed to be intercepted which exaggerated the size of their forces, disguising Brock's militia contingent as more fearsome regular army soldiers, and repeatedly marching the same body of Native American past U.S. observers to make it appear they were more numerous than they were. Though he had superior troop strength, the U.S. commander, Brigadier General William Hull, believed he faced overwhelming numbers of British regular troops and hordes of uncontrollable Indians. Fearing a massacre, in August 1812 Hull surrendered the town and the attached fort. Most of his militia were allowed to return home, while his regular army soldiers were held as prisoners of war. Capture of HMS Eagle. In 1813, the British Royal Navy continued to blockade America's major ports. The British flagship HMS "Poictiers", commanded by Commodore J.B. Beresford maintained station just outside Sandy Hook on Lower New York Bay, supported by the schooner HMS "Eagle". "Eagle" had a notorious reputation among local fishermen for seizing both fishing boat crews and the boats' valuable cargoes. John Percival of the United States Navy volunteered to end the threat, and acquired a fishing boat named "Yankee". On the morning of July 4, 1813, he concealed 34 armed volunteers in the hold, while he and two volunteers stayed on deck dressed as fishermen. Percival then sailed "Yankee" as though it was departing on a fishing voyage. "Eagle's" commander spotted "Yankee" and ordered it to transfer the livestock it carried on deck to "Poictiers". Percival pretended to comply, and when the vessels were less than ten feet apart, he signaled his volunteers to launch a surprise attack by shouting "Lawrence!" in honor of slain U.S. Navy Captain James Lawrence. Percival's volunteers poured out on deck and began firing. "Eagle's" crew were taken by surprise and fled below deck. One of "Eagle's" crew struck her colors, thus surrendering to "Yankee". Two British sailors were killed and another received mortal wounds, but there were no American casualties. Percival brought the captured "Eagle" into port and delivered his prisoners to New York City's Whitehall Street docks as thousands of Americans were celebrating Independence Day. Ambush at Black Swamp Road. In July 1813, Benjamin Forsyth, one of the company commanders in the American Regiment of Riflemen wanted to enlist the aid of Seneca warriors during planned military operations against the British near Newark, Ontario (now Niagara-on-the-Lake). Forsyth and the Seneca leaders agreed to work together to ambush the Mohawks who were allied with the British. American riflemen and Seneca warriors hid on both sides of the Black Swamp Road. A few Seneca horse riders rode out to gain the Mohawks' attention, then conducted a feigned retreat. After the Seneca horsemen passed the hidden American riflemen and Senecas, Forsyth blew his bugle as a signal. The concealed Americans and Senecas rose from their hiding places and fired into the pursuing Mohawks. Fifteen Mohawks were killed and thirteen surrendered, including a British interpreter. A few Mohawks escaped, while the Americans and their Seneca allies marched their prisoners back to American lines. Battle of Fort Stephenson. In August 1813, American Major George Croghan was in charge of 160 soldiers at Fort Stephenson, a base on the Sandusky River in what is now Sandusky County, Ohio which guarded a nearby supply depot. British commander Henry Procter arrived with a superior force that included at least 500 British regulars, 800 American Indians under Major Robert Dickson, and at least 2,000 more under Tecumseh. Procter met Croghan under a flag of truce and urged him to surrender, but Croghan refused. The British then bombarded the fort by artillery and gunboat, to little effect. Croghan returned fire with his single cannon, "Old Betsy" while frequently changing its position in the hopes that the British would believe he had more than one artillery piece. When Croghan's supply of ammunition ran low, he ordered his men to cease fire. Croghan deduced that the British were going to strike in full force at the northwestern angle of the fort, so he ordered his men to conceal "Old Betsy" in a blockhouse at that location. The next morning, the British feinted twice at the southern angle, then approached the northwest one. American gunners surprised them by uncovering "Old Betsy" and firing at point blank range, which destroyed the British column. Procter withdrew and sailed away. Procter reported British casualties as 23 killed, 35 wounded, and 28 missing. American casualties were only one killed and seven wounded. Croghan was celebrated as a national hero and promoted to lieutenant colonel. Battle of Conjocta Creek. In August 1814, American Major Lodowick Morgan of the Regiment of Riflemen, who was based in Buffalo, New York, correctly deduced that the British were going to attack Buffalo from Canada by crossing the bridge at Conjocta Creek (also called Scajaquada). Morgan and 240 riflemen silently marched to the point where the road from Black Rock crossed the Conjocta. The riflemen sabotaged the bridge by pulling up a number of planks, then built breastworks at the south side of the creek. Morgan's riflemen continued on to Black Rock, still hiding from the enemy. Once at Black Rock, they marched back the way they came while playing music and making as much noise as possible to gain the attention of the British and make them believe the Americans were headed to Buffalo. Once out of sight, Morgan and his men marched secretly through the woods to occupy the breastworks they had constructed on the south bank of the creek. The unsuspecting British arrived at the bridge and discovered the sabotage. While they halted to consider their options, Morgan began the Battle of Conjocta Creek by blowing a whistle to signal his soldiers, who fired a devastating volley. The British sought cover on the north bank and fired back, but the American troops remained protected behind their breastworks. The British attempted an assault on the breastworks, and the Americans allowed them to approach closely before again directing withering rifle fire into the British ranks. The British then attempted a flanking maneuver, which the Americans also repulsed. Unable to proceed past the Conjocta, the British retreated back to Canada. The Americans lost two killed and eight wounded, while the British sustained twelve killed and twenty-one wounded. American Civil War. Peninsula campaign. In the American Civil War's Peninsula campaign, Union commander George B. McClellan was the victim of a deception executed by the forces under Confederate commander John B. Magruder during the 1862 Siege of Yorktown. Magruder, who had acted in and produced plays, used his knowledge of visual and audio effects to deceive McClellan into believing Magruder's force was larger than it was. These included placing straw dummy crewmen alongside Quaker guns—logs painted black to resemble cannons—in his defensive works. Magruder interspersed his Quaker guns with the few real cannons he possessed, making his artillery seem more numerous than it was. In addition, he used shouted orders and bugle calls to march his relatively small force of about 10,000 in front of Union positions until they were out of sight, then had them loop around unseen and march through the same area again, making his troop strength seem greater than it was. Magruder's elaborate charade convinced McClellan, who outnumbered Magruder by ten to one, that he faced a more formidable opponent than was actually the case, which caused him to delay attacking. McClellan's delay allowed Confederate reinforcements to arrive, causing him to retreat back to Washington, D.C. Vicksburg campaign. In early 1863, Union naval commander David Dixon Porter lost a new ironclad, after it ran aground on the Mississippi River near Vicksburg, Mississippi and was captured by Confederate forces. As the Confederates attempted to repair and refloat the damaged ship so they could use it against Porter's fleet, Porter executed a deception to thwart their effort. His men constructed a giant dummy ironclad from barges, barrels, and other materials that were on hand. Made to resemble a new, real ironclad, , the dummy was painted black to give it a sinister appearance and flew the Jolly Roger pirate flag. Porter's sailors floated the dummy, christened "Black Terror", downstream at night, and it appeared impervious to Confederate shore battery fire. Exaggerated rumors about the seemingly indestructible super ship quickly spread to Vicksburg and reached salvage crews working on "Indianola". In a panic, they halted their efforts, blew up "Indianola", and abandoned the wreckage. When "Black Terror" ran aground and was inspected by Confederates, local newspapers roundly criticized military and naval commanders for being unable to tell the difference between a real warship and a fake. Second Boer War. During the Second Boer War, British commander Robert Baden-Powell made extensive use of deception during his October 1899 to May 1900 defense of Mafeking. After he occupied the town with a force of 1,500, Baden-Powell faced 8,000 Boers who intended to begin a siege. As the Boers advanced, Baden-Powell wrote a letter to a friend in Transvaal whom he knew had died, which contained news of the imminent approach of more British troops. Baden-Powell intended for the letter to be intercepted and when it fell into Boer hands, they believed it was real. As a result, they diverted 1,200 troops to guard the approaches against Baden-Powell's fictional reinforcements. Baden-Powell's troops also set up fake defensive works at a distance from the town itself, including one marked as his command post, which further diverted Boer attention. In addition, he had local residents execute deceptive tactics, including carrying boxes of sand labeled "mines" in places where they could be observed. Word of these supposed mines reached the Boers, and when they soon afterwards observed supposed minefields appear around the edge of the town, they assumed the danger was real. These deceptive measures held off a Boer attack, which allowed Baden-Powell time to improve Mafeking's defences. As a result of his effort, the British were able to hold out until reinforcements arrived and lifted the siege. World War I. Gallipoli campaign. During World War I, deception shifted from the tactical level to the strategic as modernized warfare and advances in technology increased the size and complexity of battlefield organizations. Several methods of deception were used by the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (Anzac) during its withdrawal from Gallipoli in Turkey, which was completed on December 20, 1915. As early as mid-November, artillery and sniper activity went silent for periods of time, giving the impression that the Anzacs were preparing to remain in the defense with limited resupply of ammunition during the upcoming winter. To cover the removal of the last troops, "drip rifles" were prepared to fire about 20 minutes after they were set, with a water can leaking into a second can that was tied to a rifle trigger. When the second can was full, the weight caused the unmanned rifle to fire. The sporadic firing created by this ruse convinced the Turks that the Anzac troops were still manning their defenses. In addition, Anzac troops used dummy artillery and mannequins to further enhance the impression that soldiers remained in their positions. As a result of these deceptive measures, both the main body of Anzac troops and the rear guard retreated unmolested. Given the failure of the Gallipoli effort from the Anzac perspective, the evacuation was considered the most successful part of the entire campaign. Western front. In March 1917, leaders of the German Army on the Western Front decided to withdraw from their positions in France to the Hindenburg Line, a 90-mile long defensive position that ran from Arras to Laffaux. With Germany unable to conduct an offensive because of personnel losses earlier in the war, commanders intended for unrestricted submarine warfare and strategic bombing to weaken the British and French, giving the German army time to recuperate. In addition, the move to the Hindenburg Line supported the plan of commanders Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff to shift the German focus to Russia and the Eastern Front. The withdrawal to the new defensive line would shorten Germany's front by 25 miles, enabling 13 divisions to be employed against the Russians. Under the plan code named Operation Alberich, the Germans abandoned their old positions in a staged series that began in late February. The majority of their movement occurred between March 16 and 21, and the full German withdrawal to the Hindenburg Line was completed on April 5. The German withdrawal included numerous efforts to deceive the Allies, among them night movements and skeleton crews who remained behind to provide screening fire from machine guns, rifles, and mortars. The deception activities proved generally successful, and Germany completed its withdrawal to the Hindenburg Line largely unmolested. In August 1918, the Allies intended to launch two offensives, one led by British commander Douglas Haig near Amiens, and the other by American John J. Pershing near Saint-Mihiel. Prior to the Battle of Amiens, Haig's subordinate Henry Rawlinson, commander of the British Fourth Army, employed several deceptive tactics, including periods of radio silence by units involved in the coming attack and false radio traffic from other parts of the British lines. In addition, Rawlinson delayed troop movement for as long as possible prior to the start of the attack to prevent German observers from obtaining data on his disposition of forces, and moved troops and materiel almost entirely at night. The British offensive was immediately successful because they had maintained the element of surprise. British troops and tanks advanced eight miles, captured 400 artillery pieces, and inflicted 27,000 casualties, including 12,000 prisoners. In an effort to gain an advantage near Saint-Mihiel, U.S. planners including Arthur L. Conger attempted to deceive the Germans into believing the American attack would come at Belfort, 180 miles to the south. False orders left where spies or informants could find them and staff officer reconnaissance activity created the appearance that the U.S. intended to conduct operations in and around Belfort. Pershing gained surprise at Saint-Mihiel and his offensive was successful. In 1926, Conger discovered from a former German officer that while the "Belfort Ruse" had not been completely successful, it had aided Pershing. Concerned that an Allied attack in the Belfort area was at least a possibility, many German units that could have reinforced German lines in the Saint-Mihiel area delayed movement from their rear area positions near Saint-Mihiel until it was too late. As a result of the success of Pershing's offensive, they did not have time to execute their withdrawal plans, and either abandoned their weapons and fled or were taken as prisoners. Eastern front. At a war council held with senior commanders and the czar in April 1916, Russian General Aleksei Brusilov presented a plan to the Stavka (the Russian high command), proposing a massive offensive by his Southwestern Front against the Austro-Hungarian forces in Galicia. Brusilov's plan aimed to take some of the pressure off French and British armies in France and the Italian Army along the Isonzo Front and if possible to knock Austria-Hungary out of the war. As the Austrian army was heavily engaged in Italy, the Russian army enjoyed a significant numerical advantage in the Galician sector. Brusilov's plan was approved, and he massed 40 infantry divisions and 15 cavalry divisions in preparation for the Brusilov Offensive. Deception efforts included false radio traffic, false orders sent by messengers who were intended be captured, and equipment displays including dummy artillery to mislead Austria-Hungary as to the location of his units. Beginning in June 1916, Brusilov's surprise offensive caused Germany to halt its Western front attack on Verdun and transfer considerable forces to the Eastern front. It also effectively knocked Austria-Hungary out of the war, depriving Germany of its most important ally. Palestine. In October 1917, Edmund Allenby, commander of Britain's Egyptian Expeditionary Force, planned to attack the Ottomans in southern Palestine. Rather than repeat previous frontal assaults at Gaza, which had been unsuccessful, he planned a flanking attack at Beersheba. As part of the larger deception effort to convince the Ottomans that Gaza was his objective, an officer under Allenby's command executed a deceptive tactic now known as the Haversack Ruse. In this effort, usually attributed to Richard Meinertzhagen, the officer intentionally dropped a knapsack which contained false plans for an attack on Gaza, which the Ottomans recovered. As a result of the Haversack Ruse and other deceptive measures, the British surprised the Ottomans and achieved victory at the October 31, 1917 Battle of Beersheba. Allenby again resorted to deception as he prepared to attack the Ottomans again at Tel Megiddo in September 1918. In preparation for the battle, British forces concealed the movement of three cavalry and several infantry divisions from the eastern end of the front line, the Jordan Valley, to the western end on the Mediterranean Sea. The single mounted division that remained in the east, reinforced with infantry, maintained the illusion that Jordan Valley remained fully garrisoned. Deceptive measures included marching infantry into the valley during the day when they could be observed by the Ottomans, transporting them out by truck at night, then marching them back the next day. The tents of the departed units were left standing, and dummy horses, mules, and soldiers made from canvas and straw were displayed throughout the encampment. In addition, mules dragged branches up and down the valley to generate thick clouds of dust, giving the impression of more animals and men on hand than there actually were. Though the deceptions did not induce Otto Liman von Sanders, the commander of the Ottoman Army, to concentrate his forces on the eastern flank, as Allenby hoped, the Ottomans could not be certain of his intentions, so they could not mass their forces. With the Ottomans spread throughout their line, Allenby's forces had a numerical advantage at the 19 to 25 September Battle of Megiddo (1918), and attained victory over the Ottomans. At sea. Britain's Royal Navy made extensive use of Q-ships to combat German submarines. Camouflaged to look like a civilian sailing vessel or decrepit tramp steamer, the Q-ships were decoys that carried concealed heavy guns. The function of the Q-ships was to appear to be an undefended target. If successful, German submarines would be lured to the surface to sink or destroy the ship by using deck guns, enabling the submarine to conserve its limited supply of torpedoes for use against warships. If a German U-boat surfaced, the Q-ship would immediately display the Royal Navy's White Ensign flag in compliance with international law, then deploy its guns against the submarine. In 150 engagements, British Q-ships destroyed 14 U-boats and damaged 60. 27 of the 200 Q-ships the British employed were lost to German attacks. World War II. Eastern Front. Before Operation Barbarossa in June 1941, the German High Command explained away the creation of a massive force arrayed to invade the Soviet Union by informing Soviet leaders including Joseph Stalin that it was training in preparation for an invasion of the United Kingdom. The deception worked, and Stalin continued to ignore German preparations until after the invasion of the Soviet Union had actually commenced. When the Allies on the Western Front planned the Normandy invasion for June 1944, the Soviet Union simultaneously planned for a major Eastern front offensive against German forces. Called Operation Bagration, this Soviet attack was designed to catch the Germans unprepared in Belorussia, at the center of their lines. To gain and maintain the element of surprise for Bagration, the Soviets executed a successful deception effort. The overall intent was to make German commanders believe the Soviets would only defend in the center of the front (Belorussia), while launching a major offensive to the south in Ukraine and Crimea and a feint to the north in Finland. Soviet military leaders successfully masked preparations for action in Belorussia and limited German reconnaissance in the center of the front while drawing German attention to deceptive activities in the north and south. Germany was caught off-guard at the start of the Bagration offensive on June 23, and the Soviets quickly pushed retreating German forces from the Soviet Union all the way to Poland. Western Front. Africa. From early 1941, Dudley Clarke commanded the 'A' Force, based in Cairo, Egypt, which developed much of the war's Allied deception strategy. In an initial deception failure from which Clarke derived an important lesson he put to use in the future, the British intended to retake British Somaliland by an advance from Sudan into Eritrea. Operation Camilla was intended to deceive the Italians occupying British Somaliland into thinking the British intended to retake British Somaliland by an amphibious assault from Aden. Instead of moving their troops to meet the potential amphibious landing, or retreating to Italian-occupied Somalia, the Italians withdrew into Eritrea. As a result, they possessed greater strength at the British objective when the genuine British attack occurred. Clarke's lesson was to focus deception not on what the enemy should think is happening but what the deception planner wants the enemy to do as a result. North Africa. Deception played an important part in the war in North Africa. In 1941, a British Army unit led by magician and illusionist Jasper Maskelyne prevented the destruction of Alexandria, Egypt by using lights to recreate the nighttime image of the city, while blacking out the actual city lights. Coupled with explosives that simulated German bombs landing on the city, Maskelyne's illusion caused German planes to release their ordnance on the empty coastal site he had prepared rather than on the city. Maskelyne was subsequently tasked with preventing the Germans from attacking the Suez Canal, a key asset in the Allied supply chain. He responded by creating a system of swirling searchlights which cast a spray of strobe light over more than 100 miles of the sky above Egypt. German pilots were unable to see the canal, and so were unable to destroy it. As part of the deception surrounding Operation Crusader during the Siege of Tobruk, camouflage artist Steven Sykes built a dummy railhead near Misheifa in Egypt. The intent, which succeeded, was to divert German aerial attacks from the real railhead and deceive the Germans into believing that the British attack would not begin until the dummy was completed. Before the Second Battle of El Alamein, camouflage unit commander Geoffrey Barkas led Operation Sentinel and Operation Bertram, which used dummy equipment and other deceptive measures to deceive German commander Erwin Rommel about Allied strength and the timing and location of the Allied attack. In Operation Sly Bob, Maskalyne's unit attempted to create a dummy submarine that would draw the attention of German reconnaissance aircraft along the German and Italian Italy-to-Tripoli supply line, enabling British ships to gain the element of surprise when attacking Axis shipping. By using old railroad sleeper cars, a wooden frame, nailed and welded beams, and metal tubing, Maskalyne's unit succeeded in creating a prototype that British ship commanders unaware of the deception plan nearly sank when they observed it near the Suez Canal. The difficulty in creating a viable dummy rendered the project impractical, and Sly Bob was abandoned before it was fully implemented. Based on the experience with Sly Bob, the British attempted to portray an aging cruiser as a battleship that would pose a threat to German shipping. When the effort proved unsuccessful because the dummy equipment and fixtures added to the cruiser were unrealistic, Maskalyne's team used the partially-dummied cruiser as "sucker bait". With sucker bait, a magician uses an audience's powers of observation against it by allowing members to falsely believe they see through a trick. By appearing to attempt to camouflage the cruiser-turned-dummy battleship, which Maskalyne christened HMS "Houdin" after magician Jean-Eugène Robert-Houdin, but allowing German observers to see through the camouflage, Maskalyne's team enabled the Germans to conclude on their own that the British were attempting to hide a battleship. Allowing the Germans to believe they had penetrated the camouflage and detected the battleship created in the minds of German military leadership the same risk to German shipping a real battleship would have posed. Normandy. Before the June 1944 D-Day invasion of Normandy, the Allies launched a deception codenamed Operation Bodyguard. As part of Bodyguard, the Operation Quicksilver deception portrayed First United States Army Group (FUSAG), a skeleton headquarters commanded by Omar Bradley, as an army group commanded by George Patton. In Operation Fortitude South, another component of Bodyguard, the Germans were persuaded that FUSAG would invade France at Pas-de-Calais in the fall of 1944. British and American troops used dummy equipment, false radio traffic and double agents (see Double-Cross System) to deceive German intelligence on the location and timing of the invasion. The Germans awaited the Calais landing for many weeks after the real landings in Normandy, leaving in place near Calais several divisions that could have helped delay or defeat the Normandy attack. By the time the Germans realized the Normandy landings were the actual offensive, Allied units were so well established in Normandy that they could not be dislodged. Pacific theater. Japan continued diplomatic engagement with the U.S. on several issues of concern throughout late November and into early December 1941 even though attacking ships had sailed from their base in the remote Kuril Islands. The surprise December 7, 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor took place several hours before Japan presented a formal declaration of hostilities and officially broke diplomatic ties. Japan also made extensive use of decoys and other deceptive displays throughout the war, which took on increased importance as the tide of the war went against it in 1944 and 1945. Prior to the October 1944 Battle off Samar, the Japanese incorporated deception into their plan of attack by luring Admiral William Halsey Jr. into leading his powerful Third Fleet to chase a decoy fleet, a target so inviting Halsey took with him every ship he commanded. With Halsey's force out of the way, the Japanese intended to attack the Allied landings on Leyte. The U.S. responded with their few remaining forces, the three escort carrier groups of the Seventh Fleet. Escort carriers and destroyer escorts had been built to protect slow convoys from submarine attack, and were later adapted to attack ground targets, but they had few torpedoes, as they normally relied on Halsey's fleet to protect them from armored warships. These ships, organized as Task Unit 77.4.3 ("Taffy 3"), and commanded by Rear Admiral Clifton Sprague, possessed neither the firepower nor the armor to oppose the 23 ships of the Japanese force, which included "Yamato"s 18-inch guns, but took the initiative and attacked. In addition to ships firing on the Japanese from point-blank range, aircraft including FM-2 Wildcats, F6F Hellcats and TBM Avengers, strafed, bombed, torpedoed, rocketed, and depth-charged the Japanese force until they ran out of ammunition. They then resorted to deception, including numerous "dry runs" at the Japanese ships. Concerned that he faced a larger force than he actually did, Japanese commander Admiral Takeo Kurita decided to withdraw. During the Battle of Iwo Jima in February and March 1945, Japanese deception included dummy tanks sculpted out of the island's soft volcanic rock. At the Japanese-held airfield in Tianhe District, China, the Japanese painted on the ground the image of a B-29 Bomber that appeared to be on fire. Their intent was for the painted image to appear real to high-flying aircraft, which would lower their altitude in order to investigate, thus making them targets for Japanese anti-aircraft fire. In addition, the Japanese made extensive use of bamboo-framed dummy aircraft to project airpower and protect their remaining aircraft, straw dummy soldiers and wood weapons that made defensive works appear to be manned, and wood dummy tanks to make infantry soldiers appear to have more combat power than they actually possessed. The Allies planned an invasion of Japan to take place after the end of fighting in Europe. This plan, codenamed Operation Downfall, had several components, including the Operation Olympic invasion of the southern Japanese island of Kyushu. The deception created to enable Olympic to succeed, Operation Pastel, would have included false attacks against Japanese held-ports in China, as well as Japanese positions on the island of Formosa. The end of the war following the U.S. atomic bomb attacks on Japan ended the need for a ground invasion or a deception plan, so Pastel was never implemented. At sea. As a liaison to the British Navy early in the war, actor and U.S. Navy officer Douglas Fairbanks Jr. observed and participated in several raiding parties and diversions on the French coast. Upon returning to the United States, Fairbanks proposed to Ernest King, the Chief of Naval Operations the creation of a unit that would plan and execute diversionary and deception missions. King authorized Fairbanks to recruit 180 officers and 300 enlisted men for the program, which was named Beach Jumpers. There are several stories about how the unit was named; during an interview late in life, Fairbanks said British admiral Louis Mountbatten coined it with the intention of creating a designation that provided cover for the unit's activities by being partly descriptive and partly in code. On March 16th, 1943 Beach Jumper Unit ONE (BJU-1) was commissioned with the mission "To assist and support the operating forces in the conduct of Tactical Cover and Deception in Naval Warfare." Eleven BJUs deployed during the war, and were used in all theaters. The Beach Jumpers raided false landing zones and shore defenses during amphibious attacks, sowing confusion with the enemy about actual landing sites and causing the enemy to defend in the wrong place. To carry out these deceptions, their boats were equipped with two .50 caliber machine guns, 10 window rockets, smoke generators, and floating time-delay explosive packs. They were also outfitted with naval balloons and communications and psychological operations equipment, including recorders, speakers, generators, and radio jammers. The balloons included radar reflective strips that when towed would cause Beach Jumper units to appear to enemy radar operators as a larger force than they actually were. Beach Jumper units created diversionary landings during several battles, including Operation Husky and Operation Dragoon. The Beach Jumpers were inactivated after World War II, but were reconstituted for service during the Korean War and Vietnam War. With the U.S. military creating and fielding an Information Operations capability beginning in the early 1990s, the modern Beach Jumpers exist as part of U.S. Naval Information Forces. Korean War. In the summer of 1950, the Korean People's Army (KPA) of North Korea attacked South Korea. 140,000 South Korean and allied soldiers were nearly defeated. In August and September 1950, South Korea and its allies waged the Battle of Pusan Perimeter against the KPA and succeeded in establishing a defensive line that prevented the KPA from destroying them. To enable the counterattack that started with an amphibious landing at Inchon (codenamed Operation Chromite), United Nations (U.N.) forces staged an elaborate deception that made it appear the landing would take place at Gunsan, 105 miles away from the actual landing site at Inchon and closer to the Pusan Perimeter. On September 5, the U.S. Air Force began attacks on roads and bridges to isolate Gunsan. This was followed by a naval bombardment, which was followed by heavy bombing of military installations in and near the town. These tactics were typical pre-invasion steps, and were intended to cause North Korea to believe Gunsan was the planned U.N. invasion site. In addition to the aerial and naval bombardment, United States Marine Corps officers briefed their units on the supposed Gunsan landing within earshot of many Koreans, assuming that the information would make its way to KPA leaders through rumors or spies. On the night of 12–13 September, the British Royal Navy landed U.S. Army special operations troops and Royal Marines commandos at Gunsan, making sure that enemy forces noticed their supposed reconnaissance of the area. U.N. forces also conducted rehearsals on the coast of South Korea at several sites with conditions were similar to Inchon. These drills enabled U.N. forces to perfect the timing and actions of the planned Inchon landing while simultaneously confusing the North Koreans as to the actual landing site. On September 15, United Nations forces under Douglas MacArthur surprised the KPA with the Inchon landing. In the ensuing Battle of Inchon, the U.N. ended a string of victories by North Korea. The KPA collapsed within a month, and 135,000 KPA troops were taken prisoner. Cuban Missile Crisis. During the period leading up to the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962, Cuba and the Soviet Union employed several deceptive measures to hide their activities. These included the codename for the plan to deploy missiles in Cuba; Anadyr, a Russian town, is associated with the sparsely-populated and inaccessible area of Northeastern Russia and did not suggest an operation in the Caribbean. Soviet soldiers constructed false superstructures to hide the defenses of the ships transporting missiles and launching equipment to Cuba, and placed agricultural equipment and other non-military machinery on deck where it could be seen. Upon arrival, the ships unloaded at eleven different Cuban ports to deceive American surveillance efforts. At the same time, Soviet and Cuban news media reported on the supposedly massive agricultural assistance the Soviets were providing Cuba, which provided a plausible explanation for the activity and equipment that could be observed. The Soviet deception proved highly effective and the missiles were discovered only after they were already operational. Vietnam War. Operation El Paso. As part of Operation El Paso, which took place from May to July 1966, the U.S. 1st Infantry Division deliberately exposed information about a planned resupply and engineer equipment convoy from Minh Than north to An Lộc. Division planners anticipated the enemy response would be an ambush at one of a number of possible locations. As a result, the supposedly lightly armed convoy actually consisted of armored cavalry and infantry. Additionally, 1st ID planners prepared for air assault operations at the most likely ambush sites. Events unfolded as the planners had foreseen, and the Viet Cong ambushed the convoy. The ambush sprang the 1st Infantry Division's trap, and the subsequent Battle of Minh Thanh Road resulted in 50 percent of the Viet Cong regiment becoming casualties. Operation Bolo. Both North Vietnam and the forces of South Vietnam and the United States made use of deception during the Vietnam War. In 1967's Operation Bolo, a United States Air Force unit led by Robin Olds successfully countered the threat posed by Soviet MiG-21 fighter planes operating in North Vietnam. During bombing missions, unescorted U.S. Republic F-105 Thunderchief fighter-bombers would often be attacked by MiG-21s. Heavily laden with ordnance, the F-105s were no match for the faster MiGs. On occasions when the F-105s were escorted by F-4 Phantom II fighter planes, the MiGs would refuse to engage. In addition, the rules of engagement on the U.S. side prevented attacking the MiGs when they were on the ground. This measure was intended to keep the Soviet Union from becoming further engaged in the conflict by preventing casualties to the Soviet mechanics and technical advisors who were assisting North Vietnam. To counter the MiG threat, Olds' 8th Fighter Wing prepared its F-4s to display the electronic and radar signatures of F-105s. To create this effect, the 8th Fighter Wing outfitted F-4s with QRC-160 jamming pods, a device used only by F-105s. When they flew the mission, Olds and his fellow pilots assumed the route, elevation, speed, and formation of an F-105 flight. They also staggered the takeoff and arrival times of the F-4s, enabling later-arriving F-4s to prevent the MiGs from landing. The Bolo deception was executed successfully. The North Vietnamese believed they faced an F-105 flight and dispatched their MiGs. The later-arriving F4s prevented the MiGs from returning to their base. The 8th Fighter Wing destroyed seven MiGs in a matter of minutes, while Olds' fighters sustained no losses. The destruction of half their MiGs and uncertainty about whether future flights observed on radar and electronic sensors were unescorted F-105s or F-4s pretending to be F-105s caused North Vietnam to ground its MiGs. The MiGs failed in their mission of preventing U.S. Operation Rolling Thunder bombing runs over North Vietnam. Tet Offensive. In 1967, the government and military of North Vietnam began planning for an offensive that would begin in early 1968. The intent within the war's area of operations was to spark an uprising by the Viet Cong and others in South Vietnam who were sympathetic to the government in the north. In a wider sense, North Vietnam hoped the offensive would cause a withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Vietnam by undermining U.S. public confidence in the war. North Vietnam implemented several deceptive measures to mask preparations for the offensive. In October, the North Vietnamese government announced that it would observe a seven-day holiday truce from January 27 to February 3, 1968, several days longer than previous Tet truces had lasted. The U.S. and South Vietnam presumed that the coming offensive, of which they had received some intelligence, would take place before or after the truce. When the attacks had not commenced before the holiday, South Vietnamese and U.S. leaders assumed it would come after the holiday. As a result, they allowed many soldiers to take holiday leave and relaxed the usual security measures. As an additional deceptive measure, while intending to attack South Vietnam's major cities and military installations, the North Vietnamese continued attacks along the border between the two countries during late 1967. These diversionary assaults served to draw U.S. attention to the border and U.S. forces away from the actual objectives—the heavily populated South Vietnamese coastal lowlands and cities. When the offensive commenced, South Vietnam and the U.S. were surprised by the coordinated attacks. However, the U.S. and South Vietnam regrouped and over several days repulsed the North Vietnamese assaults. North Vietnam failed to attain the immediate objective of creating an uprising in South Vietnam. In the longer term, the offensive aided in swaying U.S. public opinion against the war, which led to a decreased U.S. presence in Vietnam and eventual withdrawal. Cherbourg Project. In 1969, France abruptly declared an arms embargo against countries in the Middle East, chiefly aimed at Israel, and cancelled a contract to build patrol boats for Israel's navy. France also refused to release the last five boats built under the contract even though Israel had already paid for them. In response, the Israel Defense Forces mounted an elaborate scheme involving the purchase of the boats by a civilian company for non-military purposes. When they became concerned that the dummy transaction would be exposed, Israel decided to secretly take possession of the boats. The Israeli navy dispatched crews disguised as civilians, who gradually arrived at the French Atlantic seaport of Cherbourg. Once the crews assembled, they secretly sailed the five boats out of the harbor on the night of Christmas Eve 1969. Though they encountered a winter storm, the boats reached the Mediterranean Sea and safely completed the voyage to Israel. The plan to take possession of the boats, which the Israelis called "Operation Noa" but came to be known as the Cherbourg Project, was assisted by sympathetic Cherbourg shipyard and boat building company employees, but the French government was kept totally unaware until the boats had left port. Yom Kippur War. In the period before the 1973 Yom Kippur War between Israel and the joint forces of Egypt and Syria, Egypt executed annual maneuvers near the Sinai Peninsula, Tahrir 41, which conditioned Israel to Egyptian troop activity in the area. In addition, several months before the start of the war, Egypt created the false impression of an imminent attack, which caused Israel to announce an emergency military reserve call up. When the war started, Israel believed the initial Egyptian troop movements were another iteration of the exercises the Egyptians had previously undertaken. In addition, because an emergency call up was costly and disruptive, the Israeli government was reluctant to conduct another one until it was sure an attack was underway. As a result of the deception, Egypt had surprise on its side when it attacked. Operation Entebbe Rescue Mission. After the hijacking of an Air France plane in late June 1976, the perpetrators had the aircraft diverted to Entebbe Airport in Uganda, where they threatened to kill all the Jewish and Israeli passengers if their demands were not met. The Israeli government pursued diplomatic efforts to free the hostages while the Israeli Defense Forces planned a rescue mission in secrecy. When the raid was launched, IDF commandos secretly landed at an old unused area of the airport, where they offloaded decoy vehicles resembling Ugandan president Idi Amin's motorcade. By making themselves appear to be Amin and his security detail, the Israelis intended to gain the element of surprise on Ugandan guards at the terminal where the hostages were held. The ruse was only partly successful because Amin had recently changed limousines, and his new one was white, while the one the Israelis were using was black. The Ugandan guards realized the trick, which led to a gunfight that cost the Israeli commandos the element of surprise, but the raid ended with the successful rescue of the hostages. Falklands War. The Falklands War took place between April and June 1982. During the period prior to the war, Argentina's military leaders, who were subordinate to general and president Leopoldo Galtieri, used the December 1981 change of command ceremony for Argentina's new chief of naval operations as cover to begin secretly planning for an invasion of the Falkland Islands. In April 1982, the forces of Argentina carried out the Invasion of South Georgia, an island possession of the United Kingdom. In mid-March, Argentina had used deception to successfully position an advance guard on South Georgia. An Argentinian company received a contract to dismantle a British whaling station for scrap. When the contractor's ship arrived, it contained members of an Argentinian Navy special forces unit who were disguised as scientists. When the British prepared to conduct a Falklands landing in response to Argentina's invasion, Argentina anticipated an assault at Port Stanley, the capital and site of the largest airport on the islands. The British gained the element of surprise by launching a feint at Stanley while conducting their main assault at San Carlos, on the opposite side of East Falkland. The British then marched overland to Port Stanley, where they launched a land-based attack on the Argentine defenses surrounding the city. The Argentinians were caught off-guard and were soon compelled to surrender. Operation Just Cause. When the leader of Panama, Manuel Noriega realized he was being surveilled by the U.S. military prior to the United States invasion of Panama in December 1989, Noriega resorted to several deceptive measures to mask his movements and locations. These included look-alike doubles, decoy vehicles and aircraft, false convoys, frequent changes of clothes, recordings of his voice played at locations where he was not present, and frequent changes of his actual location. On the U.S. side, deception included troop movements in and around U.S. bases in Panama made to look like routine training missions, a logistics buildup disguised as routine activity, and large-scale exercises in the United States that desensitized Panamanian leaders as to U.S. capabilities and intent. While Noriega and his subordinates knew the United States had the capacity to act, they were misled by their perceptions of U.S. activity and misreading of U.S intent into believing that the U.S. would not attack. As a result, when the attack occurred, the U.S. had the element of surprise, which helped it gain a quick victory. Operation Desert Storm. During the period prior to the 1990-1991 Gulf War, Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein positioned 100,000 troops near Iraq's border with Kuwait. To mask his true intention of invading Kuwait, during the summer of 1990, Saddam told ambassadors to Iraq, the leaders of other countries, and members of the international news media that his troops were on a training mission or were near the border merely as a tactic to extract concessions from Kuwait during diplomatic negotiations. On August 2, Iraq's invasion commenced; the small Kuwaiti military was quickly overwhelmed, and Iraq occupied Kuwait. After invading Kuwait, the creation of an anti-Iraq coalition and its movement of troops and materiel into Saudi Arabia caused Saddam to anticipate a Coalition ground assault from Saudi Arabia north into Kuwait and an amphibious landing on Kuwait's Persian Gulf coast. Prior to the start of the Coalition offensive in February 1991, its ground forces successfully moved multiple divisions west to the largely undefended border between Saudi Arabia and Iraq. When the attack commenced, the Coalition conducted a feint directly into Kuwait while the main effort—the "Left Hook" enabled by concealing the move of units to the west—attacked into Iraq and cut off Iraqi forces in Kuwait. After advancing into Iraq, Coalition forces turned right and attacked Iraqi forces in Kuwait from the rear. Facing overwhelming Coalition combat power in Kuwait and unable to retreat to Iraq, the Iraqi military in Kuwait quickly surrendered. Kosovo War. During the 1998-1999 Kosovo War, the Serbian Army made extensive use of deception, which caused NATO forces to expend time, effort, and resources attacking false targets. According to post-war assessments, NATO often attacked crude decoy tanks, artillery, and wheeled vehicles made of easy to obtain material including sticks and plastic. Many of these decoys included easily produced heat sources, such as burning cans of oil, which deceived the thermal imaging systems in NATO aircraft. As a result, NATO believed it inflicted far more damage on the Serbian Army than it actually had, and Serbia gained a propaganda victory by showing how easily NATO had been deceived. 2006 Lebanon War. Prior to the 2006 Lebanon War, the Hezbollah terrorist group employed deceptive measures intended to degrade Israel's military reputation both internationally and within Israel. Deceptive measures included the construction of false bunkers and command posts which Hezbollah allowed Israel to observe while the work was in progress, while simultaneously concealing the construction of actual facilities. When Israel attacked Hezbollah in southern Lebanon in July, the dummy sites were destroyed while the actual ones were left intact. Russo-Ukrainian War. In 2014, Russia and Ukraine went to war after Russia contested control of Ukraine's Crimea and Donbass. Russia employed disinformation and denial to facilitate its military activities, in addition to engaging in several deceptive activities. As an example, in August, Russian television news carried stories about a Russian truck convoy transporting water and baby food to Crimea. The international news media reported heavily on this convoy, presuming it was carrying Russian military supplies or materiel, and that they would be able to prove Russia was lying about the cargo. While attention was focused on this diversion, Russia's military was moving soldiers, combat equipment, and vehicles into Donbass. Sino-Indian border dispute. During the 2020 China–India skirmishes, China employed military deception to gain an advantage. Intending to increase its troop presence in disputed areas of Ladakh, China's military conducted training maneuvers near the areas that were the source of tension with India. This acvitity conditioned India to the presence of Chinese troops in the vicinity. In addition, China began construction of a nearby airbase. In early May, China began marching troops into several of the contested locations. In mid-to-late May, the Chinese military diverted trucks from the airbase construction project and used them to rapidly transport soldiers into portions of the disputed territory. The rapid troop movements came without warning and took India by surprise. As a result, China gained numerical superiority in several of Ladakh's contested areas. In fiction. Fictional examples of military deception include the 1966 "Star Trek" episode "The Corbomite Maneuver". When "Enterprise" is held by the tractor beam of an alien ship, its commander announces his intention to destroy "Enterprise" and its crew for the hostile act of trespassing into the alien's territory. Captain James T. Kirk informs the alien commander, Balok, that "Enterprise" is on a peaceful mission and trespassed accidentally. Balok does not accept Kirk's explanation, and still intends to destroy "Enterprise". Kirk responds with a deceptive bluff, claiming that "Enterprise" is outfitted with a secret doomsday device made of "Corbomite" the details of which are known only to the captain. Destruction of "Enterprise" will trigger the Corbomite device, resulting in destruction of both "Enterprise" and the alien ship. Balok uses a smaller ship to tow the Enterprise to a remote area where it can be safely destroyed. The Enterprise breaks free from the smaller ship's tractor beam, but damages the smaller ship in the process. Kirk then leads a boarding party to render assistance to the aliens. Kirk's party meets Balok, who is alone and replies that he was testing the "Enterprise" in order to discern whether Kirk's claims of peaceful intentions were true. Satisfied by their willingness to render aid to a perceived enemy that Kirk is honest about his claim to be on a peaceful mission, Balok expresses a desire to learn more about humans and their culture. A scene from the 2000 film "The Patriot" depicts a Patriot militia leader, Benjamin Martin, employing deceptive decoys when negotiating for the release of several members of his command who have been taken prisoner. Martin offers to exchange eighteen British officers, whom he claims are held on a hillside near the British headquarters. The British commander, General Cornwallis views the hill with a spyglass, observes figures in British uniforms who appear to be prisoners, and agrees to the exchange. After Martin and his men leave, the officer dispatched by Cornwallis to recover the British prisoners discovers they are scarecrows in captured British uniforms. In the 2003 film "", Captain Jack Aubrey of HMS "Surprise" is pursued by the French privateer "Acheron". When "Acheron" appears likely to catch "Surprise", Aubrey orders construction of a raft with sails, which contains lanterns arranged in the same pattern as those visible on the stern of "Surprise". After night falls, a member of Aubrey's crew lights the raft's lanterns while another crewman douses the lanterns on "Surprise". After recovering the crewman from the raft, Aubrey has the raft cut loose. The darkened "Surprise" then escapes on a new course while "Acheron" pursues the decoy, which appears to be "Surprise" as it continues on "Surprise's" original course. In the 2018 video game "We Happy Few", "Arthur's Story" depicts an alternate version of World War II that includes the German military threatening the village of Wellington Wells with dummy tanks made of papier-mâché. The populace does not resist because it believes the threat is real. Opinions. Opinions vary among military strategists and authors as to the value of military deception. For example, the two books on warfare usually considered the most famous classics, Sun Tzu's "The Art of War" and Clausewitz's "On War" have diametrically opposed views. Sun Tzu emphasizes military deception and considers it the key to victory. Clausewitz argues that the fog of war prevents a commander from having a clear understanding of the operating environment, so creating some sort of false appearance, particularly on a large scale, is unlikely to be meaningful. Because of the cost and effort, Clausewitz argues that from a cost-benefit analysis, a large deception is an acceptable part of a course of action only under special circumstances.

3rd front

174-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1249296

In cryptography, nothing-up-my-sleeve numbers are any numbers which, by their construction, are above suspicion of hidden properties. They are used in creating cryptographic functions such as hashes and ciphers. These algorithms often need randomized constants for mixing or initialization purposes. The cryptographer may wish to pick these values in a way that demonstrates the constants were not selected for a nefarious purpose, for example, to create a backdoor to the algorithm. These fears can be allayed by using numbers created in a way that leaves little room for adjustment. An example would be the use of initial digits from the number as the constants. Using digits of millions of places after the decimal point would not be considered trustworthy because the algorithm designer might have selected that starting point because it created a secret weakness the designer could later exploit. Digits in the positional representations of real numbers such as , "e", and irrational roots are believed to appear with equal frequency (see normal number). Such numbers can be viewed as the opposite extreme of Chaitin–Kolmogorov random numbers in that they appear random but have very low information entropy. Their use is motivated by early controversy over the U.S. Government's 1975 Data Encryption Standard, which came under criticism because no explanation was supplied for the constants used in its S-box (though they were later found to have been carefully selected to protect against the then-classified technique of differential cryptanalysis). Thus a need was felt for a more transparent way to generate constants used in cryptography. "Nothing up my sleeve" is a phrase associated with magicians, who sometimes preface a magic trick by holding open their sleeves to show they have no objects hidden inside. Counterexamples. Although not directly related, after the backdoor in Dual_EC_DRBG had been exposed, suspicious aspects of the NIST's P curve constants led to concerns that the NSA had chosen values that gave them an advantage in finding private keys. Since then, many protocols and programs started to use Curve25519 as an alternative to NIST P-256 curve. Limitations. Bernstein and coauthors demonstrate that use of nothing-up-my-sleeve numbers as the starting point in a complex procedure for generating cryptographic objects, such as elliptic curves, may not be sufficient to prevent insertion of back doors. If there are enough adjustable elements in the object selection procedure, the universe of possible design choices and of apparently simple constants can be large enough so that a search of the possibilities allows construction of an object with desired backdoor properties.

real integer

14682-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31497530

Since the December 2010 revolution in Tunisia and protests across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) began, Tunisian women have played an unprecedented part in the protests. Habib Bourguiba began instituting secular freedoms for women in 1956, such as access to higher education, the right to file for divorce, and certain job opportunities. While women in Tunisia have enjoyed certain freedoms and rights that are often denied to women in neighboring countries, the social norms have shifted since 2011. Even though some aspects of society are relatively liberal, the regime still classifies itself as Islamic. Demographics. As of 2008, the U.S. Population Reference Bureau reported that Tunisia's population of women between the ages of 15 and 49 was 3,000,000. By 2015, there will be 3,100,000 women of the same age bracket in the country. The life expectancy for women, from birth, is 76 years (men in Tunisia have a life expectancy of 72 years). History. When Tunisia was still a colony of France, the majority of Tunisian women were veiled, uneducated and performed the domestic duties required by husbands and fathers. However, with the onset of the country's independence movement, a voice for equality between men and women emerged. In fact, by the early 20th century, many urban families were educating their daughters. When Tunisia regained its independence in 1956, the republic's founder—Habib Bourguiba—discussed repeatedly the need to include all persons in Tunisian society. In 1956, The Code of Personal Status (Tunisia) was enacted—a document that has undergone heavy reform since its inception. This document has abolished polygamy and repudiation, enabled women to ask for divorce, enacted a minimum age for marriage and ordered the consent of both spouses before marriage. Moreover, women earned the right to vote in 1957 and in 1959, women were able to seek office. The Constitution of Tunisia promulgates "the principle of equality" which has been applied favorably for women within the judiciary system, enabling them to enter untraditional job sectors (for example medicine with Habiba Djilani the first female surgeon, the army and engineering) as well as open bank accounts and establish businesses. In 1962, women were able to access birth control and by 1965, abortion was legalized (8 years before American women gained access). In 1993, feminists and women's organizations’ lobbying efforts resulted in certain modifications to the Code of Personal Status. The modifications stated that a wife was not obliged to obey her husband, but did require her to "share part of the financial burden of the family". Despite releasing women from obedience to their husbands, they were now required to equally contribute to managing family affairs. However, a vague clause within the Code requires women to "deal with their husbands in accordance with custom and tradition." This clause makes it difficult for women to assert their independence (and thus ability to contribute to her family's financial burden) because 'tradition' and 'custom' are often used to reinforce a woman's subservience. After the Association des femmes tunisiennes pour la recherche et le développement and the Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates (ATFD) presented a document in which they demanded the full implementation of the agreement, the Tunisian government ratified the agreement on September 20, 1985. As for the reservations shown by Tunisia at the signing of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in 1979, they show that those in power have not yet decided to take the step of equality. The agreement was signed on July 24, 1980, but with reservations, like other Muslim countries, concerning a few paragraphs of sections 15, 16 and 29 on the grounds of their contradictions with the provisions of the Code of Personal Status and the Quran. To mark the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the implementation of the Code of Personal Status (Tunisia), president Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali announced two Bills that were adopted by the Chamber of Deputies of Tunisia on May 8, 2007. The first reinforces the legal housing rights of mothers having custody of children, and the second establishes a minimum age for marriage, at 18 years, for both sexes despite the fact that the actual average age at marriage had already surpassed 25 years for women and 30 years for men. In matters related to motherhood, Tunisia is often considered as a country open to changes coming from the modern world. On the occasion of the announcement on March 8, 2008 that the government would adhere to an additional protocol of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, coinciding with the International Women's Day, the president of the ATFD, Khadija Cherif, described the process as "positive but insufficient" and said it would continue "to advocate for the lifting of reservations that emptied the Convention of its meaning". Tunisia observes several national holidays dedicated to women: International Women's Day (March 8) and August 13, the anniversary date of the implementation of the Code of Personal Status (Tunisia), which has become a public holiday called National Women's Day. Since September 2017, Tunisian Muslim women are allowed to marry non-Muslims, that would scrap the old decree which requires the husbands to convert to Islam in order to complete an inter-faith marriage. A desire for modernisation or a political necessity? In Tunisia, the pursuit of feminist politics is all the more necessary since it is the main support to the good image of the country in Europe. In effect, even though the Economic growth is not negligible, it does not stand out from other countries in North Africa such as Morocco; as well, the suppression of the free speech and the political opposition in Tunisia have long tarnished the country's reputation abroad. The status of women remains a domain in which Tunisia, while under Bourguiba as under Ben Ali, could vindicate its uniqueness. Colette Juillard-Beaudan believes that Tunisian women, And this type of propaganda bore fruit as the country enjoyed, during the reign of Bourguiba, a solid reputation of national and civil secular in a region that more often consists of military dictatorships or monarchies connected to religion, as the CSP was itself declared in an authoritarian manner, since it was not debated publicly or in the Tunisian Constituent Assembly. On February 9, 1994, a Tunisian Women's Day was organized by the Senate of France under the slogan "Une modernité assumée, la Tunisie" (in English: Tunisia: Embracing Modernity). Shortly after a debate organized in June 1997 in the European Parliament on the situation of human rights in Tunisia, Tunisians were dispatched to Strasbourg to give Europe another image of their country. A series of laudatory articles followed in the French press on the condition of women in Tunisia. In October 1997, during Ben Ali's official visit to France, the Tunisian regime's defenders also cited the status of women, while ignoring the criticisms of the organizations defending human rights: In August 1994, during a conference devoted to women and the family, the Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates (ATFD) denounced the ambiguity of the forces in power and the use of religion to control the status of women in the country, criticizing foremost "the patriarchal oppression of women". Moreover, women attempted to rebel against the official discourse were quickly called to order, notably through the bias of a Tunisian press rigorously controlled by the authorities. The president of the ATFD, the lawyer Sana Ben Achour, explained in March 2010 that her organization was living in a She denounced among other things, the "police inclosure" of the ATFD headquarters and its women's university, and the fact that the association was prevented from staging a theatre production that was supposed to mark the March 8 International Women's Day. In this context, filmmaker Moufida Tlatli — made famous by her film "The Silences of the Palace" (1994) — was heavily criticized in the Tunisian magazine "Réalités" for having shown her scepticism towards the supposed feminism of Islam during a television program broadcast in France in October 1994: On August 13, 2003, the 47th anniversary of the enactment of the CSP, the Ligue tunisienne des droits de l'homme (in English: Tunisian League of Human Rights) declared : Fashion. Prior to the 2011 revolution, Tunisia restricted women's right to wear the hijab. Even though the population of Tunisia is 99% Muslim, and women in the Muslim world commonly wear hijabs, the governments of both Ben Ali and Habib Bourguiba pursued the eradication of public Islamic traditions, including hijab. In 1981 Habib Bourguiba ratified law no. 108 effectively banning Tunisian women from wearing hijab in state offices. In 1985, he went further and ratified law 108 extending this ban to educational establishments. During Ben Ali's regime, the government began cracking down on females wearing the hijab. In 2008, Amnesty International reported that women were forced to remove their hijab before being allowed into schools, universities, workplaces and some were even forced to remove it on the street. The report goes further stating that scarfed women were denied entry to the Tunis International Book Fair and at times were taken to police stations and made to sign a written commitment to stop wearing the hijab. "Some of those who refused were assaulted by police officers". While recent changes under the new government of the Ennahda Movement have lifted restrictions on wearing the hijab, a broader shift in social values toward Muslim conservatism has caused women to feel more restricted in many ways. A number of women complain that they can no longer wear skirts because of harassment by men. Additionally, they state that hijabs have become a social requirement instead of an option. Education. Although these facts appear to put women in Tunisia on par with Western women, only 30% of women are employed. Women's minimal participation in the work force does not derive from lack of education. In fact, 91% of Tunisian women, between the ages of 15 and 24, are literate. Young women represent 59.5% of students enrolled in higher education in Tunisia. In addition, the level of illiteracy for girls and women ages ten years and over dropped from 96% in 1956 to 58.1% in 1984, 42.3% in 1994 then 31% in 2004 (the level among men was 14.8% in 2004). The main reason behind this change has been the number of girls enrolled in primary education: 52 female students for every 100 male students in 1965; as well as the number of female students enrolled in secondary schools: 83 female students for every 100 male students in 1989, an increase from the level of 37 in 1965. Compared to the regional statistic, only 65% of MENA women are literate. More women are enrolled in secondary school (81%) than their male counterparts (75%). Although, Tunisian girls have a high enrollment rate, many girls drop out during or after they complete their primary education. Tunisia's enrollment rates for girls are higher than its surrounding neighbors, including Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Syria, Yemen, and even Lebanon and Jordan. Women in Tunisia are also less likely than men to enter a career in business, economics or engineering. This phenomenon may be due to the disconnect between content learned in school and needed skills to participate in the labor force. Women's participation in the work force. Women constitute 28% of the workforce of Tunisia in 2015, an increase from 20.9% in 1989 and only 5.5% in 1966. Female participation and mobility in the labor force are constrained by the socially acceptable behavior of women in Tunisia and even laws. For example, women are discouraged or prohibited by family members from traveling far from home (in both rural and urban environments). Indeed, traveling alone is not an option for a woman or girl. Therefore, given that a job involves commuting, often alone, to the location of work, for women this is socially unacceptable and/or prohibited. Certain Tunisian laws restrict the type of work women participate in, the number of hours they work as well as require a woman's husband or father to approve of her job and hours worked. The World Bank found that women in Tunisia and the surrounding region (MENA) do not use the same job search methods as men of the same region. Women are significantly less likely to use networking with a friend or contact an employer directly to obtain employment. The World Bank research found that women struggle with finding a suitable working environment because they fear sexual harassment and working long hours. Within the MENA region, the Tunisian government offers the shortest amount of time for maternal leave for women (30 days). Separate maternity leave laws apply to women who work in the public or private industry. Women who work as civil servants or public employees have 60 days of maternity leave while those women who work in the private industry only receive 30 days. In comparison, The Family and Medical Leave Act, in the United States, enables mothers (and fathers) to take up to 6 weeks. They work in all areas of business, as well as the Army, the Civil Aviation or Military and police and represent 72% of pharmacists, 42% of the medical profession, 27% of judges, 31% of lawyers and 40% of university instructors. In addition, between 10,000 and 15,000 of them are entrepreneurs. However, unemployment affects women more than men since 16.7% of women work in private employment rather than the 12.9% rate of men as of 2004. From 1999 to 2004, job creation for women grew at a rate of 3.21%, to produce an average of 19,800 jobs per year. Post January 2011. Immediately prior to the Tunisian revolution of 2011, women represented 14.89% of the government, 27.57% (59 of 214) of the elected members of the Chamber of Deputies elected on October 25, 2009, 27.06% of municipal councillors and 18% of the members of the Economic and Social Council. Moreover, in the absence of a law on equality (after the Tunisian revolution of 2011), the principle of parity was adopted in April 2011 for the election of the Tunisian Constituent Assembly of 2011. In 2017 a law was passed that, among other things, declared that men who had sex with underage girls would not be able to avoid being prosecuted by marrying those girls, changed the age of consent from 13 to 16, criminalized marital rape and sexual harassment, and made wage and work discrimination against women punishable by a fine of 2,000 Tunisian dinars ($817). Currently many Tunisian feminists are worried that the rights they enjoyed before the revolution may disappear as the power vacuum is infiltrated with religiously zealous ex-pats returning to the country. Women such as Munjiyah al-Sawaihi and Fawzia Zouari, known Tunisian feminists, are worried that the Tunisian revolution will follow the past examples of Algeria and Iran where women who played active roles during the revolutionary period, however, lost their voice and ability to participate in the public sphere when the new regimes established strict Sharia Law. Ennahda and women. The Ennahda Movement is Tunisia's most popular Islamic party and the party with the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly. However, due to its foundation on Islamic thought, the party has gained the largest number of critics nationally and internationally, and specifically regarding women's rights. Since the 2011 revolution, the party stated the following in regards to Tunisian women and what would happen if they were to get elected: In addition, the party voted in favor of full gender equality in the October Elections, and they were the most effective of all parties in mobilizing women in rural areas. Rural areas are commonly dominated by males in the Arab world. Marry-your-rapist law. Until 2017, Article 227 of the Tunisia Criminal Code provided a rapist with exemption to avoid all investigations or legal consequences if he married his victim. Laws of this kind have been termed "marry-your-rapist" laws. There has been an increasing trend towards repealing laws providing this impunity, with Tunisia following suit in July 2017. Background. Laws of this type are historically common and still exist around the globe. Tunisia is a nation that places great cultural importance on the chastity of women. In such cultures, the loss of chastity has significant societal consequences for the woman and her family; regardless of whether this violation has been non-consensual. The duty to be a virgin was found to be considered a "social rule to be maintained" by 90% of Tunisian women aged between 15 and 59 years. Therefore, the rationale for marry-your-rapist laws, such as Article 227, is rooted in shielding the victim from the cultural shame of rape. Marriage is a way for the family to escape the "scandal" of what has occurred. Salma Nims, the secretary general of the Jordanian National Commission for Women, explained this state of affairs in saying, "a woman who is the victim of a sexual assault is actually considered responsible for the honour of the family and may have to get married to whoever assaulted her in order to protect that". Proponents believe Article 227 protected women as, in Tunisia, prospects of marriage decline considerably in the instance of rape. Thus, Article 227 was aimed at providing a victim with the opportunity of a husband despite the cultural taboo of a loss of virginity. The Tunisian Government acknowledged that Article 227 was premised on striking a balance between the rights of the woman and those of the family. It was explained the law was motivated by consideration of the position of the victim and her family, however advantageous this may end up being for the perpetrator. Further, there is the view of a rejection of legal interference into the private affairs agreed to among the rapist, the victim and her family if marriage is settled upon as the solution. Under Article 227, a victim must still consent to the marriage, with the option available to her to refuse the marriage. Marry-your-rapist laws raise debate as to the appropriateness of such laws in the cultural context of a country like Tunisia. Opponents of Article 227 in Tunisia criticise the "second assault on a rape survivor’s rights" that the law supports by trapping the victim in a marriage to her rapist. Issue has been raised with Article 227 as it assumes that the best remedy for a victim of rape is marriage, without consideration of her own rights to freedom, dignity and autonomy. Article 227 has also been condemned as providing immunity to rapists by encouraging private settlements between the victim's family and the rapist rather than reporting of the crime for prosecution. While the victim has the option to refuse the marriage, there may be significant pressure from her family to accept the marriage for provisional reasons, particularly in the case of the rape resulting in pregnancy. Frequently, fault is focused on the victim's actions to bring about the rape, thus creating a sense of responsibility for the cultural dishonour brought upon the family. Victims are often blamed and shamed into extracting a report of rape in favour of hiding the occurrence to conserve the honour of the victim's family. Campaigns. Opposition to article 227 has been voiced through broader advocacy campaigns pressuring governmental action to end violence against women in Tunisia. On December 13, 2016, by authority of article 227, a Tunisian Court ordered a 13-year-old girl was to marry her 20-year-old rapist who had impregnated her. A fellow judge in the case made comment on the judgment, calling article 227 an antiquated law but accepting it must be applied. This decision ignited protests of public outrage in Tunisia calling for the revocation of article 227. The day following the Court's decision, politicians, legal experts and members of the public were involved in a protest demonstration outside the Tunisian Parliament building. In response to this political demonstration, the Tunisian Justice Minister, Ghazi Al-Jeribi, announced the Prosecutor General would file an objection to the Court's decision as Tunisia was in the process of developing changes to article 227. Tunisian human rights organisations protested the decision on the basis that it violated international human rights treaties as well as Tunisian laws protecting the rights of children. Amnesty International raised concern that the law contravenes Tunisia's obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child to provide particular protection for children from sexual coercion and violence. The marriage of the 13-year-old victim to her 20-year-old rapist was also condemned for contravening Tunisia's international obligations to prevent marriage of a child under Article 16(2) of the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and Article 23(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The Tunisian campaigns for repeal were supported by the collective action of regional feminist organisations such as the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women collaborating efforts with activist NGOs like the International Federation of Human Rights. The Tunisian Ministry for Women, Family and Children also called for the order to be nullified as a violation of article 20 of the Child Protection Code aimed at safeguarding interests of a minor. Reform following public outcry for repeal has been seen worldwide, with Tunisia joining countries such as Lebanon, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Peru, Romania and France that have repealed marry-your-rapist laws. However, countries such as Algeria, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Palestine and Syria currently retain provisions providing perpetrators impunity from rape prosecution. Legislative Reform. On July 26, 2017, Tunisia's Parliament accepted wide-ranging new legislation aimed at the protection of women against all forms of violence. The legislation consists of 43 articles in five chapters addressing gender-based violence. This law eliminates the impunity provided for perpetrators by repealing Article 227 of Tunisia's Penal Code, coming into effect in 2018. In the vein of protestor's arguments against Article 227, Parliament recognised in this legislative reform that psychological violence constitutes a form of violence against women. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, supported the introduction of the new law, even stating there is "no place in today’s world for such hideous laws". The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has appealed to Tunisian Parliament to amend article 227 since 2010, voicing concern about the impunity provided to perpetrators to allow them to benefit from their own violence. The law was carefully drafted over six months due to the social importance of such a change that has been advocated by activists for decades. Tunisian Parliament is unique as more than 30% of representatives are women, the highest female representation of any Arab country. Upon passage of the legislative reform, parliamentarians broke into cheers and chants of the Tunisian national anthem. The comprehensive law has been heralded as revolutionary, predicted to break significant ground in addressing women's rights issues in Tunisia. However, commentators on the new reform have still voiced concerns that the legislation does not go far enough to address violence against women. Issue has been raised for the continuance of the social practice of marrying a victim to her rapist despite the legal abolition of a perpetrator's impunity. Due to the cultural stigma attached to rape in Tunisia, families may still view an arrangement of marriage as the favoured, more private solution. Experts consider legal abolition of marry-your-rapist laws only the first step in truly eradicating the occurrence of this practice. It has been said that raising social awareness of equality of women at the community level is required in conjunction with legal reform. Amnesty International voiced concern that Tunisian institutions still lacked adequate services to provide protection for child victims with the continued social practice of marrying the victim to her rapist. As a child is legally considered an adult once married, there is no ability for a child protection delegate to intercede to advocate for the child's continued medical or psychological care. However, as there is also stigma attached to psychological treatment, families of the victim will rarely make this provision for the child of their own accord. Therefore, some commentators on the abolition of marry-your-rapist laws in Tunisia consider there needs to be a conjunctive improvement to protective services for child victims of sexual violence in addition to the repeal of article 227.

high societal value

7252-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=12829673

The Geology of Bangladesh is affected by the country's location, as Bangladesh is mainly a riverine country. It is the eastern two-thirds of the Ganges and Brahmaputra river delta plain stretching to the north from the Bay of Bengal. There are two small areas of slightly higher land in the north-centre and north-west composed of old alluvium called the Madhupur Tract and the Barind Tract, and steep, folded, hill ranges of older (Tertiary) rocks along the eastern border. The downwarping of the basement rocks under central and southern Bangladesh result from the pressure of sediments that have been accumulating since the Cretaceous period, mostly a large quantity of carbonate. In the Late Eocene epoch the conditions in the Bay of Bengal changed and these deposits ceased. Structural and tectonic geology. In the late Cretaceous, the Indian Plate collided with the Eurasian Plate, after the Indian and African Plate split to form the Indian Ocean during the Triassic. The tectonic collision in the Cretaceous separated the Gulf of Assam and the Gulf of Burma, while narrow channels from the ocean fed water into the two gulfs. As ridges formed in the Tethys Ocean on the other side of the Shillong and Dinajpur Shields, small island arcs formed locally. The Tura sandstone, Sylhet limestone and Kopili shale were all deposited during an intermediate shall marine depositional environment in between these tectonic changes. A renewed period of collision and tectonic activity began with the Himalayan orogeny in the Eocene. The gulfs became shallower and the east-west Sylhet strike affected sedimentary rocks along with the Bogra strike. As tectonic activity slowed somewhat, a river delta environment deposited of the other significant Cenozoic sedimentary units. Renewed tectonism in the Pliocene formed the Dinajpur Shield into a graben, relative to the horst of the Shillong Plateau and Mikir Hills. The Pliocene orogeny led into the Pleistocene ice age, resulting in regional extinction of many large mammals. A final period of uplift raised the red clay table lad 30 to 100 feet, along with St. Martin's Island in the Pleistocene. Geologic history. Surface rocks and stratigraphy in Bangladesh were formed during the Cenozoic and rock units date to all epochs of the Cenozoic except for the Oligocene, which is poorly preserved. Drilling and mineral prospecting has revealed deeper rock units that record the geologic history of Bangladesh prior to the Cenozoic as far back as the Precambrian. Precambrian. Two wells, drilled in 1959 and 1960 in search of oil by the Standard Vacuum Oil Company near Kuchma and in the northern Bogra district first revealed Precambrian rocks beneath Bangladesh. The Precambrian Basement Complex is composed of gneiss, granite, granodiorite and smaller sequences of schistose, amiphibolite and gabbro. Precambrian rocks are preserved in northwest Bangladesh as the Dinajpur Platform and Dinajpur Shield. The Dinajpur Platform is contiguous with the Indian Shield while a graben and faulting along the Ganges and Jamuna separates the Dinajpur Shield from the Shillong and Chhotonagpur plateaus. Paleozoic. In the Permian period, Bangladesh was part of the supercontinent Gondwana. The existence of Gondwana was first theorized by Rupert Jones, a European coal mine operator who in 1829 published a hypothesis about coal fields beneath Bangladesh. Gondwana came into use in the 1870s, named after the Gond people. The Kuchma formation preserves the early Permian, with a sequence of sandstone, shaly sandstone, black carbonaceous shale and white sandstone. These sediments are highly porous and hold extensive water reserves, but because of their depth are highly saline and poor quality for agriculture. The late Permian Paharpur formation was first recognized through 11 boreholes in 1965 near the Paharpur coal field. The formation is primarily gray, feldspathic sandstone and some deposits of kaolin material. Mesozoic. The Late Jurassic Rajmahal formation differs from other primarily sedimentary sequences, with hornblende basalt, olivine basalt and andesite as well as associated ash beds, tuff and agglomerate and small one meter thick sedimentary bed which preserve fossilized plants. The early Cretaceous Sibganj formation includes white kaolinite sandstone, iron-rich trapwash sandstone, red shale, claystone, clay, tuff, and sedimentary beds fossilized plants. Ostracod fossils were used to establish its age. Cenozoic. The Tura sandstone is a very thick unit, formed during the early and middle Cenozoic. It is named after the Tura range in the Tura district. Very little of the sandstone is visible at the surface. It forms three small hills at Takerghat, although these are blanketed in alluvium. A small pillar in Lalghat and an exposure by a stream are the only places where the Tura sandstone is visible. Early efforts to date the sandstone with microfossils in the 1960s failed but other researchers had better luck with pollen.<ref> The Sylhet limestone preserves additional rock units such as shale and sandstone, indicative of a shallow marine environment and contains 69 species of foraminifera, while the Upper Eocene Kopili formation contains pollen from mangrove swamps. Oligocene units like the Burdwaran formation and Memari formation show signs of ocean transgression, and an estuarine environment. Stratigraphy. The stratigraphy of Bangladesh begins with Precambrian units below ground. Geologists have found an unconformity between Precambrian and Paleozoic units. Gondwanan sedimentary units, including the early Permian Kuchma and late Permian Paharpur range between 494 meters and 1.2 kilometers in thickness. Ascending the stratigraphic column, a second unconformity separates Permian units from late Jurassic Rajmahal basalts and early Cretaceous Sibganj sedimentary rocks, with thicknesses between 131 and 546 meters. The late Cretaceous is absent due to an unconformity. The coal, limestone and shale-laden Tura sandstone, deposited from the Paleocene to the Eocene is 377 meters thick, and lies beneath the middle Eocene Sylhet limestone and late Eocene Kopili shale. An additional unconformity separates Eocene and Oligocene Jennum and Renji sanstone and shale sequences, which are 646 meters in thickness. Lower Bhuban, Middle Bhuban, Upper Bhuban and Boka Bil are ascending units of early Micoense siltstone and sandstone, which give way to the middle Miocene Tipam Sandstone and Girujan Clay. An unconformity occurs before late Miocene sequences including the Dupi Tila sandstone and claystone, with another unconformity between the Dupi Tila units and Pliocene Dihing claysone and silty sandstone. Pleistocene St. Martin's limestone and Madhapur clay are separated from Pliocene units by an unconformity as well from Holocene sand, silt, clay, peat and coral alluvium. History of geologic research. The Geological Survey of India did not focus much on geological mapping in Bengal during the British Raj. The Geological Survey of Pakistan, when Bangladesh was East Pakistan focused on searching for mineral deposits and the Bengali government has continued that pattern. Compared to many countries, the geology of Bangladesh is poorly mapped and understood. Natural resource geology. Most natural resources in Bangladesh have been discovered since independence from Britain, many in the 1950s and 1980s. Geologists found deltaic peat deposits in 1953, the St. Martin limestone in 1958, coal, glass-quality sand and the Takerghat limestone in 1959 as well as additional coal, limestone, kaolin and sand along with Precambrian rocks in the Rajshahi Division from 1963 to 1982. Thirteen gas fields and an oil field were discovered between 1959 and 1987.

revived interval

3657-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=363996

In psychology, attitude is a psychological construct, a mental and emotional entity that inheres in, or characterizes a person. They are complex and are an acquired state through experiences. It is an individual's predisposed state of mind regarding a value and it is precipitated through a responsive expression towards oneself, a person, place, thing, or event (the attitude object) which in turn influences the individual's thought and action. Prominent psychologist Gordon Allport described this latent psychological construct as "the most distinctive and indispensable concept in contemporary social psychology." Attitude can be formed from a person's past and present. Key topics in the study of attitudes include attitude strength, attitude change, consumer behavior, and attitude-behavior relationships. Definitions. Social psychology. An attitude is an evaluation of an attitude object, ranging from extremely negative to extremely positive. Most contemporary perspectives on attitudes permit that people can also be conflicted or ambivalent toward an object by simultaneously holding both positive and negative attitudes toward the same object. This has led to some discussion of whether the individual can hold multiple attitudes toward the same object. An attitude can be a positive or negative evaluation of people, objects, events, activities, and ideas. It could be concrete, abstract or just about anything in your environment, but there is a debate about precise definitions. Eagly and Chaiken, for example, define an attitude as "a psychological tendency that is expressed by evaluating a particular entity with some degree of favor or disfavor." Though it is sometimes common to define an attitude as affect toward an object, affect (i.e., discrete emotions or overall arousal) is generally understood as an evaluative structure used to form attitude object. Attitude may influence the attention to attitude objects, the use of categories for encoding information and the interpretation, judgement and recall of attitude-relevant information. These influences tend to be more powerful for strong attitudes which are accessible and based on elaborate supportive knowledge structure. The durability and impactfulness of influence depend upon the strength formed from consistency of heuristics. Attitudes can guide encoding information, attention and behaviors, even if the individual is pursuing unrelated goals. Jung's definition. Attitude is one of Jung's 57 definitions in Chapter XI of "Psychological Types". Jung's definition of attitude is a "readiness of the psyche to act or react in a certain way". Attitudes very often come in pairs, one conscious and the other unconscious. Within this broad definition Jung defines several attitudes. The main (but not only) attitude dualities that Jung defines are the following. In addition, Jung discusses the abstract attitude. "When I take an abstract attitude...". Abstraction is contrasted with concretism. "CONCRETISM. By this I mean a peculiarity of thinking and feeling which is the antithesis of abstraction". Factors. Psychological. The attitude of a person is determined by psychological factors like ideas, values, beliefs, perception, etc. All these have a complex role in determining a person's attitude. Values are ideals, guiding principles in one's life, or overarching goals that people strive to obtain (Maio & Olson, 1998). Beliefs are cognitions about the world—subjective probabilities that an object has a particular attribute or that an action will lead to a particular outcome (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). Beliefs can be patently and unequivocally false. For example, surveys show that a third of U.S. adults think that vaccines cause autism, despite the preponderance of scientific research to the contrary (Dixon et al., 2015). It was found that beliefs like these are tenaciously held and highly resistant to change. Another important factor that affects attitude is symbolic interactionism, these are rife with powerful symbols and charged with affect which can lead to a selective perception. Persuasion theories say that in politics, successful persuaders convince its message recipients into a selective perception or attitude polarization for turning against the opposite candidate through a repetitive process that they are in a noncommittal state and it is unacceptable and doesn't have any moral basis for it and for this they only require to chain the persuading message into a realm of plausibility (Gopnik, 2015 & O’Keefe, 2016). Family. Family plays a significant role in the primary stage of attitudes held by individuals. Initially, a person develops certain attitudes from their parents, brothers, sister, and elders in the family. There is a high degree of relationship between parent and children in attitudes found in them. Society. Societies play an important role in formatting the attitudes of an individual. The culture, the tradition, the language, etc., influence a person's attitudes. Society, tradition, and the culture teach individuals what is and what is not acceptable. Economic. A person's attitude also depends on issues such as his salary, status, work environment, work as such, etc. Structure. The classic, tripartite view offered by Rosenberg and Hovland is that an attitude contains cognitive, affective, and behavioral components. Empirical research, however, fails to support clear distinctions between thoughts, emotions, and behavioral intentions associated with a particular attitude. A criticism of the tripartite view of attitudes is that it requires cognitive, affective, and behavioral associations of an attitude to be consistent, but this may be implausible. Thus some views of attitude structure see the cognitive and behavioral components as derivative of affect or affect and behavior as derivative of underlying beliefs. Despite debate about the particular structure of attitudes, there is considerable evidence that attitudes reflect more than evaluations of a particular object that vary from positive to negative. Among numerous attitudes, one example is people's money attitudes which may help people understand their affective love of money motive, stewardship behavior, and money cognition. These ABC components of attitudes formulate, define, and contribute to an overall construct of Monetary Intelligence which, in turn, may be related to many theoretical work-related constructs. There is also a considerable interest in intra-attitudinal and inter-attitudinal structure, which is how an attitude is made (expectancy and value) and how different attitudes relate to one another. Which connects different attitudes to one another and to more underlying psychological structures, such as values or ideology. Attitude component model. An influential model of attitude is the multicomponent model, where attitudes are evaluations of an object that have affective, behavioral, and cognitive components (the ABC model): MODE model. This is the theory of attitude evaluation (motivation and opportunity as determinants of the attitude - behavior relation). When both are present, behavior will be deliberate. When one is absent, impact on behavior will be spontaneous. The MODE model was developed by Fazio. A person's attitude can be measured in two different ways: Explicit measure are attitudes at the conscious level, that are deliberately formed and easy to self-report. Implicit measures are attitudes that are at an unconscious level, that are involuntarily formed and are typically unknown to us. Both explicit and implicit attitudes can shape an individual's behavior. Implicit attitudes, however, are most likely to affect behavior when the demands are steep and an individual feels stressed or distracted. Function. Another classic view of attitudes is that attitudes serve particular functions for individuals. That is, researchers have tried to understand why individuals hold particular attitudes or why they hold attitudes in general by considering how attitudes affect the individuals who hold them. Daniel Katz, for example, writes that attitudes can serve "instrumental, adjustive or utilitarian," "ego-defensive," "value-expressive," or "knowledge" functions. This functional attitude theory suggests that in order for attitudes to change (e.g., via persuasion), appeals must be made to the function(s) that a particular attitude serves for the individual. As an example, the "ego-defensive" function might be used to influence the racially prejudicial attitudes of an individual who sees themselves as open-minded and tolerant. By appealing to that individual's image of themselves as tolerant and open-minded, it may be possible to change their prejudicial attitudes to be more consistent with their self-concept. Similarly, a persuasive message that threatens self-image is much more likely to be rejected. Daniel Katz classified attitudes into four different groups based on their functions Utilitarian People adopt attitudes that are rewarding and that help them avoid punishment. In other words, any attitude that is adopted in a person's own self-interest is considered to serve a utilitarian function. Consider you have a condo, people with condos pay property taxes, and as a result you don't want to pay more taxes. If those factors lead to your attitude that "increases in property taxes are bad" your attitude is serving a utilitarian function. Knowledge People need to maintain an organized, meaningful, and stable view of the world. That being said important values and general principles can provide a framework for our knowledge. Attitudes achieve this goal by making things fit together and make sense. Example: Ego-Defensive This function involves psychoanalytic principles where people use defense mechanisms to protect themselves from psychological harm. Mechanisms include: The ego-defensive notion correlates nicely with Downward Comparison Theory which holds the view that derogating a less fortunate other increases our own subjective well-being. We are more likely to use the ego-defensive function when we suffer a frustration or misfortune. Value-Expressive An example would concern attitudes toward a controversial political issue. Formation. According to Doob (1947), learning can account for most of the attitudes we hold. The study of attitude formation is the study of how people form evaluations of persons, places or things. Theories of classical conditioning, instrumental conditioning and social learning are mainly responsible for formation of attitude. Unlike personality, attitudes are expected to change as a function of experience. In addition, exposure to the 'attitude' objects may have an effect on how a person forms his or her attitude. This concept was seen as the "Mere-Exposure Effect". Robert Zajonc showed that people were more likely to have a positive attitude on 'attitude objects' when they were exposed to it frequently than if they were not. Mere repeated exposure of the individual to a stimulus is a sufficient condition for the enhancement of his attitude toward it. Tesser (1993) has argued that hereditary variables may affect attitudes - but believes that they may do so indirectly. For example, consistency theories, which imply that we must be consistent in our beliefs and values. As with any type of heritability, to determine if a particular trait has a basis in our genes, twin studies are used. The most famous example of such a theory is Dissonance-reduction theory, associated with Leon Festinger, which explains that when the components of an attitude (including belief and behavior) are at odds an individual may adjust one to match the other (for example, adjusting a belief to match a behavior). Other theories include balance theory, originally proposed by Heider (1958), and the self-perception theory, originally proposed by Daryl Bem. Change. Attitudes can be changed through persuasion and an important domain of research on attitude change focuses on responses to communication. Experimental research into the factors that can affect the persuasiveness of a message include: Emotion and attitude change. Emotion is a common component in persuasion, social influence, and attitude change. Much of attitude research emphasized the importance of affective or emotion components. Emotion works hand-in-hand with the cognitive process, or the way we think, about an issue or situation. Emotional appeals are commonly found in advertising, health campaigns and political messages. Recent examples include no-smoking health campaigns and political campaign advertising emphasizing the fear of terrorism. Attitudes and attitude objects are functions of cognitive, affective and cognitive components. Attitudes are part of the brain's associative networks, the spider-like structures residing in long-term memory that consist of affective and cognitive nodes. By activating an affective or emotion node, attitude change may be possible, though affective and cognitive components tend to be intertwined. In primarily affective networks, it is more difficult to produce cognitive counterarguments in the resistance to persuasion and attitude change. Affective forecasting, otherwise known as intuition or the prediction of emotion, also impacts attitude change. Research suggests that predicting emotions is an important component of decision making, in addition to the cognitive processes. How we feel about an outcome may override purely cognitive rationales. In terms of research methodology, the challenge for researchers is measuring emotion and subsequent impacts on attitude. Since we cannot see into the brain, various models and measurement tools have been constructed to obtain emotion and attitude information. Measures may include the use of physiological cues like facial expressions, vocal changes, and other body rate measures. For instance, fear is associated with raised eyebrows, increased heart rate and increase body tension (Dillard, 1994). Other methods include concept or network mapping, and using primes or word cues in the era. Components of emotion appeals. Any discrete emotion can be used in a persuasive appeal; this may include jealousy, disgust, indignation, fear, blue, disturbed, haunted, and anger. Fear is one of the most studied emotional appeals in communication and social influence research. Important consequences of fear appeals and other emotion appeals include the possibility of reactance which may lead to either message rejections or source rejection and the absence of attitude change. As the EPPM suggests, there is an optimal emotion level in motivating attitude change. If there is not enough motivation, an attitude will not change; if the emotional appeal is overdone, the motivation can be paralyzed thereby preventing attitude change. Emotions perceived as negative or containing threat are often studied more than perceived positive emotions like humor. Though the inner-workings of humor are not agreed upon, humor appeals may work by creating incongruities in the mind. Recent research has looked at the impact of humor on the processing of political messages. While evidence is inconclusive, there appears to be potential for targeted attitude change is receivers with low political message involvement. Important factors that influence the impact of emotion appeals include self efficacy, attitude accessibility, issue involvement, and message/source features. Self efficacy is a perception of one's own human agency; in other words, it is the perception of our own ability to deal with a situation. It is an important variable in emotion appeal messages because it dictates a person's ability to deal with both the emotion and the situation. For example, if a person is not self-efficacious about their ability to impact the global environment, they are not likely to change their attitude or behavior about global warming. Dillard (1994) suggests that message features such as source non-verbal communication, message content, and receiver differences can impact the emotion impact of fear appeals. The characteristics of a message are important because one message can elicit different levels of emotion for different people. Thus, in terms of emotion appeals messages, one size does not fit all. Attitude accessibility refers to the activation of an attitude from memory in other words, how readily available is an attitude about an object, issue, or situation. Issue involvement is the relevance and salience of an issue or situation to an individual. Issue involvement has been correlated with both attitude access and attitude strength. Past studies conclude accessible attitudes are more resistant to change. Attitude-behavior relationship. The effects of attitudes on behaviors is a growing research enterprise within psychology. Icek Ajzen has led research and helped develop two prominent theoretical approaches within this field: the theory of reasoned action and, its theoretical descendant, the theory of planned behavior. Both theories help explain the link between attitude and behavior as a controlled and deliberative process. Theory of reasoned action. The theory of reasoned action (TRA) is a model for the prediction of behavioral intention, spanning predictions of attitude and predictions of behavior. The subsequent separation of behavioral intention from behavior allows for explanation of limiting factors on attitudinal influence (Ajzen, 1980). The theory of reasoned action was developed by Martin Fishbein and Icek Ajzen (1975, 1980), derived from previous research that started out as the theory of attitude, which led to the study of attitude and behavior. The theory was "born largely out of frustration with traditional attitude–behavior research, much of which found weak correlations between attitude measures and performance of volitional behaviors" (Hale, Householder & Greene, 2003, p. 259). Theory of planned behavior. The theory of planned behavior was proposed by Icek Ajzen in 1985 through his article "From intentions to actions: A theory of planned behavior." The theory was developed from the theory of reasoned action, which was proposed by Martin Fishbein together with Icek Ajzen in 1975. The theory of reasoned action was in turn grounded in various theories of attitude such as learning theories, expectancy-value theories, consistency theories, and attribution theory. According to the theory of reasoned action, if people evaluate the suggested behavior as positive (attitude), and if they think their significant others want them to perform the behavior (subjective norm), this results in a higher intention (motivation) and they are more likely to do so. A high correlation of attitudes and subjective norms to behavioral intention, and subsequently to behavior, has been confirmed in many studies. The theory of planned behavior contains the same component as the theory of reasoned action, but adds the component of perceived behavioral control to account for barriers outside one's own control. Motivation and Opportunity as Determinants (MODE). Russell H. Fazio proposed an alternative theory called "Motivation and Opportunity as Determinants" or MODE. Fazio believes that because there is deliberative process happening, individuals must be motivated to reflect on their attitudes and subsequent behaviors. Simply put, when an attitude is automatically activated, the individual must be motivated to avoid making an invalid judgement as well as have the opportunity to reflect on their attitude and behavior. A counter-argument against the high relationship between behavioral intention and actual behavior has also been proposed, as the results of some studies show that, because of circumstantial limitations, behavioral intention does not always lead to actual behavior. Namely, since behavioral intention cannot be the exclusive determinant of behavior where an individual's control over the behavior is incomplete, Ajzen introduced the theory of planned behavior by adding a new component, "perceived behavioral control." By this, he extended the theory of reasoned action to cover non-volitional behaviors for predicting behavioral intention and actual behavior. Measurement. In 1928 Louis Leon Thurstone published an article titled "Attitudes Can Be Measured" in it he proposed an elaborate procedure to assess people's views on social issues. Attitudes can be difficult to measure because measurement is arbitrary, because attitudes are ultimately a hypothetical construct that cannot be observed directly. But many measurements and evidence proofed scales are used to examine attitudes. A Likert scale taps agreement or disagreement with a series of belief statements. The Guttman scale focuses on items that vary in their degree of psychological difficulty. The semantic differential uses bipolar adjectives to measure the meaning associated with attitude objects. Supplementing these are several indirect techniques such as unobtrusive, standard physiological, and neuroscientific measures. Following the explicit-implicit dichotomy, attitudes can be examined through direct and indirect measures. Whether attitudes are explicit (i.e., deliberately formed) versus implicit (i.e., subconscious) has been a topic of considerable research. Research on implicit attitudes, which are generally unacknowledged or outside of awareness, uses sophisticated methods involving people's response times to stimuli to show that implicit attitudes exist (perhaps in tandem with explicit attitudes of the same object). Implicit and explicit attitudes seem to affect people's behavior, though in different ways. They tend not to be strongly associated with each other, although in some cases they are. The relationship between them is poorly understood. Explicit. Explicit measures tend to rely on self-reports or easily observed behaviors. These tend to involve bipolar scales (e.g., good-bad, favorable-unfavorable, support-oppose, etc.). Explicit measures can also be used by measuring the straightforward attribution of characteristics to nominate groups. Explicit attitudes that develop in response to recent information, automatic evaluation were thought to reflect mental associations through early socialisation experiences. Once formed, these associations are highly robust and resistant to change, as well as stable across both context and time. Hence the impact of contextual influences was assumed to be obfuscate assessment of a person's "true" and enduring evaluative disposition as well as limit the capacity to predict subsequent behavior. Likert scales and other self-reports are also commonly used. Implicit. Implicit measures are not consciously directed and are assumed to be automatic, which may make implicit measures more valid and reliable than explicit measures (such as self-reports). For example, people can be motivated such that they find it socially desirable to appear to have certain attitudes. An example of this is that people can hold implicit prejudicial attitudes, but express explicit attitudes that report little prejudice. Implicit measures help account for these situations and look at attitudes that a person may not be aware of or want to show. Implicit measures therefore usually rely on an indirect measure of attitude. For example, the Implicit Association Test (IAT) examines the strength between the target concept and an attribute element by considering the latency in which a person can examine two response keys when each has two meanings. With little time to carefully examine what the participant is doing they respond according to internal keys. This priming can show attitudes the person has about a particular object. People are often unwilling to provide responses perceived as socially undesirable and therefore tend to report what they think their attitudes should be rather than what they know them to be. More complicated still, people may not even be consciously aware that they hold biased attitudes. Over the past few decades, scientists have developed new measures to identify these unconscious biases.

satisfactory environment

13016-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=35934649

The Shutter House, designed by architect Shigeru Ban, is a building in lower Chelsea, in New York City. The condominium building has 9 units and is an 11-story structure, including a ground floor gallery. The building incorporates a layered façade with a unique shutter system, reflecting the industrial past of the Chelsea and the Meatpacking District. The design, completed in May 2011, brings new life to New York residential architecture, and transforms the idea of traditional apartment living. History. The idea for the Shutter House came to life while much of Manhattan experienced changes in urban development. The design began as a simple two-story renovation project, in 2005, when a well-known gallery owner Klemens Gasser contacted Shigeru Ban. The rezoning of West Chelsea and the Meatpacking District, as a result of the High Line development was the major urban development change to influence the Shutter House design. The High Line previously existed as an elevated industrial railroad, but after much debate, was repurposed as a public park. In 1999, a non-profit group known as The Friends of the High Line formed when threats of demolition loomed over the railroad remnant. Today, Friends of the High Line along with the city of New York work together to preserve the structure as a park. Rezoning of Chelsea and the Meatpacking District greatly influenced the Shutter House with an art-infused neighborhood. The Special West Chelsea District was created in co-ordinance with rezoning plans, designated to encourage significant economic and residential growth. Ban was commissioned by his client the same year in which the rezoning of West Chelsea took place. The rezoning of West Chelsea created great incentives for residential development. These new opportunities influenced Ban and his client to scrap the renovation plans and instead opt for a total rebuild. Although scheduled for completion in 2008, construction was not completed until May 2011. Architect. Architect Shigeru Ban (born in Tokyo, Japan, 1957) is known for creating architecture that gives back to society. Ban studied at the Southern California Institute of Architecture, as well as the Cooper Union School of Architecture, in New York City. He received his Bachelor of Architecture degree from Cooper Union in 1984. He owns and operates his own practice, Shigeru Ban Architects, run out of Tokyo, Japan. Ban also has offices in both Europe and the United States. Ban is an international architect, having worked on a variety of projects including museums, houses, and shelters. He is very well known for being an innovative designer of temporary housing, needed because of natural and manmade disasters. His temporary housing designs are typically low budget and easy to assemble by individuals without skills in building trades. Ban is also well known for his use of unconventional building materials, such as paper tubes and cardboard, which can be configured into structurally sound “log” members. He often campaigns to raise money for the creation and construction of these temporary homes through organizations like Make It Right Foundation New Orleans, founded by Brad Pitt. From 2006 to 2009, he was a member for the jury of the Pritzker Architecture Prize. Some of his best-known works include the Japanese Pavilion (2000, Hanover Expo in Germany), Paper Arch (2000, Museum of Modern Art, New York), and the Naked House (2000, Saitama, Japan). In addition to being an innovative practicing architect, Ban has taught at many prestigious academic institutions. Among these institutions are Columbia University in New York City, Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, and Kyoto University of Art and Design. Shigeru Ban brings his interest in reducing material waste, as well as exploring innovative and ecological material relationships to his teaching. Building. Site and Context. Shigeru Ban's Shutter House has a unique story because of the site and context of Manhattan's West Chelsea neighborhood. West Chelsea is primarily a low-rise neighborhood, with a mixture of old industrial style buildings juxtaposed with edgy new development. The neighborhood is known for its industrial past, and thriving art gallery district. The Shutter House is located on a narrow lot on West 19th Street, between 10th and 11th Avenues. It is sandwiched between Frank Gehry's IAC building to the west, and the Annabelle Serdof apartments to the east. What began as a simple renovation turned into a larger project for a new building, as a result of the re-zoning proposal of West Chelsea and the High Line development. When the High Line was repurposed as a park, much of West Chelsea and the Meatpacking District were re-zoned to create the Special West Chelsea District. This new district was created in hopes to encourage significant economic and residential growth. The re-zoning was proposed in 2005, the same year Shigeru Ban was commissioned by art gallery owner, Klemens Gasser, for the project. Community District 4 was re-zoned, from West 30th Street to West 16th Street, between 10th and 11th Avenues. The re-zoning and creation of the Special West Chelsea District encouraged architects to design buildings that engaged and interacted with the new linear High Line pedestrian park. Adjacent developments to the High Line benefited from the creation of the High Line Transfer Corridor, or HLTC, which is intended to preserve light and air around the High Line. The HLTC transfers development rights from the air space around the High Line to designated receiving properties within the Special West Chelsea District. This program allowed developers of selected sites to increase the floor area ratio, or FAR. The Shutter House directly benefited from this program, which influenced the client and architect to rebuild, rather than renovate on the site. The Shutter House is located in an area that was re-zoned to a C6-2 zoning, which increased the floor area ratio from 5.0 to a floor area ratio of 6.0. This FAR bonus was instrumental in the overall design of the Shutter House, because without it, the project would not exist as it does today. Form and Use. In plan and massing, the Shutter House addresses the challenges of building on a Manhattan city block. It sits tight on a building lot nestled between a large office building on one side, and apartment building on the other. The lot, a mere 50 feet wide, and 92 feet deep, faces north and south. These tight lot dimensions, strict building regulations (including prohibition of lot line windows), and high property values inspired Ban not only to fill the lot footprint, but also to stack modular units vertically. This desire to build vertically was influenced also by the High Line Transfer Corridor program, as a result of the re-zoning of West Chelsea and the High Line development. Together these two programs allocated bonus FAR to the site of the Shutter House, allowing for increased vertical expansion. The building, eleven stories tall, is made up of eight duplex units, each with a double height living space. This living space is designed to make up for the shallow depth of the apartments, and to draw significant amounts of daylight into the space as a result of the tall glazing. The division into three bays in the vertical direction results in a variety of apartment layouts and provides each unit with street views and balconies enclosed on three sides. The duplex units range from three to four bedroom apartments, or in the case of the penthouse, a five-bedroom apartment. In each apartment, public spaces occupy the lower level, while private bedrooms and bathrooms are on the second level. The design of the building also takes advantage of both northern and southern exposure, enhanced by the retractable perforated metal screens, and the glass garage-like doors that physically and visually open the apartments to the city. In addition to the eight apartment units, the building also includes a ground floor gallery retail space, and lobby. The inclusion of the retail gallery space is in accordance with the Special West Chelsea District program, which intends to distribute art galleries throughout West Chelsea, as opposed to confining them to the neighborhood center. Materials and Methods of Construction. The careful consideration and calibration of construction at the Shutter House maximized interior space on the limiting narrow lot. As mentioned above, each duplex unit was designed to include mezzanine levels, to maximize light penetration in the apartment. Shigeru Ban was also able to design 8-inch deep floor slabs, the minimal thickness required, in order to achieve the desired double-height space in each apartment. The minimized slabs also allowed Ban to slice the vertical volumes to get an even number of units stacked upon one another. The Shutter House gets its name from the metal screens, or “shutters”, incorporated into each unit, controlled by the tenant. Typically, similar elements were used throughout West Chelsea, for industrial warehouses. Ban's Shutter House is the first instance where these screens are appropriated for domestic architecture. Contrary to intuitive site response, the perforated metal roll-up screens were installed on the north façade. The screens, in addition to allowing daylight into each apartment, also serve as a security feature providing privacy in an otherwise transparent space. The screens, which are controlled by a motorized roller, are made of standard components. Each screen is 16 feet by 20 feet with a unique perforated pattern that complies with city regulations for facades enclosing habitable space. In addition to using perforated metal screens as a façade system, Ban designed the glass façade behind them as a curtain wall system. The curtain wall incorporates glass bi-fold doors, supporting Ban's design to open each apartment to the surrounding city context. The windows of the curtain wall do not contain metal panes, as is typical for this type of system; but rather they incorporate double-glazed sashes and a hinge in the center. This assembly is controlled by a motorized component which forces the glass doors to open in a manner similar to that of a garage door. On the interior, simplicity defines the architectural features. Translucent sliding doors allow for flexible space. The doors can be opened to create large public spaces, or closed to create smaller private spaces. The sliding partitions pay homage to Ban's Japanese residential design. In the main public spaces, large panels conceal mechanical and plumbing elements. Sustainability. Although the Shutter House is not a LEED certified building, many sustainable features are incorporated into the design. The most sustainable element is manifested in the architect's design thesis of opening traditional Manhattan living space to the surrounding city. The perforated metal shutters, controlled by the tenant to allow or block daylight in each double height space, along with the glass garage-like bifold doors, are designated green features. The bifold doors, located on the southern façade, not only open the apartment to surrounding views, but also blur the boundary between interior and exterior to allow for natural air ventilation. Open facades on both the north and south sides of the Shutter House allow for daylight to be maximized in each apartment. The architectural and mechanical process of opening up to or closing off from fluctuating environmental conditions results in energy efficiency for each apartment. Another sustainable feature of the Shutter House is the building envelope. Each apartment has a partially enclosed terrace, separated from the living space by the perforated metal screens. Behind the retractable screens is an integrated curtain wall system. The curtain wall shields the apartment dwellers from unwanted elements like rainwater, drafts, and noise. Significance. The Shutter House, through its innovation and its relationship to context, completely transformed the physical reality of high-end residential architecture on a typical New York City building lot. Although the project was originally intended to be a renovation, Shigeru Ban's architectural design turned into a new construction project because of strong connections to the Chelsea neighborhood, as a result of the High Line development, and the rezoning project that commenced in 2005. Architect Shigeru Ban challenges the idea of a typical New York apartment, and reconfigures it to reflect the growing surrounding city. Apartments are opened up to the immediate neighborhood, both physically and symbolically, through the implementation of a curtain wall system, and the perforated metal screens from which the Shutter House gets its name. In addition to revitalizing residential architecture in lower Manhattan, the Shutter House also helped to strengthen a thriving art community by incorporating a gallery on the first floor. In conclusion, the Shutter House sets a precedent for architecture as it relates to natural and urban environments, as the architect challenges conventional residential design in an expanding and flourishing post-industrial neighborhood in Lower Manhattan.

slim property

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=27430478

Steven R. David (born 1951) is Professor of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University. He specializes in international politics and security issues. Education and positions. David earned his B.A. in political science from Union College in 1972. In 1975, he completed his M.A. in East Asian studies from Stanford University, and in 1977 received an M.A. from Harvard University in political science. In 1980, David earned his Ph.D. in political science from Harvard University. He was a post-doctoral fellow in Harvard's National Security Program for the following year. In 1981, David came to Johns Hopkins University as an Assistant Professor of political science. In 1987 he became as Associate Professor, and became a full professor in 1991. From 1983–2007, David was director of the International Studies Program at JHU; he held the Chair of JHU's Political Science Department. From 1998–2003, Steven David was Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, and from 2003–04 he served as Special Assistant to the Dean of the Krieger School of Arts and Sciences. In 2005, David became the Vice Dean for Centers and Programs at JHU, providing oversight for ten centers and programs, and in 2007 he became the director of Jewish Studies at JHU. David served in that role until 2010, when he was named Vice Dean for Undergraduate Education at JHU. Areas of expertise. David's areas of expertise include: International Relations with emphasis on theories of alignment, defining American interests, and third world politics; International Security with emphasis on third world security issues and low intensity conflict; Comparative Government with emphasis on the Middle East and the People’s Republic of China; and American Government with emphasis on foreign policy. Regarding targeted killing, David said: "For a region going through a horrendous time, targeted killing is the worst possible policy–except for all the others." Teaching philosophy. David is regarded as an effective, enthusiastic Professor. In 1989, David became the first member of the Johns Hopkins faculty to receive the George E. Owen teaching award twice. He won the award for a third time in 1998. In an interview with a University newspaper following his receipt of the award, David said, "I like the students...Someone once asked me, 'Do you want to spend your life with 18- to 22-year-olds?' and I kinda do. They're enthusiastic, they're fun and they're open-minded. I like that." Works. Books. Catastrophic Consequences: Civil Wars and American Interests "In the post-Cold War world, war between states has been extraordinarily rare, but civil war and armed conflict within states has been widespread. Indeed, in the last two decades, fully one-third of all countries have endured some form of civil conflict. In this sobering study, David argues that domestic upheaval and state collapse are replacing rising states and great-power rivalry as the chief threats to U.S. interests and global security. In one sense, this book offers an eloquent statement of a widely shared view—namely, that in the age of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, it is the weakness of states, rather than their strength, that is most threatening. What is distinctive about David's book is its focus on four critical states—China, Mexico, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia—in which civil war or political upheaval could "unleash catastrophic harms that transform global politics and endanger vital American interests." In each case, David sketches a portrait of regime breakdown and ensuing chaos. Blazing oil fields, loose nuclear weapons, refugee floods, and great-power collapse are catastrophes that could upend global stability and bring peddlers of violence to the United States' doorstep. Provocatively, David argues that spreading democracy or intervening to build better states are not good options. Rather, civil war must be seen as a problem akin to natural disasters: you assume disasters will occur and prepare for the worst. " -Professor G. John Ikenberry, Princeton University "Foreign Affairs", May/June 2009 Choosing Sides: Alignment and Realignment in the Third World "A book that seeks to explain why third world leaders change alignment between the USA and the USSR may well seem redundant in the post-Cold War world. In fact, this welcome and stimulating study remains highly relevant to the analysis of third world foreign policies. David's central argument is that alliance decisions must be considered in relation, not merely to a classical 'balance of power' theory concerned only with national security, but rather to the overall balance of political forces with which the leader has to contend, including domestic threats which are often more important than external ones. Given this perspective, which he awkwardly entitles 'omnibalancing', David concludes that changes in alliance can generally be explained as a rational response to the ruler's personal security needs. Though much of the argument is slanted to appeal to US policymakers operating in a bipolar framework, this theme remains as relevant as ever, and could equally be applied to third world states' reactions to IMF structural adjustment policies or demands for democratization. The case studies, taken from northeast Africa in the 1970s, are also convincingly handled." -Professor Christopher Clapham, Professor of Politics and International Relations, Lancaster University "Political Studies", June 1994 Third World Coups d'État and International Security "Coups provide a cheap and inviting means to promote external interests in Third World states, where foreign policy-making is generally the preserve of a small governing elite which is sometimes easy to topple. So cheap they are, indeed, that this means is available not only to the major powers but even to a tiny state like Libya, which would be quite unable to exercise similar influence through conventional military methods. Since all this is obvious enough, and external involvement in coups is frequently alleged, it is surprising that no one has apparently thought to look in any systematic way at the international factor in Third World coups. This is a gap which Steven David has now filled. One of the problems, of course, is data. David wisely confines himself to cases where there is reasonably firm public evidence of external involvement. On this basis, out of a total of 183 successful and 174 attempted coups between 1945 and 1985 he identifies a significant foreign role in backing twenty-four and suppressing fourteen – a total of just over 10 per cent. This is a minimum figure, but the overwhelming majority of coups are evidently internal affairs – though even so they may have significant foreign policy implications. The ‘external’ coups nonetheless include some important cases, such as the Anglo-American-orchestrated overthrow of Mossadeq in Iran in 1953 or the US involvement in the Brazilian coup of 1964. One finding that may well be due to the availability of data is that nine coups have been backed by the United States, Britain, and France and only two by the Soviet Union, the remaining thirteen cases involving mercenaries, or other Third World states. Surprisingly, the most recent coup for which David can find good evidence of US involvement is Cambodia in 1970, and he shows convincingly (by a comparison of Iran in 1953 and 1979, and of Guatemala in 1954 with Sandinista Nicaragua) that US capacity to promote coups has significantly declined. Nor has the United States been notably successful in protecting its allies against coups, though it has been better at deterring right-wing than left-wing ones. The Soviet Union has only been able to foment coups in states where it already has a strong presence, but has been extremely effecting in protecting its allies, at any rate against anti-Soviet coups. No Third World state with a Soviet-style vanguard party has yet been overthrown by a right-wing coup, though states with regimes which already lean towards the Soviet Union of Marxism–Leninism may be subject to coup attempts intended to put a move reliably pro-Soviet regime in power. Workmanlike rather than outstanding, this study also exemplifies the most exclusive concern of American academics with subjects of interest to US policy-makers. Three of the six chapters are explicitly about the American role, one is about the Soviet Union, and even the other two are couched on the whole in East-West terms. The role of the Third World states in destabilizing their neighbours is largely neglected. But within these limits the book is fair and well presented, and a useful contribution to the literature." -Professor Christopher Clapham, Professor of Politics and International Relations, Lancaster University "International Affairs", 1987 Articles and monographs. David, Steven. “Explaining Third World Alignment.” World Politics 43, no. 2 (1991). www.jstor.org/stable/2010472.

the best choices

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24189575

Quinn Fabray is a fictional character from the TV series "Glee", first broadcast on May 19, 2009. The character is portrayed by actress Dianna Agron, and has appeared in "Glee" from its pilot episode, first broadcast on May 19, 2009. She is the cheerleading captain at the fictional William McKinley High School in Lima, Ohio, as well as a member of the school's glee club. In the first episode, Quinn is introduced as an antagonistic queen bee stock character. She joins the school glee club to keep an eye on her boyfriend Finn Hudson (Cory Monteith) and becomes a spy for cheerleading coach Sue Sylvester (Jane Lynch); she remains part of the club after she is removed from the cheerleading team, the "Cheerios", due to her pregnancy. Over the course of the first season, her character matures and builds friendships with the other outcasts who make up the glee club. Quinn gives birth to a baby girl, Beth, whom she gives up for adoption. Quinn is also 16 years old when she had her baby. In the second season, she forms a bond with newcomer Sam Evans (Chord Overstreet), and later romances her first boyfriend Finn, reigniting her animosity with club co-captain Rachel Berry (Lea Michele). In the third season, Quinn intends to get full custody of her daughter, Beth, and attempts to prove that Shelby Corcoran (Idina Menzel) — the adoptive mother of Beth — is an unfit parent; eventually, she realizes that Beth is better off with Shelby. Quinn subsequently receives a college acceptance letter from Yale, and while driving to Finn and Rachel's wedding, her car is struck by a truck and she suffers a spinal injury that requires her to use a wheelchair for many weeks. She is eventually able to walk again. Quinn was developed by "Glee" creators Ryan Murphy, Brad Falchuk and Ian Brennan. The last character to be cast, initial responses to her were positive, though they soured during season one as the pregnancy storyline continued. Songs performed by Agron as Quinn have been released as singles, available for download, and also feature on the show's soundtrack albums. The role saw Agron nominated for the Teen Choice Award for "Breakout Female Star" in 2009, and a Screen Actors Guild award that same year. She was initially described by Agron as Rachel's enemy, and "terrible, the meanest girl". Storylines. Season 1. Quinn is introduced as the leader of the cheerleading (The cheerios) squad at William McKinley High School,coached by Sue Sylvester (Jane Lynch). She comes from a conservative Christian family, and is president of the celibacy club. When her boyfriend Finn Hudson (Cory Monteith) joins the glee club, New Directions, Quinn worries about his interaction with the group's star, Rachel Berry (Lea Michele), and joins New Directions herself along with her fellow Cheerios Santana Lopez (Naya Rivera) and Brittany Pierce (Heather Morris). Sue then enlists the three of them to help her destroy the glee club from the inside. Upon discovering that she is pregnant, Quinn convinces Finn that he is the father, despite the fact that they never actually had sex. Quinn claims that Finn had prematurely ejaculated into her while they were making out in a hot tub. The real father is Finn's best friend Noah "Puck" Puckerman (Mark Salling); he offers to support Quinn and the baby, but she rejects him, saying he is too irresponsible to care for a child. Quinn decides to put the baby up for adoption, and agrees to give it to Terri Schuester (Jessalyn Gilsig), the wife of glee club director Will Schuester (Matthew Morrison), who is faking a pregnancy. When news of her pregnancy is revealed to the school, Quinn is cut from the cheerleading squad and her popularity declines. Her parents kick her out of their house, and she moves in with Finn and his mother. She begins to reconsider giving up the baby, and gives Puck a chance to prove himself, but he is not reliable so she returns to her plan of giving the baby to Terri. Quinn blackmails Sue into letting her rejoin the Cheerios, but ultimately decides against it, preferring to remain with the glee club, where she feels accepted. Finn learns the truth about the baby's paternity from Rachel, and breaks up with Quinn. Puck again offers to support her, but she turns him down and tells him that she wants to handle the pregnancy by herself. She moves in with Puck's family, but after forming a friendship with fellow New Directions member Mercedes Jones (Amber Riley), Quinn lives with her family instead. She gives birth to a daughter, named Beth by Puck, who is adopted by Shelby Corcoran (Idina Menzel), coach of rival glee club Vocal Adrenaline and Rachel's biological mother. Season 2. At the beginning of the new school year, Quinn is reinstated as head cheerleader. She begins dating new glee club member Sam Evans (Chord Overstreet), and later accepts a promise ring from him. When Sue forces Quinn, Santana and Brittany to choose between cheerleading and the glee club, all three initially go with the Cheerios to retain their popularity, but are later convinced by Finn to defect to New Directions. Quinn cheats on Sam with Finn, and Sam dumps Quinn after she lies to him about her time with Finn. She and Finn reunite, and Quinn starts campaigning for junior prom king and queen elections. Lauren Zizes (Ashley Fink), Puck's new girlfriend and one of Quinn's rivals for prom queen, discovers that before transferring to McKinley High, Quinn was known by her first name, Lucy. She was overweight and unpopular, and after slimming down and having rhinoplasty, reinvented herself as Quinn, using her middle name. At prom, Finn is thrown out for fighting with Rachel's date Jesse St. James (Jonathan Groff). Quinn is not named prom queen, and blames Rachel for her loss. She slaps her, but immediately regrets it and apologizes. Finn later breaks up with Quinn when he realizes he has a deeper connection with Rachel. Season 3. At the start of her senior year, Quinn has completely reinvented herself and refuses to rejoin either the Cheerios or New Directions, although when New Directions performs "You Can't Stop The Beat" in the auditorium Quinn can be seen watching them with a conflicted look on her face. Shelby lets Puck see Beth, but rejects Quinn's desire to do likewise due to Quinn's bad-girl attitude, appearance and behavior. After seeing a picture of a happy Beth and Puck, Quinn resumes her normal appearance, and Will and the New Directions welcome her back into the club, but Quinn reveals to Puck she is only pretending to behave in order to take Beth back from Shelby, and intends to pursue full custody. After Puck tells Shelby of Quinn's true intentions, Shelby informs Quinn that she does not want her in Beth's life. Quinn later reveals a desire to have a second baby with Puck. Puck refuses, and tries to comfort her; he offers to share an important secret if she promises not to tell anyone, which ultimately results in Quinn planning to get Shelby fired for sleeping with a student, Puck. Quinn decides not to reveal Shelby's secret for Beth's sake. Quinn advises Rachel to refuse Finn's marriage proposal and leave her past behind. Quinn has done so, and she has been accepted at Yale. Quinn asks to allow her to rejoin the Cheerios, but Sue refuses. However, following Regionals, she changes her mind. Quinn also changes her mind about Finn and Rachel's marriage and supports it. Rachel is reluctant to start the subsequent wedding without Quinn, and texts Quinn. Quinn is responding to Rachel's text when a truck crashes into the driver's side of her car. Quinn's car accident has left her in a wheelchair, suffering from a severely compressed spine. By "Prom-asaurus" she is able to stand and to walk a few steps in the sessions. When Quinn is nominated for prom queen, Finn agrees to campaign with her, but is outraged when he discovers that she has been hiding the fact that she can now stand for the sympathy vote. When Quinn and Santana count the votes, they discover that Finn has won and so has Quinn. Quinn realizes that the victory means nothing. She and Santana falsely report the prom queen results as a write-in victory for Rachel. Her recovery is rapid enough to allow her to dance in the "Nationals" competition episode, which New Directions wins. Quinn helps Puck study for the test he needs to pass in order to graduate. She tells him that with all they went through, they are bonded for life, and she kisses him. Emboldened, Puck passes his test. Later, Quinn returns her cheerleading uniform to Sue, and the two have a tearful farewell. Season 4. Quinn returns to Lima for Thanksgiving in the eighth episode of the season, and helps to mentor the new members of New Directions as they prepare for Sectionals competition. Quinn is partnered with Kitty Wilde (Becca Tobin). Kitty convinces Quinn, whom she idolizes, that Jake Puckerman (Jacob Artist), Puck's half brother, is pressuring Marley into having sex with him. Quinn becomes hostile towards Jake, Santana confronts Quinn about having discovered that Kitty has given Marley laxatives in order to further Marley's bulimia. Quinn, who is dating one of her teachers at Yale, accuses Santana of being jealous of her and projecting her hostility in their surrogates, leading to a fight before Quinn storms out of the choir room. Quinn travels to New York to give Rachel helpful advice over whether or not to do a nude scene in a short film in "Naked". Quinn returns to Lima for Will and Emma's wedding in "I Do", and evidently single again, vents her frustrations about men. She and Santana get drunk at the wedding reception and sleep together, which they agree was a fun one-time, and then two time, experimentation for Quinn. Season 5. Quinn returns to Lima with a new boyfriend, Biff, for the special 100th episode. Puck is jealous of their relationship, because he still loves her. Quinn is lying to him because she does not want him to know about her past yet. Puck convinces her to tell Biff the truth, which she does. Biff insults her, which causes a fight between Puck and Biff. They later break-up. Puck and Quinn talk about Finn and their relationship, and she realizes that she still loves him. They later start a relationship again, which is later confirmed in the next episode. Season 6. Quinn along with the New Directions alumni return in the episode "Homecoming" to help Rachel and Kurt rebuild the New Directions. Quinn, Santana, and Brittany attempt to recruit new members by performing in Cheerios Alumni outfits, but only recruit twins Mason and Madison when former Glee new member, Kitty, who was the only member not to be transferred as Sue saw her as a star player, announced she wouldn't return because of the way Artie treated her and everyone else when he left. Puck is still her boyfriend. She appears in "Jagged Little Tapestry" along with Tina to help Becky convince her new boyfriend that she is in every club of the school. Quinn, Tina, Sue, and Coach Roz get a huge surprise when they find out that Becky's boyfriend, Darrell, does not have Down syndrome like Becky does. They all get a big lesson when they confront him and realize that a person with Down syndrome should be treated like everyone else. Despite being Santana and Brittany's best friend, she is notably absent during their wedding in "A Wedding". She is mentioned several times during the Pilot's parallel episode "2009", as Finn's cheerleader girlfriend. She is later seen during Don't Stop Believin' watching the performance with Sue and Santana. She returns in the last minutes of the series finale "Dreams Come True" performing backing vocals for "I Lived" with the rest of the Glee Cast for the re-dedication of the Auditorium. Development. Casting and creation. Quinn is portrayed by actress Dianna Agron. In casting "Glee", series creator Ryan Murphy sought out actors who could identify with the rush of starring in theatrical roles. Instead of using traditional network casting calls, he spent three months on Broadway looking for unknown actors. Agron was the last primary actor to be cast, having won the role only days before the pilot began filming. Agron auditioned for "Glee" coming from a background in dancing and acting. She has been taking dance classes since the age of three, appeared in many music theatre productions and has appeared in television roles for "Skidmarks", "", and "Heroes". Agron said in a 2009 interview pertaining to her casting session: "I nearly bailed on my audition for the show. I was so nervous". With her wholesome good looks, Agron certainly looked the part, but the producers wondered if she appeared too innocent. Agron said in an interview: "They told me to come back with straight hair and to dress sexier. Later that week, I started work." Agron auditioned with Frank Sinatra's "Fly Me to the Moon". The "Glee" producers said "we really lucked out in finding Agron to play Quinn". In December 2010, Ryan Murphy announced that the cast of "Glee" would be replaced at the end of the third season to coincide with their graduation. Murphy said: "Every year we're going to populate a new group. There's nothing more depressing than a high schooler with a bald spot." He also revealed that some of the original cast will leave as early as 2012: "I think you have to be true to the fact that here is a group of people who come and go in these teachers' lives." Although four graduating seniors were confirmed in January 2012 as returning in the fourth season—Rachel, Finn, Kurt and Santana—there had been no announcement regarding Quinn or any other seniors as of the end of February 2012. As of May 2012, Murphy stated that all graduating seniors will come back for season 4 but, not all will be doing "all 22 episodes". Characterization. Quinn is described by Agron as Rachel Berry's (Lea Michele) enemy, and "terrible, the meanest girl". Agron said that her favorite part of Quinn is that "she's smart. But she's also human, and through her tough exterior, she's often a little girl lost." Interviewmagazine.com's Lauren Waterman has described her as being "lovable, but occasionally a manipulative deposed queen bee." Agron commented: "Yes, there is a stereotype with these characters and it wouldn't be fair if [those stereotypes] didn't exist a little bit. But [co-creator] Ryan Murphy has a way of taking everything and turning it upside down. That's the great thing about this show and these characters: nobody is one note, which is amazing." Quinn was originally conceived as the antagonistic queen bee head cheerleader, a departure from Agron's actual high school experience. Agron said in an interview with HitFix: "I definitely wasn't cool in high school. I really wasn't. I did belong to many of the clubs and was in leadership on yearbook and did the musical theater route, so I had friends in all areas, but I certainly did not know what to wear, did not know how to do my hair, all those things." She added: "I think that it shows that regardless of who you are and what group you belong to, that there are so many emotions behind each person in high school. Sometimes with teens, writers or directors, anybody, short-changes them and makes them be simple, simple individuals, you're either the jock or the popular kid or the nerd. They don't show those shades. Everybody has those shades to them. This show, it really expands upon vulnerability and excitement and anger all the experiences that you probably actually go through in high school." Quinn's role as head cheerleader is central to understanding her character. Agron said that she had never had any prior cheer experience before the Pilot. "If I had been [a cheerleader], I would've ended up on crutches," she told "Emmy" magazine. In an interview with HitFix she said, "I have new respect for the craft, because I slightly hurt myself during the pilot, coming down from one of the stunts. It's better now. I didn't tear something in my knee, but I strained it. Knees are very sensitive, I've learned. It's crazy, because I've been dancing since I was three on my toes and all these things. And you should never say this, but I've never injured myself ever. I'd seen gnarly injuries with dance and all these things. You shouldn't say that, though, because every day is an opportunity to fall, hurt yourself, so that was my experience." Reception. Critical response. Quinn has received positive reviews from critics. The role saw Agron nominated for the Teen Choice Award for "Female Breakout Star" in 2009. She and the other cast members were awarded the Screen Actors Guild Award for Outstanding Performance by an Ensemble in a Comedy Series in 2010, and nominated in the same category the following year. The character's accidental pregnancy storyline received mixed reviews from critics. Tim Stack for "Entertainment Weekly" deemed it "a good dramatic twist", but hoped that it would not be a long-lasting storyline. Reviews of her storyline became increasingly negative, though Agron was praised for her dramatic acting during the confrontation scene with Quinn's parents in "Ballad". Gerrick D. Kennedy, writing for the "Los Angeles Times", was critical of the ongoing pregnancy plot in the episode "Hairography", and noted that he cringed whenever Quinn appeared on screen. Conversely, Bobby Hankinson of the "Houston Chronicle" enjoyed Quinn in the episode, and wrote: "I love that she can keep her "Mean Girls" edge while being heartbreakingly sad or as joyful as she was singing "Papa Don't Preach". Reviewing the episode "Journey to Regionals", "Entertainment Weekly's" Darren Franich called Quinn's birthing scenes—interspersed with Vocal Adrenaline performing Queen's "Bohemian Rhapsody"—both "brilliant" and "terrible". He wrote, "If nothing else, it was definitely the most visually arresting way to represent the birthing process I've ever seen outside of "The Miracle of Life". But I kind of liked it. Somewhere, Freddie Mercury is nodding proudly, and saying, 'World, I forgive you for We Will Rock You.'" Brett Berk, writing for "Vanity Fair", was positive about the scripting of the Quinn character in the second season premiere, now that the pregnancy storyline was over, and was happy to see the return of "evil Quinn". Joel Kelly of "TV Squad" criticized the decision to pair Quinn with Finn again in the Valentine's Day oriented episode. He saw it as a regression of the characters, and commented: "Yes, it feels like "Glee" Classic, because the series started with the two of them together. But both of them have changed—Quinn more so than Finn—and having them dating again seems like they're going back to the days when Quinn was the icy lead Cheerio and Finn was the nice but dumb star quarterback." Quinn's season three reinvention attracted mixed reviews. Lesley Goldberg of "The Hollywood Reporter" listed her change as a highlight of the episode, and hoped to see more of her new attitude. "The Atlantic" Kevin Fallon called it "the most interesting thing Quinn has done since giving birth to a baby to the soundtrack of 'Bohemian Rhapsody'", but VanDerWerff suggested the development hinged on the fact the producers no longer knew how to utilize Agron. She was ranked No. 13 in AfterEllen.com's Top 50 Favorite Female TV Characters. Musical performances. Several songs performed by Agron as Quinn have been released as singles, available for digital download, also featured on the show's soundtrack albums. Agron made her musical debut at the end of the episode "Showmance" where she performed Dionne Warwick's "I Say a Little Prayer". Quinn's next solo was in the episode "Throwdown", where she performed The Supremes' "You Keep Me Hangin' On". The song was released on "". Flandez deemed the cover of "Keep Holding On", the ensemble performance on the episode, an "emotionally satisfying showstopper", however was critical of Quinn's cover of "You Keep Me Hangin' On", which he called "thin and jarring". Aly Semigran of MTV observed that Quinn spontaneously bursting into song brought "Glee" "dangerously close to "High School Musical" territory". Agron later performed a solo in the episode "Hairography" singing Madonna's "Papa Don't Preach" after her father learns she is pregnant. This performance by Agron was released as a single. She performed a rendition of James Brown's "It's a Man's Man's Man's World" in the episode "Funk". CNN's Lisa Respers France was "slightly disturbed" by Quinn's "weird" performance of "It's a Man's Man's Man's World" using pregnant teenagers as backing dancers. In season two, Quinn performs "Lucky" with Sam Evans in the episode "Duets", which was named by some critics as "the most impressive number of the evening"; others called it "absolutely fantastic" with particular praise for Agron, who was said to be often overlooked. "Lucky" debuted at number twenty-seven on the "Billboard" Hot 100; it was at number seventeen on the "Billboard" Canadian Hot 100. Quinn's duet performance with Rachel Berry (Lea Michele) of the mash-up "I Feel Pretty / Unpretty" was the highest charted single featured in the episode "Born This Way", debuting at number twenty-two on the "Billboard" Hot 100. It also peaked at number thirteen on the Digital 100 charts and sold 112,000 digital downloads in the United States in its first week of release. It was the highest charting "Glee" single on the "Billboard" charts since "Loser like Me", which debuted at number six on the "Billboard" Hot 100 and sold over 210,000 downloads in its first week. In season three, Quinn sings her first solo number since the first season, "Never Can Say Goodbye" by The Jackson 5, which received mostly positive reviews. Jen Chaney of "The Washington Post" gave the song a and said it "worked much better than every track that preceded it" because it adapted the song to the show "instead of trying to out-Jackson Jackson". "Entertainment Weekly" Joseph Brannigan Lynch called it "a nice summation of her character's journey, but not vocally impressive enough to justify listening to outside of the episode" and gave it a "B". Crystal Bell of "HuffPost TV" described it as a "blah performance", but Kate Stanhope of "TV Guide" said it was "sweet and reflective". Erica Futterman of "Rolling Stone" wrote that it was "a tune well-suited for Quinn's sultry voice and the flipped meaning she gives the lyrics", and "TVLine" Michael Slezak had a similar take: he gave it an "A" and called it a "remarkably lovely fit" for her voice.

closer bond

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=39840452

Al Khawalid ( "the Khawālid"; literally "the Khālids"), also spelled Al Khawaled, is a branch of the House of Khalifa, the ruling family of Bahrain. Al Khawalid is most often used to refer collectively to descendants of Khalid bin Ali Al Khalifa, which they are named after. The term also refers to brothers Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa, the Royal Court Minister and Khalifa bin Ahmed Al Khalifa the Commander in Chief of the Bahrain Defence Force. For the purpose of this article, immediate descendants of Khalid bin Ali Al Khalifa will be referred to as "the Khalids", the aforementioned two brothers will be referred to as "the Khawalid brothers" and the family branch collectively as "Al Khawalid". The history of Al Khawalid dates to the 1920s, when the Khalids opposed the British-led administrative reforms and launched a military crackdown on the Shia who supported the reforms. The perpetrators were later put before a court that sentenced them to exile. They gradually returned to Bahrain, where they were kept outside government despite developing personal relations with those in power. They regained some influence since the late 1960s, but remained outside the inner decision-making circle. During this period, senior members of the Khalids were critical of the ruling family, opposed political reforms and held a grudge against the British. The Khawalid brothers rose to power during the reign of King Hamad (1999–present), who they had a longstanding personal relationship with and whose mother belonged to their branch. They took up leading positions and controlled important institutions, becoming increasingly influential, with their power reportedly surpassing that of the Prime Minister (PM). The House of Khalifa is reported to have been split into a "moderate" faction led by the Crown Prince (CP) and a "hardline" faction led by the Khawalid brothers who share the same "anti-reform" agenda with the PM. In 2006, a report revealed an alleged secret plan by the Khawalid brothers which aimed to marginalize the Shia majority and identified one of their cousins as leader of the alleged conspiracy. During the Bahraini uprising of 2011, the Khawalid brothers objected to compromise with the opposition and instead preferred crackdown. After a failed round of negotiations led by the CP, the Khawalid brothers led the crackdown, described as the widest in Bahrain's modern history. The Commander in Chief of the army, Khalifa bin Ahmed, was given wide authority with the announcement of martial law; he led a main crackdown operation, presided over military courts and made several interviews with regional and local media. Another Al Khawalid involved in the crackdown was the then-director of the National Security Agency, which was found to be responsible for arbitrary arrests and systematic torture. The crackdown empowered the Khawalid brothers faction further and marginalized the CP, who found himself and allies stripped from their powers. The Khawalid brothers share an anti-West conservative ideology. They believe that the West is conspiring with Iran against Bahrain and other Gulf Cooperation Council countries and often accuse the United States of secretly supporting the Bahraini opposition. They are allied with Saudi Arabia and Sunni Islamist groups, and hold an anti-Shia ideology, viewing them as a fifth column to Iran. Based on their beliefs, the Khawalid brothers have pushed a security approach to deal with the Shia instead of political reforms, and have allegedly used sectarianism as a political tool. Nomenclature and genealogy. Al Khawalid, which literally means "the Khalids" is used mostly to refer to descendants of Khalid bin Ali Al Khalifa (1853–1925), the half-brother of Isa ibn Ali Al Khalifa (1848–1932), Bahrain's ruler between 1869 and 1923. They are a branch of the House of Khalifa that had ruled Bahrain since they led a coalition of Sunni tribes that invaded the country in 1783. Khalid, the eponymous forebear of Al Khawalid, was married to four women and had four sons and a daughter that survived him, Ibrahim (b. 1873), Salman (b. 1893), Ali (b. 1900), Najla (1901–39) and Abdulla (b. 1921 or 1922). He also had two other sons who had died by 1900, Ahmed (b. 1874) and an older Ali (b. 1876). The term is also sometimes used to refer specifically to brothers Khalid (b. 1942) and Khalifa (b. 1946), sons of Ahmed bin Salman bin Khalid (died 2007). The latter two are usually connected with their maternal cousins, Mohamed and Ahmed (b. 1966) bin Ateyatalla Al Khalifa. The four of them are sometimes collectively known as sons of Al Suwaidi daughters () as their mothers, Mariam and Moza bint Nasser Al Suwaidi, belong to the Al Suwaidi family. The two aforementioned sons of Ateyatalla Al Khalifa along with their half-brothers Salman and Abdulaziz bin Ateyatalla are sometimes included within the Khawalid brothers faction. History. Administrative reforms. Context. The history of Al Khawalid dates back to the 1920s when the British were pushing for administrative reforms. The nature of the reforms, sometimes referred to as "reforms of the twenties" was administrative only, leaving out political issues such as legitimacy and public representation. They were mainly focused on reshuffling of public offices and economic resources. By 1921, the country was divided into two camps. The first supporting the reforms was composed of the elder son of the ruler and the heir apparent, Hamad ibn Isa Al Khalifa (1872–1942), the British political agent, Major C. K. Daly (1920–26) and the Shia, who at time composed about half of population. The opposing faction was composed of the ruler, Isa ibn Ali Al Khalifa, his younger son Abdulla, the Khalids and tribesmen of Sunni origin. The heavily taxed Shia were desperate to get rid of the tribal regime and together with Major Daly claimed to be victims of corruption, mismanagement as well as "atrocities and oppression". The opposing faction rejected the reforms on the basis that equity and standardization of law would remove their advantages such as exemption from taxes and sovereignty over estates. A series of pro and anti reform petitions were submitted by the two factions to different British officials including the Foreign Office. However, the situation remained unchanged for two years as the British were hesitating. Role of the Khalids. Khalid bin Ali, the Al Khawalid ancestor, was the governor of Riffa and ruled over Sitra and Nabih Saleh islands, and his elder son Ibrahim controlled Jabalat Habashi. The Khalids were known for being hard on the Shia. In 1923, the events took a new turn. Wanting to end the calls for reform, the Khalids and Al Dawasir tribe used armed tactics to intimidate reform supporters. The former's paramilitary forces numbered 100, about 20 percent of the total Al Khalifa manpower, while the latter had about 400 men. Al Dawasir attacked Shia villages of Barbar and A'ali, while the Khalids attacked Sitra island. The attacks resulted in the killing of 12 villagers, burning of several houses and raping of women. The violence settled after Colonel Knox, the British acting Political Resident arrived in Bahrain in two gunships. Knox forced Isa bin Ali to abdicate in favor of his elder son, Hamad. The Khalids had agreed to reduce taxes on residents of Sitra following the visit. However, as soon as Knox had left, taxes were increased again, and Shia residents continued to be subjected to forced labor. The situation prompted some 500 Shia to hold a protest in front of the British Agency demanding a solution to the situation and equal taxation of citizens (several taxes were only imposed on the Shia). Writing for the "Journal of Arabian Studies", Justin Gengler argues that the reason behind the involvement of the Khalids was probably their father's ambition to hold a senior position if they succeeded in stopping reforms and placing Abdulla bin Isa as ruler. Gengler added: When in 1869 the British selected Shaikh ʿĪsā bin ʿAlī as the next ruler of Bahrain ... Shaikh Khālid, was obliged to accept the governorship of Rifā ... [he] could hope to gain immensely if the final defeat of the reforms were accompanied ... thereby rectifying the historical accident by which he was sidelined from power more than fifty years earlier. The petitions and political crisis continued to the reign of Hamad (1923–42) who —encouraged by the British— began it by setting up a criminal court to try those involved in the violence including his first cousins, the Khalids. The ruler was put in a dilemma between his tribal alignment and public law, and so he exiled his cousins, but paid their expenses. The Khalids, however, held a deep grudge against residents of Sitra who witnessed against them, and in 1924 attacked the island before their exile, killing several Shia men, women and children. The attackers were sentenced to death following major Shia protests and a lengthy second trial, but managed to escape before the sentence was carried out. Their father was confined to Manama. The trials marked the first time in Bahrain's history that members of the ruling family were convicted. 1924–99. Gradually, the Khalids were pardoned and allowed back to Bahrain after the leaders of the Shia community in Sitra were persuaded that the Khalids would not attack their villages again. Ibrahim bin Khalid, the eldest of the Khalids, who was exiled to Zubara (Qatar) for 10 years, was convicted in 1929 of being responsible for a failed assassination attempt on the ruler, his first cousin, in 1926. Instead of getting tried, the ruler appointed Ibrahim at his Sakhir Palace. His brother Salman, originally exiled for 10 years, was allowed back in 1928, while Abdulla was probably not exiled as he was an infant when the 1923 and 1924 incidents occurred. Still, the Khalids were kept outside the inner decision-making circle until the reign of Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa (1999–present). They were also kept away from government positions when Charles Belgrave was the adviser of the ruler (1926–57) as "the colonial administration [did] not see fit to re-empower the most militant opponents of [the administrative reforms]," Gengler explained. Other factors that kept the Khalids away from power was their relative lack of efficiency to head the new specialized offices and their self-isolation due to "lingering enmity toward the British as well as to some in the ruling branch of the Āl Khalīfa". They however had personal links with the center of power as two rulers, Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa I (1942–61) and his son Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa (1961–99) had married from them: Latifa bint Ibrahim bin Khalid and Hessa bint Salman bin Ibrahim bin Khalid respectively. The latter is the mother of the current King of Bahrain, Hamad bin Isa. The first return of the Khalids to government was in 1967, when Abdulla bin Khalid was appointed as Minister of Municipalities and Rural Affairs. In 1973, he was given the Ministry of Justice and Islamic Affairs which he kept until a cabinet reshuffle in November 2002. During the 1970s, Abdulla opposed the constitutional reforms that paved the road to the short-lived 1973–5 parliament. He was also critical of the ruling family, highlighting their "rampant economic exploitation" and "expropriat[ion] [of Shia farmers] properties". Abdulla's older brother, Salman was also critical of the ruling family. Salman and his sons however did not head top positions during the reign of Isa bin Salman, either due to refusing such positions or to not being offered them as a result of Salman's criticism of the family. Salman was particularly noted to hate the British and parts of the ruling family. Return to power. Following the sudden death of his father in March 1999, Hamad bin Isa became the ruler of Bahrain. The new leader's mother, Hessa belonged to the Al Khawalid branch. During the early years of his reign, Hamad initiated a series of reforms including releasing of political prisoners and allowing exiles to return. However, by 2007 he had retracted from "many of his earlier reforms". The Khawalid brothers (Khalid and Khalifa, sons of Ahmed bin Salman bin Khalid) had strong relations with the king, that date to 1965. According to "The Wall Street Journal" ("WSJ"), Hamad, then 15 years old, was the heir apparent, when Khalid bin Ahmed, then 21 years old was named the vizier (head) of Crown Prince's Court. Abdulhadi Khalaf dismissed this statement as "too fanciful". In 1968, Hamad tasked Khalid's younger brother, Khalifa—who is said to have bicycled with Hamad during college years—with helping build the Bahrain Defence Force. During the 1973 Arab–Israeli War, Khalifa was promoted to the position of Chief-of-Staff of the army. In his 1994 book "First Light: Modern Bahrain and Its Heritage", Hamad introduced Khalifa as "my brother and colleague". It was during Hamad's reign (1999–present) that Al Khawalid had regained their influence in the inner decision-making circle. "Shaikh Hamad ... oversaw and ... has continued to oversee their empowerment," Gengler wrote. They occupied leading positions and led important institutions, including the National Security Agency (NSA), the Judiciary and Central Informatics Organization. Abdulla bin Khalid, the youngest son of Khalid bin Ali, headed the "supreme committee" tasked with drafting the National Action Charter of Bahrain between 1999 and 2000. In 2002, he was removed from his position as Minister of Justice and Islamic Affairs which he headed since the 1970s and instead placed as Minister of Islamic Affairs and second Deputy Prime Minister. In 2006, he lost his cabinet positions and headed the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs. Abdulla was a senior member of House of Khalifa, being one of only three to have the title His Highness at the time of his death in 2018. Khalid bin Ahmed became the Royal Court Minister in 1999. In a 2007 leaked WikiLeaks cable, the U.S. ambassador noted that King Hamad "[did] little to reign in Shaikh Khalid" and instead allowed him to "call the shots" and "crack down hard on the demonstrators". It also named Khalid as "one of the key hard-liners". The same cable quoted Mansoor al-Jamri, the editor-in-chief of "Al-Wasat" newspaper, as calling Khalid the "de facto PM". Michael Field mentioned that Khalid was very powerful and "control[led] access to the King". Khalid's younger brother, Khlifa, became the Defence Minister and Commander in Chief of the army. He was later promoted to Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and given the rank of Field Marshal (al-Mushīr; ) by which he is widely known. The defense budget rose from US$406 million in 2001 to US$883 million in 2011. The ~118% increase is unmatched by any country in the region except for the war-torn Iraq. Bahraini writer Abbas Al-Murshed cited a 2008 royal order that prevented the Parliament from questioning al-Mushīr about the military budget as a sign for the growing influence of the Khawalid brothers. Frederic Wehrey wrote that the Khawalid brothers were now even stronger than the Prime Minister (PM). Nabeel Rajab said that the two were now the "de facto" rulers of Bahrain. "Bahrain Mirror" said the Khawalid brothers were so strong that they represented a "new royal family". The same source referred to Khalid bin Ahmed as the "Minister King". The Khawalid brothers, their grand uncle Abdulla bin Khalid and his son Khalid are also members of the Royal Family Council. Other notable Al Khawalid who occupied leading positions include Mohamed bin Khalifa bin Ahmed, the CEO of National Oil and Gas Authority and director of Central Bank of Bahrain, Mohamed bin Abdulla bin Khalid, the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Health and Minister of State for Defense Affairs, his brother Khalid, the Deputy PM and the chairman of Bahrain Mumtalakat Holding Company, Al Khalifa Housing Committee and Seef Mall. The latter is said to be Al Khawalid candidate for succeeding the PM. Their nephew Khalid bin Ali is the current Minister of Justice who lived most of his life in Egypt where he was born to an Egyptian mother before returning to Bahrain in 1999. From decedents of Ibrahim bin Khalid, notable Al Khawalid include Khalifa bin Abdulla bin Mohamed, the Secretary General of Supreme Defence Council and previously head of NSA (2008–11). Khalifa's brother, Hamad, is the chairman of Bahrain Telecommunications Company; their cousin, Ibrahim bin Khalid, is the General Director of Ruling Family Council; and finally, Salman bin Ibrahim bin Hamad bin Abdulla is the current President of the Asian Football Federation. From sons of Ateyatalla Al Khalifa, Abdulaziz, a security adviser in Prime Minister’s Court became the head of NSA (2002–5), Mohamed became the president of Central Statistics Bureau and Royal Court until 2010, Ahmed became Minister of Cabinet Affairs and Director of Central Statistics Bureau until 2011, and Salman became head of Bahrain Defence Force Hospital, later head of King Hamad University Hospital and member of Supreme Council of Health. Internal rift. Following their return to leading positions, the Khawalid brothers became "engaged in a huge battle for control of the family", said Kristian Coates-Ulrichsen of London's Chatham House. Foreign observers such as Emile Nakhleh as well as palace insiders expressed their concern that the Khawalid brothers might go as far as shifting the royal succession line towards themselves. Unnamed U.S. officials downplayed the likelihood of such a change. The division in the ruling family became very clear when an anonymous non-Al Khawalid "senior royal" made an interview with the "Wall Street Journal", saying "surrounding the king are all powerful Khawalids." King of Bahrain and several Al Khawalids declined to comment on the story. However, one of the king's top advisers said to be close to Al Khawalid told the "Wall Street Journal" that it was exaggerated and it was probably no more than competition for succession of the elderly PM. "This is healthy debate, not a blood vendetta from fairy tales," he added. An investigation committee was reportedly formed to identify the sources that leaked out the information to the "WSJ". On one hand the Khawalid brothers faction, led by Khalid bin Ahmed, represent the "hard-liners", while on the other hand, the Crown Prince (CP) Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa is seen as leader of the "moderates", the "Los Angeles Times" ("LAT") reported. According to Jane Kinninmont of Chatham House, the "king is not seen as leaning towards any particular ideology, but as the ruler he is the key person whom the other factions seek to influence". It was previously thought that the PM, Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa was the head of the first camp; however in recent years with the rise of the Khawalid brothers, this picture "now appears over-simplistic," Kinninmont added. The Economist Intelligence Unit mentioned that the royal family was now split into three factions, one led by the CP, one led by the PM and one led by the Khawalid brothers. Khalil al-Marzooq of Al Wefaq supported the aforementioned statement and named Khalid bin Ahmed as head of the third faction. Before the 2011 uprising, the Khawalid brothers had tense relations with the PM and both sides hated each other. "Bahrain Mirror" reported that the PM has expressed his hate for the Khawalid brothers several times to the audience of his council and refused to cooperate with ministers under their influence such as Ahmed bin Ateyatalla. However, following the start of the uprising, their relations are reported to have been improved. Brothers Khalid and Khalifa, and the PM are said to form an "anti-reform troika". The latter, however, is considered to be "more politically flexible". Al Bandar report. In 2006, Salah Al Bandar, then an adviser to the Cabinet Affairs Ministry distributed a 240–page scandalous report, revealing an alleged Khawalid-led political conspiracy aiming to disenfranchise and marginalize the Shia majority, and to minimize the influence of "reformers in the ruling family". One of the strategies of the alleged conspiracy was to naturalize Sunnis in order to re-shift the demographic balance. Other strategies included stroking sectarianism in the media, use of GONGOs and rigging the parliamentary election. The report named Ahmed bin Ateyatalla as head of the conspiracy by leading an "underground network" that aims "to override the legal legitimacy, falsify popular will and vilify civil organizations". The latter was described as being an "influential hardliner" and a "protégé" of Khalid bin Ahmed. A total of US$2.65 million was reportedly dispersed to various contributors. The report said the origins of the conspiracy stemmed from a secret study by an Iraqi academic in 2005 that recommended marginalizing the Shia to the government. Al Bandar was deported and his report banned from any mention in the media and Parliament. Ateyatalla denied the allegations and called them "an Iran-backed effort to destabilize Bahrain". The government however charged Al Bandar "in absentia" with "possessing stolen government documents". Kinninmont said the charge "only added to perceptions that the documents were credible". She added that the claim gained more credence in 2008 when the government published new demographic data which showed that over 70,000 were naturalized in the previous seven years. The "Los Angeles Times" said Al Bandar report was the first evidence "of government support for Sunni extremists". Bahraini uprising. Context. Inspired by popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, protesters in Bahrain took to the streets in a "Day of Rage" on 14 February 2011. Security forces responded by firing tear gas, rubber bullets, sound bombs and birdshot into the crowd of protesters, killing one of them. The next day another protester was killed and thousands of demonstrators occupied Pearl Roundabout in the capital Manama. On 17 February, authorities launched a pre-dawn raid on protesters makeshift camp in Pearl Roundabout, which left four protesters dead and more than 300 injured. The following day, army forces stationed in the Pearl Roundabout fired live ammunition on hundreds of protesters who tried to re-occupy the site. At least 120 protesters were hurt and one was fatally wounded, bringing the number of deaths to seven. The CP offered dialogue with opposition parties. On 19 February, tens of thousands of protesters re-occupied Pearl Roundabout after the army was ordered to withdraw. In March, martial law was declared and Saudi troops were called in. Despite the hard crackdown and official ban, the protests continued. Role of the Khawalid brothers. The divisions within the royal family of Al Khalifa came to public during the uprising. The king with his elder son and heir apparent, Salman were responding positively to U.S. pressure to compromise with the opposition, while the Khawalid brothers preferred crackdown. In February and March 2011, the CP was authorized by his father to lead "semi-secret" negotiations with the opposition in which he offered them "historic concessions, including a bigger share in parliament." According to "Bahrain Mirror", the CP move surprised the Khawalid brothers and aimed among other things to limit their influence. During this period, Ahmed bin Ateyatalla lost his position as Minister of Cabinet Affairs in a limited cabinet reshuffle aimed to satisfy the opposition which has repeatedly accused him of discriminating against Shia. The cabinet reshuffle also introduced Majeed Al Alawi, an adviser to the CP as Minister of Housing. According to sources interviewed by the "WSJ", the Khawalid brothers rejected the CP deal, which led to a "confrontation between the crown prince and the Royal Court Minister at a family meeting". According to same sources, Khalid bin Ahmed then went to Saudi Arabia and convinced their king to oppose the deal secured by the CP. After that, the sources mention, the Khawalid brothers-led security forces attacked protesters and the talks fell apart. A source close to the Khawalid brothers dismissed the aforementioned narrative and blamed the failure of talks on the opposition rejection of the CP deal. Ali Salman, the head of Al Wefaq main opposition party said they had accepted the CP initiative, but "12 hours later, GCC troops came in and severed the dialogue." According to the "WSJ", the Khawalid brothers also effectively blocked any direct dialogue between the CP and the opposition beyond the failed February–March 2011 talks. On 15 March, the king announced a three-month "State of National Safety", granting al-Mushīr, Khalifa bin Ahmed wide-ranging powers including the authority "to issue regulations governing all manner of conduct". The aforementioned Royal Decree also authorized al-Mushīr "to oversee the implementation of this decree by all the agencies of the Government of Bahrain". He led the operation to clear Pearl Roundabout of protesters in the early hours of 16 March. Eight people had died that day, five by gunshot, one by birdshot and two police reportedly run over by an SUV. Al-Mushīr frequently appeared on local and regional media. In one interview he called protesters "traitors". In another, he echoed Muammar Gaddafi by accusing protesters of using drugs. "[Protesters were] given pills which affected their minds and made them do unusual things," Al-Mushīr said. He also had a warning for protesters: "I say to those who did not get the message, 'If you return we will come back, stronger this time'." He said that the Bahraini uprising was "by all measures a conspiracy involving Iran with the support of the United States". He also said that the uprising which he called a "coup plot" was supported by more than a dozed of U.S.- and an unnamed Gulf country-funded NGOs. In later days, Bahrain was engulfed in the Khawalid brothers-led-crackdown with almost daily clashes between security forces and opposition activists. The crackdown was the widest against the opposition in Bahrain's modern history; dozens of protesters were killed, some due to torture in police custody. Thousands of Shia were expelled from their jobs and dozens of their mosques were demolished. Al-Mushīr also presided over the Court of National Safety, a military court that convicted more than 500 defendants, including all opposition leaders outside Al Wefaq (i.e. Bahrain Thirteen). "The different style of the crackdown reflected a different leadership calling the shots," said Kinninmont. "The Independent" reported that continued crackdown and the Saudi-led intervention has increased the influence of al-Mushīr, which it named "the leading hardliner within the royal family". Professor Michael Hudson said that the "crackdown mark[ed] the victory of the hard-liners within the royal establishment". The NSA, then led by a member of Al Khawalid branch, Khalifa bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, played an important role in crackdown. It was found by the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) that the NSA had executed hundreds of arbitrary arrests during which they used "unnecessary excessive force", "terror-inspiring behaviour" and damaged properties. The BICI also found that NSA had subjected detainees to systematic torture which led to the death of four detainees, among them journalists Karim Fakhrawi and Zakariya al-Ashiri. Following the release of the BICI report, Khalifa bin Abdulla was removed from his position and given the positions of king adviser and Secretary General of the Supreme Defense Council. According to Kinninmont, "he is believed still to be closely involved with the agency". Martial law was lifted on 1 June and was followed by a call from the king to a national dialogue. The failure of the dialogue had only served to deepen the divide between the Al Khalifa branches, Ulrichsen wrote. According to Kinninmont and "WSJ" sources, the CP was sidelined as his allies were removed from their influential positions and his "de facto parallel cabinet" (known as the Economic Development Board) was stripped from its powers. Wehrey writes that the king himself "has been similarly overshadowed". The Khawalid brothers influence had increased even more after the uprising. Ateyatalla, who had lost his cabinet position during the early days of the uprising was now appointed Minister of Follow Up at the Royal Court. In January 2012, the Khawalid brothers wanted to initiate talks, however they soon abandoned the idea after opposition from "pro-government Sunni radicals". The CP finally called for a renewed dialogue in December, yet his speech "contained generous nods to the Khawalid [brothers'] influence". The new dialogue began in February 2013, however the CP did not participate, despite opposition calls for him. Al-Mushīr's spokesman tweeted that participants in the talks were "donkeys" and warned that any concession would amount to a "coup". The appointment of CP as Deputy PM in March raised some hopes; it was welcomed by Mansoor al-Jamri and a "moderate" government adviser. "This is an important step that could represent the starting point for meaningful reform later on," al-Jamri said. The Economist Intelligence Unit mentioned that this placed the CP as first candidate to succeed the PM. However, the CP remained "utterly sidelined," Gengler said. Christopher Davidson cautioned that the move can be used as a public relations stunt. "[W]hether this is a meaningful political concession remains to be seen," he added. Ideology and political allies. Anti-West conservatives. According to Freedom House, the Khawalid brothers represent and promote "an ideological orientation that sees Bahrain as the target of Iranian-and Western-backed conspiracies to empower Bahraini Shiites at the expense of the ruling family and other Gulf Sunnis". The U.S. toppling of Sunni leaders in Afghanistan (Taliban) and Iraq (Saddam Hussein), and its relative military inaction towards nuclear-ambitious Iran have only deepened the Khawalid brothers ideology, which is already rich with the experience of the 1920s British-driven administrative reforms that came at their expense. In an interview with "al-Rai" Kuwaiti newspaper, Al-Mushīr considered the Arab Spring movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain and Libya to be a "Western conspiracy". He only acknowledged the Syrian civil war as true popular revolution and hinted that GCC troops may get involved there. "If Iran's mercenaries are not defeated in Syria, they will come to us in the Gulf," he added. In a March 2012 interview, al-Mushīr accused the U.S. of secretly supporting the Bahraini opposition and "sow[ing] discord among the Gulf states". He protested the U.S. halting their supply of crowd-control weapons by denying U.S. aircraft basing access. The move was described by Wehrey as "effectively overruling the king". The Khawalid brothers were classified by the "WSJ" as "anti-American hard-liners". "The Independent" said the "ultraconservative" Khawalid had close tries with Saudi Arabia, "vehemently opposed to any concessions" to the opposition and "pushed an increasingly sectarian and conservative agenda". "Bahrain’s chief allies in London and Washington are beginning to fear that the normally pro-West monarchy is being usurped by a group with virulently anti-American and anti-British views," the London-based newspaper added. Al-Monitor mentioned that brothers Khalid and Khalifa bin Ahmed were allied with Sunni Islamists groups including Al Asalah (Salafist), Al-Menbar Islamic Society (Muslim Brotherhood) and the National Unity Assembly (Independent). Saeed al-Shehabi of the London-based Bahrain Freedom Movement said the UK preferred to deal with moderates instead of the Khawalid brothers. "But the Khawalid [brothers] get their support from Saudi Arabia which has left the British in a sort of limbo," he added. According to "LAT", the Khawalid brothers faction "believes in suppressing Shiite aspirations, even if it means supporting Sunni groups propelled by the same ideologies that inspire Osama bin Laden". The Los Angeles-based newspaper added that Akhbar Al Khaleej, a pro-government newspaper "refers to Bin Laden as a 'sheik,' a title of honor". A newspaper controlled by the Khawalid brothers published the name and image of a U.S. diplomat after he had given doughnuts to protesters outside the U.S. embassy in Manama. The newspaper portrayed him as an Israeli-Irani intelligence agent, forcing the embassy to send him home "out of safety fears". The same newspaper criticized the U.S. alleged support to protesters by featuring a series of articles on the President of the United States titled "Ayatollah Obama and Bahrain". Gengler identified the aforementioned paper as "Al-Watan" and added that the writer of "Ayatollah Obama" series was praised by al-Mushīr and promoted to Editor-in-Chief a year later. The Khawalid brothers rising influence and divisions within House of Khalifa prompted two former U.S. officials to say that "it may not be viable to continue to base thousands of U.S. service members and their families there" and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace called the U.S. to "prepare plans for the gradual relocation of the Fifth Fleet's assets and functions". On the other hand, Simon Henderson wrote that relocating the fifth fleet would only serve to embolden the Khawalid brothers. "The Khawalid [brothers] faction in Manama may even relish that prospect as a means of clarifying the royal family's predicament and justifying the hardline path," he added. Sectarianism. In 1995, one year after the start of the Shia-led 1990s uprising in Bahrain, Khalid bin Ahmed publicly distributed a "politically charged poem" that contained "racist and hateful views" of the Shia. One verse of the poem called for "spill[ing] their bloods until they all die", another called for "remov[ing] them from every sensitive position". Khalaf said the poem was "part of the tribal-cum-ethnic-cum-political mobilization and counter mobilization". According to Michael Field, Khalid "[h]as reputation for being very hard on the Shias". Freedom House mentioned that the Khawalid brothers "espouse a decidedly anti-Shiite agenda, conceiving of the community as a veritable fifth column to be dealt with in the framework of security, rather than through political bargaining". The sectarian violence and rise of Shia powers in Iraq have only strengthened this belief. This view of Shia as a security problem led the Khawalid brothers to consider any economic and political reforms as invalid. Instead they thought that these reforms would only lead the Shia to demand even more. "[B]y this view, the state [is] trapped in a veritable catch-22, wherein the very attempt to purchase political stability in fact serves only to open the door to increased instability," Gengler wrote. The Khawalid brothers have allegedly undertaken preemptive measures to limit the Shia majority influence via excluding them from sensitive positions (sovereign ministries, police and army), naturalizing Sunnis to re-balance the demographics, gerrymandering electoral districts and mobilizing the Sunni public opinion against the Shia. The first evidence of these policies was presented by al-Jamri in 1998, later in 2006 they were further exposed by Al Bandar report. "While the exclusion of the Shiite "minority" from the public sphere has been accomplished in Saudi Arabia through instrumentalization of Wahhabi ideology and institutions, the exclusion of a "majority" within Bahrain will likely be much more difficult to sustain," Diwan said. Wehrey wrote that during the Bahraini uprising, the Khawalid brothers —aided by their Sunni allies, the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafists— made good use of sectarianism to delegitimize the Shia opposition and prevent any "broad-based, grassroots movement" from forming. He added that they employed the state-controlled and Khawalid-funded newspaper, "Al-Watan" to portrait "Al Wefaq as a proxy of Hezbollah and Iran". The opposition said that sectarian groups were mainly supported by Khalid bin Ahmed, who they considered "particularly potent and harmful". A Congressional Research Service report mentioned that the Khawalid brothers "are considered disparaging of and implacably opposed to compromise with the Shiites". Analysis. Gengler argued that King Hamad's empowerment of the Khawalid brothers was not because he was unaware of their anti-reform ideology and actions, nor was it due to him being a wolf in sheep's clothing. Instead Gengler wrote that King Hamad probably wanted to counter the influence of his uncle, the strong un-elected PM, Khalifa bin Salman who was an "effective co-ruler" between 1971 and 1999. Gengler concludes that the rise of the Khawalid brothers "owes therefore to a combination of personal relationships, shared background in the military, and political expediency". Other explanations Gengler offered include that "[King Hamad] simply never took an interest in ruling" and instead occupied himself with "recreation and hobbies" or that he had begun the security approach in parallel with reforms as a "precautionary measure" in case they failed. "Bahrain Mirror" mentioned that the king has delegated "[a]uthority and affairs of the state" to the Khawalid brothers "to fully manage them as they wish". Gwynne Dyer wrote that as long as Al Khalawid remained in power "there will be no compromise, even though more than 80 Shia protesters have already been killed". Writing for "Bahrain Mirror", Bahraini researcher Yousif Makki argued that the role of the Khawalid brothers was amplified and that they did not constitute a faction of their own. Instead Makki said they were within the faction led by the PM. On the other hand, Bahraini writer Abbas Busafwan argued that the Khawalid brothers are the king's crew and allegations made against them, including Al Bandar report are no more than the king's own projects. He argued that the early reforms initiated by the king (known as "the reform project") only aim was "re-concentrating power in his hand, away from the PM, and not for the creation of a popular partnership and a democratic life". Busafwan added that Khalid bin Ahmed and Ahmed bin Ateyatalla were responsible for the formation and implementation of what he called the "Hamad strategy". He did not conciser the CP a moderate, instead he said the CP was "unable to form a balance with the powerful Al-Khawaled". References. Footnotes Bibliography

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With thousands of years of recorded history, and due to an unchanging geographic (and subsequently geopolitical) condition, Iran (Persia) has had a long, varied, and checkered military culture and history, ranging from triumphant and unchallenged ancient military supremacy affording effective superpower status in its day, to a series of near catastrophic defeats (beginning with the destruction of Elam) at the hand of previously subdued and conquered peripheral nations (including Greece, Macedon and the Asiatic nomadic tribes at the North-Eastern boundary of the lands traditionally home to the Iranian people). Achaemenid Era. The Achaemenid Empire (559 BC–330 BC) was the first of the Persian Empires to rule over significant portions of Greater Iran. The empire possessed a "national army" of roughly 120.000-150.000 troops, plus several tens of thousands of troops from their allies. The Persian army was divided into regiments of a thousand each, called "hazarabam". Ten hazarabams formed a "haivarabam", or division. The best known haivarabam were the Immortals, the King's personal guard division. The smallest unit was the ten-man "dathaba". Ten dathabas formed the hundred man "sataba". The royal army used a system of color uniforms to identify different units. A large variety of colors were used, some of the most common being yellow, purple, and blue. However, this system was probably limited to native Persian troops and was not used for their numerous allies. The usual tactic employed by the Persians in the early period of the empire, was to form a shield wall that archers could fire over. These troops (called sparabara, or shield-bearers) were equipped with a large rectangular wicker shield called a spara, and armed with a short spear, measuring around six feet long. Though equipped and trained to conduct shock action (hand-to-hand combat with spears, axes and swords), this was a secondary capability and the Persians preferred to maintain their distance from the enemy in order to defeat him with superior missile-power. The bow was the preferred missile-weapon of the Persians. At maximum rate of fire a sparabara haivarabam of 10,000 men could launch approximately 100,000 arrows in a single minute and maintain this rate for a number of minutes. Typically the Persian cavalry would open the battle by harassing the enemy with hit and run attacks - shooting arrows and throwing small javelins - while the Persian sparabara formed up their battle-array. Then the Persian cavalry would move aside and attempt to harass the flanks of the enemy. Defending against the Persian cavalry required the enemy infantry to congregate in dense static formations, which were ideal targets for the Persian archers. Even heavily armoured infantry like the Greek hoplites would suffer heavy casualties in such conditions. Enemy infantry formations that scattered to reduce casualties from the dense volleys of Persian arrows, were exposed to a close-in shock assault by the Persian cavalry. Torn by the dilemma between exposure to a gradual attrition by the arrows or to being overwhelmed by a cavalry charge on their flanks, most armies faced by the Persians succumbed. The major weaknesses of the typical Persian tactics were that proper application of these tactics required: a) A wide battlefield composed of fairly flat and expansive terrain that would not hinder the rapid movement of massed horses and where the cavalry could conduct proper flanking maneuvers. b) Good coordination between the cavalry, infantry, and missile units. c) An enemy inferior in mobility. d) An enemy lacking a combined-arms military. Most Persian failures can be attributed to one or more of these requirements not being met. Thus, the Scythians evaded the Persian army time and again because they were all mounted and conducted only hit-and-run raids on the Persians; at Marathon the Athenians deployed on a rocky mountainous slope and only descended to the plain after the Persian cavalry had reboarded their transport-ships - charging through the arrow-shower to conduct close-combat with spears and swords - a form of combat for which the Athenians were better equipped and better trained; at Thermopylae the Greek army deliberately deployed in a location that negated the Persians ability to use cavalry and missile-power, again forcing them to fight only head-on in close-combat and was forced to retreat only after the Persians were informed of a bypass that enabled them to circumvent this defensive position to defeat the Spartans; at Plataea the Persian attack was poorly coordinated and defeated piecemeal; Alexander the Great's Macedonian army that invaded the Persian empire was composed of a variety of infantry and cavalry types (combined-arms approach) that enabled it, together with Alexander's superior tactical generalship, to negate the Persian capabilities and, once again, force them to fight close-combat. Seleucid Empire (330–150 BCE). The Seleucid Empire was a Hellenistic successor state of Alexander the Great's dominion, including central Anatolia, the Levant, Mesopotamia, Persia, Turkmenistan, Pamir and the Indus valley. Parthian Empire (250 BCE – 226 CE). Parthia was an Iranian civilization situated in the northeastern part of modern Iran, but at the height of its power, the Parthian dynasty covered all of Iran proper, as well as Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Georgia, eastern Turkey, eastern Syria, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Pakistan, Kuwait, the Persian Gulf, the coast of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine and the UAE. The Parthian empire was led by the Arsacid dynasty, led by the Parni, a confederation of Scythians which reunited and ruled over the Iranian plateau, after defeating and disposing the Hellenistic Seleucid Empire, beginning in the late 3rd century BC, and intermittently controlled Mesopotamia between 150 BC and 224 AD. It was the third native dynasty of ancient Iran (after the Median and the Achaemenid dynasties). Parthia was the arch-enemy of the Roman Empire for nearly three centuries. After the Scythian-Parni nomads had settled in Parthia and built a small independent kingdom, they rose to power under king Mithridates the Great (171-138 BC). The power of the early Parthian empire seems to have been overestimated by some ancient historians, who could not clearly separate the powerful later empire from its more humble obscure origins. The end of this long-lived empire came in 224 AD, when the empire was loosely organized and the last king was defeated by one of the empire's vassals, the Persians of the Sassanid dynasty. Sassanid Era (224 CE – 651 CE). The birth of the Sassanid army dates back to the rise of Ardashir I (r. 226–241), the founder of the Sassanid dynasty, to the throne. Ardashir aimed at the revival of the Persian Empire, and to further this aim, he reformed the military by forming a standing army which was under his personal command and whose officers were separate from satraps, local princes and nobility. He restored the Achaemenid military organizations, retained the Parthian cavalry model, and employed new types of armour and siege warfare techniques. This was the beginning for a military system which served him and his successors for over 400 years, during which the Sassanid Empire was, along with the Roman Empire and later the East Roman Empire, one of the two superpowers of Late Antiquity in Western Eurasia. The Sassanid army protected "Eranshahr" ("the realm of Iran") from the East against the incursions of central Asiatic nomads like the Hephthalites, Turks, while in the west it was engaged in a recurrent struggle against its rival, the Roman Empire and later the Byzantine Empire, setting on forth the conflict that had started since the time of their predecessors, the Parthians, and would end after around 720 years, making it the longest conflict in human history. Islamic conquest (637–651). The Islamic conquest of Persia (633–656) led to the end of the Sassanid Empire and the eventual decline of the Zoroastrian religion in Persia. However, the achievements of the previous Persian civilizations were not lost, but were to a great extent absorbed by the new Islamic polity. Most Muslim historians have long offered the idea that Persia, on the verge of the Arab invasion, was a society in decline and decay and thus it embraced the invading Arab armies with open arms. This view is not widely accepted however. Some authors have for example used mostly Arab sources to illustrate that "contrary to the claims, Iranians in fact fought long and hard against the invading Arabs." This view further more holds that once politically conquered, the Persians began engaging in a culture war of resistance and succeeded in forcing their own ways on the victorious Arabs. Tahirid dynasty (821–873). Although nominally subject to the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad, the Tahirid rulers were effectively independent. The dynasty was founded by Tahir ibn Husayn, a leading general in the service of the Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun. Tahir's military victories were rewarded with the gift of lands in the east of Persia, which were subsequently extended by his successors as far as the borders of India. The Tahirid dynasty is considered to be the first independent dynasty from the Abbasid caliphate established in Khorasan. They were overthrown by the Saffarid dynasty, who annexed Khorasan to their own empire in eastern Persia. Alavid dynasty (864–928). The Alavids or Alavians were a Shia emirate based in Mazandaran of Iran. They were descendants of the second Shi'a Imam (Imam Hasan ibn Ali) and brought Islam to the south Caspian Sea region of Iran. Their reign was ended when they were defeated by the Samanid empire in 928 AD. After their defeat some of the soldiers and generals of the Alavids joined the Samanid dynasty. Mardavij the son of Ziar was one of the generals that joined the Samanids. He later founded the Ziyarid dynasty. Ali, Hassan and Ahmad the sons of Buye [bu:je] (that were founders of the Buyid or Buwayhid dynasty) were also among generals of the Alavid dynasty who joined the Samanid army. Saffarid dynasty (861–1003). The Saffarid dynasty ruled a short-lived empire in Sistan, which is a historical region now in southeastern Iran and southwestern Afghanistan. Their rule was between 861 and 1003. The Saffarid capital was Zaranj (now in Afghanistan). The dynasty was founded by – and took its name from – Ya'qub bin Laith as-Saffar, a man of humble origins who rose from an obscure beginning as a coppersmith ("saffar") to become a warlord. He seized control of the Seistan region, conquering all of Afghanistan, modern-day eastern Iran, and parts of Pakistan. Using their capital (Zaranj) as base for an aggressive expansion eastwards and westwards, they overthrew the Tahirid dynasty and annexed Khorasan in 873. By the time of Ya'qub's death, he had conquered Kabul Valley, Sindh, Tocharistan, Makran (Baluchistan), Kerman, Fars, Khorasan, and nearly reaching Baghdad but then suffered defeat. The Saffarid empire did not last long after Ya'qub's death. His brother and successor Amr bin Laith was defeated in a battle with the Samanids in 900. Amr bin Laith was forced to surrender most of their territories to the new rulers. The Saffarids were subsequently confined to their heartland of Sistan, with their role reduced to that of vassals of the Samanids and their successors. Samanid dynasty (819–999). The Samanids (819–999) were a Persian dynasty in Central Asia and Greater Khorasan, named after its founder Saman Khuda who converted to Sunni Islam despite being from Zoroastrian theocratic nobility. It was among the first native Iranian dynasties in Greater Iran and Central Asia after the Arab conquest and the collapse of the Sassanid Persian empire. Ziyarid dynasty (930–1090). The Ziyarids, also spelled Zeyarids (زیاریان or آل زیار), were an Iranian dynasty that ruled in the Caspian sea provinces of Gorgan and Mazandaran from 930 to 1090 (also known as Tabaristan). The founder of the dynasty was Mardavij (from 930 to 935), who took advantage of a rebellion in the Samanid army of Iran to seize power in northern Iran. He soon expanded his domains and captured the cities of Hamadan and Isfahan. Buwayhid dynasty (934–1062). The Buyid dynasty were a Shī‘ah Persian dynasty that originated from Daylaman in Gilan. They founded a confederation that controlled most of modern-day Iran and Iraq in the 10th and 11th centuries. Ghaznavid Empire (977–1186). The Ghaznavids were a Muslim dynasty of Turkic slave origin which existed from 975 to 1187 and ruled much of Persia, Transoxania, and the northern parts of the Indian subcontinent. The dynasty was founded by Sebuktigin upon his succession to rule of territories centered around the city of Ghazni from his father-in-law, Alp Tigin, a break-away ex-general of the Samanid sultans. Sebuktigin's son, Shah Mahmoud, expanded the empire in the region that stretched from the Oxus river to the Indus Valley and the Indian Ocean; and in the west it reached Rey and Hamadan. Under the reign of Mas'ud I it experienced major territorial losses. It lost its western territories to the Seljuqs in the Battle of Dandanaqan resulting in a restriction of its holdings to what is now Afghanistan, as well as Balochistan and the Punjab. In 1151, Sultan Bahram Shah lost Ghazni to Ala al-Din Husayn of Ghur and the capital was moved to Lahore until its subsequent capture by the Ghurids in 1186. Seljuq Empire (1037–1187). The Seljuqs were a Turco-Persian Sunni Muslim dynasty that ruled parts of Central Asia and the Middle East from the 11th to 14th centuries. They set up an empire, the Great Seljuq Empire, which at its height stretched from Anatolia through Persia and which was the target of the First Crusade. The dynasty had its origins in the Turcoman tribal confederations of Central Asia and marked the beginning of Turkic power in the Middle East. After arriving in Persia, the Seljuqs adopted the Persian culture and are regarded as the cultural ancestors of the Western Turks – the present-day inhabitants of Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Turkmenistan. Khwarezmian Empire (1077–1231). The Khwarezmian dynasty, also known as Khwarezmids or Khwarezm Shahs was a Persianate Sunni Muslim dynasty of Turkic mamluk origin. They ruled Greater Iran in the High Middle Ages, in the period of about 1077 to 1231, first as vassals of the Seljuqs, Kara-Khitan, and later as independent rulers, up until the Mongol invasions of the 13th century. The dynasty was founded by Anush Tigin Gharchai, a former slave of the Seljuq sultans, who was appointed the governor of Khwarezm. His son, Qutb ud-Dīn Muhammad I, became the first hereditary Shah of Khwarezm. Ilkhanate (1256–1353). The Ilkhanate was a Mongol khanate established in Persia in the 13th century, considered a part of the Mongol Empire. The Ilkhanate was based, originally, on Genghis Khan's campaigns in the Khwarezmid Empire in 1219–1224, and founded by Genghis's grandson, Hulagu, in what territories which today comprise most of Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, and western Pakistan. The Ilkhanate initially embraced many religions, but was particularly sympathetic to Buddhism and Christianity, and sought a Franco-Mongol alliance with the Crusaders in order to conquer Palestine. Later Ilkhanate rulers, beginning with Ghazan in 1295, embraced Islam. Jalayerid dynasty (1339–1432). The Jalayirids (آل جلایر) were a Mongol descendant dynasty which ruled over Iraq and western Persia after the breakup of the Mongol Khanate of Persia (or Ilkhanate) in the 1330s. The Jalayirid sultanate lasted about fifty years, until disrupted by Tamerlane's conquests and the revolts of the "Black sheep Turks" or Kara Koyunlu. After Tamerlane's death in 1405, there was a brief unsuccessful attempt to re-establish the Jalayirid sultanate and Jalayirid sultanate was ended by Kara Koyunlu in 1432. Timurid Empire (1370–1506). The Timurids were a Central Asian Sunni Muslim dynasty of originally Turko-Mongol descent whose empire included the whole of Central Asia, Iran, modern Afghanistan, as well as large parts of Pakistan, India, Mesopotamia, Anatolia and the Caucasus. It was founded by the militant conqueror Timur ("Tamerlane") in the 14th century. In the 16th century, Timurid prince Babur, the ruler of Ferghana, invaded India and founded the Mughal Empire, which ruled most of the Indian subcontinent until its decline after Aurangzeb in the early 18th century, and was formally dissolved by the British Raj after the Indian rebellion of 1857. Safavid Era (1501–1736). The Safavid rulers of Persia, like the Mamluks of Egypt, viewed firearms with distaste, and at first made little attempt to adopt them into their armed forces. Like the Mamluks they were taught the error of their ways by the powerful Ottoman armies. Unlike the Mamluks they lived to apply the lessons they had learnt on the battlefield. In the course of the sixteenth century, but still more in the seventeenth, the shahs of Iran took steps to acquire handguns and artillery pieces and to re-equip their forces with them. Initially, the principal sources of these weapons appears to have been Venice, Portugal, and England. Despite their initial reluctance, the Persians very rapidly acquired the art of making and using handguns. A Venetian envoy, Vincenzo di Alessandri, in a report presented to the Council of Ten on 24 September 1572, observes: "They used for arms, swords, lances, arquebuses, which all the soldiers carry and use; their arms are also superior and better tempered than those of any other nation. The barrels of the arquebuses are generally six spans long, and carry a ball little less than three ounces in weight. They use them with such facility that it does not hinder them drawing their bows nor handling their swords, keeping the latter hung at their saddle bows till occasion requires them. The arquebus is then put away behind the back so that one weapon does not impede the use of the other." This picture of the Persian horseman, equipped for almost simultaneous use of the bow, sword, and firearm, aptly symbolized the dramatic and complexity of the scale of changes that the Persian Military was undergoing. While the use of personal firearms was becoming commonplace, the use of field artillery was limited and remained on the whole ineffective. Shah Abbas (1587–1629) was instrumental in bringing about a 'modern' gunpowder era in the Persian army. Following the Ottoman Army model that had impressed him in combat the Shah set about to build his new army. He was much helped by two English brothers, Anthony and Robert Sherley, who went to Iran in 1598 with twenty-six followers and remained in the Persian service for a number of years. The brothers helped organize the army into an officer-paid and well-trained standing army similar to a European model. It was organized along three divisions: Ghilman ('crown servants or slaves' conscripted from hundreds of thousands of ethnic Circassians, Georgians, and Armenians), Tofongchis (musketeers), and Topchis (artillery-men) Shah Abbas's new model army was massively successful and allowed him to re-unite parts of Greater Iran and expand his nations territories at a time of great external pressure and conflict. The Safavid era also saw the mass integration of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Caucasians, notably Circassians, Georgians, Armenians, and other peoples of the Caucasus in Persian society, starting with the era of Shah Tahmasp I, and which would last all the way till the Qajar era. Originally only deployed for being fierce warriors and having beautiful women, this policy was notably significantly expanded under Shah Abbas I, who would use them as a complete new layer in Persian society, most notably to crush the power of the feudal Qizilbash. Under Abbas' own reign, some 200,000 Georgians, tens of thousands of Circassians, and 300,000 Armenians were deported to Iran. Many of them were, as above mentioned, put in the ghilman corps, but the larger masses were deployed in the regular armies, the civil administration, royal household, but also as labourers, farmers, and craftsmen. Many notorious Iranian generals and commanders were of Caucasian ancestry. Many of their descendants linger forth in Iran as the Iranian Georgians, Iranian Circassians, and Iranian Armenians (see Peoples of the Caucasus in Iran), and many millions of Iranians are estimated to have Caucasian ancestry as a following of this. Upon the fall of the Safavid dynasty Persia entered into a period of uncertainty. The previously highly organized military fragmented and the pieces were left for the following dynasties to collect. Afsharid Dynasty (1750–1794). Following the decline of the Safavid state a brilliant general by the name of Nader Shah took the reins of the country. This period and the centuries following it were characterised by the rise in Russian power to Iran's north. Following Nader Shah, many of the other leaders of the Afsharid dynasty were weak and the state they had built quickly gave way to the Qajars. As the control of the country de-centralised with the collapse of Nader Shah's rule, many of the peripheral territories of the Empire gained independence and only paid token homage to the Persian State. One of the branches of service to benefit most from Nader's reforms was by far the artillery. During the reign of the Safavid dynasty gunpowder weapons were used to a relatively limited extent and were certainly not to be considered central to the Safavid military machine. Although most of Nader's military campaigns were conducted with an aggressive speed of advance which brought up difficulties in keeping up the heavy guns with the army's rapid marches, Nader placed great emphasis on enhancing his artillery units. The main centres of Persian armament production were Amol, Kermanshah, Isfahan, Merv. These military factories achieved high levels of production and managed to equip the army with good quality cannon. However mobile workshops allowed for Nader to maintain his strategic mobility whilst preserving versatility in the deployment of heavy siege cannon when required. Qajar Era (1794–1925). The second half of the 18th Century saw a new dynasty take hold in Iran. The new Qajar dynasty was founded on slaughter and plunder of Iranians, particularly Zoroasterian Iranians. The Qajars, under their dynasty founder, Agha Mohammad Khan plundered and slaughtered the aristocrats of the previous Zand Dynasty. Following this, Agha Mohammad Khan was determined to regain all lost territories following the death of Nadir Shah. First on his was the Caucasus, and most notably Georgia. Iran had intermittently ruled most of the Caucasus since 1555, since the early days of the Safavid Dynasty, but while Iran was in chaos and tumult, many of their subjects had declared themselves quasi-independent, or in the case of the Georgians, had plotted an alliance with the Russian Empire by the Treaty of Georgievsk. Agha Mohammad Khan, furious at his Georgian subjects, starting his expedition with 60,000 cavalry under his command, defeated the Russian garrisons stationed there and drove them back out of the entire Caucasus in several important battles, and completely sacked Tblisi, and carried of some 15,000 captives back to Iran. Following the capture of Georgia, Agha Mohammad Khan was murdered by two of his servants who feared they would be executed. The rise of the Qajars was very closely timed with Catherine the Great's order to invade Iran once again. During the Persian Expedition of 1796, Russian troops crossed the Aras River and invaded parts of Azarbaijan and Gilan, while they also moved to Lankaran with the aim of occupying Rasht again. His nephew and successor, Fath Ali Shah, after several successful campaigns of his own against the Afshars, with the help of Minister of War Mirza Assadolah Khan and Minister Amir Kabir created a new strong army, based on the latest European models, for the newly chosen Crown-Prince Abbas Mirza. This period marked a serious decline in Persia's power and thus its military prowess. From here onwards the Qajar dynasty would face great difficulty in its efforts, due to the international policies mapped out by some western great powers and not Persia herself. Persia's efforts would also be weakened due to continual economic, political, and military pressure from outside of the country (see The Great Game), and social and political pressures from within would make matters worse. With the consolidation of the Treaty of Georgievsk, Russia annexed eastern Georgia and Dagestan in 1801, dethroning the Bagrationi Dynasty. In 1803, Fath Ali Shah was determined to get Georgia and Dagestan back, and fearing Russia would march on more south towards Persia and the Ottoman Empire too, declared war on Russia. While starting with the upper hand, Russians were ultimately victorious in the Russo-Persian War (1806-1813). From the beginning, Russian troops had a great advantage over the Persians as they possessed much modern Artillery, the use of which had never sunk into the Persian army since the Safavid dynasty three centuries earlier. Nevertheless, the Persian army under the command of Abbas Mirza managed to win several victories over the Russians. Iran's inability to develop modern artillery during the preceding, and the Qajar, dynasty resulted in the signing of the Treaty of Gulistan in 1813. This marked a turning point in the Qajar attitude towards the military. Abbas Mirza sent a large number of Persians to England to study Western military technology and at the same time he invited British officers to Persia to train the Persian forces under his command. The army's transformation was phenomenal as can be seen from the Battle of Erzeroum (1821) where the new army routed an Ottoman army. This resulted in the Treaty of Erzurum whereby the Ottoman Empire acknowledged the existing frontier between the two empires. These efforts to continue the modernisation of the army through the training of officers in Europe continued until the end of the Qajar dynasty. With the exceptions of Russian and Imperial British armies, the Qajar army of the time was unquestionably the most powerful in the region. With his new army, Abbas Mirza invaded Russia in 1826. While in the first year of the war Persia managed to regain almost all lost territories, reaching almost Georgia and Dagestan too, the Persian army ultimately proved no match for the significantly larger and equally capable Russian army. The following Treaty of Turkmenchay in 1828 crippled Persia through the ceding of much of Persia's northern territories and the payment of a colossal war indemnity. The scale of the damage done to Persia through the treaty was so severe that The Persian Army and state would not regain its former strength till the rise and creation of the Soviet Union and the latter's cancellation of the economic elements of the treaty as 'tsarist imperialistic policies'. After these periods of Russo-Persian Wars, Russian influence in Persia rose significantly too. The reigns of both Mohammad Shah and Nasser al-Din Shah also saw attempts by Persia to bring the city of Herat, occupied by the Afghans, again under Persian rule. In this, though the Afghans were no match for the Persian Army, the Persians were not successful, this time because of British Intervention as part of The Great Game "(See papers by Waibel and Esandari Qajar within the Qajar Studies source)". Russia backed the Persian attacks, using Persia as a 'cat's paw' for expansion of its own interests. Britain feared the seizure of Herat would leave a route to attack India controlled by a power friendly to Russia, and threatened Persia with closure of the trade of the Persian Gulf. When Persia abandoned its designs on Herat, the British no longer felt India was threatened. This, combined with growing Persian fears about Russian designs on their own country, led to the later period of Anglo-Persian military co-operation. Ultimately, under the Qajars Persia was shaped into its modern form. Initially, under the reign of Agha Mohammad Khan Persia won back many of its lost territories, notably in the Caucasus, only to be lost again through a series of bitter wars with Russia. In the west the Qajars effectively stopped enroachment of their Ottoman archrival in the Ottoman–Persian War (1821–23) and in the east the situation remained fluid. Ultimately, through Qajar rule the military institution was further developed and a capable and regionally superior military force was developed. This was quashed by the then superpowers of the day: Russia and Britain. For World War I, see the Persian Campaign. Pahlavi Era (1925–1979). When the Pahlavi dynasty came to power, the Qajar dynasty was already weak from years of war with Russia. The standing Persian army was almost non-existent. The new king Reza Shah Pahlavi, was quick to develop a new military, the Imperial Iranian Armed Forces. In part, this involved sending hundreds of officers to European and American military academies. It also involved having foreigners re-train the existing army within Iran. In this period a national air force (the Imperial Iranian Air Force) was established and the foundation for a new navy (the Imperial Iranian Navy) was laid. Following Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Britain and the Soviet Union became allies. Both saw the newly opened Trans-Iranian Railroad as a strategic route to transport supplies from the Persian Gulf to the Soviet Union and were concerned that Reza Shah was sympathetic to the Axis powers, despite his declaration of neutrality. In August 1941, Britain and the Soviet Union invaded Iran and deposed him in favor of his son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Following the end of the Second World War, both countries withdrew their military forces from Iran. Following a number of clashes in April 1969, international relations with Iraq fell into a steep decline, mainly due to a dispute over the Shatt al-Arab (called Arvand) waterway in the 1937 Algiers Accord. Iran abrogated the 1937 accord and demanded a renegotiation which ended completely in its favor. Furthermore, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi embarked on an unprecedented modernisation program for the Iranian armed forces. In many cases Iran was being supplied with advanced weaponry even before it was supplied to the armed forces of the countries that developed it. During this period of strength Iran protected its interests militarily in the region: in Oman, the Dhofar Rebellion was crushed. In November 1971, Iranian forces seized control of three uninhabited but strategic islands at the mouth of the Persian Gulf; Abu Musa and the Tunb islands. In the 1960s as Iran began to prosper from oil revenues, and diplomatic relations were established with many countries, Iran began to expand its military. In the 1960s it purchased Canada's fleet of 90 Canadair Sabre fighters armed with AIM-9 Sidewinder missiles. These aircraft were later sold to Pakistan. In the early 1970s the Iranian economy saw record years of growth thanks to booming oil prices. By 1976, the Iranian GDP was the largest in the Greater Middle East. The Shah (king) of Iran set about modernising the Iranian military, intent on purchasing billions of dollars worth of the most sophisticated and advanced equipment and weaponry through countries like the United States and the United Kingdom. Iran's purchases from the United States prior to the Iranian Revolution in 1979 included: 79 F-14 Tomcats, 455 M60 Patton tanks, 225 McDonnell Douglas F-4 Phantom II fighter planes, including 16 RF-4E reconnaissance variants; 166 Northrop F-5 Tiger II fighters and 15 Northrop RF-5A reconnaissance planes; 12 Lockheed P-3 Orion maritime patrol aircraft and two decommissioned and modernised American destroyers, ( and ). As of 1976 Iran had acquired 500 M109 howitzers from the United States, 52 MIM-23 Hawk anti aircraft batteries with over 2000 missiles, over 2500 AGM-65 Maverick air to ground missiles and over 10,000 BGM-71 TOW missiles. Furthermore, Iran ordered hundreds of helicopters from the United States, notably 202 Bell AH-1J Sea Cobras, 100 Boeing CH-47C Chinooks and 287 Bell 214 helicopters. Iran's purchases from the United Kingdom prior to the 1979 revolution included 1 decommissioned and modernized British destroyer (), 4 British-built frigates () and a vast array of missiles such as the Rapier and Seacat missile systems. Additionally Iran purchased several dozen hovercraft in the SR.N6 variety, 250 FV101 Scorpion light tanks and 790 Chieftain tanks. Iran also notably received much of their ground armored equipment from the Soviet Union. These deals were usually bartered using cheap oil and natural gas from the Iranian side in exchange for Russian expertise, training and equipment. In regards to military equipment Iran ordered ZSU-23-4 artillery vehicles, BTR 300 BTR-60"'s" along with 270 BTR-50s and 300 BM-21 Grad multiple rocket launchers. The Imperial Iranian Army maintained the largest fleet of operational attack hovercraft in the world. These hovercraft's were obtained from various British and American companies and were later retrofitted with weaponry. In having this fleet the Iranian Army would be able to patrol shallow areas or the gulf and avoid minefields. The Iranian military never received many of the orders placed in the late 1970s due to the Iranian Revolution occurring in February 1979. The list below seeks to highlight some of the major orders that were placed prior the Iranian revolution but never were completed or delivered. In the late 1970s, Iran accelerated its orders from the United States in an attempt to outpace British, French and Chinese military orders. The Shah of Iran believed the Iran was destined to become a world super power, proudly led by one of the strongest militaries in the world. In regards to the Imperial Iranian Air Force from the US in 1976 Iran placed for 300 F-16 Fighting Falcons, a further 71 Grumman F-14 Tomcats on top of the 79 that had arrived. All of these orders were due in 1980. In September 1976 Iran formally requested the purchase 250 F-18 Hornet, however this order would not have arrived until 1985. In addition to this in late 1977 Iran ordered 7 Boeing E-3 AWACS command and control aircraft and 12 Boeing 707 jets designed to refuel planes in midair. A massive order was made by the Iranian government in an attempt to modernize the Iranian Imperial Navy and give it capability to patrol the Caspian Sea, Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean. The Iranian Navy had placed an order for 4 s equipped with Standard missiles, Harpoon missiles, Phalanx CIWSs and Mark 46 torpedoes, 3 used retrofitted s (these were transferred rather than sold to Iran from the American military) equipped with sub Harpoon missiles. In addition the navy sought to acquire 39 Lockheed P-3 Orion maritime reconnaissance planes for ocean surveillance and anti-submarine warfare. Unlike the air force the Imperial Iranian Navy did not solely rely on American equipment and used a wide variety of suppliers. From Germany, Iran ordered 6 diesel type 209 submarines due to arrive in 1980 designed to protect Iran in the Indian Ocean. From Italy, Iran ordered 6 s, capable of anti-submarine warfare and outfitted with Otomat missiles. In 1978 Iran ordered 8 s from the Dutch, each one equipped with Mk. 46 torpedoes, Harpoon missiles and Sea Sparrow anti-aircraft missiles. In the same year Iran sought to order a further four s (similar in design to the "Korteaer" class). Iran had entered discussions with Great Britain as early as the late 1960s to purchase a nuclear powered aircraft carrier that would give Iran amphibious attack capabilities in the Indian Ocean. While initially interested in purchasing one CVA-01 aircraft carrier, which was later on cancelled by the British, Iran expressed interest in the s. Talks were in place for Iran to purchase 3 modified versions of these carriers however no official record stands to prove that such an order was placed. From France, Iran ordered 12 equipped with Harpoon missiles. Of this order, approximately 6 were delivered and the subsequent 6 cancelled. During this same time-frame in the 1970s the Imperial Iranian Army was making several advancements and placing massive orders to keep up with other divisions of the military. To reinforce the ground troops the Iranians ordered 500 M109 howitzer's, 455 M60 Patton A3 tanks were ordered from the Americans. The largest order was placed from the British for 2000 Chieftain tanks, which had been specifically designed for the Iranian Army. Some other major equipment on order included hundreds of Russian BMP-1 outfitted with anti-tank missiles. In addition the Iranians sought to strengthen their position in the Strait of Hormuz by setting up missile sites in the close vicinity. When the Carter administration turned down Iran's request for nuclear capable missiles, they turned to the Israelis. They were working on the Project Flower ballistic missiles with Israel. In addition to these developments, the government of Iran had begun alongside American and British corporations to enter the licensed manufacturing of several different types of military equipment. Iran was very active in manufacturing Bell Helicopters, Boeing Helicopters and TOW missiles. As well many bases were under construction to house all of the military equipment. Two very notable and large bases that were to be built were in Abadan, where a massive infantry unit and airforce would serve to protect Iran from any Iraqi aggression, while the other in Chabahar was to house a port capable of housing submarines and aircraft carriers which would serve to allow Iran to patrol the Indian Ocean. At this time Iran was investing over $10bn in the construction of nuclear stations, 8 locations would be built by the Americans, 2 by the Germans and 2 by the French, for its 23,000 MW nuclear project which could produce enough uranium for 500-600 warheads. Iran contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations. It joined the United Nations Operation in the Congo (ONUC) in the 1960s, and ten years later, Iranian troops joined the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) on the Golan Heights. Islamic Republic of Iran. Under Khomeini (1979–1989). In 1979, the year of the revolution in which Ayatollah Khomeini, who had been exiled by the shah for 15 years, heightened the rhetoric against the "Great Satan" and focused popular anger on the United States and its embassy in Tehran, the Shah's departure was consummated. The Iranian military thereupon experienced a 60% desertion from its ranks. Following the ideological principles of the Islamic revolution in Iran, the new revolutionary government sought to strengthen its domestic situation by conducting a purge of senior military personnel closely associated with the Pahlavi Dynasty. It is still unclear how many were dismissed or executed. The purge encouraged the dictator of Iraq, Saddam Hussein to view Iran as disorganised and weak, leading to the Iran–Iraq War. The indecisive eight-year Iran-Iraq War (IIW), which began on 22 September 1980 when Iraq invaded Iran, wreaked havoc on the region and the Iranian military. After it expanded into the Persian Gulf, where it led to clashes between the United States Navy and Iran (1987-1988), the IIW ended on 20 August 1988 when both parties accepted a UN-brokered ceasefire. On 26 August 1988, the UN published Security Council Resolution 620 because it was "deeply dismayed" and "profoundly concerned" that both Iran and Iraq had employed chemical weapons on an indiscriminate basis, and called Under Khamenei (1989–present). Following the IIW an ambitious military rebuilding program was set into motion with the intention to create a fully fledged military industry. Islamic Iran has always striven to foster and develop the nuclear science industry it captured from the Shah. In 2002 George W. Bush tagged Iran with the label Axis of evil, and in 2003, the Proliferation Security Initiative was born. The IAEA became concerned around this time with Iran's potential weaponization of nuclear technology, and that led in 2006 to the formation of the P5+1 consortium, which signed in 2015 with Iran the now-imperilled JCPOA that was designed to prevent nuclear weaponization by Iran. Regionally, since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has sought to exert its influence by supporting various groups (militarily and politically). It openly supports Hezbollah in Lebanon in order to influence Lebanon and threaten Israel. Various Kurdish groups are also supported as needed in order to maintain control of its Kurdish regions. In neighbouring Afghanistan, Iran supported the Northern Alliance for over a decade against the Taliban, and nearly went to war against the Taliban in 1998. Under Khamenei, and especially in the decade from 2010, Iran has made no secret of its ambitions as a regional-class power. It was formally excluded from participation in the Iraq War (2003-2011). Its contention with the Saudi Arabia, especially as one of the sponsors of the Houthi rebellion in Yemen, and its military aid to Syria over the course of the Syrian Civil War mark it as a threat to the status quo Pax Americana, under which flourish minor Sunni Emirates along the West coast of the Persian Gulf. In September 2019, as joint military exercises with Russia and China in the Gulf of Oman and the Indian Ocean were announced, President Rouhani declared to America and the G7 Nations that

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=35492573

2008 Rugby League World Cup Group A was one of the three groups of teams that competed in the 2008 Rugby League World Cup. Group A was the largest of the tournament, consisting of four teams: Australia, New Zealand, England and Papua New Guinea. After all teams had played each other once, only Papua New Guinea did not advance to 2008 Rugby League World Cup Knockout stage. England vs Papua New Guinea. The World Cup tournament opened with England facing Papua New Guinea at Townsville in tropical North Queensland. It was to be the first time the two nations had met at a World Cup and second time ever since 1975, the Kumuls having only played against Great Britain previously. The first points of the tournament were scored in the twelfth minute of the game by English winger Ade Gardner who received a short ball from dummy half James Roby close to the try-line and dived over in the right corner. Kevin Sinfield's sideline conversion was successful and the score was 6 nil. PNG responded with a try of their own seven minutes later when Rod Griffin, running a good line, received the ball from dummy half Paul Aiton and crashed over near the uprights. John Wilshere kicked the extras and with a quarter of the match gone the score was level at 6 all. In the twenty-sixth minute PNG's Jessie Joe Parker was taken from the field and subsequently to hospital with a suspected fractured eye socket. Two minutes later England were on the attack and spread it out wide to the left this time for Lee Smith who crossed for a try in his World Cup debut. Sinfield was again successful with his sideline conversion, making the score 12 - 6 in favour of the English with ten minutes of the first half remaining. The Kumuls however were dominating possession, making their opposition do a mountain of defence, and just after the 35-minute mark, while raiding England's line again, PNG's five-eighth, Stanley Gene (playing in his third consecutive World Cup), threw a cut-out pass to Jason Chan that saw him cross untouched for Papua New Guinea's second try. Wilshere's conversion made the scores level once again. With a minute until the half-time siren Kumuls halfback Keith Peters sent a high kick across-field which England couldn't secure and it bounced up for winger George Kepa who put it down in the corner. The video referee ruled it was a try and Wilshere's attempt at goal from the sideline was missed so Papua New Guinea went into the half-time break leading 16 - 12. Less than seven minutes into the second half Papua New Guinea crossed England's line again but the try was disallowed by Shane Hayne for a slightly forward pass. England were the first to score with Smith crossing from close range in the fifty-first minute to pick up his second try and level the scores again. Sinfield's conversion attempt was unsuccessful, leaving the score at 16 all. The English however, with the weight of possession, raided the Kumuls' line repeatedly and scored again in the 58th minute with halfback Rob Burrow dummying wide before passing back inside for Martin Gleeson to go over untouched from close range. This gave England the lead once more and Sinfield converted the try, pushing the margin out to six points with just over a quarter of the match remaining. With Papua New Guinea struggling to get out of their own half, England's Danny McGuire sent his winger Smith over the try-line once again, but the pass was ruled to have been forward. However, in the seventieth minute, England worked the ball to the other wing and Gardner crossed out wide for his second try off what appeared to be a forward pass from Leon Pryce. Sinfield's boot added the extras to give England the biggest lead of the match so far at 28 - 16. Three minutes later, now back on the other wing, England made a break and got the ball to Smith who crossed again. The video referee was required to check the grounding as PNG's fullback Wilshere had gotten his arm between the ground and the ball, but the try was awarded, giving Smith a hat-trick. Sinfield's conversion attempt was wide but England had scored twenty unanswered points in the second half and had a comfortable lead at 32 - 16 with only six minutes to play left. This would not be the final score however, as from the restart Papua New Guinea went for the short kick-off and successfully re-gathered, going on the attack. On the last tackle Peters sent a grubber through and Aiton dived on it for the Kumuls' fourth try. Wilshere's conversion put the final score at 32 - 22. Australia vs New Zealand. Although this was actually the second World Cup match to be played, it featured the tournament's opening ceremony as it was the first game featuring hosts Australia and was played in Sydney. The first points of the match came from a penalty kick by Johnathan Thurston (playing despite the murder of his uncle the previous day in a Brisbane park) after New Zealand's Simon Mannering held Brett Stewart down for too long in a tackle at the 9-minute mark. Three minutes later the Kiwis were again penalised in their own territory when Steve Matai's swinging arm struck Paul Gallen in the head, the incident being placed on report. Australia opted to attack New Zealand's line and the first try of the match went to Greg Inglis who beat his opposite number Matai to dive over. Thurston's successful conversion gave the Kangaroos an 8 nil lead. Later as the Kiwis were on the attack, second-rower Sika Manu, playing his debut match for New Zealand, ran an inside line onto a Benji Marshall short ball and found a way through the middle of Australia's defence to touch down near the uprights just on 27 minutes. Matai's conversion brought the margin back to two points. Shortly after however, Australia struck back through debutant winger Joel Monaghan whose try was awarded by the on-field referee after the video official referred the decision back to him. Thurston's conversion gave the Kangaroos a 14 - 6 lead going into the half-time break. Australia were again the first to score in the second half, this time on the right side, with Israel Folau's arm reaching out over one of his tacklers at the goal-line to plant the ball down in the 48th minute. Thurston missed his first kick of the night so the score was 18 - 6. Ten minutes later Brent Tate was being taken from the field with a neck injury just before the Australian halfback Thurston made a break mid-field and, as he was being brought to the ground by a defender, threw the ball back for Billy Slater to regather and score. Thurston then kicked the extras, pushing Australia's lead out to three converted tries with just under a quarter of the match remaining. With less than three minutes of game time left the Kiwis looked to have scored a consolation try when Jerome Ropati crashed over out wide, the decision being put to the video referee. The replay however showed that the Australian fullback, Slater, had slid across in desperation feet-first, knocking the ball from Ropati's grasp with his boot just before he could touch it to the ground. In the final seconds of the match Australia scored one more try when quick hands from Slater flicked the ball out wide for Folau who dived over for his second. Cameron Smith was assigned the conversion from the side-line and was successful, giving the Kangaroos a 30 - 6 victory. New Zealand vs Papua New Guinea. In the second week of the tournament, Group A's New Zealand and Papua New Guinea faced off at Queensland's Gold Coast. It was the first time the two countries had met since the Kiwis had a 64-0 win over the Kumuls at Palmerston North in 1996. Papua New Guinea made no changes to their side from the previous match, while New Zealand were without Steve Matai who was serving a suspension due to his high tackle on Australia's Paul Gallen in their previous match. This meant Krisnan Inu got his chance to play, and Sika Manu and Dene Halatau were also replaced by Isaac Luke and David Fa'alogo. The first points came in the ninth minute when New Zealand, from fifteen metres out, moved the ball through the hands from the right side of the field out to the left, catching PNG's defence outnumbered so Jermoe Ropati could crossed untouched. Krisnan Inu's conversion attempt missed, leaving the score at 4 nil. Less than four minutes later it was Ropati again who fell over PNG's line, but was held up in goal. In the sixteenth minute the Kiwis again moved the ball out wide through the hands, this time to the right side where Simon Mannering was able to pass untouched between the thinly stretched defence to score. Inu kicked the extras and New Zealand were leading 10 nil. Mannering scored his second try eight minutes later, again on the right side of the field, after taking on the defensive line and breaking through. Inu's conversion was successful, taking New Zealand's lead out to 16 nil with fourteen minutes of the first half remaining. New Zealand's defence then withstood a series of assaults on their line when Papua New Guinea got repeat sets. Back in the Kumuls' half though, the Kiwis scored in the thirty-fourth minute, again on the right wing, when Benji Marshall threw an enormous cut out pass over to Sam Perrett who jogged over unchallenged by PNG's severely outnumbered defence. Inu's conversion made it 22 unanswered points by New Zealand and this would remain the scoreline at the half time break. Marshall, New Zealand's key play maker, sat out the second half to ice a tightened hamstring muscle and after seven minutes it was Papua New Guinea who got the first points. On the left side of the field Neville Costigan got a pass out of a tackle to Jessie Joe Parker who also managed to pass from a tackle back inside for winger David Moore to race through some defenders and over the try-line, improving his kicker's field position by putting the ball down behind the uprights. Wilshere's simple conversion made the score 22 - 6. In the fifty-sixth minute, New Zealand returned to their try-scoring ways when Isaac Luke ran from dummy half thirty-seven metres out from Papua New Guinea's line and evaded a few defenders to score. Inu, however, missed the simple conversion. The Kiwis crossed again in the fifty-ninth minute from close range, Fa'alogo receiving a short ball from Fien and barging over the line. Isaac Luke missed the conversion so the score was 30–6 with a quarter of the match remaining. Less than ten minutes later, Adam Blair scored in the same spot, taking a short ball from dummy half Leuluai at close range and crashing over. Inu, making a return to the goal-kicking job, successfully converted the try. In the seventy-first minute, New Zealand were attacking again when Luke kicked high and to the left wing. Inu leapt for it but couldn't catch the ball and it ricocheted off the PNG defence before coming down for Sam Perrett to regather and ground. After examination by the video referee of a possible New Zealand knock on, the try was awarded due to the benefit of the doubt. Inu's conversion attempt was successful, bringing the score to 42–6. The Kiwis got one more try in the match when Greg Eastwood ran the ball from over thirty metres out, stepping and brushing past some defenders to score under the posts. The extras were kicked by Inu, leaving the final score at 48–6. The loss for Papua New Guinea effectively ended their hopes of making the semi-finals, now requiring a win over Australia by an enormous margin to do so. England vs New Zealand. The last time the New Zealand and England sides met was in the semi-final of the 2000 World Cup, with the Kiwis winning 49 to 6. So far in this tournament both sides had defeated Papua New Guinea and lost to Australia. Changes to the New Zealand side were: Jason Nightingale in for Sam Perrett on the right wing; Steve Matai, after serving his one-match suspension, regained his place at right centre from Krisnan Inu; Evarn Tuimivave replaced Nathan Cayless in the front row (with Benji Marshall being named captain); David Fa'alogo was moved from the bench into Setaimata Sa's spot in the second row; Sam Rapira was dropped with David Kidwell and Bronson Harrison added to the bench. England were the first to score after getting repeat sets which took them down close to New Zealand's line where hooker Mickey Higham pushed through the defence from dummy half in the 4th minute. The simple conversion was kicked by Rob Purdham so the score was 6 nil. Less than 4 minutes later England were working the ball out from their own 10-metre line when they decided to pass out wide to their centre Keith Senior, who beat the defence and raced down along the left wing. He then passed back inside for Rob Burrow running up in support and the diminutive halfback was away for England's second try. Purdham's conversion was successful so England were in front 12 nil with under ten minutes of the match gone. However New Zealand struck back just on 13 minutes after a break made by centre Jerome Ropati from a scrum win mid-field afforded Manu Vatuvei a run at the disorganised defence from within ten metres, the giant winger barging his way over for his first try of the tournament. The conversion attempt by Steve Matai was wide, so the score remained 12 - 4 in favour of England. At the sixteen-minute mark from a scrum win the English , Martin Gleeson made a sudden break from 30 metres out and was into open space, his run good enough for the momentum to drag him and his tackler over the try-line. The video referee awarded the four points and Purdham kicked the extra two so England's lead was pushed out to 18 - 4. In the 20th minute, the Kiwis were down close to the English try-line when New Zealand fullback Lance Hohaia dummied and stepped his way through the defensive line and fought his way through his tacklers to force the ball down, the video referee awarding the try after some deliberation. The kick from Matai missed so the score was 18 - 8 with three quarters of the match still remaining. Six minutes later, England were back deep in New Zealand's territory when Burrow at first-receiver and on the last tackle stepped and dashed through the defence to score his second try of the night. Purdham's conversion put the score at England 24, New Zealand 8. A few minutes later play was halted while Kiwi centre Steve Matai was taken from the field after falling into a tackle awkwardly and injuring his neck. New Zealand, ten metres into England's half and before the first tackle of a new set of six, offloaded from some tackles and kept the ball alive before sending it out to Jason Nightingale on the right wing where he dived over in the corner. Isaac Luke was given the sideline conversion attempt and kicked it, putting New Zealand back in the contest at 24 - 14, with three minutes of the first half remaining. No more points were scored before the break. In the 47th minute, New Zealand were on the attack and were the first to score in the second half when a long pass from Hohaia out to Vatuvei saw him dive over untouched in the left corner for his second try of the match. The video referee awarded the try and Luke's sideline conversion attempt was wide, so the score was New Zealand 18, England 24. The Kiwi's then continued dominating possession and field position and in the 55th minute Vatuvei scored his 3rd, again diving over untouched in the corner after receiving a long ball from Hohaia. Once more Luke had to kick for goal from the sideline and this time was successful so the scores were level at 24 all. In the 69th minute, Luke gained his team a penalty when he was given a push by an England player while running in to contest a bomb and fell to the ground. The Kiwis decided to take the kick from in front of the posts and Luke got the two points which put New Zealand in the lead for the first time at 26 - 24. New Zealand were attacking England's line again in the 75th minute when an English defender fumbled an intercept chance and from the confusion Nathan Fein, who was playing on despite a broken nose, picked up the ball and crashed over. The try was awarded by the video referee and the conversion was kicked by Jeremy Smith, so New Zealand led 32 to 24 with 5 minutes of the match remaining. The Kiwis got one more try, again from Lance Hohaia throwing a long ball out to Manu Vatuvei to cross untouched on the left wing once more, his fourth try for the night. Benji Marshall took the sideline conversion attempt and missed, but the game was already beyond doubt, with New Zealand winning 36 - 24. Manu Vatuvei's four tries saw him break the record of three previously held by Robbie Paul and Lesley Vainikolo for most tries in a World Cup match by a New Zealand player. Australia vs Papua New Guinea. The last time these two teams had met was in 2001 at Port Moresby when Australia defeated Papua New Guinea by 42 points, and it was their first World Cup match since 1992. Papua New Guinea's place in the tournament was at stake, with a win by more than 2 points required. The Kangaroos' undefeated run so far had guaranteed their place in the play-offs so they could afford to experiment with the player lineup for this match. Captain Darren Lockyer and star fullback Billy Slater were rested while four of the Australians were to make their international debuts: Terry Campese taking Lockyer's place at five-eighth, Darius Boyd, David Williams and Anthony Watmough. Karmichael Hunt took Slater's place at fullback. Australia opened the scoring in the ninth minute when Johnathan Thurston kicked across-field from close range for winger David Williams, making his international debut, to leap for and score in the right corner. Thurston then converted the try so the score was 6 nil. Just over two minutes later Williams crossed in the corner again after receiving a long ball from Karmichal Hunt which was ruled to be forward, so no try was given. Terry Campese, making his debut for Australia was forced to leave the field after receiving a poke in the eye. Australia were attacking close to PNG's line again in the twenty-second minute when the ball was moved out to the other wing where Joel Monaghan forced his way over. The video referee ruled that he'd got the ball down, and after Thurston's second successful kick from near the sideline, this time the left one, the score was 12 nil in favour of the Kangaroos. Less than three minutes later, Australia were again up on the Kumuls' line when quick hands got the ball out to Monaghan and he dived over in the corner untouched for his second try. Thurston's kicking accuracy from difficult angles continued so The Kangaroos had 18 unanswered points. Slick passing before PNG's line resulted in Australia's fourth try as well, this time out to the right for David Williams to cross untouched. Thurston missed his fourth sideline conversion of the night, so the score was 22 nil with three minutes of the first half remaining. No more points were scored before the break. After holding out Australia's first raid on their line successfully, Papua New Guinea were about to start working their way back up the field when they conceded an easy try to Scott Prince who rushed up to intercept a Stanley Gene pass to score under the posts. Thurston's kick was simple so the score was 28 nil after forty-three minutes. Ten minutes later Australia scored again after keeping the ball alive close to the Kumuls' line, Prince crossing untouched again for his second try. Thurston again kicked the extra two points so the score was 34 nil with twenty-five minutes of the match remaining. In the seventieth minute the Australians, while in their own half, moved the ball out to the right where Williams got it and ran forty metres to score his third try. In doing so he became only the third Kangaroo since Lionel Morgan in 1960 and Brad Mackay in 1990 to score a hat-trick on debut for Australia. Thurston kicked another sideline conversion so it was 40 nil. Papua New Guinea's kick-off was short and they successfully regained the ball. After working their way up into an attacking position close to the Kangaroos' try-line, Ron Griffin put in the perfect grubber kick behind the defence for Menzie Yere to run through and dive on. Wiltshere converted successfully so the score was 40 - 6 in favour of the home side. Australia scored one more try a few minutes later when Anthony Tupou ran onto a short pass from close range to put the ball down behind the posts. Thurston's kick made the final score 46 - 6. The match was the last international for Stanley Gene, the only player to have played in the last three World Cups, who was chaired from the field by his teammates. Final standings. All teams from group A (shaded in green) with the exception of the bottom qualifying team will progress to the semi-finals, the other two groups the top finisher will progress to a playoff match, in which the winner will qualify to the semi-finals. Australia were the only team in the tournament to play all their group stage matches with no losses.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2066627

The Agranat Commission (Hebrew: ועדת אגרנט) was a National Commission of Inquiry set up to investigate failings in the Israel Defense Forces in the prelude to the Yom Kippur War, when Israel was found unprepared for the Egyptian attack against the Bar Lev Line and a simultaneous attack by Syria in the Golan—the first phase in a war in which 2,812 Israeli soldiers were killed. Commission. The commission was an official National Commission of Inquiry appointed by the Israeli government to investigate the circumstances leading to the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War. The Committee was headed by Shimon Agranat, Chief Justice of Israel's Supreme Court. Its other members were Justice Moshe Landau, State Comptroller Yitzchak Nebenzahl, and former Chiefs of Staff Yigael Yadin and Chaim Laskov. The Committee sat for 140 sessions, during which they listened to the testimony of 58 witnesses. It was established on 21 November 1973 with a remit to investigate: It did not examine the later stages of the war when the IDF went on the offensive. On 31 December 1973, elections that had been delayed by the war took place. Likud, a new political party, won 39 seats in the Knesset. Newly elected Member of Knesset and one of the Likud founders, Reserve General Ariel Sharon gave a newspaper interview in which he was quoted as saying that he would disobey orders that he felt were against the interests of the State or his subordinates. This caused so much public concern that Sharon was asked to appear before the Commission, which accepted his testimony that the quote was in the context of a specific event which occurred under very exceptional circumstances. Findings. The commission's report was published in three parts. The interim report, released 1 April 1974, called for the dismissal of a number of senior officers in the IDF and caused such controversy that Prime Minister Golda Meir was forced to resign. The second part was published 10 July 1974 and contained the reasons for the conclusions of the first report. The final part of the report was published on 30 January 1975. One consequence of the Commission's investigation was the "Basic Law: The Army (1975)", clarifying the IDF's legal status. Interim report. Published on 1 April 1974, the interim report caused a sensation. Its headline recommendation was the dismissal of four senior officers in military intelligence: The Chief of Military Intelligence Major General Eliyahu Zeira, his deputy Brigadier Aryeh Shalev, the head of the Egyptian Department Lt Colonel Yona Bendman, and the chief intelligence officer in the Southern Command Lt Colonel David Gedalia. The report also was critical of what it called the "concept" in military intelligence thinking. The "concept" was based on the assumption that Egypt would only attack if it had the air-power to take on the Israeli Air Force. Military intelligence also thought that Syria would only attack if Egypt did. In the absence of any upgrading of Egypt's air force, the directorate concluded there was no threat of imminent war. This assumption led to complacency and evidence being ignored. For example, on 1 October and again on 3 October 1973, Lieutenant Benjamin Siman Yov, order of battle intelligence officer for the Southern Command, gave his superior Lt Colonel Gadalia documents indicating Egypt's war preparations. In its examination of the senior echelons of the IDF, the commission also concluded that GOC Southern Command Shmuel Gonen should be dismissed. After his departure, Gonen argued that he had only been in the post for a few months and that the command had been neglected by his predecessor Ariel Sharon. The Commission also found Chief of Staff David Elazar responsible, but it refused to give an opinion on the responsibility of the Minister of Defense Moshe Dayan, arguing that this was beyond its remit. This report caused public uproar and unhappiness in the army. In Abba Eban's words "The conclusions ... did not seem to accord with the narrative" Yitzhak Rabin walked out of the cabinet with Elazar. Thousands of demonstrators took to the streets. Nine days after the publication of the Interim Report, Golda Meir announced the resignation of her government. After his dismissal, Elazar maintained that had he been given more of the information, he would have mobilized the IDF sooner. This only confirmed the Commission's criticisms about the reliance on a single avenue for intelligence analysis. Elazar died two years later aged 50. Final report. The final part of the report was published on 30 January 1975. The completed report was 1,500 pages long, with 746 pages devoted to the fighting in the south and 311 to the northern front. Forty two pages were made public, the remainder being classified. Besides the IDF's failures, it looked at the issues around civilian and political control of the army and found a "lack of clear definitions...". Surprisingly, they could not find a clear statement of civilian control over the military. They argued that the Basic Law: The Cabinet (1968) implied authority when it stated that the Cabinet has authority over all areas not covered by other legislation. Later critics argued that the Cabinet's authority stemmed from the IDF Order (1948), which authorised the Minister of Defence to set up the army. Further questions arose over hundreds of orders issued by Chiefs of Staff since 1948 without authorisation from the Minister of Defence. These discoveries led to the swift enactment of Basic Law: The Army (1975). Its main clause stated: The new law still left some issues unresolved, such as who appoints a Chief of Staff and whether the Chief of Staff was the most senior officer in the army. In practice, the controversy about the report's absence of criticism of Moshe Dayan led to a strengthening of the Chief of Staff's position since he could argue that if the Chief of Staff had sole responsibility, it must be the Chief of Staff's decision. The Chief of Staff was now a regular attender of cabinet meetings. The Commission was critical of the standard of everyday discipline in the IDF: "Discipline is indivisible. For example, a soldier who becomes accustomed in time of peace not to observe the minor rules, such as in matters of personal appearance, without being alerted to this failure by his superior officer, will in the end be negligent in carrying out operational orders." As a response to the Commission's criticism of using military intelligence as the sole route for analysis of information, the Foreign Ministry established a Research and Planning Department. Despite this, five years later the 29th Comptrollers Report into the conduct of the IDF during Operation Litani, which left 21 IDF soldiers dead, concluded that conditions remained the same as in 1973. The Report's author was Yitzhak Nebenzahl, a member of the Agranat Commission. The full text of the report, except for 48 pages, was made public 1 January 1995. Critique of the report. The findings of the Agranat Commission have been the focus of sharp debate among the Israeli public up until today. Particular criticism relates to its exoneration of the country's political leadership, especially Defense Minister Dayan. According to the Report: "As long as he accepts the opinions of his advisers, he does not bear any personal responsibility." Further criticism responds to the Commission's recommendations, stemming from the failure of military intelligence to assess the Arab states' intent, that the IDF should not consider the intentions of hostile states, but rather their capacity for war. Thirty years later, Giora Eiland, head of the National Security Council, wrote: "Both the proscription against considering intent and the concentration on the prevention of threats—two central messages of the Agranat Commission [Report]—frustrated and delayed the rebuilding and preparedness of the IDF for years."

singular path

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=56487810

Sir John Kendrick (or Kendricke; d. 1661) was an English merchant and politician who was Lord Mayor of London in 1652. Family. John Kendrick was the son of Hugh Kendrick, of Chester, and his wife Anne Moulson. His paternal family was kin to the Kendrick baronets as well as the merchant John Kendrick. His maternal grandfather, Sir Thomas Moulson, was Lord Mayor of London in 1634, while his maternal grandmother, Ann (Radcliffe) Mowlson, was the namesake of Radcliffe College. He seems to have had five sisters. Kendrick married Katherine Evelyn, a cousin of the noted author John Evelyn, and is mentioned in Evelyn's famous diary as "a fanatic Lord Mayor, who had married a relation of ours." Career. Kendrick was a member of London's Grocer's Company, one of the city's livery companies. He was elected as Sheriff of London in 1645, serving alongside future mayor Thomas Foote. He was elected Lord Mayor of London in 1651. Kendrick was noted as a staunch Puritan and Republican. He was one of the aldermen who in 1648 was appointed by Parliament as part of a committee to form a militia to defend the rights and liberties of the city of London. During his mayoral term, he witnessed the Oath of Abjuration undertaken by William Petre, 4th Baron Petre to regain his lost estates by renouncing Catholicism. He also was the primary audience for a sermon by the Puritan divine Nathaniel Holmes after a great eclipse during his mayoralty. He had business dealings with the Irish faith healer Valentine Greatrakes, who purchased an interest in Kendrick's estates in Tipperary. Death. Kendrick died in 1661. His old associate Valentine Greatrakes acted as a representative for his heirs; several former owners of Kendrick's Irish estates sought to repossess the estates under the Act of Settlement 1662, and Greatrakes assisted Kendrick's heirs in their efforts to keep their inheritance intact.

key congregation

11198-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=36288407

Jenny Fulle (born in San Francisco, California) is an American woman who, at the age of eleven, became the first girl to play Little League baseball legally in the United States. She is currently a Visual Effects producer in Hollywood with over fifty films to her credit. Little League. Dear President Nixon. In 1972, nine-year-old Jenny Fulle tucked her hair up in her cap, pretending to be a boy, and attempted to sign up for Mill Valley Little League in Marin County, California. When asked for her birth certificate, she was quickly rebuffed on the basis of her gender. The Little League was founded in 1939 and banned girls from playing in 1951. In 1964, by unanimous decision, the Little League was granted a federal charter by the House and Senate and signed into law by Lyndon Johnson, though girls were still not allowed to play. In February 1973, at 10 years old, Fulle, who was interested in the position of left field, was again denied the opportunity to join the Bears. This time, she called the American League President, Pete Wolffe, who roundly objected her request. According to Fulle at the time, she also contacted "a lot of ladies" involved with Little League. "They (the ladies) said they really hoped I’d get somewhere. The men just said no." Undeterred, Fulle wrote a letter to the President of the United States, Richard Nixon, in March of that year, stating in her letter that, "Most girls who even want to try out are good enough to at least make minor without any trouble. I sincerely hope you will do something." Two months later, she received a reply from Frederick T. Cioffi, a HEW official with the Office of Civil Rights. The letter explained that she could have a case if there is a connection between Little League and the use of public school facilities. Cioffi explained that the Office of Civil Rights was "in the process of preparing guidelines to handle this type of discrimination." The guidelines would apply to a Title IX amendment to the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Lew Mathis, a colleague of Frederick Cioffi's, at the Office of Civil Rights in Washington DC reiterated that with Title IX, "The regulations now being written prohibit sex discrimination in all school activities." He and Cioffi's argument was based in the fact that since many Little League teams were using public school facilities, with this amendment, the teams would be forced to include girls or be disallowed from the property. According to the national director of public relations for Little League at the time, Robert Stirrat, safety was the reason that girls were not allowed to play in the Little League. He did not believe Jenny's case was sexist, but instead felt that, "all the medical and physiological evidence indicates baseball is a hazardous sport for girls to play on the same team with boys." Hazardous sport. "A girl's reaction time to a thrown ball is considerably less than a boy’s. Girls are vulnerable to being hit. Their long bones in their arms and legs are more vulnerable than boys," Stirrat said. This sentiment was upheld by Dr. Creighton Hale, a research physiologist that was serving as league vice president and director, who believed that anatomically, girls were more likely to be injured, referring to what he considered to be differences in bone length, muscle fiber and reaction time. "In contact sports it is a hazard," he said. "Our position is not a negative one. We’re very much in favor of girls being on teams – in sports like tennis and swimming," he said. "It’s not fair to the girls to let them play." The solution, according to the Little League was for girls to play softball. Though Fulle did play softball, she lamented the fact that it was too easy. "I usually hit home runs" she said. "Last year girls were out there picking flowers. How can’t you hit home runs when they’re out there picking flowers?" Constitutional issue. At the time there were 8000 Little Leagues scattered around the world with 2½ million boys (but no girls) playing in 31 countries. Throughout the US, there were several instances where girls had attempted to play in Little League with varying results, all of which representing the discriminatory stance of the organization. A team in Concord, NC, for instance, was facing suspension from the Babe Ruth League for playing a 13-year-old girl, Yvonne Burch, while another Babe Ruth team in Schenectady, NY, refused to play, Sheila O’Donnell, 17, who apparently was a solid player. A similar case in Ypsilanti, MI, resulted in the Little League teams breaking their affiliation with the national organization so they could accept a girl into their league. As a result of so many girls wanting to play in the Little League, Rep. Martha Griffiths (D-Mich) in 1973 introduced a bill to Congress that would substitute the word "boys" in the federal Little League charter with "boys and girls" and drop "manhood" from its objectives of "citizenship, sportsmanship and manhood." The bill was expected to be reported out of the subcommittee on civil and constitutional rights of the House Judiciary Committee later that summer. Fighting this fight on several fronts, the National Organization for Women (NOW) had their attorneys researching the law to see if they could open the Little League doors for Fulle. NOW's Marin County president, Lee Hunt pointed out that the teams used a city-owned playground in Mill Valley. She and her attorneys began investigating whether or not it was against the law under the city charter for the baseball teams to use the park if they discriminate on the basis of gender. Hunt said, "We see this as a constitutional issue. We feel the Little League has a discriminatory charter and the city, by allowing them to use public facilities for games, is supporting that policy." Meanwhile, Stirrat, from the National Little League office in Williamsport, PA, stood his ground that any team that allowed girls to play with boys was "willfully violating" part of its charter. As a result, the team could lose its charter and all the financial perks involved, special insurance and discounts on uniforms and equipment. The battle begins. The drive to play Little League Baseball by Fulle and a handful of other Mill Valley girls lead the Mill Valley Park and Recreation Commissioner Phyllis Joseph, on Monday, June 11, 1973, to introduce a motion to the commission to bar any organization from city playgrounds "that discriminates on the basis of race, religion, creed or sex." The motion failed by a vote of 3-2, thereby deciding not to order the local Little League teams to let girls play. Upon losing this decision, Fulle and the others vowed to continue their battle at an upcoming city council meeting the following week. With the assistance of NOW and the American Civil Liberties Union, Fulle took her case to the Mill Valley City Council on June 18, 1973. Before the vote, the female Mayor Barnard, ironically on the side of keeping girls out of Little League, called for a show of hands from the standing-room only crowd, noting that the people were evenly split on the issue. She also asked Fulle, "Why don’t you want to play baseball with the girls?" Fulle, wearing a T-shirt, pants and baseball hat, said, "Girls are expected to play with dolls. We don’t have that much experience playing baseball. But that doesn’t mean that we can’t. I haven’t played with dolls since I was seven years old." In the 90 minute hearing, with a 3-2 vote, the council decided to tell the national Little League organization that the League would not be allowed back to Mill Valley the following year unless it ended its ban of girls. After the vote, Mayor Barnard, on the losing side, expressed her reasoning for not wanting girls to play in the Little League by stating, "I feel there is little difference between the sexes except in muscle power. Viva la difference." Fulle, a strong hitter and solid left fielder, was pleased with the decision. Ruling overturned. The victory, as it turned out, would be short-lived. On Monday December 3, 1973 - pressured by an appeal from the presidents of the two Mill Valley Little Leagues, R. Bruce Williams and Sam Loy - the Mill Valley City Council overturned their previous decision with a unanimous vote, allowing Little League teams to play one more season on city-owned playgrounds without allowing girls to play. Loy and Williams’ argument was that any change in Little League regulations had to come from the League headquarters in Williamsport, PA. And if they were to come, those changes could not be implemented until the following July. At the meeting, David Moore, Marin representative to the National Little League Congress stated, "We’re not here to do war with the female sex or the City of Mill Valley. We just want to put 350 boys on the playing field this year." He also mentioned that the national organization had formed a commission to study the question of safety for girls. The commission planned to report to the national organization at the end of the 1974 season. If in fact the girls were to be included in the charter, it would actually not be until the Spring of 1975 that they would be included in Little League play. This came as a bitter disappointment to Fulle, who would be 13 in 1975 and not eligible to play in the Little League. In a letter dated December 13, 1973, ACLU lawyer, Fred Hurvich volunteered to represent Fulle if she decided to take the matter to court. Getting Jenny on a team. As a result of continued pressure on the council from the Mill Valley Human Rights Committee, on Monday, April 1, 1974, the Mill Valley City Council voted yet again, this time barring any organization that discriminates on the basis of sex from city facilities. The vote followed a half hour debate on the subject and meant that the 350 member Little League of Marin County would have no place to play after July 1. This reversal was small solace for Fulle, who would still not be able to play Little League since the season would be all but over and not have an effect on the concurrent season. At that same meeting, ACLU lawyer, Hurvich, threatened to sue the City of Mill Valley to force out the sex-discrimination clause in Mill Valley's Little League so that girls could play that very summer. Their aim, according to Hurvich was to "get Jenny onto a team this year." The council maintained its decision to let the local Little League play for one more summer without girls. Even still, Hurvich pleaded with the city to tell Little League they need to allow Jenny to play, or the League would be banned from Mill Valley parks. He promised to fight for the local Little League so that they did not lose their charter. "We are prepared to be in court on a day’s notice if the National Little League acts against them," said Hurvich. Shortly thereafter, when the National Little League threatened to disenfranchise the Bears if they let Fulle on the team, Hurvich did exactly as he promised and took the matter to court. Jenny held her own. On Wednesday, April 10, 1974, Superior Judge Joseph Wilson signed a temporary restraining order that said the Mill Valley Little League baseball team, the Bears, could not bar Jenny Fulle from membership on account of her gender. He also banned the National Little League from releasing Mill Valley from their charter. After the judgment by Wilson, Mill Valley Little League Commissioner, R. Bruce Williams said, "We wanted to allow Jenny to play, but we feared that without a court order the National Little League would lift our charter." Wilson's decision solved that problem. Four hours after the judge issued the restraining order, Fulle showed up at practice for her Little League team, the Bears. The first pitch was a wild one, hitting her in the helmet and dropping her to the ground. She stood up, smiled and went on playing. Of twelve pitches, she hit nine of them beyond the outfielders. In a practice game that followed, she excelled at first base, making three solid plays without error. At the end of practice that day, Fulle said simply that she was, "really happy." On Wednesday, June 12, 1974 Little League Baseball, Inc. announced it would open all competition to both boys and girls. The decision at Little League headquarters stated that girls who want to play Little League baseball must prove to the local team coaches and management that they had "equal competency" with boys "in baseball skills, physical skills and other attributes used as the basis for team selection." In New York, NOW issued a statement praising Little League for correcting "its discriminatory policy toward girls." The statement went on to say, "NOW chapters and members throughout the country have devoted much effort to enacting this kind of change for equal sports opportunities for girls and women. This victory is an important step." In the final week of December 1974, President Gerald Ford signed into law a bill that opened the Little League baseball program to girls. The wording in the League's charter was amended by changing the word "boys" wherever it appeared, to "young people". In 1975, after Fulle had officially played her first and final season of Little League, the Mill Valley American League President, Robert Williams had this to say about the decision, "It worked out real well last year. It may have been a big thing over nothing…Jenny more than held her own. She was in the upper half of the league when comparing talent." In 2000 Fulle was invited back to Mill Valley to lead the Little League's opening day parade and throw the first ball in celebration of the city's centennial. Visual effects producer. Early career. In 1980, at the age of 18, Fulle began her long and highly successful career in the film industry, starting as a janitor at George Lucas' Industrial Light and Magic. Her step-father at the time was not only the landscape architect designing at Skywalker Ranch, but was also in charge of general services, including the mailroom and janitorial. Jenny had taken a few classes in college, but had yet to find her niche when her step-father asked her to take over for an injured janitor at ILM. It was to be a temporary job but when her step-father moved on from his position, the person that took over for him liked Fulle enough to keep her on. Fulle rose up from janitorial services to eventually become a Visual Effects Production Assistant on "." She continued her path at ILM unabated, growing into the position of Visual Effects Coordinator on "", "Back to the Future Part III", "Who Framed Roger Rabbit" and "Ghost". Producer, executive and Sony Pictures Imageworks. In the early nineties, Fulle moved to Los Angeles to further pursue her career in visual effects, landing her first Visual Effects Producer credit on "Batman Returns". From there she went on to produce for several different films and companies including "True Lies" for Boss Films in 1994, "Apollo 13" for Digital Domain in 1995, "Eraser" as head of Warner Digital Studios in 1996, and "MouseHunt" for DreamWorks SKG in 1997, among many others. After a stint as a Visual Effects Production Executive at Disney, Fulle was tapped to become Executive Vice President/Executive Producer for Sony Pictures Imageworks in late 1997. For the next eleven years Fulle oversaw and managed production, strategic planning and business development at SPI. During this time, in 2004 she was elevated to the position of Executive VP of Production at Imageworks. Under her leadership, the company grew from 300 employees to over 1200, while developing a first of its kind pipeline that could manage both live action VFX and animation under one roof. At Imageworks, Fulle worked on over thirty films, including "What Lies Beneath", "Spider-Man 1, 2, and 3", "", "The Chronicles of Narnia", "The Aviator", "I Am Legend", "Open Season (2006 film)", "Surf's Up (film)" and many more. During her time at SPI, Fulle was recognized for her success in the entertainment industry by various trades and organizations. In 2006, Fulle was named in Variety's Women's Impact report for her work overseeing the animated movies "Open Season (2006 film)", "Surf's Up (film)", while also running the production department at Imageworks. Then in October of that same year, she was named number 11 of The Hollywood Reporter's "the digital 50". Also in 2006, Fulle was nominated for the Los Angeles Business Journal's 2006 "Women Making a Difference Awards". And in 2008, the Professional Organization of Women in Entertainment Reaching Up (Power Up) named Fulle as one of its Ten Amazing Women, in which they honor highly successful gay women in the entertainment industry. Toward the end of her tenure at SPI, Fulle helped spearhead Sony's exploration of the Indian market of visual effects and animation. This ultimately resulted in Imageworks India in 2007; a partnership between FrameFlow, India and Sony, which Fulle served on the board of until she left Sony to pursue the next phase of her career. Fulle's experience in helping set up Imageworks India sparked for her a new understanding of the visual effects business. It opened her eyes to the fact that quality VFX houses were springing up and thriving all around the world. This knowledge coupled with her deep experience in visual effects production led Fulle to start her company, The Creative-Cartel in 2009. The Creative-Cartel. The Creative-Cartel was conceived as a new way of doing business, to get beyond the traditional brick and mortar, overhead-heavy studio production facilities to a leaner, more nimble entity. The concept was to have a core team of asset managers, production coordinators, project managers and digital pipeline wizards that could work with VFX houses from around the world that were specifically chosen for each project. As Fulle put it, "I certainly do have go-to people, but because no two shows are the same, and the requirements of shows vary, I wouldn’t want to have to go to the same person, because it wouldn’t always be the right fit... we go to whoever is best suited for the work." For The Creative-Cartel's first major project, "Priest", Fulle and her team used over a dozen VFX vendors from around the world - England, Australia, the US and Canada. Managing that many VFX houses was a challenge, but Fulle's company succeeded in overseeing all of their work while also serving as a centralized hub for all VFX on the film. Since then, The Creative-Cartel has honed its process, successfully producing visual effects for "", "Ted", Seth MacFarlane's directorial debut, and the Will Smith, M. Night Shyamalan collaboration, "After Earth". In 2012, The Creative-Cartel was chosen by Sony Pictures Entertainment to be the first company in the world to provide workflow for their new F65 camera for the film "After Earth." Having implemented a unique workflow in the past with both "Ghost Rider: Spirit of Vengeance", and "Ted", The Creative-Cartel expanded their services on, "After Earth" so that they could have control of all data from the moment it is shot all the way through to the Digital Intermediate (DI), this included near-set lab, dailies and post-production management of all digital assets. The Creative-Cartel joined a team of companies supporting the F65 that includes Colorworks, Sony Pictures Entertainment's digital intermediate facility, FilmLight, a color management and color grading developer, and camera supplier Otto Nemenz, post production services provider Technicolor. Their aim is to support productions using the F65 "from the sensor to the screen."

tossed object

8245-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=554001

USS "Kitkun Bay" (CVE-71) was a of the United States Navy. She was named after Kitkun Bay, located within Prince of Wales Island. Launched in November 1943, and commissioned in December, she served in support of the Mariana and Palau Islands campaign, the Philippines campaign, and the Battle off Samar. Postwar, she participated in Operation Magic Carpet. She was decommissioned in April 1946 and sold for scrapping in November. Design and description. "Kitkun Bay" was a "Casablanca"-class escort carrier, the most numerous type of aircraft carriers ever built, and designed specifically to be mass-produced using prefabricated sections, in order to replace heavy early war losses. Standardized with her sister ships, she was long overall, had a beam of , and a draft of . She displaced standard, with a full load. She had a long hangar deck and a long flight deck. She was powered with two Skinner Unaflow reciprocating steam engines, which drove two shafts, providing , thus enabling her to make . The ship had a cruising range of at a speed of . Her compact size necessitated the installment of an aircraft catapult at her bow, and there were two aircraft elevators to facilitate movement of aircraft between the flight and hangar deck: one each fore and aft. One /38 caliber dual-purpose gun was mounted on the stern. Anti-aircraft defense was provided by eight Bofors anti-aircraft guns in single mounts, as well as twelve Oerlikon cannons, which were mounted around the perimeter of the deck. By the end of the war, "Casablanca"-class carriers had been modified to carry thirty cannons, and the amount of Bofors guns had been doubled to sixteen, by putting them into twin mounts. These modifications were in response to increasing casualties due to kamikaze attacks. "Casablanca"-class escort carriers were designed to carry 27 aircraft, but the hangar deck could accommodate more. During the Mariana and Palau Islands campaign, she carried 12 FM-2 fighters, and 8 TBM-1C torpedo bombers, for a total of 20 aircraft. However, during the Philippines campaign and Battle off Samar, she carried 16 FM-2 fighters and 12 TBM-1C torpedo bombers for a total of 28 aircraft. During the Invasion of Lingayen Gulf, she carried 15 FM-2 fighters, 10 TBM-3 torpedo bombers, along with two reconnaissance planes, a FM-2P and a TBM-3P. Construction. The escort carrier was laid down on 3 May 1943, under a Maritime Commission contract, MC hull 1108, by Kaiser Shipbuilding Company, Vancouver, Washington. She was named "Kitkun Bay", as part of a tradition which named escort carriers after bays or sounds in Alaska. She was launched on 8 November 1943; sponsored by Mrs. Francis E. Cruise, the wife of Captain Edgar Allen Cruise, a Navy Cross recipient; transferred to the United States Navy and commissioned on 15 December 1943, with Captain John Perry Whitney in command. Operational missions. Upon being commissioned, "Kitkun Bay" proceeded southwards to Naval Air Station Tongue Point, Astoria, Oregon, where she fitted out. On 3 January 1944, whilst she was moored at Pier 1, an unidentified aircraft flew over the area, and with the previous shelling of Fort Stevens in mind, the crew entered general quarters at 4:40. Eventually, it became clear that the aircraft was an American plane that failed to follow recognition protocol. After finishing fitting out, "Kitkun Bay" embarked on a shakedown cruise around Puget Sound, loading munitions, fueling, and degaussing. She stood out of Seattle on 13 January, stopped at Port Townshend, and proceeded down the West Coast. Upon arriving at Naval Air Station Alameda, she loaded munitions, fuel, and aircraft equipment from 17 to 20 January. After leaving port, she steamed southwards to San Diego, conducting gunnery practice along the way. She arrived on 22 January, whereupon she trained in additional gunnery and torpedo exercises in the vicinity of the Channel Islands, which continued until 27 January. During this time period, Composite Squadron 5 (VC-5), her designated aircraft contingent, trained from Ream Field, near Imperial Beach. At the time, the squadron consisted of 12 FM-2 Wildcats, as well as 7 TBM-1 and 2 TBF-1 Avengers. After finishing exercises, "Kitkun Bay" docked back in San Diego, where she took on thirteen naval officers and seventeen TBF-1 Avengers of Marine Torpedo Bomber Squadron 242 (VMTB-242), along with their corresponding complement of crew. This process took place between 27 and 28 January, and upon finishing, she left San Diego on a transport mission bound for the West Pacific. Sailing without escorts for the first leg of her voyage, the crew conducted drills and anti-aircraft exercises. She crossed the equator on 6 February. Upon entering the waters around the Samoan Islands on 9 February, where Japanese submarines were assessed to be possibly located, the destroyer escort was assigned as an escort. "Kitkun Bay" arrived at Espiritu Santo on 14 February. For the next two days, "Kitkun Bay" disembarked her passengers, as well as the marine air group that she was transporting. She also unloaded spare parts for aircraft based in the region. Upon finishing that task on 17 February, she transited the Segond Channel, where she took on a load of assorted cargo, including fuel, mail, and passengers. She then steamed for Efate, arriving the following day, on 18 February. As she began her return trip on 19 February, she was escorted by the former destroyer, turned high-speed minesweeper, . Transiting via Ford Island, she arrived at Pearl Harbor on 28 February, where she disembarked much of her cargo. She then proceeded back to the West Coast, in conjunction with , which had also just finished a transport mission, and was now carrying a load of nonfunctional aircraft. The two escort carriers arrived back at port in San Diego on 6 March. After returning to port, "Kitkun Bay" took on Composite Squadron 5 (VC-5) on 8 March. She then conducted pilot qualifications off the southern California coast, from 7 to 17 March. During these qualifications, the former destroyer, now seaplane tender, kept watch. After a brief return to port, where VC-5 was unloaded for further training, she conducted additional pilot qualifications for a variety of squadrons throughout the end of March. From 1 to 27 April, the carrier was moored at Naval Base San Diego, where maintenance and repairs were conducted. During this period, Rear Admiral Harold Bushnell Salada, the commander of Carrier Division 26, went aboard "Kitkun Bay", assigning the carrier as his flagship. "Kitkun Bay" returned to sea at the end of April, recalibrating her navigational equipment, and conducting additional drills. She then returned to San Diego, this time to pick up an air squadron bound for Pearl Harbor. She left port on 1 May, with twelve FM-2 Wildcats and nine TBM-1C Avengers of VC-5 on board. She was joined by "Gambier Bay" and , and the three carriers were escorted by the destroyers and . Arriving at Ford Island on 8 May, the aircraft conducted carrier qualifications with VC-5 off of Oahu. These qualifications were momentarily interrupted by upkeep at Ford Island. She then conducted additional exercises in conjunction with the battleship . Exercises with the battleship were conducted 10–19 May. After finishing exercises, she yet again entered maintenance, during which preparations for Operation Forager were made, the Mariana and Palau Islands campaign. Mariana and Palau Islands campaign. The destroyers , , and escorted "Kitkun Bay" and "Gambier Bay" as they sortied from Pearl Harbor on 31 May. Later that day, the two carriers rendezvoused with a bombardment group for the campaign, centered around the battleships , , "Maryland", and . This task group was escorted by a dozen destroyers, which were in turn also escorting the various vessels of Transport Division 16. "Kitkun Bay", along with the other carriers, launched fighter patrols to provide an air screen, and launched aircraft to conduct antisubmarine patrols. During this time period, "Kitkun Bay" suffered two crashes. The first, involving a Wildcat, occurred on 1 June, but the pilot was rescued by an escorting destroyer. On 4 June, an Avenger, approaching the carrier's flight deck, attempted to land. However, as the plane slowed down, the landing signal officer (LSO) waved the aircraft off, as the carrier was still swinging into the wind. As the torpedo bomber attempted to clear, it stalled, and crashed into the ocean some away from the starboard side of ship. The gunner escaped, and was recovered by "Morrison", but the pilot and the radioman both drowned. On 8 June, she arrived at Kwajalein Atoll. Whilst anchored her crew experienced general quarters three times on 9 June, as a result of U.S. planes that failed to properly identify themselves. There, she was assigned to Task Unit 52.11.1, of Task Group 52.14, commanded by Rear Admiral Gerald F. Bogan. On 10 June, the task group left Kwajalein, this time bound directly for the Marianas. En route, "Kitkun Bay" launched planes to patrol for submarines and to cover the task force as it steamed westwards. On 13 June, at 08:53 in the morning, an Avenger launched from the carrier spotted what it believed to be a periscope about from the carrier, before dropping two bombs. The carrier began evasive maneuvers, and the contact was marked with smoke. Despite the perceived submarine being engaged by a pair of destroyers and another aircraft, no further contact was reported. Later that morning, at 10:48, the task group's radar operators spotted an unidentified aircraft some to the east, directing "Kitkun Bay"s fighters towards the blip. At 11:05, the fighters intercepted a Mitsubishi G4M1 variant bomber, quickly shooting the aircraft down. At the end of the day, at 22:25, the destroyer fired at a surface signature, with no apparent result. Two escort carriers, "Gambier Bay", and "Kitkun Bay", accompanied by a destroyer screen, proceeding ahead. At 2:45 in the morning of 14 June, "Kitkun Bay"s lookouts spotted Saipan, as well as flares illuminating the Japanese-held island. By the morning, "Kitkun Bay" had been joined by three more carriers, and she began preparing to launch aircraft. During these preparations, as one of her plane handlers was pushing an Avenger into position on the flight deck, one of its rockets discharged, with the sailor being hit by the backblast. The discharged rocket narrowly passed in between several other aircraft, and the unfortunate sailor was badly burned throughout his entire body, succumbing to his injuries the following day. Nonetheless, the carrier continued launching its aircraft complement as planned, providing cover over the attack transports hovering near the island, and scouting out landing positions. On the morning of 15 June, U.S. forces began landing on Saipan. "Kitkun Bay"s aircraft provided close air support, strafing Japanese positions and covering the initial advance. Japanese surface gunfire did down one of her Wildcats over water, but its crew was recovered by "Morrison". During this time period, the carrier's radar operators where continuously bedeviled by unidentified blips. For example, on the night of 16 June, at 3:07, a probable Japanese plane was spotted approaching the carrier, some out, with her crew being called to general quarters. The plane turned and escaped, and the crew were dismissed, before general quarters was called again eighteen minutes later, due to another array of blips. At 13:45, "Morrison" detected a submarine signature, and dropped depth charges, without ill result. During the following days, "Kitkun Bay" continued launching aircraft in support of ground operations, whilst at the same time enduring almost constant Japanese probing attacks. The task group operated some east of the island, and aircraft losses were frequent. On 17 June, one of her Avengers was damaged by Japanese ground fire, and the aircraft splashed into the ocean, with the crew being retrieved by the destroyer . Later that day, the task group came under more concentrated attack. During the afternoon, the Japanese had launched an aerial raid, consisting of about thirty to forty aircraft, from the island of Yap in an attempt to harry ships landing reinforcements on Saipan. Although their attacks were generally unsuccessful, as they retired, they happened across the escort carrier task group. The Japanese aircraft were spotted by the escort carrier radars some away. As it became clear that the aircraft were closing in, general quarters were sounded, and additional aircraft were launched to prepare for an interception. At 18:50, after the sun had set, the Japanese aircraft, finding the escort carriers an acceptable target, attacked. "Gambier Bay" was shook by two near-hits, and "Coral Sea" was harried by multiple aircraft. Four torpedo bombers approached "Kitkun Bay" from the port bow, with at least one dropping a torpedo, which passed behind the carrier. Shortly afterwards, all four where shot down in a carnage of antiaircraft fire. After a brief lull, the task group's air screen shot down two more Japanese planes. The last Japanese attempt at an attack occurred at 19:05, when two dive bombers moved into position for an attack, before being discouraged by antiaircraft fire. Remarkably, due to an effective anti-aircraft screen and concentrated fire, none of the ships of the task group were hit by any Japanese munitions, although a multitude of Japanese planes had been shot down. No American planes were lost to enemy action, but a Wildcat from "Kitkun Bay" was lost as aircraft were recovered following the attack. By 20:26, "Kitkun Bay" had already recovered all but one of its fighters. However, the last fighter to be recovered came in too low, and its tailhook hit a metal handrail, bending it into a sharp V. This impact and sudden deacceleration might have stunned the pilot, and as the plane continued forwards, it keeled off starboard, just behind the ship's island, plunging into the ocean. Despite a destroyer searching throughout the night, nothing was recovered. Enemy planes sent the ships to general quarters at 0421 on 18 June 1944, but they turned out to be snoopers and did not press their attack. "Kitkun Bay" launched her planes for additional runs against Japanese troops on Saipan and nearby Tinian throughout the day. Radar detected a force of about 30 enemy aircraft approaching from 40 miles to the southward at 1603. As the attackers closed the range rapidly, the crew manned their battle stations, but the enemy kept off at a distance. Wildcats intercepted and splashed two planes at 1755, which fell burning into the sea about five miles from the ship. Six Japanese planes suddenly approached the formation from the south at about 10,000 feet and all the ships opened fire as soon as they flew within range. An enemy plane, tentatively (and possibly erroneously) identified as a Nakajima J1N1 Gekko made a run on "Kitkun Bay" on her starboard bow. The Irving delayed releasing its torpedo and the ship's forward starboard guns poured fire into the plane, and at 100 yards one of its engines began smoking. The attacker dropped the torpedo but it missed the carrier by about 25 feet since the captain had her in a sharp turn. As the Irving crossed the bow its tail gunner attempted to strafe the ship but several 20 millimeter shells sliced into him. Additional 40 millimeter rounds hit the plane and it burst into flames, rose vertically for about 1,000 feet, nosed over and plunged into the sea in a "spectacular" splash. At the same time another plane attacked from "Kitkun Bay"s starboard beam and passed just astern of the ship. The entire midship and after starboard batteries opened up on the aircraft and possibly killed all of the crew, since it failed to drop a torpedo. As the torpedo bomber cleared the stern, the port guns shot into it and the bomber splashed into the water about 300 yards off the port quarter. Another torpedo plane thrust at either Coral Sea or Gambier Bay, which appeared to bear the brunt of the assault, as they steamed astern of "Kitkun Bay". A 5-inch round from "Kitkun Bay" hit it squarely and a ball of flame erupted from the assailant as it just cleared the bow of the other carrier and crashed into the Pacific. Lt. William H. Johnson, USNR, and Ens. Krouse flew a pair of Wildcats (BuNos 16180 and 46959) that went down during the chaotic aerial maneuvering on the 18th. Destroyers rescued both men, Krouse after having survived his second fighter loss in as many days. Throughout the day on 19 June 1944, TF 58 repelled Japanese air attacks and slaughtered their aircraft in what Navy pilots dubbed the "Great Marianas Turkey Shoot." "Kitkun Bay" operated with her cohorts to the eastward of Saipan when American radar detected multiple Japanese strike groups about ten miles out and heading toward the fleet early that morning, and at 0624, "Kitkun Bay" launched a pair of Wildcats for CAP, joined a minute later by the first of five from Gambier Bay. The enemy closed the range rapidly and within five minutes a trio of dive bombers attacked the formation from an altitude of about 5,000 feet. The Japanese planes dropped two bombs that splashed close aboard Gambier Bay and then winged off, but a minute later two torpedo bombers approached the ships from the east. The vessels of the formation shot a heavy concentration of antiaircraft fire at the pair and they broke off and withdrew without making their runs. The escort carriers continued flight operations throughout the busy day and that afternoon launched a bomb strike that included six Avengers from "Kitkun Bay" that attacked the Japanese ashore on Saipan. The usual late afternoon bogey alarms sent the ship's company scrambling to their battle stations at 1618, but the vessels of the formation blazed away with every available gun and the enemy planes came about without attacking. The following day, "Kitkun Bay" sent her Avengers aloft for early morning antisubmarine patrols. The ship then worked with Gambier Bay and their screening vessels in providing a triple defense of antiaircraft, antisurface, and antisubmarine cover for the transports of the Joint Expeditionary Force, TF 51, Vice Adm. Richmond K. Turner, as they operated about 60 miles to the east of Saipan. Ens. James C. Lucas, USNR, flew a TBM-1C (BuNo 17055) from the ship that crashed, but a destroyer rescued Lucas and his crew. "Kitkun Bay" celebrated her 1,000th landing with cake on 21 June 1944. At noon, Laws slipped alongside "Kitkun Bay" as the two ships rolled in the swells and transferred a Japanese prisoner to the carrier. The destroyer had picked up the 19-year-old Sumatran when she discovered him floating in a raft two days before. The man served with the Japanese and flew a patrol from Yap (Waab) in the Caroline Islands to Rota in the Marianas, and unsuccessfully attacked Gambier Bay on the 17th. "Kitkun Bay"s security detachment temporarily incarcerated the prisoner in the ship's brig. A torpedo passed beneath Benham's stern while the ships of the formation covered Turner's transports on the 22nd. Benham attacked the submarine and dropped five depth charges, but the destroyer lost contact and the enemy boat eluded destruction. The task unit joined TU 52.14.2, consisting of the battleships , , and , cruisers and , and their screen of destroyers, on 24 June. Two days later, "Kitkun Bay" sighted Saipan and a plane flew the prisoner to Aslito Airfield on the island. The ship launched daily ground support missions, and early on the 29th sounded general quarters when she detected unidentified planes on her radar, though they did not approach. "Kitkun Bay" hurled her aircraft against enemy troops on both Saipan and Tinian, and later that day lookouts on a number of vessels sighted several torpedoes thrusting through the water toward the group, but the escorting destroyers proved unable to obtain good attack runs on the enemy submarine or submarines. Bogeys sent the crew to their battle stations again the following day, only to see the enemy wing off without attacking. Early July brought a brief respite at Eniwetok in the Marshall Islands as "Kitkun Bay" and her companions swung around on 2 July and made for the atoll. "Schedule of support aircraft maintained today much appreciated by troops," Rear Adm. Harold B. Sallada, Commander Support Aircraft, messaged "Kitkun Bay" as she came about. "Supporting aircraft executed close support expertly. Not only the troops like what you are doing but we do." "At Saipan we became a fighting ship because the crew," Lt. Robert E. Thomlinson, USNR, who served on the staff of Rear Adm. Ralph A. Ofstie (see below), reflected, "which had been full of the usual Navy gripe up to that time, suddenly found itself ... From that time on, the "Kitkun Bay" was in the thick of the fight and did her share  ... Of the ships I was on during the war, she was my favorite and always will be." "Kitkun Bay" took on stores, ammunition, and fuel while at Eniwetok (5–10 July 1944). The warship then turned her prow back to the fighting and, in company with Gambier Bay, Laws, and Morrison, set course for Saipan and arrived in the area on the 15th. Through the end of the month, planes flying from "Kitkun Bay" performed almost every type of potential carrier assignment against the Japanese forces defending Saipan and Tinian including CAP, hunting for submarines, bombing and strafing attacks, observing for artillery fire, and making smoke to assist minesweepers as they swept the channels for mines. The ship lost three fighters during these battles. Lt. Cmdr. Richard L. Fowler went down in a Wildcat (BuNo 16346) he flew off the flight deck of the carrier on 15 July but survived. Two days later, it was the turn of Lt. Paul B. Garrison, USNR, in an FM-2 (BuNo 47330). Ships picked up both men and subsequently returned them to the carrier. Lt. Robert C. White of VC-5 went down in a Wildcat (BuNo 55281) while flying a mission from "Kitkun Bay" on 18 July. At 1321, Morrison rescued White and at 1345 went alongside "Kitkun Bay" to transfer the pilot, before the destroyer resumed her screening duties. "Gambier Bay", "Kitkun Bay", and the destroyers , , , and formed a new task unit on 1 August 1944, and charted a course for an operating area east of Guam. The carriers launched planes that provided air cover over the soldiers and marines battling the Japanese for control of the island (2–4 August). At 1704 on 3 August, an Avenger of VC-10 flying an antisubmarine patrol from "Gambier Bay" sighted a periscope and attacked with depth charges, causing oil and debris to rise to the surface. The enemy submarine escaped. The ships then came about and anchored at Eniwetok (7–11 August). On the 8th, Rear Adm. Ofstie relieved Rear Adm. Sallada in command of CarDiv 26 and broke his flag in "Kitkun Bay". Late on the afternoon of 11 August, "Kitkun Bay" stood out to sea for Espíritu Santo, where she completed voyage repairs, took on fuel, provisions, and ordnance, and sailors repainted much of the ship. Following that work, the vessels of the task unit got underway for a brief (24–26 August) sail to Purvis Bay in the Florida Islands [Nggela] of the Solomons. "Kitkun Bay" received orders to anchor at times in the harbor at Gavutu [Ghuvatu Harbour], which afforded the carrier a temporary base of operations while she girded herself for future operations by practicing attacks in support of amphibious landings in an area to the southwest of nearby Guadalcanal, and in New Georgia Sound (27 August–8 September). Heading westward on 8 September 1944, "Kitkun Bay" and the ships of the task unit escorted an assault force of transports and dock landing ships for Operation Stalemate II—the landings of the 1st Marine Division on Peleliu and Angaur Islands in the Palaus. The convoy passed around the west end of Florida Island, between Santa Isabel and Malaita Islands, and proceeded at 12.5 knots. The carriers launched daily CAP and antisubmarine patrols to protect the marines during the passage. "Kitkun Bay" struck a heavy log at 0142 on the 13th and it lodged in her bow, reducing the ship's speed by almost a knot. The log stayed jammed into the hull for nearly 45 minutes in spite of changes of course to dislodge it, but it finally broke free without significantly damaging the ship and she resumed her voyage at the convoy's speed. The Japanese had prepared their main line of resistance on Peleliu inland from the beaches to escape naval bombardment, and three days of preliminary carrier air attacks in combination with intense naval gunfire failed to suppress the tenacious defenders. The ship hurled her planes against the enemy each day of her deployment to the battle (15–25 September 1944) as they flew photographic reconnaissance flights, and bombing and strafing runs, along with the usual CAP and antisubmarine barrier patrols to protect the ships operating offshore. Lt. Johnson flew a mission from "Kitkun Bay" on the 20th that included dropping a message to attack transport . He then joined a strike against the Japanese ashore but one of the aircraft released a bomb that touched off an enemy ammunition dump. The explosion damaged his Wildcat and forced him to land on the war-torn island. The ship later sent a plane that landed on Peleliu Airfield, and picked the pilot up and returned him to the carrier. The following day on 21 September, Japanese antiaircraft fire damaged two of the Avengers flying from the ship over Babelthuap [Babeldaob] Island. Both torpedo bombers landed on the airfield on Peleliu, the first with a couple of wounded crewmen. The second plane managed to lift off again and fly back to the ship. After recovering aircraft that afternoon, the carriers and their escorts steamed to positions astern of some of the transports and dock landing ships, and the combined group then came about for Ulithi Atoll in the Carolines. The Army's 81st Infantry Division later reinforced the marines and the final Japanese on Peleliu only surrendered on 1 February 1945. Stopping briefly at Ulithi, the escort carriers and their escorts stood down the channel on the afternoon of 25 September 1944, for the three-day trip to New Guinea, and then continued on to Seeadler Harbor on Manus in the Admiralty Islands. "Kitkun Bay" loaded fuel, ammunition, and stores while at the anchorage (1–11 October), and prepared to take part in the invasion of Leyte in the Philippines. Screened by four destroyers, "Gambier Bay" and "Kitkun Bay" turned their prows seaward on 12 October 1944, and on the following day rendezvoused with a group of cruisers, destroyers, and landing craft. The force steamed toward Philippine waters in the vicinity of Mindanao, where the carriers and their screen detached on the 19th to join other carriers, and the invasion vessels continued on to Leyte Gulf. Battle off Samar. Adm. William F. Halsey Jr., Commander, Third Fleet, led nine fleet and eight light carriers in those troubled waters. Vice Adm. Thomas C. Kinkaid, Commander, Seventh Fleet, led a force that included TG 77.4, Rear Adm. Thomas L. Sprague—consisting of 18 escort carriers organized in Task Units (TUs) 77.4.1, 77.4.2, and 77.4.3, and known by their voice radio calls as Taffys 1, 2, and 3, respectively. , , , , , and and their screens formed Taffy 1, Rear Adm. Thomas Sprague, and fought off northern Mindanao. "Chenango" and "Saginaw Bay" swung around on 24 October to carry planes to Morotai in the Netherlands East Indies [Indonesia] for repairs and overhaul. , , , , , and of Taffy 2, Rear Adm. Felix B. Stump, operated off the entrance to Leyte Gulf. Two CarDivs formed Taffy 3, Rear Adm. Clifton A. F. Sprague, off Samar. , , , and formed CarDiv 25, Rear Adm. Clifton Sprague, while "Gambier Bay" and "Kitkun Bay" comprised CarDiv 26, Rear Adm. Ofstie. , , and , together with escort ships , , , and , screened Taffy 3. The Army's 6th Ranger Battalion landed on Dinagat and Suluan Islands at the entrance to Leyte Gulf to destroy Japanese installations capable of providing early warning of a U.S. attack, on 17 October 1944. The garrison on Suluan transmitted an alert that prompted Adm. Toyoda Soemu, the Japanese Commander in Chief of the Combined Fleet to order Shō-Gō 1—an operation to defend the Philippines. The raid thus helped to bring about the Battle of Leyte Gulf. While the enemy gathered his naval and air forces, the Allies landed on Leyte. "Kitkun Bay" operated from a position east of Samar and launched multiple air strikes to support the troops as they fought their way ashore and then inland (20–25 October). Planes bombed and strafed the Japanese troops and their positions, flew reconnaissance missions, and maintained CAP over the ship and her consorts. In addition, the carrier provided fighters to protect transports and the invasion beaches. Lt. (j.g.) Donald W. Hyde, USNR, of VC-5 flew a Wildcat (BuNo 16274) from the ship that went down on the 20th, but the pilot survived. The Battle of Leyte Gulf, a succession of distinct fleet engagements, began on 22 October 1944, when Shō-Gō 1 attempted to disrupt the U.S. landings in Leyte Gulf. Japanese fuel shortages compelled them to disperse their fleet into the Northern (decoy), Central, and Southern Forces and converge separately on Leyte Gulf. Attrition had reduced the Northern Force's 1st Mobile Force, their principal naval aviation command and led by Vice Adm. Ozawa Jisaburō, to carrier "Zuikaku" and light carriers "Chitose", "Chiyōda", and "Zuihō". Submarine detected a group of Japanese warships northwest of Borneo on the 22nd and into the following day shadowed them. meanwhile torpedoed heavy cruiser "Aoba" off Manila Bay, and "Darter" and unflinchingly attacked what turned out to be the Japanese Center Force, Vice Adm. Kurita Takeo in command. "Dace" sank heavy cruiser "Maya", and "Darter" sank heavy cruiser "Atago" and damaged her sistership "Takao", which came about for at Brunei. The planes of TG 38.2, TG 38.3, and TG 38.4 attacked Kurita as his ships crossed the Sibuyan Sea. "Enterprise", "Intrepid" (CV-11), "Franklin" (CV-13), and "Cabot" launched strikes that sank battleship "Musashi" south of Luzon. Aircraft from the three task groups also damaged battleships "Yamato" and "Nagato", heavy cruiser "Tone", and destroyers "Fujinami", "Kiyoshimo", and "Uranami". Planes furthermore attacked the Southern Force as it proceeded through the Sulu Sea, and sank destroyer "Wakaba" and damaged battleships "Fusō" and "Yamashiro". Ozawa in the meanwhile decoyed Halsey's Third Fleet northward, and aircraft subsequently sank all four Japanese carriers, "Chitose" with the assistance of cruiser gunfire, off Cape Engaño. Halsey's rapid thrust, however, carried his ships beyond range to protect the escort carriers of Taffy 3. Occasional rain squalls swept through the area as the sun dawned on Wednesday, 25 October 1944. The visibility gradually opened to approximately 40,000 yards with a low overcast, and the wind was from the north-northwest. "Kitkun Bay" and the other ships of Taffy 3 greeted the day preparing to launch strikes to support the troops fighting ashore. The carriers thus armed their planes with light bombs and rockets to attack Japanese soldiers and positions, or depth charges for those intended to fly antisubmarine patrols, armament not well suited for attacking ships. Unbeknownst to "Kitkun Bay" and her consorts, however, the surviving ships of the Japanese Center Force, which included battleships "Yamato", "Haruna", "Kongō", and "Nagato", heavy cruisers "Chikuma", "Chōkai", "Haguro", "Kumano", "Suzuya", and "Tone", light cruisers "Noshiro" and "Yahagi", and 11 destroyers, made a night passage through San Bernardino Strait into the Philippine Sea. Ensign William C. Brooks, Jr., US Naval Reserve, of Pasadena, California, flew a TBM-1C of VC-65 from "St. Lo" and sighted the pagoda masts of some of the Japanese ships at 06:37 on 25 October 1944. Brooks initially surmised that they might be Allied reinforcements but followed established procedure and radioed a sighting report. His superiors demanded confirmation so he closed the range and positively identified some of the enemy vessels. Amidst heavy enemy firepower, Brooks and his Avenger crew pressed two attacks against a Japanese heavy cruiser, dropping depth charges that bounced off the ship, and then joined a pair of Avengers that dived on one of the battleships, for which the pilot later received the Navy Cross. Lookouts on board the ships of Taffy 3 could see bursts of Japanese antiaircraft fire on the northern horizon as the enemy vessels fired at the Avengers, and within minutes, ships began to detect the approaching Japanese vessels on their radar, and to intercept enemy message traffic. The Japanese surprised the Americans and caught Taffy 3 unprepared to face such a powerful surface force, and the battle almost immediately became flight in the face of the overwhelming enemy force. Sprague ordered his ships to come about to 90° at 06:50, and flee to the eastward, hoping that a rain squall would mask their escape. Taffy 3 urgently called for help, the carriers scrambled to launch their planes, and the escorts steamed to what quickly became the rear of the formation to lay protective smoke screens. "Kitkun Bay"s crew raced to man their battle stations and the ship sounded flight quarters as the enemy opened fire. She rang up flank speed for 18.5 knots, and swung around to 70° to head partly into the wind for launching planes and yet to keep away as much as possible from the more heavily armed Japanese ships. The carrier launched eight Wildcats that were already warming up for the day's action (06:56–07:03). At 07:02 ships began making smoke, and the heavy pall of smoke and the general murkiness of the weather often prevented men from seeing the entire picture. Beginning at 07:10, "Kitkun Bay" launched six Avengers to engage the enemy. The ship changed course to 110°, but briefly turned back into the wind to launch a ninth fighter at 07:11. A heavy rain squall blotted the action from view for a few minutes that morning and "Kitkun Bay" continued to zig-zag. The formation turned to 190° but enemy shells hurtled toward the American ships and splashed near "White Plains" and off "Kitkun Bay"s port beam. In the forefront of the circular formation, "Kitkun Bay" escaped any direct hits as the shells splashed ever closer astern, with several salvoes bracketing the carrier. Sprague ordered the escorts to make a torpedo run at the Japanese ships at 07:40, but by this time, the enemy vessels reached a point bearing 355° from "Kitkun Bay" at 25,000 yards. Men watched with trepidation as the flashes of the enemy guns announced more salvoes that tore through the air and fell only about 1,500 yards astern of the ship. "Kitkun Bay" began to jettison her gasoline bombs and smoke tanks at 07:55, and Sprague directed all of the carriers to make as much smoke as possible. Maintainers meanwhile scrambled to load the remaining Avengers in the hangar deck with torpedoes, while the ship swung to 195° at 07:56 to permit the other vessels to get behind the smoke screen. Three destroyers appeared off the port bow at a range of approximately ten miles and in the confusion, lookouts initially identified them as Japanese, only to discover some of the U.S. ships fighting faithfully to protect their vulnerable charges. "The enemy is now within range," the captain instructed Lieutenant Edward L. Kuhn, US Naval Reserve, "Kitkun Bay"s gunnery officer, "Mr. Kuhn, you may fire the 5-inch at will." His gunners opened fire and altogether shot 120 of the 180 rounds stored on board, with Kuhn's "cool courage under fire" contributing to the gun crew's efficiency, and resulting in his later receiving a Bronze Star. One of their 5-inch shells plunged into a Japanese ship, tentatively identified as a cruiser, at 07:59 on 25 October 1944, and started a fire forward. "Kitkun Bay" swung over five degrees to the westward to keep away from the enemy ships, two of which in sight, "Chikuma" and "Tone", changed course to south-southeast to pursue the carriers. "Kitkun Bay" changed course to 240° at 08:03, and launched a trio of Wildcats. The crew's hope for survival dropped when an enemy submarine's periscope was reported off the port bow. Japanese submarines aggressively penetrated Allied defensive screens and torpedoed carriers more than once during the war, and the enemy boat, if such she was, maneuvered in a perfect position to pick of a carrier as one passed on its enforced course. "Kitkun Bay" swung over to 205° to present as small a target as possible and enable the escorts to attack the submarine. One of the Avengers claimed to sight the periscope and dived on it, the pilot later expressing his belief that his depth charges sank the submarine. A puff of reddish smoke and the green dye marker that the plane dropped revealed the only evidence of the submarine, and "Kitkun Bay" passed almost over the spot where the lookout first sighted the periscope. The elusive submarine, if one indeed ever prowled the area, vanished without a trace. Japanese shells slammed into "Gambier Bay" and set the ship ablaze, and some of the enemy vessels, evidently believing they had finished her off, shifted their fire to "Kitkun Bay" as she briefly emerged from the smoke. A salvo splashed scarcely 1,000 yards astern at 0828, and the captain furiously zig-zagged the ship and attempted to slip back within the cover of the smokescreen to escape the enemy gunfire as they dropped the range. Another salvo erupted in the water 1,000 yards off the port beam at 0830, and a minute later a third salvo splashed 700 yards astern. The next salvo tore into the sea 500 yards off the starboard beam as the Japanese found the range. "Kitkun Bay" experienced a ray of hope at 08:34 when she received news that the planes of the strike group had refueled ashore and were returning to protect their ship. The other carriers sent their aircraft aloft and a flight of 24 planes passed over "Kitkun Bay" a few minutes later and dived on the enemy cruisers, which opened fire at them. "Kitkun Bay"s 5-inch gun continued the unequal contest and hurled shot after shot at the enemy cruisers, but they, in turn, fired another salvo that splashed off the port beam. The ship's radar picked up unidentified aircraft ten miles to the northwest at 08:58, and worried watchstanders anticipated adding Japanese planes to the threat facing them. "White Plains" also fired her single 5-inch gun at one of the enemy heavy cruisers, most likely "Chokai". "Samuel B. Roberts" fought "Chokai" as well, and at 08:59 a secondary explosion erupted from the enemy vessel, possibly as some of her torpedoes cooked off. The blast knocked out her engines and rudder, and she sheered out of line. The other enemy cruisers continued firing and a salvo splashed barely 200 yards astern of "Kitkun Bay". "Haguro", which took "Chikuma"s place in position, and "Tone" appeared to outdistance the rest of the Japanese ships and drew up toward "Kitkun Bay". The enemy ships dropped the range until they closed on "Kitkun Bay"s port beam at 12,000 yards, and their next salvo straddled the carrier as their shells splashed on both sides. The embattled carrier's 5-inch had fired almost all of the ammunition at hand, and the captain ordered the gunners to cease fire and conserve the remaining rounds because he expected that the enemy destroyers would attack. A Japanese salvo splashed a mere 20 yards astern and the alarmed gun crew believed that the following salvo would slice into the ship. Capt. Whitney thus swung the warship between 200° and 270° in an effort to forestall the apparently inevitable. Cmdr. Fowler also attempted to save "Kitkun Bay" and led four Avengers flying from the ship that assailed "Chokai" at 09:05. One of the planes dropped a 500-pound bomb that tore into the Japanese vessel's stern, and smoke emerged from the cruiser and she slowed. Just as the situation looked very bleak for "Kitkun Bay" and the other ships, the enemy suddenly broke off the engagement at 09:25 and retired. As a relieved Capt. Whitney watched them continue to do so at 09:31, he ordered the vessel to slow down to 15 knots and to cease making smoke. Four ships went down: "Gambier Bay", "Hoel", "Johnston", and "Samuel B. Roberts". In addition, Japanese gunfire damaged "Kalinin Bay", "Dennis", and "Heermann", and straddled "Kitkun Bay", "St. Lo", and "White Plains" but scored no direct hits. During the course of the next hour, "Fanshaw Bay", "Kitkun Bay", "St. Lo", "White Plains", "Dennis", "Heermann", "John C. Butler", and "Raymond" formed disposition Charlie. The carriers turned into the wind to launch and recover planes, and "Kitkun Bay" controlled 14 fighters and six torpedo bombers in the air at 09:50. Kurita ordered "Fujinami" to escort "Chokai" at 10:06, and as more aircraft attacked the pair, they shot down an Avenger. "Kitkun Bay" began launching five Avengers, four armed with torpedoes and the fifth with bombs, at 10:13. At 10:35, these five planes joined a sixth flying from "St. Lo" and attacked "Yamato", the largest and most heavily armed battleship in the Japanese armada. The aircraft dived through intense antiaircraft fire and assailed the behemoth but failed to score any confirmed hits. The final phase of the Battle off Samar included retaliatory air strikes by both sides. As many as eight enemy aircraft, at least five of them Mitsubishi A6M2 Navy Type 0 carrier fighter Model 21s of the Tokkōtai suicide squadron Shikishima, suddenly appeared over the formation at 10:49, and singled out the carriers for their fury. "A few minutes later," Lt. Thomlinson recalled, "another kamikaze came in and landed upon our flight deck, killing and injuring some of our gunners. The sky was full of planes, [Japanese] and ours. Ours were from the 18 escort carriers which were ranged within 75 miles of our position." The Zeke that Thomlinson described turned and dived on "Kitkun Bay" from the starboard side. "Fanshaw Bay" added her guns to those of her fellow carrier, but the kamikaze absorbed the heavy concentration of fire, cleared "Kitkun Bay"s flight deck, and crashed into the port walkway netting. The shock carried away about 15 feet of the netting and its braces, the port aerial, and the life raft suspended from the netting frame. The 550-pound bomb exploded on impact, bursting evidently on a level with the walkway, and showering fragments into the nearby gun sponsons and the ship's side from the forecastle to No. 6 sponson. The kamikaze assault punctured more than 100 holes in the bulkheads, doors, and gasoline lines. The broken gasoline lines permitted the fuel to flow into a gun sponson but a fire did not start and men washed the gasoline overboard. The attack killed AMM3c Graham C. Hatfield, seriously wounded four more, and slightly wounded another 12. In addition, the kamikaze destroyed two Avengers (BuNos 46201 and 46202) on board the ship. One enemy plane crashed into the sea and another flew directly into the flight deck of "St. Louis", "Dennis" "took a position as close as we dared on account of the violent explosions occurring and commenced picking up survivors," who were by then abandoning ship from "St. Lo". At 11:08, another enemy plane crashed into "White Plains". "Dennis" continued picking up survivors for the next several hours, eventually bringing 425 of them on board from "St. Louis", six from "White Plains", and three from "Petrof Bay". Finally, at 14:32, "Dennis" "secured from general quarters." Two kamikazes also damaged "Kalinin Bay". Lookouts sighted 15 more Japanese planes at 11:00, and "Kitkun Bay" hurriedly launched two Wildcats to join the other fighters of the CAP. The enemy aircraft attacked the ship by approaching her from nearly dead astern. A Yokosuka D4Y Type 2 carrier bomber Suisei seemingly intent on destroying the radar mast and island flew toward the ship, but gunfire set the Judy aflame and the kamikaze passed over the bridge and exploded when opposite the forward end of the flight deck. Parts of the plane, including the starboard horizontal stabilizer from its tail, and the pilot, fell onto the flight deck and the forecastle. The bomb, estimated to be a 1,100-pound weapon, dropped into the water near the bow and exploded, inflicting only inconsequential damage to the light metal parts of the ship and throwing a heavy column of water into the air. The carrier's starboard side passed through this column of water, drenching hands on the rope bridge and forward gun sponsons. None of the other aircraft attacked "Kitkun Bay" and the survivors disappeared a few minutes later as they returned to their field. Five Avengers from "Kitkun Bay" meanwhile at 11:05 attacked "Chikuma". The Japanese heavy cruiser had already fired most of her antiaircraft ammunition against the U.S. planes that attacked her while crossing the Sibuyan Sea—some of her guns expended all of their live rounds and the gun crews resorted to shooting training rounds. Two torpedoes sliced into the cruiser's port side amidships and water poured into her engine room, causing the ship to lose power. "Chikuma" drifted to a stop and began listing to port. "Nowaki" swung around at 11:10 to render assistance to her stricken cohort "Chikuma". The men of "Kitkun Bay" prepared themselves for another aerial assault when the radar identified a flight of planes, but breathed a sigh of relief when the intruders turned out to be a strike group from "Hornet" (CV-12) and "Wasp" (CV-18) en route to attack the retreating the Japanese, at that point about 38 miles to the northward on a heading for San Bernardino Strait. Some of the aircraft from the ship joined the strike. "Chikuma"s crew worked to save their ship, but Lt. Allen W. Smith Jr., the commanding officer of VC-75, led a trio of that squadron's TBM-1Cs from "Ommaney Bay" that dropped three more torpedoes that ripped into her port side at 14:15. Within 15 minutes, the battered warship rolled over and sank by the stern. "Nowaki" pulled about 120 survivors from the water. In the Battle off Samar and the Japanese retirement, the Americans damaged "Yamato", "Kongō", "Chikuma", "Chōkai", "Haguro", "Kumano", "Suzuya", and "Tone". "Chikuma", "Chōkai", and "Suzuya" suffered repeated explosions and fires and destroyers "Nowaki", "Fujinami", and "Okinami", respectively, scuttled the cruisers with torpedoes—though "Nowaki" may have reached the area after U.S. aircraft delivered the coup de grâce to "Chikuma". About 60 planes from TGs 38.2 and 38.4 tore into the retiring Japanese and sank "Noshiro" on the 26th. That day U.S. cruisers also crippled "Nowaki" with gunfire, and "Owen" (DD-536) sank her about 65 miles south-southeast of Legaspi, Luzon. The casualties the Japanese surface fleet sustained and its virtual withdrawal to anchorages because of a lack of fuel finished it as an effective fighting force. "Hale" (DD-642), "Picking" (DD-685), and "Coolbaugh" (DE-217) joined the formation that evening. "Kitkun Bay" secured from general quarters at 18:40 on 25 October 1944, having been at battle stations for 11 hours and 47 minutes. The weary crew enjoyed little time for a respite when, at 20:02, an unidentified surface contact and believed to be a surfaced submarine, trailed the formation for some time at a range of 19,400 yards. "Coolbaugh" dropped several depth charges on the contact, though without noticeable results. "Kitkun Bay"s busy radar plot detected bogeys seven miles to the north at 21:35. For an hour and 34 minutes the planes circled the formation suspiciously at a distance of two to five miles but never attacked, and then just as mysteriously winged off into the night. "Kitkun Bay"s losses for the day included two torpedo planes and both of their pilots and two of their crewmen: Ens. James C. Lucas and ARM3c William B. Latimer (BuNo 46343), and Ens. Allen A. Pollard and AOM2 Frank L. Orcutt. One of the Avengers fell into the sea about five miles off "Kitkun Bay"s port bow—though identifying which proved difficult in the heat of battle. The Japanese furthermore shot down four Wildcats: Lt. (j.g.) Robert T. Sell (BuNo 47393), Ens. Paul Hopfner (BuNo 16386), Ens. Geofrey B. King (BuNo 47247), and Ens Murphy (BuNo 47304). The four fighter pilots flew with VC-3 but in the confusion of the fighting landed on board "Kitkun Bay", which, in those tumultuous moments, became the closest carrier in sight and not aflame, and then returned to the fray. All four men survived the harrowing experience. The following day, "Kitkun Bay" worked with the other vessels of Taffy 3 as they patrolled to the eastward of Leyte until they received orders to return to Seeadler for replenishment and repairs. "Fanshaw Bay", "Kalinin Bay", "Kitkun Bay", "White Plains", "Dennis", "Hale", "Halligan" (DD-584), "Haraden" (DD-585), "Hutchins" (DD-476), "Raymond", and "Twiggs" (DD-591) came about and shaped a course to the eastward, though "Hale" presently detached from the convoy. Planes from "Kitkun Bay" flew patrols for the formation all the way to Manus via Mios Woendi in the Padaido Islands of Netherlands New Guinea [Indonesia]. While en route at 14:00 on the 27th, "Halligan" made an underwater sound contact and dropped 11 depth charges with inconclusive results. The damaged carriers required escorts and so she rejoined the formation without regaining contact. The ships reached Woendi harbor on 29 October 1944, refueled, and set course for Manus the next morning, and on the afternoon of 1 November slipped into Seeadler Harbor. The port authorities welcomed the returning veterans by sending out a band in a re-arming barge. "Fanshaw Bay", "Kalinin Bay", "Kitkun Bay", "White Plains", "Dennis", "Hutchins", and "Raymond" cleared the harbor on 7 November and set a course for Hawaiian waters. The carriers flew off their flyable planes to Ford Island on the morning of 18 November, and that afternoon entered Pearl Harbor. While the ship lay there at 11:00 the following morning, VC-5 went ashore for a much needed period of rest and training. The ship's company gave the aviators a "big send-off and regretted parting with such a fine squadron." That same afternoon the warship began a ten-day (19–29 November) availability in dry dock at the navy yard. "Kitkun Bay" wrapped-up her work on 29 November 1944, and that afternoon and evening VC-91 moved on board as her new squadron. Established in February 1944, VC-91 also flew FM-2 Wildcats, as well as TBM-3 Avengers. The ship then (30 November–3 December) trained in the waters south of Oahu, enabling her new pilots to attain their carrier qualifications. A trio of escorts screened the ship as she turned her prow back to the fighting on 5 December. The following day, Ens. Claggett H. Hawkins of VC-91, embarked on board the ship, fatally crashed in a TBM-3 Avenger (BuNo 22880). "John C. Butler" rescued one survivor, ARM3c T.J. Szpont. On 11 December, "Edmonds" (DE-406), one of the carrier's escorts, detected an apparent submarine and made a number of depth charges attacks without noticeable effect. That afternoon, all doubts about the accuracy of her discovery vanished when lookouts sighted two torpedo wakes rushing toward "Edmonds", one of which passed beneath her as it evidently ran too deep, and the other swished by just ahead of her. All three escorts fell back and searched for their prey while "Kitkun Bay" proceeded on a westerly course using evasive tactics. After several hours of fruitless search, the escorts rejoined the ship and they all dropped anchor in Seeadler Harbor on 17 December 1944. Rear Adm. Ofstie returned to "Kitkun Bay" and broke his flag in command of CarDiv 26 as the ship took on stores, ammunition, fuel, and replacement planes for her next battle. In spite of almost continuous harsh weather during January 1945, the Allies invaded Lingayen Gulf on western Luzon in the Philippines. "Kitkun Bay", "Shamrock Bay" (CVE-84), and their escorts cleared Seeadler Harbor at 09:41 on 31 December 1944, and set a course to rendezvous with the rest of the invasion fleet. They joined two transport groups at 16:00 that afternoon, and the combined forces continued on their voyage. Lt. Cmdr. Bernard D. Mack, VC-91's commanding officer, wrecked in a Wildcat (BuNo 73569) on 4 January 1945. Mack survived the crash but in a pre-dawn take-off from "Kitkun Bay" the next morning, disappeared in another Wildcat (BuNo 73551). A thorough search of the area failed to locate either Mack or his plane. The Japanese reacted vigorously to the landings and their planes attacked the invasion forces during the transit from Leyte Gulf. TF 38, Vice Adm. John S. McCain in command, including seven heavy and four light carriers, a night group of one heavy and one light carrier, and a replenishment group with one hunter-killer and seven escort carriers, nonetheless concentrated on destroying enemy air power and air installations. On 3 January 1945 carrier planes bombed Japanese airfields and ships at Formosa [Taiwan]. Three days later Ofstie's Lingayen Protective Group, TF 77.4.3, part of the vast assemblage and consisting of "Kitkun Bay", "Shamrock Bay", "John C. Butler", and "O'Flaherty" (DE-340), entered Surigao Strait. An air alert sent men scrambling to man their battle stations but the enemy failed to attack. The following morning on 7 January 1945, however, a kamikaze aimed his death dive at "Kadashan Bay", which steamed about 50 miles to the north of "Kitkun Bay". Despite repeated hits the enemy plane plunged into the carrier amidships directly below the bridge. After an hour and a half of feverish damage control effort, the crew checked the fires and flooding. The battered ship returned to Leyte for temporary repairs on 12 January, and on 13 February set out for a complete overhaul at San Francisco, Calif. The enemy attack served as a heads-up for "Kitkun Bay", and she received a report of more unidentified aircraft closing from the north at 15 miles. Lookouts sighted antiaircraft bursts on the horizon scarcely ten miles away as Japanese planes attacked other vessels of the invasion forces. The ship steamed at general quarters several minutes later at 0910, when a lone enemy bomber appeared close to the water and closing the formation just four miles off the starboard quarter. Multiple escorts opened fire and the enemy pilot maneuvered erratically to avoid the gunfire and escaped. The Wildcats of the warship's CAP claimed to splash three other intruders and by 11:15 the radar seemed clear of enemy aircraft and the ship secured from battle stations. Vice Admiral Theodore S. Wilkinson, Commander, TF 79, sent a "Flash Red" at 18:06 that evening as additional bogeys approached from a range of 20 miles. The ship's fighters pounced on the attackers and claimed to splash four to six planes. The enemy determinedly pressed home their attack nevertheless, and cruisers and destroyers closed "Kitkun Bay" and blasted away at the attackers to protect her. The carriers headed into the wind to conduct flight operations in order to recover aircraft from "Kadashan Bay", and two of the latter's FM-2s from VC-20 landed on board "Kitkun Bay". Lt. (j.g.) William F. Jordan, USNR, of VC-91 went down in a Wildcat (BuNo 73617) but a destroyer rescued Jordan. Lookouts sighted enemy planes circling about three miles off the ship's port bow at about 6,000 feet at 18:48 on 7 January 1945, near 16°N, 119°10'E. The rumble of antiaircraft fire from the cruisers and destroyers increased in crescendo; however, in a few minutes two Japanese Nakajima Ki-43 Hayabusa Army Type 1 fighter planes detached from their formation and flew toward the carriers. One of the Oscars turned at 18:57 and dived on "Kitkun Bay" from a relative bearing of 330°. All available guns including "Montpelier" (CL-57) and "Phoenix" (CL-46) opened up on the Oscar and shot off parts of the plane, but the pilot continued his dive through what the ship's historian described as "murderous fire," levelled off close to the water at 3,000 yards, and crashed the suicide plane through "Kitkun Bay"s port side at the waterline amidships. An explosion and large fire flared up simultaneously with a hit by a 5-inch round from one of the other ships, which burst close to the carrier's bow below a gun sponson, killing and wounding several men—the attack killed 16 men altogether and wounded another 37. The Oscar tore a hole in the ship's side approximately 20 feet long and nine feet high between frames 113 and 121, extending three feet below the waterline. "Kitkun Bay" lost power and began listing to port rapidly as her after engine room, machine shop, and gyro spaces flooded. The list increased to 13° with the trim down by the stern four feet at 19:04. Maintainers shifted planes to the starboard side of the flight deck to help correct the list. Firefighters valiantly battled the blaze and extinguished the flames by 19:10, but the flooding continued as seawater poured into the ship in spite of the efforts of the engineers and repair party to contain the damage. Rear Adm. Ofstie prudently ordered all secret and confidential publications destroyed to prevent them from falling into enemy hands. The Medical Department tended to the wounded, and then the captain passed the orders to transfer all "unnecessary" crewmen off the ship; wounded first. Destroyers took off 724 men, leaving less than 200 on board—the rescue party supplemented by volunteers. "We stayed upon the flight deck," Lt. Thomlinson reflected, "ready to scramble into the sea, except when we had urgent business below decks. At 19 degrees list there's no comfort on a carrier." Despite the risk of a fire touching off ammunition and fuel on board "Kitkun Bay", fleet ocean tug "Chowanac" (ATF-100) closed the carrier and secured a tow line to her at 20:42, and they proceeded toward Santiago Island in the vicinity of Lingayen Gulf. The engineers got steam up in the forward engine room and the damage control teams reduced the list to four degrees. "Hopewell" (DD-681) and "Taylor" (DD-468) left the formation to guide and escort "Shamrock Bay" (CVE-84), which operated a distance away, back into the group, and the carrier joined them during the mid watch. Ofstie then transferred his flag to "Shamrock Bay". Unidentified aircraft were reported nearby at 14:30 on 9 January 1945, and the gun crews resignedly manned their weapons, though no attack developed. VC-91 counted 15 FM-2s, one FM-2P, a photographic variant, ten TBM-3s, and a single TBM-3P on board "Kitkun Bay". The kamikaze claimed at least two Wildcats (BuNos 73589 and 74027) parked on board the ship. The situation nonetheless looked more hopeful as the morning progressed. The forward engine room had a head of steam and at 08:15 eight fighters appeared overhead and protectively flew CAP over the ships. As the vessels approached Lingayen Gulf, crewmen sighted gunfire from both sides as the fighting continued ashore. "Kitkun Bay" gradually restored power and communications, and the tug cast off at 10:30 and the carrier proceeded under her own steam, with speed limited to eight knots because of salt water steaming. "Kitkun Bay" lowered her colors to half mast at 11:30 while the ship's company committed their fallen shipmates to the deep. "Kitkun Bay" proceeded on a westerly course to rendezvous with TG 77.4, but at 18:22 received a report of enemy aircraft closing on the formation from the east. The warship sounded general quarters, and, although she could only make ten knots, a brisk breeze from the north enabled her to head into the wind and launch five Wildcats. The Japanese planes swung around and retired to the south without pressing an attack. The wind dropped to barely 15 knots and it was nearly dark by 19:07 when the ship recovered her last fighters. The ship operated in the vicinity of the task group throughout 10 January, a day punctuated by two air alerts, though the enemy did not attack. Increasingly heavy seas that evening made the battered carrier's seaworthiness doubtful and maneuvering difficult. Capt. Albert Handly, the commanding officer, requested permission to join the first slow convoy to Leyte that passed in the area, and at 22:00 "Kitkun Bay" received a message to join some tank landing ships of TU 79.14.3 and make for that island. "Kitkun Bay" held the course and station by using the magnetic compass while she limped nearly 500 miles to Leyte Gulf during the next several days. On 11 January, Lt. (j.g.) James A. Jones, USNR, of VC-91 crashed in a Wildcat (BuNo 73623) flying from the ship but a plane guard destroyer rescued him. On 14 January, the ship launched her own CAP, and later sent the fighters on to Tacloban Airfield on Leyte. Sighting Leyte that afternoon, "Kitkun Bay" entered Surigao Strait at 23:36, and the following morning anchored in Leyte Gulf. Work on the ship progressed despite an enemy air raid on the night of the 18th. Smoke screens mostly obscured the Allied ships anchored in the roadstead, so the Japanese planes bombed some of the searchlights positioned on the beaches that they could spot. Additional air alerts sent the crew to their battle stations more than once, but they placed a patch over the hole in the side and pumped the water out of the flooded compartments. Men discovered a Japanese 550-pound armor-piercing bomb wedged into the No. 3 boiler on the 20th. The deadly device had torn through "Kitkun Bay" and stopped there without exploding, but ordnance disposal sailors from Leyte boarded the ship and cut through the boiler to remove the bomb—while all hands stayed clear of the area. The bomb experts discovered a second unexploded 550-pounder in the previously flooded machine shop, and de-armed and jettisoned over the side both bombs, the first one at 23:06 and the second at 15:10 the following day. "Experiment with converging or diverging boresight patterns on AA [antiaircraft] weapons," Capt. Handly subsequently recommended to the fleet. "Make similar research with range setting and deflection devices. Try the elimination of all tracer and all 5-inch except Mark 32 or similar marks to deny pilot the knowledge of where the AA is and relieve gunners of the confusion of many bursts which tend to hide the plane, particularly at twilight. Tracers did not appear to assist our own gunners, and many guns apparently fired at 5-inch bursts." The Navy consistently evaluated the results of these battles and evaluators noted that the optimum pattern of antiaircraft guns and their systems varied greatly with the control, weapon, ammunition—and the action of the target. The fleet made tracerless 20-millimeter and 40-millimeter rounds available, and VT (proximity) fuzes did not have tracers. "If the control is adequate," investigators responded, "the suggestion has considerable merit, although there is an undeniable psychological effect of tracers, both on the gunner and the attacking pilot." Handly's dearly bought experience inspired him to make a number of other suggestions: "Test the value of a very tight screen, possibly with escort vessels closing to 200 yards upon Red alerts, to concentrate firepower, bolster morale, reduce deflection and reduce the masking of fire when low attacks fly between ships ... Place OBB's [old battleships] in the center of CVE formations." In addition, the captain expressed his concern about how close Japanese aircraft approached ships before the latter opened fire, in part because of the gunners' fears of hitting their own returning planes. Handly thus proposed what, at first glance, seems a harsh yet practical solution: "Enforce with a shoot - regardless policy, a doctrine prohibiting friendly pilots from making any but the prescribed approach to a formation of ships. Time cannot be wasted on positive identification." The captain's recommendation seemed merited in light of the horrific casualties the kamikazes caused. "Kitkun Bay" stood out for home on 24 January 1945, her temporary repairs completed and 95 percent of the flooded compartments pumped out. A kamikaze had crashed "Salamaua" (CVE-96) on 13 January, and the damaged carrier and a screen accompanied "Kitkun Bay", which sailed in tactical command of the group. The ships dropped anchor in Seeadler Harbor on 30 January, and the following day her men continued work on repairing their vessel. VC-91 detached on 4 February with orders to embark on board "Savo Island", and "Kitkun Bay"s historian observed that "with them went the gratitude and best wishes of the ship's company." The ship loaded some aviation gasoline and ordnance, and the convoy resumed their voyage and steamed uneventfully to Pearl Harbor (5–17 February), where "Kitkun Bay" moored to Ford Island. The warship discharged her remaining aviation gasoline and considerable ammunition, and then turned further eastward and sailed to Naval Dry Docks, an activity on Terminal Island near San Pedro, Calif. (20–28 February). "Kitkun Bay" granted leave to the ship's company in two periods of 20 days each. The welcome news marked the first leave for most of the crew following an extended tour of combat duty. While the ship completed repairs on 26 February 1945, VC-7 received orders to report to her no later than 10 April. The squadron increased its tempo of training at Naval Air Auxiliary Station (NAAS) Monterey, Calif., but on the following day also participated in simulated close support attacks on the Army's nearby Camp Hunter Liggett. The squadron granted pre-embarkation leave of ten days to all hands on 6 March. On the 19th, Ens. Jack Edwards, successfully landed an FM-2 in the water when his engine failed about 34 miles off Point Pinos. Attack transport "Cullman" (APA-78) steamed in the area and rescued Edwards after he spent only 16 minutes in his life raft. The Navy cancelled VC-7's orders to "Kitkun Bay" on 13 April, however, and the men and planes of the squadron subsequently served on board other ships and stations. "Kitkun Bay" wrapped-up the yard work and stood out of San Pedro with a full load of planes and carried them to Hawaiian waters (27 April3 May 1945). The ship delivered her cargo to Pearl Harbor and into the following week cleaned-up from the repairs. In the process, yard workers at Pearl Harbor discovered that she required more work on the engines and the radar gear, which delayed her departure. "Kitkun Bay" returned to sea for a post-trial run on 3 June, during which she also carried our drills and gunnery exercises. The veteran ship slipped back into the harbor that evening to enable the navy yard to complete some engineering work. She loaded provisions and ammunition, along with the FM-2s, TBM-3s, and a single TBM-1C of VC-63, which had flown from NAS Hilo on Hawaii. The carrier then (8–13 June) took part in training exercises in the operating area west of Oahu. On 9 June, Ens. Max I. Polkowski of VC-63 wrecked in a TBM-3E (BuNo 85735) he flew from the ship, but a destroyer rescued the pilot. The string of ill fortune continued as just the very next day, Lt. (j.g.) Richard C. Bunten, USNR, of VC-63 crashed in a Wildcat (BuNo 74781), but a destroyer retrieved Bunten from the water as well. "Kitkun Bay" returned to Pearl Harbor and at 08:00 on 15 June 1945, stood down the channel and steamed independently to Guam, holding frequent gunnery drills en route (15–27 June). The ship anchored in the harbor at Apra, and the next day unloaded her squadron and took fuel on board. "Kitkun Bay" proceeded to Ulithi, but while en route on 28 June, Ens. Walter R. Winiecki, USNR, of VC-63 went down in an FM-2 Wildcat (BuNo 74798), but a destroyer pulled the pilot from the sea and later returned him to the ship. "Kitkun Bay" reported to Third Fleet Logistic Support Group, TF 30.8, Rear Adm. Donald B. Beary, on the 29th, and loaded provisions and topped off fuel while at the atoll. The ship joined "Steamer Bay" (CVE-87) and some other vessels and cleared Ulithi on 3 July 1945, and about three hours later, they formed Carrier Cover Unit, TU 30.8.23, to take part in raids against the Japanese home islands. The Allies planned to invade Japan through two principal plans: Operation Olympic—landings on Kyushu scheduled for 1 November 1945; and Coronet—landings on Honshū scheduled for 1 March 1946. Olympic included a diversion against Shikoku to precede the main landings, and the enemy prepared to defend the islands ferociously. "The sooner [the Americans] come, the better ... One hundred million die proudly," a Japanese slogan exhorted their people. The enemy deployed massed formations of kamikazes, as well as kaiten manned suicide torpedoes, shinyo suicide motorboats, and human mines—soldiers were to strap explosives to their bodies and crawl beneath Allied tanks and vehicles. The preparations to support these landings included a series of carrier and surface raids by Halsey's Third Fleet against Japanese airfields, ships, and installations from Kyūshū to Hokkaido. Flt. Adm. Chester W. Nimitz, Commander-in-Chief, Pacific Fleet, defined Halsey's mission as to: "attack Japanese naval and air forces, shipping, shipyards, and coastal objectives," and to "cover and support Ryukyus forces." As part of this massive undertaking, McCain sailed with TF 38 from Leyte on 1 July 1945. The three task groups under McCain's command, Rear Adm. Thomas Sprague's TG 38.1, Rear Adm. Gerald F. Bogan's TG 38.3, and Rear Adm. Arthur W. Radford's TG 38.4, each comprised an average of three "Essex"-class carriers and two small carriers. A replenishment group and an antisubmarine group each included escort carriers. "Kitkun Bay" and "Steamer Bay" shared launching daily CAP and antisubmarine patrols, and rendezvoused with other ships of TF 38 on 8 July. That night the reinforced task force fueled and turned toward the first battles of the voyage, when, on 10 July, they hurled strikes against Japanese airfields in the Tokyo plains area. The enemy camouflaged and dispersed most of their planes, reducing the aerial opposition encountered but also diminishing the results obtained. Lt. Herbert Tonry, USNR, of VC-63 went down in an FM-2 Wildcat (BuNo 74923) he flew from "Kitkun Bay" on 12 July, but a destroyer rescued the pilot. Harsh weather compelled the Americans to shift their attacks to airfields, vessels, and railroads in northern Honshū and Hokkaido (14–15 July), and these two days of raids wrought havoc with the vital shipment of Japanese coal across the Tsugaru Strait. Allied carrier planes bombed targets around Tokyo on 17 July, and night CAP of planes flying from "Bon Homme Richard" (CV-31) protected U.S. and British ships that shelled six major industrial plants in the Mito-Hitachi area of Honshū. The following day, the carriers launched aircraft against the naval station at Yokosuka and airfields near Tokyo. The raiders sank training cruiser "Kasuga", incomplete escort destroyer "Yaezakura", submarine "I-372", submarine chaser "Harushima", auxiliary patrol vessels Pa No. 37, Pa No. 110, and Pa No. 122, and motor torpedo boat Gyoraitei No. 28, and damaged "Nagato", target ship "Yakaze", motor torpedo boat Gyoraitei No. 256, landing ship T.110, and auxiliary submarine chaser Cha 225. Carrier raids damaged battleship "Haruna" and carriers "Amagi" and "Katsuragi" on 19 July. "Kitkun Bay" and "Steamer Bay" sent their planes aloft daily to protect the other ships from enemy aircraft or submarines. "Kitkun Bay" and her consorts protected the group until they rendezvoused with the heavy carriers of the task force and replenished on 20 July 1945. Two days later, McCain set out for more raids and on 24 July attacked Japanese airfields and shipping along the Inland Sea and northern Kyūshū, supported by long-range strikes by USAAF bombers. Carrier planes flew 1,747 sorties and sank 21 ships including battleship "Hyūga", "Tone", training cruiser "Iwate", and target ship "Settsu", and damaged 17 vessels. The carriers repeated their sweep the following day. Carrier planes struck targets between Nagoya and northern Kyūshū on 28 July, sinking a number of ships including "Haruna", "Ise", training ship "Izumo", "Aoba", light cruiser "Ōyodo", escort destroyer "Nashi", submarine "I-404", and submarine depot ship "Komahashi". Aircraft damaged additional vessels. The ship's planes and escort ships often sighted and sank mines. Despite their maneuvering at times 400–500 miles from the Japanese home islands, the Carrier Cover Unit never encountered opposition. "Kitkun Bay" operated about 450 miles to the southeast of Honshū, in the vicinity of the Third Fleet rendezvous, as part of the Logistics Support Group, and took part in the third replenishment rendezvous on the last day of the month A typhoon approached the Third Fleet but Halsey brought the ships about on 31 July and 1 August southward to a position near 25°N, 137°E, to evade the tempest. On the evening of 3 August, the task force departed for another series of strikes. The following day, "Kitkun Bay", "Nehenta Bay", "Carlson" (DE-9), and "Dionne" (DE-261) formed TU 30.18.27 and came about for Eniwetok. A forge in "Kitkun Bay"s shipfitter's shop exploded at 10:34 on 4 August 1945. The blast caused a fire and burned several men, and two sailors trapped by the fire in that area jumped overboard to avoid the flames. "Dionne" swung around and rescued both men, and later returned them to the carrier. The conflagration fatally burned one of the victims, but firefighters quickly extinguished the blaze. "Kitkun Bay" sighted Eniwetok at daybreak on 9 August, and the task unit was dissolved as the ships proceeded individually and anchored at the atoll. Capt. John S. Greenslade relieved Capt. Handly two days later, and Handly proudly announced that he turned over a "fighting crew and a fighting ship." While the ship prepared to rejoin the carrier sweeps against the Japanese home islands, she received news of the enemy's willingness to surrender. "Kitkun Bay" then loaded foul weather gear because she received orders to turn northward and serve under Vice Adm. Frank Jack Fletcher, Commander, Ninth Fleet, and Alaskan Sea Frontier. "Fanshaw Bay", "Kitkun Bay", and their escorts formed TU 49.5.2 and set out at 07:00 on 16 August for their northern journey. The two carriers operated as the duty carrier on alternate days during the voyage, but foul weather pummeled the ships and prevented flight operations. The seasoned warships steamed through Amutka Pass and entered the Bering Sea on 23 August, and the next morning "Kitkun Bay" moored to a buoy in Kulak Bay on the Bering (northwestern) side of Adak Island in the Aleutians. The vessels anchored in the shadow of show-capped peaks surmounting the treeless green tundra, and refueled and loaded supplies. "Kitkun Bay" shifted to Sweeper's Cove at Adak, where nearly 6,000 soldiers toured the ship the following day. That evening she cast off from the pier and returned to Kulak Bay. From there, "Fanshaw Bay", "Hoggatt Bay" (CVE-75), "Kitkun Bay", "Manila Bay", "Nehenta Bay", "Savo Island", and their screen including "Chester" (CA-27), "Pensacola" (CA-24), and "Salt Lake City" (CA-25), sailed in TF 49, Rear Adm. Harold M. Martin, Commander, CarDiv 23, who broke his flag in "Hoggatt Bay", and participated in the occupation of the northern Japanese home islands (31 August–9 September 1945). Later that day, the task force was redesignated TF 44, and operated within range of Vice Adm. Fletcher, who hoisted his flag in amphibious force flagship "Panamint" (AGC-13). Fletcher set out to receive the formal Japanese surrender of their forces in northern Honshū and Hokkaido. The carriers launched daily CAP and antisubmarine patrols, and the aircraft and ships sighted and destroyed frequent mines en route. An Avenger flying from "Kitkun Bay" became unable to maintain altitude while attempting an emergency landing on 5 September. The torpedo bomber crashed into the sea as the pilot turned to clear the ship's stern, and "Fullam" (DD-474) raced over and rescued all three men, and returned the shaken but uninjured crew to the carrier within the hour. Before dawn on 7 September, "Kitkun Bay" detected a small Japanese patrol craft 3,000 yards on the beam. One of the destroyers intercepted and investigated the vessel, and the convoy continued the voyage. Lookouts sighted Hokkaido early that morning and at 11:30 northern Honshū appeared on the horizon. The carriers launched photographic planes over the next few days that obtained pictures of coastal installations and traffic on land and the coastal waterways. When the officer in tactical command discovered camps holding Allied prisoners of war as a result of discussions with Japanese prisoners, he promptly ordered all of the available torpedo planes to carry vitally needed supplies to the prisoners, who suffered from malnutrition and disease resulting from Japanese neglect and brutality. "Kitkun Bay" did her share and launched Avengers that carried six tons of medical supplies, food, clothing, and cigarettes and dropped them to the emaciated men, many of whom lacked the strength to even cheer their liberators. The aircraft also parachuted radios to the prisoners, which enabled the ship to establish communications with the men. The last of the planes recovered on board "Kitkun Bay" shortly after 11:00 on 13 September 1945, and she and three of the other carriers and their nine escorts turned toward Tsugaru Strait. The column passed through the strait while gunfire detonated mines to either side (14:30–18:15), and "Kitkun Bay" detached and entered Mutsu Bay, where she anchored at Ōminato in northern Honshū at 20:14. The Japanese used the port as their main naval station in the north, and although rumors circulated that the enemy might oppose the landings, the garrison had obeyed their high command's orders to surrender without resisting on the 9th. A number of ships of the Fourth Fleet and numerous district and harbor craft also plied the busy harbor or lay at anchor. "Howarth" (DD-592) led "Kitkun Bay" back out to sea on 14 September, and four hours later they entered the anchorage at Hakodate, Hokkaido, to be greeted by British destroyer "Barfleur" (D.80), which already lay anchored in the harbor. A trio of Japanese tugs flying white surrender flags chugged alongside, one of which brought the British liaison officer on board to expedite the transfer of the Allied prisoners held ashore. Three Japanese officers called on Capt. Greenslade at 16:18, but a few minutes later, Japanese antiaircraft fire erupted from the foothills of the harbor, about five miles away. The guns fired more than half-a-dozen times that afternoon and Japanese officials explained that they were celebrating a festival. The exasperated Americans explained the likelihood of misunderstandings that could lead to more fighting, and the Japanese agreed to halt further demonstrations until the ships departed. "Kitkun Bay" brought a number of freed Allied prisoners on board to return them to their homes and loved ones. Many of the men included survivors of the Wake Detachment, First Defense Battalion, USMC, which had served under Maj. James P.S. Devereux, USMC, and Marine Fighting Squadron (VMF) 211, Maj. Paul A. Putnam, USMC, during their epic defense of Wake Island against the Japanese (8–23 December 1941). Both Devereux and Putnam received the Navy Cross for their valiant defense of the island, and were freed and returned home by separate means. Additional liberated prisoners included sailors and marines captured by the Japanese at Shanghai, China, in 1941, and merchant seamen taken from their ships in several other ports. The newly released men savored their freedom, and praised the food, coffee, and cigarettes the planes had dropped to them. The ship weighed anchor the following morning at 08:56 on 15 September 1945, in answer to an urgent radio appeal to rescue wounded, sick, and malnourished Allied prisoners still languishing in Japanese captivity that required immediate medical treatment. "Kitkun Bay" launched eight planes carrying liaison parties to Chitose, an airfield on Hokkaido from which the Japanese had sent kamikazes against Allied ships. The aircraft picked up seven ambulatory British Royal Air Force (RAF) servicemen and brought them back on board by noon. The carrier then cleared the anchorage, turned her prow southward, and dropped anchor at Yokohama on 17 September. After an early lunch, the RAF survivors boarded medium landing ship LSM-208 with the first leg of their long homeward journey completed. The fighting against the Japanese had ended but not the eternal struggle against the sea. A typhoon lashed the area that night and "Kitkun Bay" made ready to get underway if necessary. The wind increased until gusts above 75 knots whipped up the sea in the sheltered bay and caused her anchor to drag. The ship maneuvered on one engine in order to avoid drifting and colliding with "Ticonderoga" (CV-14), which lay nearby. The tempest swamped or set adrift numerous boats and landing craft, among them the captain's gig. "Kitkun Bay" alternatively used both engines that morning to relieve the strain on the anchor chain and to minimize yawing. The wind abated by noon to a comparatively moderate 45 knots. The crew rode out the typhoon and savored their first liberty ashore on the Japanese mainland during the ship's ten-day (17–27 September 1945) stay in the Tokyo Bay area. Many of the men explored the devastated cities and purchased souvenir trinkets from the people. Vessels of every description packed the bay when "Kitkun Bay" arrived, but multiple ships departed each day, and only a few major warships, several dozen destroyers and escorts, some auxiliaries, and a variety of landing craft remained when the carrier prepared to turn for home. The escort carrier shifted to the Fifth Fleet on 19 September and then (27 September–19 October 1945) took part in Operation Magic Carpet—the return of veterans from the war zones by ships and aircraft. "Kitkun Bay" made her maiden Magic Carpet voyage carrying 554 troops, and "Howarth" joined her as they formed TU 16.12.26 and headed for the United States. The two ships touched at Apra, Guam, and Pearl Harbor on their return cruise, and "Kitkun Bay" slipped beneath the Golden Gate Bridge and moored at San Francisco as she brought the grateful veterans home. Additional voyages to Pearl Harbor and the west coast, and a cruise to Okinawa, concluded at San Pedro on 12 January 1946, and the following day "Kitkun Bay" moved to the Nineteenth Fleet. The ship steamed up the west coast and entered Puget Sound Naval Shipyard, Bremerton, Washington, on 18 February. "Kitkun Bay" steamed 137,000 miles during her commissioned service, the equivalent of more than five times around the world. The ship crossed the equator a dozen times, and the International Date Line ten times. She withstood heavy caliber Japanese gunfire, and fought off enemy planes that attacked her in both the conventional and suicide rolls. Planes flying from her flight deck claimed to down 26 enemy aircraft, and sank or contributed to sinking two Japanese heavy cruisers and two barges, damaged a battleship and a heavy cruiser, and destroyed five tanks on the ground. Twenty-seven men of the ship's company died and 58 sustained wounds. Inspectors from the Board of Inspection and Survey even so responded to the large-scale draw down following the war, and recommended that she "was not essential to defense of U.S." and should be decommissioned with a view to sell the hulk for scrap. Consequently, "Kitkun Bay" was decommissioned on 19 April 1946, at Port Angeles, Washington, and stricken on 8 May. The Navy sold the ship for $12,700 to Zidell Ship Dismantling Company of Portland, Oregon, on 18 November 1946. The veteran carrier was moved in January 1947, and by that October was reported scrapped. "Kitkun Bay" received six battle stars for World War II service, and shared in the award of the Presidential Unit Citation to Taffy 3 for extraordinary heroism in the Battle off Samar.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18468431

The men's team archery event at the 2008 Summer Olympics was part of the archery programme and took place at the Olympic Green Archery Field. Ranking Round was scheduled for August 9 and elimination rounds and Finals took place on August 11. All archery is done at a range of 70 metres, with targets 1.22 metres in diameter. As the defending Olympic champions, South Korea defended the title with two archers from the past Games, Im Dong-Hyun and Park Kyung-Mo. Chinese Taipei, silver at the last Games, participated at the event with only one Athens medalist, Wang Cheng Pang. Ukraine, bronze in Athens, brought Viktor Ruban and Oleksandr Serdyuk back at the Games. 12 teams qualified for the event at the Beijing Olympics: host China, plus the top 8 teams at the 44th Outdoor Archery World championship, held in Leipzig, Germany, and 3 other NOCs that qualified three athletes for the Games. The competition begins with the same ranking round used to determine the individual event seeding. Each archer fires 72 arrows, with the scores of the team's three members summed to give the team score. The elimination rounds use a single-elimination tournament, with fixed brackets based on the ranking round seeding. Highly ranked teams get byes through to the quarterfinals. In each round of elimination, the two teams each fire 24 arrows (with each individual archer accounting for 8 of them). The higher scoring team moves on, while the lower scoring team is eliminated. The two semifinal losers face off for the bronze medal. Records. Prior to this competition, the existing world and Olympic records were as follows. The change from the prior 27 arrow match to a 24 arrow match for the XXIX Olympiad meant that there was no standing Olympic record in the team match. The following new world and Olympic records were set during this competition. Ranking Round. Source Elimination round. Source

previous matches

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=233793

A water slide (also referred to as a flume, or water chute) is a type of slide designed for warm-weather or indoor recreational use at water parks. Water slides differ in their riding method and therefore size. Some slides require riders to sit directly on the slide, or on a raft or tube designed to be used with the slide. A typical water slide uses a pump system to pump water to the top which is then allowed to freely flow down its surface. The water reduces friction so sliders travel down the slide very quickly. Water slides run into a swimming pool (often called a plunge pool) or a long run-out chute. A lifeguard is usually stationed at the top and the bottom of the slide, so that if a rider gets hurt they will be treated immediately. Traditional water slides. Body slides. As the name suggests, body slides feature no mat or tube, and instead, riders sit or lie directly on the surface of the slide. The simplest resembles a wet playground slide. There are a variety of types of body slides including flumes, speed slides, bowls and AquaLoops; the latter three are explained below. Inline tube slides. Some slides are designed to be ridden with a tube which typically seats either 2 or 3 riders inline. Similar to a traditional body slide, these slides include many twists and turns and come in a variety of types including bowls, funnels and half-pipes. Longest. The world's longest water slide was a temporary installation in Waimauku, New Zealand, in February 2013. Constructed with a length of , of which functioned properly. Its creators claimed the previous record holder had a length of ~. The slide is being moved to Action Park in Vernon, New Jersey. The "Waterslide" at Buena Vista Lodge in Costa Rica is a long water slide where the rider sits directly on the slide, with an inner-tube around their upper body for safety. The longest multi-person water-coaster (see below) is the long Mammoth at Holiday World in Santa Claus, Indiana. "The Longest" is a permanent single-passenger tube waterslide located in Selangor, Malaysia, at the ESCAPE family theme park. Visitors access the attraction via a cable car system and ride down the slide for approximately 4 minutes whilst navigating through 1,111km (3,740ft) of scenic jungle. . 21st century water slides. AquaLoop. The first known existence of a looping water slide was at Action Park in Vernon Township, New Jersey in the mid-1980s, named Cannonball Loop. This slide featured a vertical loop but was repeatedly closed due to safety concerns. In the late 2000s, Austrian manufacturer "Aquarena" developed the world's first safe looping water slide, known as the "AquaLoop". The company engineered a slide with an inclined loop rather than a standard vertical one. The slide is currently licensed and distributed by Canadian water slide manufacturer "WhiteWater West". There are nearly 20 AquaLoop installations around the world. The first installation was in Slovenia in 2008. The largest collection is located at Wet'n'Wild Gold Coast in Australia which houses 4 AquaLoops that opened in 2010. Wet'n'Wild Gold Coast was also the first to install more than one AquaLoop at a single location. The AquaLoop uses a trap-door to release riders down a near-vertical descent at a speed of up to . Riders experience 2.5 Gs in less than 2 seconds. The whole ride is over within 7 seconds. Bowl. A "bowl" is a type of water slide where riders descend a steep drop into a round bowl. Under the effects of centrifugal force, the riders circle the outer area of the bowl before exiting down through the middle, often into a pool underneath but sometimes into an additional slide section. This style of water slide comes in various styles and is manufactured by ProSlide, WhiteWater West and Waterfun Products. The different variations can be ridden on a 4-person cloverleaf tube, 2 person inline tube, single person tube or as a body slide. Family rafting. "Family rafting" water slides have the largest capacity of all the different types of tubing water slides averaging between 4 and 6 riders per dispatch. Riders hop in a circular raft and travel down long, twisted channels to the ground. This type of water slide is manufactured by Australian Waterslides and Leisure, ProSlide, Waterfun Products and WhiteWater West. All of these companies manufacture open-air slides while ProSlide also manufactures an enclosed version. Funnel. A "funnel" water slide requires riders to sit in a 2 or 4 seater round tube. Riders drop from inside a tunnel out into the ride's main element shaped like a funnel on its side. Riders oscillate from one side to the other until they exit through the back of the funnel and into a splash pool. The most common type of funnel is the ProSlide Tornado which is installed at almost 60 locations around the world dating back to 2003. In 2010, WhiteWater West began developing a competing product known as the Abyss, utilizing a raft that holds up to six riders. Half-pipe. Similar to a funnel, a "half-pipe" features a slide in which riders oscillate back and forth. However, this style of ride does not feature any enclosed sections. On a Waterfun Product Sidewinder or Sidewinder Mini, riders oscillate several times before coming to a rest at the base of the slide. Riders then need to walk off the slide returning their tube to the next riders. On a WhiteWater West Boomerango or Family Boomerango, riders are sent down a steep drop and up a steep hill on the other side, before sliding backwards down another path to the end of the slide. Multi-lane racer. A "multi-lane racer" is a ride where between 4 and 8 riders dive head-first onto a mat and down a slide with several dips. As an additional component of this ride, both some offer an additional enclosed helix at the top of the ride. ProSlide offer ProRacers, Octopus Racers and Kraken Racers, while WhiteWater West have designed the Mat Racers and Whizzards. Australian Waterslides and Leisure have also manufactured a standard multi-lane racer. Speed slide. A "speed slide" is a type of body slide where riders are sent down steep, free-fall plunges to the ground. Almost all water slide manufacturers offer a variation of this type of slide. ProSlide & WhiteWater West both offer a speed slide with a trap door, the same trap door found on the AquaLoop. Water coaster. A "water coaster" is a water slide that mimics a roller coaster by providing not only descents, but also ascents. There are three different ways water coasters operate: water jets, conveyor belts, and linear induction motors. High powered water jets power the first type of water coaster, generically known as Master Blasters. Originally manufactured by New Braunfels General Store (NBGS), the rights were sold in December 2006 to WhiteWater West of Canada. The first installations of this type of ride were Dragon Blaster and Family Blaster installed in 1994 at Schlitterbahn in New Braunfels, Texas. The following month a third Master Blaster opened at Adventure Bay in Houston, Texas. This type of ride features over 70 installations worldwide. The largest collection of Master Blasters is at Wild Wadi Water Park in Dubai where 9 of the park's 16 water slides utilize this technology to power riders to the top of a mountain. The first conveyor belt was installed at Kalahari Resort in Sandusky, Ohio. Known as the Zip Coaster, the ride powers riders up hills using high speed conveyor belts. The third incarnation of the water coaster utilizes linear induction motors and specially designed rafts. The first installation to use this technology was Deluge which opened in 2006 at what was then Splash Kingdom at Six Flags Kentucky Kingdom. The longest water coaster utilizing this magnetic system is Mammoth at Splashin' Safari in Santa Claus, Indiana. This technology has been adapted to other ProSlide products and is collectively known as the ProSlide HydroMAGNETIC. In 2010, ProSlide announced that they would be combining the family rafting and water coaster technologies to create a Hydromagnetic Mammoth. The first installation of this variation is aptly titled Mammoth which premiered in 2012 at Splashin' Safari in Indiana. It replaced the park's own Wildebeest as the longest water coaster in the world. Drop slide. A drop slide is a type of body slide where at the end of the slide, riders fall through a hole into a pool underneath. Inflatable water slides. Inflatable water slides are designed for the home user. They are typically made of a thick strong PVC or vinyl and nylon, and are inflated using an electric or gasoline powered blower. The water slide is attached to a water hose in order to generate the supply of water. There are small-sized inflatable water slides for private house uses or larger inflatable water slides for school, picnic, corporate, or carnival style use. There are also swimming pool water slides which users can set up to slide straight into a pool. Most parks avoid this due to safety concerns and will have swimming sections in a separate pool.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=57739073

Johanna von Isser Großrubatscher (27 December 1802 - 25 May 1880), identified in one source as "the lady who drew castles"," was an Austrian graphic artist and writer. Life. Johanna Maximiliana Großrubatscher was born at , a small village that had grown up around just outside Brixen/Bressanone, about 40 kilometres (25 mi) north of Bolzano. Caspar Großrubatscher, her father, was a Pfleger (senior public administrator) originally from nearby Ladinia. She grew up in Merano where she was taught by the artists J. Kapeller and Makart, an uncle of the better remembered Vienna artist Hans Makart. By the time she was 21 Johanna Großrubatscher had already made a name for herself as a gifted and patriotic artist, producing meticulously detailed pictures of some of the many castles in the surrounding Merano and the adjacent Vinschgau region. In 1823 the newly founded Innsbruck-based Association of Patriotic Museums ("Verein des vaterländischen Museums" / Ferdinandeum) commissioned her to produce "an accurate depiction" of the main gates at the Tyrol and . In the Wars of Liberation (against Napoleon) Joseph Hormayr had chosen the main keep of the Tyrol Castle as the "National sanctuary" ("Heiligtum des Landes“ "). The images should be sufficiently detailed to be useful to students of medieval arts, and also to facilitate analysis and interpretation of old solutions to technical and construction challenges. In 1828 she married Johann Isser von Gaudententhurn. He was employed as a Landrichter (another form of government official). His work involved postings to a succession of district administrative centres in the southern part of the Tirol. The couple made their home successively in Riva (1828), Lavis (1831), Stenico (1832), Pergine (1834) and finally, in 1835, returning to Cavalese (where they had previously been posted briefly back in 1830). Johanna became the mother to seven recorded children. She also found time to continue with her art, producing drawings of castles across the Tirol, from the Inn valley to the north to the Lake Garda area in the south, also taking in neighbouring areas such as Liechtenstein, the Vorarlberg and parts of what has subsequently become known as Baden-Württemberg. In 1850, in connection with her husband's work, the family moved to Innsbruck, which is where they lived till Johann's death in 1863. Most of Johanna's pictures ended up in the collections of the Austrian National Library in Vienna and of the Tyrolean State Museum (Ferdinandeum) in Innsbruck. They are still regarded as important sources for research on castles in the area. They are valued for their attention to detail and are also helpful in "folklore research" since the artist frequently included small "genre scenes", generally showing working people, which provide contemporary context for the overall images. In particular, the images present the artistic mood of those times, characterized by a certain empathy with nature and a yearning for a return to (a romanticised vision of) the middle ages. One person who came across Johanna von Isser's collection of approximately 400 views of mountains and castles was the London artist-businessman Thomas Allom. He used her paintings as templates for paintings of his own and, in particular, for steel engravings. Prints from the steel engravings were published by Allom in Fleet Street, London, in a slim volume which also contained texts from Joseph Hormayr (1782-1848). As a result Johanna von Isser acquired an international reputation for her views of mountains and castles. As well as Thomas Allom, there were other English artists who used Johanna Großrubatscher's as templates. These included Samuel Lacey, T. Barbor, W. Taylor and H. Winkles. There were others who took Thomas Allom's derivative works as their templates. After her husband died some sources state that she relocated to Salzburg while others state that she moved in with the family of her daughter Alma who had married Hermann Reinhart von Thurnfels und Ferklehnen and lived at Varna di Bressanone. There is agreement that she later moved back to Innsbruck which is where she lived for some years until her death there.

a single individual

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=52341501

Bexley Hospital was a psychiatric hospital at Old Bexley Lane, Dartford Heath, Bexley, in the County of Kent. It operated between 19 September 1898 and 2001. History. The hospital was designed by George Thomas Hine and opened as the Heath Asylum on 19 September 1898 . Its name was changed to Bexley Mental Hospital in 1918, and it was also known as the Bexley Asylum or informally as the Village on the Heath. Building the hospital cost £34,000, and it was designed for 2,000 patients. By 1939, the main hospital had expanded to 18 wards (each holding 60 patients), which had become six acute (admission) wards and 32 other wards by the 1970s. A large chapel, seating 850 people, was included within the hospital. Government policy to close Victorian hospitals led inpatient numbers to fall, and by 1977 the number of patients was below 1,000. It was brought into the National Health Service in 1948. In the 1970s, there were sporting facilities and a weekly film at the cinema, plus a library, and hairdressing for men and women. The Friends of Bexley Hospital provided coach outings and equipment for special projects. Bexley Hospital was built some distance away from the immediate community as it was designed to be self-sufficient. Until 1961, the hospital had a farm with chickens, ducks, cattle, sheep, and pigs, plus a market garden for vegetables. When the hospital first opened, the patients undertook the maintenance and upkeep of the asylum, along with other duties such as cleaning and making beds; in later years, the farm was maintained by patients, who also looked after the gardens and grounds of the hospital. The hospital closed in 2001. The site of the hospital was redeveloped in the early 2000s, and is now a housing estate. Some of the original buildings from the earlier hospital site are still in existence, under new uses.

close society

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48898151

Campaign 139 (14 September 1969–25 April 1970) was a major military offensive of the People's Army of Vietnam, launched against its Royalist enemies during the Laotian Civil War. Larger than previous invading forces, Campaign 139 was also a combined arms expedition containing tanks, artillery, engineers, and Dac Cong sappers. As such, it was a decided escalation in the war. It was also an exceptional rainy season offensive by PAVN, which usually withdrew during the wet season. Launched on 14 September 1969 with 60 tanks, 26 PAVN and 10 Pathet Lao battalions, plus supporting units, Campaign 139 drove from the Lao/DRV border into the strategic Plain of Jars in Military Region 2 of the Kingdom of Laos. The 16,000 plus invaders were opposed by a force of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) sponsored hill tribes guerrillas some 5,500 to 6,000 strong. Hmong general Vang Pao's "L'Armee Clandestine" had just overrun the Plain during Kou Kiet, and the general elected to hold on. However, despite the best efforts of the guerrillas in a series of defensive clashes on and around the Plain, backed by massive air power, on 11 February 1970 the communists forced entrance to the Plain by capturing the crucial intersection of Routes 7/74. Having forced their way onto the Plain, the communists pushed their way across it to besiege the crucial main guerrilla base at Long Tieng. They overran the nearby refugee center at Sam Thong on 18 March 1970, and temporarily occupied the high ground overlooking the Lima Site 20A airstrip at Long Tieng used for resupplying the guerrillas. United States support of the irregulars was escalated, with the first B-52 Stratofortress Arc Light in northern Laos on 17 February, and the first ever use of the BLU-82 super-bomb on 22 March. On 18 March, irregular reinforcements were flown in from other military regions of Laos; so was a Royal Thai artillery battalion of mercenaries. Though the newly arrived guerrilla units were generally poor quality, they sufficed to fend off the exhausted PAVN. By 25 April 1970, the communists had fallen back onto their home ground near Dien Bien Phu, North Vietnam. During the fighting, political negotiation between the Royal Lao Government and the Pathet Lao allies of the Vietnamese were attempted, to form a ceasefire agreement. Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma took advantage of his standing as a Neutralist to let it be privately known that Laos was willing to cease operations against the Ho Chi Minh Trail in southern Laos if the fighting was halted on the Plain. Hmong General Vang Pao quietly explored the option of moving his tribesmen and their guerrillas from the battlefield south to the Thai/Lao border. Campaign 139 ended with the Royalists scarcely able to defend the kingdom, which faced imminent defeat. Overview. After World War II, France fought the First Indochina War to retain French Indochina. When it lost that war at Dien Ben Phu, it freed the Kingdom of Laos. Laotian neutrality was established in the 1954 Geneva Agreements. When France withdrew most of its military in conformity with the treaty, the United States filled the vacuum with purportedly civilian paramilitary instructors. A North Vietnamese-backed communist insurrection began as early as 1949. Invading during the opium harvest season of 1953, it settled in northeastern Laos adjacent to the border of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. As the Laotian Civil War flared, it became apparent that the People's Army of Vietnam would be opposed by Lao guerrilla forces backed by air power. The Central Intelligence Agency established a secret guerrilla army in the Plain of Jars. Interposed between the communist settlement around Xam Neua and the Royal Lao Government in Vientiane, the Hmong military irregulars fought to hold on to their traditional territory, and to preserve Laos. After the failure and defeat of Operation Pigfat and Operation Raindance in early 1969, the communists had overrun the Plain of Jars to within ten kilometers of the guerrillas' main base at Long Chieng in Military Region 2. As a riposte, Hmong General Vang Pao had launched another spoiling offensive against the pressing communists with Kou Kiet. However, the communists fought back with their own campaign. Vang Pao had countered again, with Operation Off Balance. Background. Campaign 139 was named by the Vietnamese communist military convention of encoding the founding date in an operational code name; in its case, the 13th day of the 9th month. On 13 September 1969, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam's General Võ Nguyên Giáp tasked General Vũ Lập with command of Campaign 139, to be waged in Military Region 2 of Laos. Included in the orders were ten Pathet Lao battalions for service; however, those battalions mustered only about 150 men each. Given their propensity for flight rather than fight, they were of dubious military value to Vũ Lập. The major forces in Campaign 139 would be the first PAVN combined arms team to invade northern Laos. Already in place in MR 2 awaiting Vũ Lập's leadership were 26 People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) battalions and 60 tanks. Campaign 139. Phase one: the campaign begins. Campaign 139 kicked off the day after Vũ Lập received his orders. An advance party from the 141st Regiment of the 312th Division formed near Nong Het. Attacks upon Royalist irregulars at Phou Nok Kok followed, a fortnight later. On 25 October 1969, the communists committed a larger force for continuing the attack—the remainder of the 312th Division, the 316th Division, and the 866th Independent Regiment. Support units for these attacking forces came from four Dac Cong battalions, plus assorted artillery, engineer, and tank units. The 316th was directed to lead the support units down Route 7; the 312th Division and the 866th Independent Regiment were tasked for attack down Route 72. Within a week, the latter twice probed the Royalist positions at Phou Nok Kok, then continued to pressure them. On 6 November 1969, Vang Pao called a strategy session to revamp the Royalist irregulars' defenses. The success of his just concluded Kou Kiet had left him in possession of the strategic Plain of Jars, but with only 5,500 to 6,000 war-weary irregular troops to hold it. His Central Intelligence Agency advisers estimated he faced 16,000 North Vietnamese regulars, plus the Pathet Lao battalions. At such odds, they believed he had to go on the defensive. They had planned four successive lines of hilltop strongholds, with the idea that tactical air could destroy communists attacking the Royalist trenchworks. Even within each defensive line, the hilltop forts were not mutually reinforcing one another but were easily bypassed. Vang Pao was more realistic than his advisers; he still realized that guerrillas needed the tactical flexibility to fight or flee as circumstances demanded. At the strategy meeting, he asked his CIA advisers for an extensive list of weaponry, and received more M16 rifles, and both 105mm and 155mm howitzers. He then outlined his plan to place blocking forces at both Xieng Khouangville and the intersection of Routes 7 and 71, with a reserve held at Lima Site 22. The latter was one of the few installations in Laos that had been developed into some approximation of a typical American fire support base in South Vietnam. However, before these moves could be completed, the 165th Regiment of the PAVN 312th Division struck Xieng Khouangville on 9 November. The Royalist "Bataillon Volantaire 24" (Battalion of Volunteers 24; abbreviated BV 24) repelled the assault. Upon a repeated attack on 17 November, BV 24 retreated. On the 23rd, "Bataillon Infanterie 12" (Battalion of Infantry/BI 12) was returned home from Military Region 2 to Military Region 5. Faced with these reverses, Vang Pao recalled "Bataillon Volontaire 26" (BV 26) from its far northern outpost in Xam Neua, Houaphanh Province. Manning newly supplied 155mm howitzers, and reinforced by PT-76 amphibious tanks captured from the communists, BV 26 retook Xieng Khouangville on 27 November 1969. While ordering this resistance, Vang Pao also stealthily contacted the Pathet Lao because he was anxious to preserve the Hmong people. He proposed that the communists grant autonomy to Xieng Khouang Province as a Hmong polity; in turn, the Hmong guerrillas would withdraw from the war. As an alternative move to preserve the Hmong, he also harbored the idea that the Hmong might withdraw to Sainyabuli Province near the Thai/Lao border. Meanwhile, to the north of them, the communists probed Phou Nok Kok and Phou Pheung. The latter position was defended by a mix of Auto Defense Choc (ADC) militia and "Bataillon Volontaire 21" (BV 21), but had been weakened by the departure of BI 12. A battalion from the PAVN 141st Regiment cleared the Royalist garrison from the stronghold on 29 November; the monarchists retreated southward. Also in late November, the Royalist battalion on Phou Nok Kok was relieved by a fresh unit. On 2 December, Dac Cong sappers bombarded the position with about 300 rounds of mortar fire, followed by a night assault using improvised Bangalore torpedoes. As the Royalists began to retreat at dawn, CIA case agent Wilbur "Will" Green, call sign "Black Lion", began calling in close air support, including 2,000 pound bombs. The strikes drove the communist sappers off the mountaintop. A lull in communist activity followed, during which a melange of Royalist units launched a counterattack on 4 December. Hmong guerrillas manned PT-76 tanks captured from the communists, as well as 155mm howitzers. They supported "Bataillon Infanterie 19" (BI 19), as well as BV 21 and ADC militia. After recapturing Phou Pheung, they continued eastward to seize the Routes 71 and 74 junction. By 12 December 1969, the guerrillas' CIA supporters realized that another PAVN drive was likely. They devised a plan for a strategic withdrawal in five phases in the face of overwhelming communist forces. However, guerrilla general Vang Pao turned down the withdrawal plan; he wanted to hold the Plain of Jars his forces had captured. He did pull in the ADC militia and their dependents from the last advanced guerrilla outpost at Houei Tong Ko near the Pathet Lao headquarters at Xam Neua. Phase one: the forces engage. From 4–15 January 1970, 8,115 Hmong civilians were airlifted out from Xam Neua to resettle near Long Tieng. Meanwhile, the PAVN engaged several guerrilla positions simultaneously on the Plain of Jars. On 9 January, sappers of the 27th Dac Cong Battalion thrust at Phou Nok Kok from two directions while foul weather precluded tactical air strike support of the Royalists. Special Guerrilla Unit 1, (SGU 1), a battalion newly arrived from Military Region 4, initially held their ground despite their unfamiliarity with the position and its surrounding terrain. However, on 10 January, the sappers managed to scale the sheer northern face of the mountain, gaining the summit. With their advantage of height, the attacking sappers poured mortar and flamethrower fire upon the Royalists. Late on 12 January, GM 23 withdrew. On 15 January, 183 Royalist soldiers from BV 26 were landed on a ridge directly across Route 7 from Phou Nok Kok in an abortive effort to retake it. Bad flying weather prevented air support of their understrength counter, which petered out within a day. At another location, Royalist "Groupement Mobile 23" (GM 23) irregular regiment had occupied a hilltop overlooking Route 72. From 13–22 January, heavy weapons of the 312th PAVN Division shelled GM 23. The Royalist irregulars retreated and exfiltrated, opening the way for two PAVN combat engineer regiments to move in and begin improving Route 72 for an advance on Xieng Khouangville. With counterattack not an immediate option, the Royalists clung to the chokepoint at the junction of Routes 7 and 71. They garrisoned it with four battalions, plus some ADC militia. On 22 January, those Royalist forces were reinforced by two battalions. On the 23rd, American ambassador G. McMurtrie Godley requested supporting Arc Light strikes by B-52 Stratofortresses to bomb an opposing enemy concentration along Route 7. On 30 January, a makeshift armored column from Lima 22 managed to reach the 7/71 intersection with supplies. In early February, Royal Lao Air Force (RLAF) T-28 Trojans, pilots, and maintenance personnel from the other four Military Regions of Laos transferred into the forward fighter base at Muang Soui to help counter Campaign 139. Anticipating imminent attack, aerial evacuation of civilians under Royalist control on the Plain began on 4 February 1970. Using C-130 transports loaned to them by the U. S. Air Force, Air America removed over 16,700 Lao refugees over the following six days. Meanwhile, Vang Pao decided to use his guerrilla army's air superiority to hopscotch over the opposing communist forces and occupy a mountain top behind them. By 7 February, a 155mm howitzer and Royalists from BV 26 occupied a 1,394 meter peak in the rear of the communists, overlooking the 7/71 junction and capable of interdicting PAVN lines of communication by fire. On 11 February, the communists attacked in two locations. Two companies of Dac Cong attacked LS 22 that evening, but were repelled by the close air support of three AC-47 gunships; 76 dead communists were found in LS 22's defensive wire. LS 22 held. That same day, intruding communists from two sapper battalions threw tear gas into the defenders' trenches at the Routes 7/71 intersection. That sufficed to cause one Royalist irregular unit, Brown Battalion, to withdraw toward LS 22 after desultory resistance. The other monarchist battalions soon followed. The following day, the 148th and 174th PAVN Regiments infiltrated under cover of a fog bank to overrun the 7/71 road fork and captured the 155mm howitzer abandoned there. The communists now held the entry portal to the Plain, and were free to begin phase two of Campaign 139. The communists spent the next four days reorganizing while Vang Pao rallied his fleeing troops into defensive positions centered on LS 22. Phase two: the assaults. The night of 17 February 1970 was eventful. At LS 22, four PT-76s attacked under cover of fog, only to be destroyed by defensive anti-tank mines. Coinciding with this, a Dac Cong squad had penetrated the security of the guerrilla headquarters in the rear area of Lima Strip 20 Alternate (LS 20A). Three of them were killed in the attempt, but two RLAF T-28s and an O-1 Bird Dog were damaged. Most importantly, the U.S. escalated the war in northern Laos with its first B-52 Arc Light strike. Approved personally by President Richard M. Nixon, the three plane strike was aimed at a suspected North Vietnamese headquarters at the eastern limits of the Plain of Jars. It would be followed by others during the campaign. On 20 February, PAVN 122mm rockets hit LS 22, cancelling a visit by King Sisavang Vatthana. The communist assault that night was repulsed by the RLG's Neutralist allies, Forces Armées Neutralistes (FAN). A second attack, just before dawn of the 21st, saw four communist tanks roll up to the FAN trenchwork. The Neutralists retreated to the southwest, with the remainder of the 1,300 defenders, including Brown Battalion, in trail. By 1415 hours, LS 22 was largely deserted. Air strikes were called in to destroy abandoned Royalist equipment, including five captured communist tanks, 12 recoilless rifles, two 105mm howitzers, and seven trucks. That same day, three other Royalist positions fell to the communists. On 22 February, the Royalists left Xieng Khouangville to the communist 165th Regiment. The Royalist Special Guerrilla Unit 2 moved 18 kilometers southwest under air cover and set up a defensive position blocking a southern exit from the Plain. When the panic-stricken Brown Battalion fled through Muang Soui, the Royalists joined them and deserted the vital airstrip. Meanwhile, far in the communist rear area, a CIA-backed commando raid dreamt up by Henry Kissinger and approved by President Nixon burned several North Vietnamese offices and warehouses in the communist rear area at Dien Bien Phu, North Vietnam to little effect. Although their logistical system was stretched to its limit, the PAVN continued their advance on the Plain along several vectors in early March. On one axis, both the 866th Independent and 165th Regiments bypassed Xieng Khouangville to attack the Royalist Special Guerrilla Unit 4 stronghold at Khang Kho. The defensive minefields there stymied the communist attack. The PAVN regiments then penetrated further into Royalist territory, fetching up one ridgeline short of the main guerrilla base at Lima Site 20 Alternate. A second advance by elements of the PAVN 174th Regiment split in two to besiege two Royalist guerrilla positions. A third push by the PAVN 148th Regiment established it on the mountain peak of Phou Long Mat near the Royalist rear base at Sam Thong. The Royalist irregular force headquarters were now menaced by the communist advance, and Vang Pao's "L'Armee Clandestine" was threatened with extinction. On 6 March 1970, the Pathet Lao took advantage of the battlefield situation—which included the onset of nonflying weather—to offer the Royal Lao Government (RLG) a five-point peace plan to settle the war to their satisfaction. That same day, on the far side of the world, President Nixon misinformed the American public by denying that any Americans had been killed in Laos. The next day, the RLG publicly countered the Pathet Lao with their own public three point proposal based on PAVN withdrawal from Laos. Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma, who was a Neutralist, used private channels to let it be known the RLG would halt their military operations against the Ho Chi Minh Trail if the communists agreed to a ceasefire in northern Laos. However, no ceasefire eventuated. Phase two: Long Tieng besieged. On 13 March 1970, contingency planning began for evacuation of noncombat personnel from Long Tieng and Sam Thong, as Vang Pao again mulled moving his Hmong community toward the Thai border. Renewed PAVN attacks on 15 March on several Royalist positions in MR 2 began before the evacuation could start. A company of PAVN troops hit the perimeter of the refugee relief center at Sam Thong. On 17 March, emergency evacuation of Royalist wounded, Laotian civilians, and Americans from Sam Thong began despite continuing wretched flying weather. The next day, the last Hmong irregulars abandoned Sam Thong to the communists, who promptly torched half of it. As the retreating Hmong gathered at Long Tieng, PAVN infantry roved the ridgeline above it five kilometers to the northeast. By now, three-fourths of Long Tieng's populace—the noncombatant portion—was being evacuated via air. The CIA case agents on site destroyed their classified material. Vang Pao's reserves were reduced to two companies of recruits pulled from basic training, his military band, and 28 aviation technicians. However the 20A airfield remained open as Vang Pao personally defended it with a mortar. Later on 18 March, reinforcements began to land on the field. As the weather broke, a Royal Thai Artillery battalion of 300 trained regulars, Special Requirement 9 (SR 9), flew in to set up their guns on high ground southwest of the strip, near Sisavang Vatthana's villa. Advance contingents of two guerrilla battalions from Military Region 3 arrived, amounting to over 500 men. So did the lead party of 79 for a Forces Guerrilla Northwest battalion from MR 1 and a cargo plane of troops from MR 4. Aerial reinforcement from these sources continued on 20 March. Special Guerrilla Unit 2 filtered in from Khang Kho and mustered for duty on Skyline Ridge. A scattering of other stragglers also reported in. There were about 2,000 disorganized irregulars to defend Long Tieng against an estimated 5,000 to 6,000 PAVN regulars. The General Staff had reinforced the Route 7/13 intersection to the rear of the battle with four battalions under General Kouprasith Abhay in mid-March, to block the route to the Royalist capital at Vientiane in case of defeat in MR 2. Now they sent a fleeting delegation of four generals to 20A, who made a useless recommendation to supply more uniforms to the guerrillas. Otherwise, the irregulars were on their own in the battle against the invaders. And while the guerrilla base at Long Tieng still held, outlying Royalist positions continued to fall to the communists. One of the fallen positions was Skyline One, which overlooked the 20A airfield. A PAVN artillery direction team was spotted three kilometers from the guerrilla base. That evening, Long Tieng came under communist fire for the first time, as communist 122mm rockets dropped in and a small band of Dac Cong attempted to raid the airstrip. By mid-morning 21 March 1970, the communists had been pushed back out of Skyline One. RLAF Thai mercenary pilots also attacked, using the Lima strip at Moung Kassy as an improvised forward base as it was nearest to the Plain except Muang Soui. With cloud cover clearing, RLAF T-28s were flown in to begin operations from 20A. With Vang Pao helping to arm the aircraft, two Hmong pilots began bombing Sam Thong. One of the Hmong pilots flew 31 sorties in a day. Twelve more RLAF T-28 strikes were flown by American pilots from Project Waterpump. On 22 March, stragglers from the Ban Na outpost began to regroup on Skyline Ridge as 122mm rockets continued to bombard Long Tieng. Elsewhere in MR 2, Royal Lao Army (RLA) and FAN troops left their positions to the communists. That night, the U.S. Air Force dropped a 15,000 pound BLU-82 for the first time. Communist troops caught within several hundred meters of the impact were put out of action, breaking the communist attack. Vang Pao was in Vientiane to beg reinforcements from the General Staff to stave off defeat, but the generals were absorbed in drill practice for the upcoming Army Day celebration. On 23 March, clear weather allowed the U.S. Air Force to begin striking the communists with about 185 sorties per day for a four-day period. At 0100 on 24 March, Dac Cong managed to disable the TACAN beacon at Skyline One; the TACAN was crucial for directing U.S. Air Force air strikes. To retake it, the makeshift guerrilla battalion from MR 1 was enticed by $1 per day combat pay to reclaim Skyline Ridge. Given gunship support and issued new M16 rifles, the guerrillas stormed the hill. Vang Pao ordered their continued advance northward toward Sam Thong. By 26 March, having advanced with steadily increasing tactical air support as weather cleared, they were perched on hilltops south of Sam Thong. Unknown to them, the communist defenders scattered from Sam Thong into the nearby jungle. CIA case agent Tony Poe, who had scraped together the various smaller units he had amalgamated into an ad hoc MR 1 battalion to be shipped to MR 2, had followed them into action. He flew into Sam Thong on 27 March and contacted his troops. They came down from the hills, and by 1500 hours on 27 March 1970, Sam Thong was reoccupied by Royalists. Perceiving no further communist threat, Hmong refugees began to return to Long Tieng and Sam Thong. However, there remained a pocket of PAVN resistance southwest of 20A. The 866th Independent Regiment held two mountaintop positions within artillery range of 20A, and a detachment of the 148th Regiment held another. On 29 March, the Royalists moved to capture these strongholds. The two battalions imported from MR 3 had completed their ranks; they now moved north from Long Tieng and swept the communists from the top of Phou Phasai. A 155mm howitzer was helilifted in for artillery support. On 3 April, CIA case agent Will Greene promised his 3 Special Guerrilla Battalion $3 per day combat pay for moving into the attack. Backed by a RLA battalion cobbled together from other battalion's units, the guerrillas captured the last of the threatening hilltop positions by April's end. However, by then Vũ Lập had recalled the majority of his forces from the Plain and Campaign 139 had been officially ended by the communists on 25 April 1970. Results. Although PAVN had failed in its effort to eliminate the Royalist guerrilla army from Military Region 2, it had left the RLG irregulars in sad shape. Previous defeats had left them demoralized, and now they had almost been wiped out. The CIA's paramilitary training efforts had always had difficulty in forming and using units unless the recruits shared a common ethnicity. Hmong General Vang Pao's command of his irregular army depended on his shared ethnicity with them. The wake of Campaign 139 now found him trying to command large numbers of non-Hmong troops. Worse yet, some of the ad hoc units hastily formed for defending MR 2 consisted of mixed ethnicities, with inevitable inter-group tensions. Nor was Vang Pao's problem eased by weak, corrupt, and incompetent leadership by his subordinate battalion commanders. Their units were perpetually understrength. "Ghost soldiers"—non-existent or departed soldiers whose salaries were pocketed by their commanders—might show on the unit's rolls, but obviously were not available for combat. They were still counted against unit strength, though. Under these conditions, Royalist combat refusals began to occur, not just in MR 2, but also among Special Guerrilla Units facing the Ho Chi Minh Trail, as the monarchists sometimes refused to take the offensive when ordered. Despite 14 years of training and support, the Royal Lao Army was still largely a noncombatant. "L'Clandestine Armee" was the only Royalist fighting force left, and its near defeat was the near loss of the war.

further progression

7982-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=30410083

The 2011 season for began in January with the Tour Down Under, where defending champion André Greipel debuted for the team, and ended in October at the Giro di Lombardia. As a UCI ProTeam, they were automatically invited and obligated to send a squad to every event in the UCI World Tour. The team's roster changed drastically from 2010. The team had 28 victories in 2011, which by itself is an impressive total as it tied them with and for third-most among the major teams, behind only and . But the caliber of the bulk of those victories set team Omega Pharma-Lotto apart. Team leader Philippe Gilbert won four races in ten days in April, including all three Ardennes classics, as well as five other races that counted toward the UCI World Tour rankings (and a further nine that did not), marking this as a truly dominant year for the Belgian. He handily won the individual World Tour crown, with his points total more than that of over half the "teams" in the standings. Thanks mostly to Gilbert, Omega Pharma-Lotto also won the World Tour team award. Greipel also proved a reasonably prolific winner, winning eight races on the season, three of which counted toward the World Tour rankings. The other major story for the team in 2011 was the rift of its two title sponsors. Omega Pharma, through their various product names, and the Belgian national lottery had sponsored the team since 2005, but it was announced relatively early in the 2011 season that they would not remain together after 2011, having different visions for the continuation of the team. Both remain as cycling sponsors, with Omega Pharma moving on to the newly branded in 2012 and the Belgian lottery adding Ridley to this formation, to be known as , for 2012. 2011 roster. Ages as of January 1, 2011. One-day races. Spring classics. In March, Gilbert won Montepaschi Strade Bianche by performing a very late-race attack, a tactic that has earned him most of his professional victories. While Gilbert's attacks, when successful, usually get him away alone, this time he had to deal with Alessandro Ballan and Damiano Cunego, who were able to follow. The three decided the race a few bike lengths ahead of the rest of the 20-strong leading group, with Gilbert coming across the line ahead of Ballan and then Cunego. At the first monument race of the season, Milan – San Remo, Gilbert was considered a strong favorite victory, largely due to his win on the Strade Bianche. Greipel also rode, as the team's "Plan B" for victory, but after his injurious crash in the Tirreno–Adriatico, he was not thought to be on the best form. Omega Pharma-Lotto was one of two teams, along with , left with more than three riders present in the leading group on the road after a crash on the Le Manie climb from the finish split the field into two large groups. Roelandts and Greipel both took pulls on the front of the leading group, indicating that Greipel was not on sufficient form to ride for the win himself. Little by little, the leading group that had once been 44 dwindled to only eight, a select group that formed on the Poggio just a few kilometers from the finish. Gilbert tried twice to attack and solo his way to victory, once on the Poggio and once again on the finishing straight in San Remo, but he was chased down by Filippo Pozzato. While he had a gap for a brief moment in the final few meters in San Remo, both Fabian Cancellara and race winner Matthew Goss were able to pass him, leaving Gilbert third. After the race, Gilbert criticized Pozzato for chasing him down, and said that with Goss in the leading group it would have been nearly impossible for him to win. In April, Gilbert had one of the most dominant two-week periods any rider ever has. First, he took the win at Brabantse Pijl, a race seen as a precursor to the Ardennes classics. He and compatriot Björn Leukemans attacked out of what had been a leading group of ten, and stayed clear to the finish where Gilbert won the sprint. Next was the Amstel Gold Race, the first of the Ardennes classics. Gilbert came in as the defending champion, and a strong favorite. He rode a tactically sound race, staying at the front through the many selections over the 31 recognized climbs in the race. After Andy Schleck launched an attack for victory on the Keutenberg, from the finish, Gilbert and 's Joaquim Rodríguez were among the group that overtook him on the Cauberg, the final climb. Gilbert's final finishing kick got him clear of Rodríguez by two seconds, earning him the race win for the second year in a row. 's Simon Gerrans was third. One post-race analysis opined that Gilbert's race demonstrated that he is the best rider in the world on a short uphill finish. Gilbert was the first rider since Rolf Järmann in 1998 to be a repeat winner of the Amstel, and the first since Jan Raas in 1980 to win consecutive editions. The second Ardennes classic was La Flèche Wallonne. Gilbert was mentioned among the contenders, but the Mur de Huy climb at the finish being steeper than anything covered by the Amstel, pre-race analysis viewed Rodríguez, Alberto Contador, and Robert Gesink, among others, as bigger favorites. and did the bulk of the work in the peloton chasing down the morning escape, which took an advantage that ballooned to 17 minutes at one point. Gilbert later explained that Omega Pharma-Lotto did not contribute much work because their domestiques were spent from work done at Brabantse Pijl and Amstel Gold, and that La Flèche Wallonne, while still a goal for Gilbert, was not as important to him as Liège–Bastogne–Liège. The early escape was indeed caught, and a flurry of attacks and counter-attacks followed. For a while, a group of ten riders held a sustained advantage of less than a minute over the main field. Omega Pharma-Lotto was forced to work at this point, since they had no rider in that leading group. The last breakaway group was of two riders, and while they had a 14-second gap over the rest of the field going into the final kilometer, the third and final ascent of the Mur de Huy made sure that the pre-race favorites figured into the finale. Michael Albasini and Christophe Le Mével tried to solo up the Mur to victory, but they effectively led out Rodríguez and Gilbert. Gilbert again surged past Rodríguez for victory, with Samuel Sánchez rounding out the podium this time. Liège–Bastogne–Liège was always Gilbert's biggest goal of the spring season, and victories in the first two Ardennes classics, as well as the Brabantse Pijl to precede them, left Gilbert even more anxious for victory. Liège–Bastogne–Liège, nicknamed "La Doyenne" (French for "the oldest," as it is the oldest continuously run cycling event in the world), is also the fourth monument race of the season. Gilbert was the clear favorite for the race – one analyst referred to it as the "Omega Pharma-Lotto rider versus the peloton." On race day, a group of 13 riders distinguished themselves as the leaders on the road for much of the day. Omega Pharma-Lotto was forced to do most of the work in the main field. Between the Col du Maquisard and the Côte de la Redoute, where the race has often been decided in the past, they stopped pulling at the front of the peloton. The time gap to the leaders briefly increased, before and Gilbert's former team sent men to the front. On the next climb, the Côte de Roche aux Faucons, the widely expected attack from 's two leaders, the Schleck brothers, took place. Gilbert marked them, and effectively stayed in their slipstreams as the trio surged to the front of the race, past the remnants of the morning breakaway. Later, Gilbert himself took pulls. Andy Schleck took more pulls than his brother Fränk as the race wore on. At one point, on the Côte de Saint-Nicolas, Gilbert slipped away with only the elder Schleck able to follow. Andy later bridged back. At the finish, which took place on a slight downhill, neither Luxembourger put in any sort of challenge to Gilbert, and his superior sprint got him to the line first ahead of Fränk Schleck in second by a few bike lengths. The win made Gilbert just the second rider in history to win all three Ardennes classics in the same year, after Davide Rebellin in 2004. Factoring in the Brabantse Pijl made him the first rider ever to win all four of those races, which took place over a span of only 11 days, in the same year. Gilbert's great successes in the Ardennes bore out in the UCI rankings. While the Brabantse Pijl did not contribute points toward the rankings, the other three races did. Gilbert had been 16th prior to the Amstel Gold Race, but took over fifth with his win there. His points also helped his home nation of Belgium take the lead in that classification, and the Omega Pharma-Lotto team moved up four slots as well. Rankings were not published after La Flèche Wallonne, but after Liège–Bastogne–Liège, Gilbert had moved up to world number one, by 120 points over Fabian Cancellara, with Belgium further increasing their lead in the nations classification. Omega Pharma-Lotto moved up another five places, to third. The team also sent squads to the Trofeo Inca, Trofeo Deià, the Clásica de Almería, Le Samyn, Nokere Koerse, the Handzame Classic, Dwars door Vlaanderen, the Scheldeprijs, Paris–Roubaix, the Eschborn-Frankfurt City Loop, ProRace Berlin, Ruddervoorde Koerse and Halle–Ingooigem, but placed no higher than 13th in any of these races. Fall races. The team also sent squads to the Grand Prix José Dubois, the GP Ouest-France, Paris–Brussels, the Grand Prix d'Isbergues, Binche–Tournai–Binche, Paris–Tours, the Nationale Sluitingsprijs, and the Giro del Piemonte, but finished no higher than 13th in any of these races. Stage races. New acquisition Greipel entered 2011 coming off a prolific 2010 season for , which included early season successes at the Tour Down Under. The team hoped for more of the same from Greipel in 2011, though he did not win any stage, finishing second twice, and was only seventh overall. Thus, he felt pressure to perform at his next event, the Volta ao Algarve. Gilbert was also named to the squad for this event, to try to win stages that may be too selective for Greipel. As it turned out, both riders indeed took wins in the Portuguese tour. Gilbert won the first stage with his signature late race attack. He finished five seconds clear of the peloton, led home by Gerald Ciolek and then Greipel. Gilbert later stated that his attack was the team's plan all along, and they did not want this stage, though flat, to end in a field sprint. Three stages later, Greipel won a traditional mass sprint. At Tirreno–Adriatico in March, Gilbert won a stage in a manner somewhat different from his usual style. He and three other attackers coming clear of the second group on the road bridged up to the two leaders, who had been out front all day. While 's Wout Poels took first position with to go, he did not take the optimal line to the finish. Gilbert rode against the guardrails while Poels took to the middle of the road, and claimed victory just ahead of the Dutchman. Greipel won the flat first stage of the Three Days of De Panne, but he did so by foiling a field sprint. He joined a counter-attack just as the day's morning escape was caught and easily bested his three breakaway mates at the finish line, though the peloton had come so close to catching them there was no appreciable time gap at the finish. In April, Blythe won the youth classification of the two-day Ronde van Drenthe. Both stages had sprint finishes, though the second was much more selective than the first, with only 11 riders tied on the same time. Blythe finished at the front of the race both days, and had better combined stage finishes than Jetse Bol and Barry Markus from the Rabobank continental team, winning him the award. Greipel got another stage win from a breakaway at the Presidential Cycling Tour of Turkey. He joined 11 others in the morning breakaway on stage 6. They were joined midway through the stage by 15 other riders, including three who had made a breakaway that won 12 minutes the previous day and were therefore very invested in keeping this break stay away. Greipel was easily the strongest sprinter in the group, and took a comfortable victory. At the Tour de Picardie, Dehaes won the points jersey and finished second overall behind 's Romain Feillu. The team also won lesser classifications at the Vuelta a Andalucía, the Tour of Belgium, and the Ster ZLM Toer. The team also sent squads to the Tour Down Under, Driedaagse van West-Vlaanderen, Paris–Nice, Volta a Catalunya, the Tour of the Basque Country, the Tour de Romandie, the Tour de Suisse, the Tour de Wallonie, the Tour de Pologne, the Tour de Wallonie-Picarde, the Tour of Beijing and the Herald Sun Tour, but did not achieve a stage win, classification win, or podium finish in any of them.

significant news

11996-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=55050266

The Badminton railway line is a railway line opened in 1903 by the Great Western Railway between Wootton Bassett in Wiltshire and Patchway and Filton, north of Bristol, England. Forming the eastern section of the South Wales Main Line, it shortened the distance between South Wales and London for heavy mineral traffic and for express passenger trains, and relieved congestion on the line through Bath. It was engineered to high standards with gentle gradients and large radius curves, and was correspondingly expensive to construct. It is about 30 miles in length. The line is part of the principal route between South Wales and London, and today carries a heavy main line passenger service. All intermediate stations were closed in the 1960s, but in 1971 Bristol Parkway station was opened, and remains the only passenger station on the line. Electrification of the line is (2017) in progress. Before the Badminton line. On 30 June 1841 the Great Western Railway company opened its first main line between London and Bristol. By this means the capital and one of the most important seaports were connected by a trunk railway line. The line was well laid out, passing through Reading and Bath. Its engineer was Isambard Kingdom Brunel. At the early date when the design of the line was being finalised, Brunel was not confident of the ability of the steam engines of the day to ascend significant gradients pulling a load, and the solution appeared to be to concentrate the stiffest climb in a limited distance, and to make the remainder of the route as near to constantly level as possible. The short, steep sections could, he believed, be worked with stationary steam engines hauling the trains up by rope. Accordingly, Brunel designed the main line with two such inclines, in Box Tunnel and at Wootton Bassett. In fact by the time the railway was being built, the capacity and reliability of steam engines had advanced considerably, and the stationary steam engines were never installed, but the legacy of the two steep inclines remained. Even as the Great Western Railway main line was being built, the momentum of building railway lines in connection with it was building up. The Cheltenham and Great Western Union Railway was promoted to build a line from Swindon to Gloucester and Cheltenham, and the South Wales Railway was formed to build on from near Gloucester to Milford Haven. This was with a view to capturing the transatlantic maritime trade as well as communication with Ireland. The Cheltenham and Great Western Union Railway was absorbed by the Great Western Railway before the line was opened, and the South Wales Railway amalgamated with the GWR in 1863. The network was built on the broad gauge, and this led to difficulty in competing for coal traffic from South Wales to London and the South Coast of England, as most of the coal was extracted in the South Wales Valleys, which were generally connected by narrow (standard) gauge railways. The physical transshipment of the mineral was laborious and expensive, and many producers preferred to use coastal shipping instead. When the Taff Vale Extension line of the Newport, Abergavenny and Hereford Railway was fully operational, and then taken over by the GWR, coal could be transferred on narrow (standard) gauge track to London and Southampton via Hereford. As the South Wales coal business increased exponentially, there was thus a residual hostility to the Great Western Railway, and this continued after conversion of the track gauge in 1873, when at last the GWR could freely convey coal on the most direct routes available. The Severn Tunnel. It was not until 1886 that the Severn Tunnel was operational, on 1 September 1886 for goods and on 1 December 1886 for passenger trains. Before that date the shortest route for minerals and passengers from South Wales was via Gloucester and Swindon. Now that the Severn Tunnel was available, that traffic could run via Bristol (or the short avoiding line known as Dr Days Curve) and Bath. This was a considerable improvement, but the route through Bath became heavily congested, now carrying much of the South Wales traffic and all of the Bristol and West of England traffic. London and South Wales Railway. In South Wales, dissatisfaction with the Great Western Railway continued to be a factor. It was effectively a monopoly for the trunk haulage of coal to London and Southampton (as far as Salisbury; Southampton was an important bunkering port for the transatlantic shipping trade, and Portsmouth was a major home port for the Royal Navy.) The Barry Railway Company had been exceptionally successful in South Wales in building ambitious and well-laid-out lines to its modern and well-equipped port. this emboldened those associated with it, and with coalowners who used it and were pleased with the alternatives it offered, to put together a scheme for a London and South Wales Railway. This was announced in November 1895. It was to build a new line from Cogan via Cardiff and skirting Newport on the north side, crossing the River Severn at Beachley by a new 3,300 yard bridge, then via Thornbury, Malmesbury and Lechlade, to make a junction with the Metropolitan Railway near Great Missenden. At 163 miles in length, the scheme was costed at £5,688,252. At the same time, the Vale of Glamorgan Railway promoted a Bill for a new line westward from Ewenny via Porthcawl and Port Talbot to join the Rhondda and Swansea Bay Railway at Aberavon. For at least a decade, the Great Western Railway had indicated that it might build a cut-off line to shorten the route from the Severn Tunnel to London, but it had not done so. Barrie says, "Beyond all reasonable doubt, the real object of the London & South Wales promoters was to force the Great Western Railway to carry out its South Wales Direct Line, and to make certain concessions to the South Wales coal trade." Now the GWR saw the real possibility of a competing line being built, and hastily put together a Parliamentary Bill for its own direct line. Both schemes were submitted for the 1886 Parliamentary session. The promoters of the London and South Wales Railway, no doubt seeing that their objective had been achieved, withdrew their Bill. The GWR Bill. Accordingly, the Great Western Railway promoted a Bill in the 1896 session for a line from Wootton Bassett to Patchway. At 30 miles in length the line would reduce the South Wales to London journey by ten miles. It would also by-pass the Box and Wootton Bassett inclines, and relieve the heavy congestion between Bathampton and Bristol. This last was so difficult that quadrupling the line had been considered, "an impossibly costly proceeding" according to MacDermot. The Act for the South Wales and Bristol Direct Railway was passed on 23 July 1896. Construction. A contract for the main part of the construction was let to Pearson & Son Limited on 21 October 1897, in the amount of £986,000. The major work was the Sodbury tunnel, which was constructed from seven vertical shafts as access to the sites of the ends of the tunnels had not been excavated at first. The contractor used a remarkable number of steam locomotives in the work: 50 were in use at one time or another (but not simultaneously), reflecting the volume of earth that was moved. Excavated material amounted to five million cubic yards. Opening. The first section of the line was opened to goods traffic on 1 January 1903, and from Badminton to Patchway and Filton, also for goods traffic, on 1 May 1903. On 26 June 1903 Colonel H. A. Yorke of the Board of Trade made an inspection of the line over two days; BoT approval was a requirement before the operation of passenger trains was permitted. Yorke approved the line but insisted on a general speed restriction of for three months. Use of the Westerleigh loops by passenger trains was refused for the time being as the junctions were not ready. The entire route of was opened to passenger traffic on 1 July 1903. A large marshalling yard was built at Stoke Gifford, with ten sidings capable of holding 500 wagons. From Stoke Gifford a spur ran to Filton, towards Bristol. Intending that the line should be suitable for heavy mineral traffic from South Wales as well as express passenger trains, the steepest gradient was made at 1 in 300, and no curve of less radius than one mile; this was achieved by some heavy earthworks as well as four large viaducts, one near Somerford over the Avon and the Malmesbury Branch, and three near Winterbourne. The Chipping Sodbury Tunnel () was built under the ridge of the Cotswolds between Badminton and Chipping Sodbury, and the Alderton Tunnel () at Alderton east of Badminton. Stations were built at , , , , , , and , and water troughs laid near Chipping Sodbury. The stations at Little Somerford, Badminton, Chipping Sodbury and Coalpit Heath were constructed with four tracks, with platforms on the outer two, to enable through fast trains to overtake slower trains. The new line shortened the distance between London and South Wales by ten miles and was considerably easier to work over, enabling an acceleration of the express trains by 25 minutes, and allowing much greater loads to be carried by the coal trains from Stoke Gifford. (The gradients in the Severn Tunnel remained the limiting factor there.) The original Parliamentary Bill for the line proposed a branch to the Severn and Wye Joint Railway, which would have run more or less parallel with the Bristol and Gloucester line of the Midland Railway. The proposal was withdrawn by arrangement with the Midland Railway, and it was agreed that a short spur connection could be made at and another south of , to connect it with the joint railway, and exercise their old running powers from 1846 and 1848 over the intervening of the Midland line. The two spurs referred to opened for goods traffic on 9 March 1908. On 1 July 1903, four South Wales expresses each way were altered to use the Badminton Line: the best of these reached Newport in 2 hours 33 minutes compared with 2 hours 57 minutes formerly. On 4 August 1903 a first part of the old Up Flying Dutchman from Bristol was altered to leave Temple Meads at noon and run over the Badminton line to arrive at Paddington at 2 o'clock, the speed for the being . This was the first regular two-hour train between London and Bristol. Mineral railways at Coalpit Heath. From 1832 a horse-operated tramway, part of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Railway, was constructed to connect coal pits in the vicinity of Coalpit Heath with the River Avon near Keynsham. By the time of the construction of the Badminton line the tramway had been converted to a standard gauge railway, and the Badminton line passed over it by a bridge. A siding connection was made to Coalpit Heath station. Westerleigh loops. The loops at Westerleigh, connecting the Badminton line with the Midland Railway at Yate, had been opened to goods trains concurrently with the Badminton main line itself. The GWR wished to use the loops to operate an independent service between Bristol and Gloucester, using running powers over the Midland Railway. However the Midland argued that the running powers, so far as the Westerleigh and Yate connections were concerned, only applied to traffic for the Severn and Wye line. They insisted that any Bristol to Gloucester through trains should use their Mangotsfield line from Bristol, incurring higher charges for use of the line. The issue went to arbitration and then to litigation, but the loop lines were out of use while the dispute continued. It was finally resolved in 1908 when they were reopened for goods trains, on 9 March. On 20 October they were inspected for passenger operation by Colonel Yorke and on 2 November 1908 the first use by a through passenger train took place. During World War I the east loop was closed to save staff, from 18 December 1916 to 18 February 1919. Traffic on the east curve was never heavy, and it was closed from 10 July 1927. However, during World War II there were concerns that main routes might be blocked by enemy action, and the curve was reopened as an emergency alternative route. This included the provision of a new Westerleigh East Junction signal box; the curve was available from 16 August 1942 until final closure on 4 January 1950. Badminton station. A covenant was signed between the Duke of Beaufort and the Great Western Railway undertaking that four passenger trains would make calls at Badminton station every day, and in addition any train must stop there if a first class passenger desired to alight. Avonmouth. The Stoke Gifford direct line from Avonmouth was opened on 9 May 1910, running from Holesmouth Junction at Avonmouth to Stoke Gifford. This gave direct access for industrial mineral traffic to the West Midlands via Honeybourne. Malmesbury branch. The Malmesbury branch had opened on 17 December 1877, running from Dauntsey station on the Great Western Railway main line. When the Badminton line was built, it crossed over the Malmesbury branch a short distance west of Little Somerford. In 1932 the branch was altered to run into Little Somerford station instead of Dauntsey. The branch connection ran alongside the Badminton line for some distance to reach the station. The altered passenger service started on 17 July 1933. The original route to Dauntsey was closed, but part of it was retained as a stub for wagon storage for some years. Bristol to Gloucester route modified. By the 1960s the route for the majority of through passenger trains between Bristol and Gloucester was the former Midland Railway route through Fishponds. Very few through passenger trains used the former GWR alternative, through Filton and Westerleigh, except during busy periods at summer weekends. However it was decided to close the Fishponds line and divert all such traffic on to the Filton route, and this was done on 3 January 1970, from which date all such trains used the part of the Badminton line between Filton and Yate. Bristol Parkway station. All the South Wales to London trains and all the Bristol to Birmingham trains now passed through Stoke Gifford, and it was proposed to build a new station there. As an out-of-town location, it would be attractive to motorists in the Greater Bristol area, who might drive to the station and park, continuing by rail. Accordingly, the station was known as Bristol Parkway, opening on 1 May 1972. Parking was free for some years. Line closure for upgrade. The line between Wootton Bassett Junction and Westerleigh Junction was closed from 5 May to 6 October 1986 to enable extensive upgrading of the infrastructure. Slip coaches. From May 1923, two down Fishguard trains slipped coaches for Temple Meads at Stoke Gifford. There was no passenger station there, and the slipped vehicles were taken on to Temple Meads by a train specially run to Stoke Gifford for the purpose. The trains concerned were the 8.45 am and the 8.0 pm from Paddington to Fishguard, and the slipped portions reached Temple Meads at 11.3 am and 10.20 pm respectively. In Table 10, Fryer shows one slip at Stoke Gifford in 1932 for Bristol Temple Meads; and two in 1938, one of which continued to Taunton and the other to Weston-super-Mare. The Bristolian. To mark the centenary of the Great Western Railway, the company inaugurated an express train named The Bristolian in 1935. The westward route from London to Bristol was conventionally via Bath, but the return journey was over the Badminton line. The timing was 105 minutes each way non-stop. Station closures. The area served by the line was sparsely populated, and after World War II patronage of the intermediate stations fell away. On 3 April 1961 they were closed to passenger trains, with the exception of Badminton. Most of the intermediate goods services were withdrawn in the period from 1963 to 1965. The closure of Badminton station was delayed by the undertaking given to the Duke of Beaufort when the line was authorised, that four trains would call daily, but closure finally took place on 3 June 1968. Stoke Gifford yards were closed on 4 October 1971. Topography. Gradients. From Wootton Bassett Junction the line fell generally at 1 in 300 to Little Somerford, then climbing at the same gradient to Badminton. After that the line fell at 1 in 300 through Sodbury Tunnel and on to Stoke Gifford.

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Lyndhurst is a large village and civil parish situated in the New Forest National Park in Hampshire, England. Serving as the administrative capital of the New Forest, it is a popular tourist attraction, with many independent shops, art galleries, cafés, museums, pubs and hotels. The nearest city is Southampton, about nine miles () to the north-east. As of 2001 Lyndhurst had a population of 2,973, increasing to 3,029 at the 2011 Census. The name derives from an Old English name, comprising the words "lind" (lime tree) and "hyrst" (wooded hill). Known as the "Capital of the New Forest", Lyndhurst houses the New Forest District Council. The first mention of Lyndhurst was in the Domesday Book of 1086 under the name 'Linhest'. The Court of Verderers sits in the Queens House in Lyndhurst. The church of St. Michael and All Angels was built in the 1860s, and contains a fresco by Lord Leighton and stained-glass windows by Charles Kempe, William Morris, Edward Burne-Jones and others; Alice Liddell, the inspiration for Alice in Lewis Carroll's "Alice's Adventures in Wonderland", is buried there. Glasshayes House (the former Lyndhurst Park Hotel) is the only surviving example of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's architectural experimentation, and local folklore records Lyndhurst as the site of a Dragon-slaying, and as being haunted by the ghost of Richard Fitzgeorge de Stacpoole, 1st Duc de Stacpoole. History. The name "Lyndhurst" is an Old English name, meaning 'Wooded hill with lime-trees growing'. The name comprises the words "lind" ('lime-tree') and "hyrst" ('wooded hill'). The first mention of Lyndhurst was in the Domesday Book of 1086 under the name 'Linhest'. It was part of the royal lands of the New Forest, with the exception of 1 virgate which was held by Herbert the Forester. Herbert may have been the ancestor of the Lyndhurst family, beginning with Herbert Lyndhurst, who held the bailiwick and manor of Lyndhurst in the 12th and 13th centuries. The manor passed to Henry III in 1270, and together with the wardenship of the New Forest, which invariably accompanied the manor, it formed part of the dowry of four consecutive queens: Eleanor of Castile, Margaret of France, Isabella of France, and Philippa of Hainault. The manor was back in the hands of the king before 1362, and it was granted to various noble families over the course of the following century. Between 1467 and 1581 it was in the hands of the Earls of Arundel, after which it once again reverted to the Crown. The estate was once again passed to various noble families until 1667, when Charles II granted it to Charles Paulet, 1st Duke of Bolton. He was followed successively by his son and grandson, but by the mid 18th century it was back in royal hands, being held successively by Prince William Henry (up to 1805) and Prince Frederick (until 1827). Subsequently, the manor was deemed "not important to be kept", and the copyholds of the manor, which included estates in Minstead, Burley, Bartley and Poulner, either became enfranchised or passed to the Crown. A royal park was attached to the manor of Lyndhurst from a very early date. It was unusual for being a King's Park within a King's Forest. In 1299 it covered an area of , the profits from the honey gathered there amounting to 2 shillings per annum. It was actively worked during the 14th and 15th centuries when payments were made for the fencing and repairing of the palings. The "old Park" of Lyndhurst is where the Lime Wood (formerly Parkhill) Hotel now stands, the new park being on the A337 Brockenhurst road. Geography. Lyndhurst is in the New Forest National Park, in Hampshire, England. The village is the administrative capital of the New Forest, with the district council based in the village. The Court of Verderers sits in the Queen's House in Lyndhurst. The local headquarters of the Forestry Commission, the body that handles the maintenance of the softwood plantations, forest roads and paths, and controlling the spread of invasive plants, such as rhododendrons and gorse is also based in the Queen's House. The church of St. Michael and All Angels is a major landmark, built of many different colours of brick, on one of the highest points in the village. Glasshayes House (also known as the Lyndhurst Park Hotel) is a Georgian "Gothick" villa, and after its 1912 alterations is the only surviving example of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's forays into architecture. In local tradition it is haunted by the ghost of Richard Fitzgeorge de Stacpoole, 1st Duc de Stacpoole. It sits adjacent to Bolton's Bench, a picturesque hill to the east of the village which, according to local folklore, was originally the corpse of a dragon; Other local landmarks include a row of much photographed thatched cottages on the road to the neighbouring hamlet of Emery Down, and the New Forest Centre, which includes the New Forest Museum and New Forest Gallery. Also situated towards the outskirts of the village is Foxlease, one of the training and activity centres of Girlguiding UK, which has been the scene of several internationally important Girl Guiding and Girl Scouting events. It was established in February 1922 following the marriage of president Mary, Princess Royal and Countess of Harewood. The headquarters of the privately owned British chemicals company Ineos is located in the village. The civil parish includes the hamlets of Bank and Emery Down. Lyndhurst is surrounded by varied "forest", from the heathland of Parkhill to the bog of Matley, and the open forest with its ancient oak and beech to the enclosures of softwoods. The Queen's House. The most important building in Lyndhurst is the Queen's House, which has also in the past been called the King's House, for the name changes according to the gender of the monarch. It is the principal building owned by the Crown in the New Forest, and contains the Verderers' Hall, home of the ancient Verderers' Court. The Queen's House is also the local headquarters of the Forestry Commission. A manor house probably existed in Lyndhurst by the 13th century. In the reign of Edward I an order was given for "twenty oaks to make laths for the use of the queen's manor-house at Lyndhurst." This house was probably superseded by the hunting lodge built at Lyndhurst in the 14th century, which received frequent royal visits, and for which there are many records relating to the repair and enlargement. In 1388 a hall was built within the lodge, known later as the Verderers' Hall. Rebuilding took place in the reign of Henry VIII, and especially in the 17th century, during the reigns of Charles I and Charles II, and the current structure largely dates from this time. The last monarch to stay here was George III who visited the New Forest in June 1789. Frances Burney, who was Second Keeper of the Robes to Queen Charlotte, described the house as "a straggling, inconvenient, old house, but delightfully situated, in a village—looking indeed at present like a populous town, from the amazing concourse of people that have crowded into it." The building today is a rambling two-storey structure in brick. The prisoners' dock, tables and chairs of considerable age are preserved in the hall. Also to be found within is the so-called "Stirrup of Rufus", which was used to measure dogs. Religious sites. The village's Anglican church, St Michael and All Angels, is on a mound overlooking the village. It was built between 1858–70, and is the third such building on the site. The church was designed by William White. It is constructed with red brick with yellow trim. It has a tall (160 ft,(48.8m)) brick-banded spire at the north-west end which can be seen from The Isle of Wight. The interior has yellow, white and red exposed brickwork, and a nave roof decorated with life-size supporting angels. The church contains a fresco by Frederick Leighton showing the "Parable of the Wise and Foolish Virgins", with biblical characters said to be modelled on local people. The church also contains stained glass windows designed by William Morris, Edward Burne-Jones, and Charles Kempe. Alice Liddell, also known as Alice Hargreaves, the inspiration for Alice in Lewis Carroll's "Alice's Adventures in Wonderland", lived in and around Lyndhurst after her marriage to Reginald Hargreaves, and is buried in the graveyard. There is also a very fine, small Catholic Church of the Assumption and St Edward the Confessor, built by Sir Arthur Blomfield between 1894 and 1896 as a memorial to Marie-Louise Souberbielle. Education and culture. Saint Michael and All Angels Infant School is the main village school. New Forest Small School is an independent school for children aged 3 to 16. In 2020, Hampshire County Council announced plans to close Lyndhurst library. The Bisterne Dragon. Lyndhurst is notable in English folklore for being the supposed location of a dragon-slaying. The local tradition is that a dragon had his den at Burley Beacon in Burley. There are several versions of the tale, one being that the creature "flew" every morning to Bisterne, where it would be supplied with milk. To kill the dragon, a valiant knight (usually named Berkeley) built a hide, and with two dogs lay in wait. The creature came as usual one morning for its milk, and when the hut door was opened the dogs attacked it, and while thus engaged the knight took the dragon by surprise, the dogs dying in the affray. The fight raged throughout the forest, with the dragon finally dying outside Lyndhurst, its corpse turning into a great hill (now known as Boltons Bench). Though the knight had defeated the dragon he had been mentally broken by the battle, and after thirty days and thirty nights he went back to Boltons Bench to die alone atop it, his body turning into the yew tree which can still be seen today. Transport links. The village is the meeting point of the A35, which runs NE to SW between Southampton and Bournemouth, and the A337 which runs north to south between Cadnam on the M27, and Lymington, a ferry port for the Isle of Wight on the south coast. To deal with the large volume of traffic through the village, there is a one-way system. This in effect turns the major roads of the village into a traffic circle. In summer the traffic through the village increases hugely because of the tourists. This can create queues into the village from all directions. It has long been mooted that the solution to Lyndhurst's traffic problem is to build a bypass through the surrounding National Park forest land. In 1947 the Government's Baker Report accepted that a bypass might be necessary, and provision was made in the New Forest Act 1949 to construct roads through the forest with the consent of the Verderers. Public inquiries were held in 1975 and 1983. On both occasions the various routes proposed by the county council were opposed by the Verderers as being detrimental to the environment. The Verderers stated that they would not oppose a less harmful route. The last serious attempt at a Lyndhurst Bypass Bill was rejected in July 1988. In 2006 Lyndhurst Parish Council again called for a bypass, and proposed that the road followed the route suggested in 1983 but with a cut-and-cover tunnel. Although Lyndhurst itself does not have a railway station, it has for many years been served by the former Lyndhurst Road station, three miles () away, which has been renamed Ashurst New Forest. It is also only four miles () from Brockenhurst and under 4 miles from Beaulieu Road station – all these stations are on the South Western Main Line to London and Weymouth, serving Bournemouth and Southampton. Bus services operated by Bluestar run frequently to Southampton and Lymington. There are also two daily National Express coach departures to London Victoria. The New Forest Tour, an open-top bus tour run in the summer, starts and finishes in Lyndhurst. Twin towns. Lyndhurst is twinned with:

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A jury trial, or trial by jury, is a lawful proceeding in which a jury makes a decision or findings of fact. It is distinguished from a bench trial in which a judge or panel of judges makes all decisions. Jury trials are used in a significant share of serious criminal cases in many but not all common law judicial systems. The majority of common law jurisdictions in Asia (such as Singapore, Pakistan, India, and Malaysia) have abolished jury trials on the grounds that juries are susceptible to bias. Juries or lay judges have also been incorporated into the legal systems of many civil law countries for criminal cases. Only the United States makes routine use of jury trials in a wide variety of non-criminal cases. Other common law legal jurisdictions use jury trials only in a very select class of cases that make up a tiny share of the overall civil docket (like malicious prosecution and false imprisonment suits in England and Wales), but true civil jury trials are almost entirely absent elsewhere in the world. Some civil law jurisdictions, however, have arbitration panels where non-legally trained members decide cases in select subject-matter areas relevant to the arbitration panel members' areas of expertise. The use of jury trials, which evolved within common law systems rather than civil law systems, has had a profound impact on the nature of American civil procedure and criminal procedure rules, even if a bench trial is actually contemplated in a particular case. In general, the availability of a jury trial if properly demanded has given rise to a system in which fact finding is concentrated in a single trial rather than multiple hearings, and appellate review of trial court decisions is greatly limited. Jury trials are of far less importance (or of no importance) in countries that do not have a common law system. History. Greece. Ancient Athens had a mechanism, called "dikastaí", to assure that no one could select jurors for their own trial. For normal cases, the courts were made up of "dikastai" of up to 500 citizens. For capital cases—those that involved death, loss of liberty, exile, loss of civil rights, or seizure of property—the trial was before a jury of 1,001 to 1,501 "dikastai". In such large juries, they rule by majority. Juries were appointed by lot. Jurists cast a ceramic disk with an axle in its middle: the axle was either hollow or solid. Thus the way they voted was kept secret because the jurists would hold their disk by the axle by thumb and forefinger, thus hiding whether its axle was hollow or solid. Since Periclean times, jurists were compensated for their sitting in court, with the amount of one day's wages. The institution of trial by jury was ritually depicted by Aeschylus in "The Eumenides", the third and final play of his "Oresteia" trilogy. In the play, the innovation is brought about by the goddess Athena, who summons twelve citizens to sit as jury. The god Apollo takes part in the trial as the advocate for the defendant Orestes and the Furies as prosecutors for the slain Clytemnestra. In the event the jury is split six to six, Athena dictates that the verdict should henceforth be for acquittal. Roman. From the beginning of the republic and in the majority of civil cases towards the end of the empire, there were tribunals with the characteristics of the jury in the sense that Roman judges were civilian, lay and not professionals. Capital trials were held in front of hundreds or thousands of 'juries' in the commitias or centuries, the same as in Athenian trials. Roman law provided for the yearly selection of judices, who would be responsible for resolving disputes by acting as jurors, with a praetor performing many of the duties of a judge. High government officials and their relatives were barred from acting as judices, due to conflicts of interest. Those previously found guilty of serious crimes (felonies) were also barred as were gladiators for hire, who likely were hired to resolve disputes through trial by combat. The law was as follows: "The peregrine praetor (literally, traveling judge) within the next ten days after this law is passed by the people or plebs shall provide for the selection of 450 persons in this State who have or have had a knight's census... provided that he does not select a person who is or has been plebeian tribune, quaestor, triumvir capitalis, military tribune in any of the first four legions, or triumvir for granting and assigning lands, or who is or has been in the Senate, or who has fought or shall fight as a gladiator for hire... or who has been condemned by the judicial process and a public trial whereby he cannot be enrolled in the Senate, or who is less than thirty or more than sixty years of age, or who does not have his residence in the city of Rome or within one mile of it, or who is the father, brother, or son of any above-described magistrate, or who is the father, brother, or son of a person who is or has been a member of the Senate, or who is overseas." Islamic Law. The "lafif" in Maliki jurisprudence developed between the 8th and 11th centuries and stipulated that 12 members of the community would swear to tell the truth and reach a unanimous verdict about matters "which they had personally seen or heard, binding on the judge, to settle the truth concerning facts in a case, between ordinary people, and obtained as of right by the plaintiff." In the 12th century, Henry II of England similarly instituted a jury system of 12 free men charged to uncover the facts of the case with the same characteristics as the "lafif" system. He was likely influenced by his exchequer, Thomas Brown, who formerly worked under the "diwan" of the Kingdom of Sicily which had recently conquered the Emirate of Sicily and incorporated Islamic government and legal systems into their procedures. Holy Roman Empire and modern Germany. A Swabian ordinance of 1562 called for the summons of jurymen ('), and various methods were in use in Emmendingen, Oppenau, and Oberkirch. Hauenstein's charter of 1442 secured the right to be tried in all cases by 24 fellow equals, and in Freiburg the jury was composed of 30 citizens and councilors. The modern jury trial was first introduced in the Rhenish provinces in 1798, with a court consisting most commonly of 12 citizens ('). The system whereby citizens were tried by their peers chosen from the entire community in open court was gradually superseded by a system of professional judges in Germany, in which the process of investigation was more or less confidential and judgements were issued by judges appointed by the state. In Constance the jury trial was suppressed by decree of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1786. The Frankfurt Constitution of the failed Revolutions of 1848 called for jury trials for "the more serious crimes and all political offenses", but was never implemented after the Frankfurt Parliament was dissolved by Württemberg dragoons. An 1873 draft on criminal procedure produced by the Prussian Ministry of Justice proposed to abolish the jury and replace it with the mixed system, causing a significant political debate. In the Weimar Republic the jury was abolished by the Emminger Reform of 4 January 1924. Between 1948 and 1950 in American-occupied Germany and the Federal Republic of Germany, Bavaria returned to the jury trial as it had existed before the 1933 emergency decrees, but they were again abolished by the 1950 Unification Act ("") for the Federal Republic. In 1979, the United States tried the East German LOT Flight 165 hijacking suspects in the United States Court for Berlin in West Berlin, which declared the defendants had the right to a jury trial under the United States Constitution, and hence were tried by a West German jury. England and Wales. According to George Macaulay Trevelyan in "A Shortened History of England", during the Viking occupation: "The Scandinavians, when not on the Viking warpath, were a litigious people and loved to get together in the "thing" [governing assembly] to hear legal argument. They had no professional lawyers, but many of their farmer-warriors, like Njáll Þorgeirsson, the truth-teller, were learned in folk custom and in its intricate judicial procedure. A Danish town in England often had, as its main officers, twelve hereditary 'law men.' The Danes introduced the habit of making committees among the free men in court, which perhaps made England favorable ground for the future growth of the jury system out of a Frankish custom later introduced by the Normans." The English king Æthelred the Unready set up an early legal system through the Wantage Code of Ethelred, one provision of which stated that the twelve leading thegns (minor nobles) of each wapentake (a small district) were required to swear that they would investigate crimes without a bias. These juries differed from the modern sort by being self-informing; instead of getting information through a trial, the jurors were required to investigate the case themselves. In the 12th century, Henry II took a major step in developing the jury system. Henry II set up a system to resolve land disputes using juries. A jury of twelve free men were assigned to arbitrate in these disputes. As with the Saxon system, these men were charged with uncovering the facts of the case on their own rather than listening to arguments in court. Henry II also introduced what is now known as the "grand jury" through his Assize of Clarendon. Under the assize, a jury of free men was charged with reporting any crimes that they knew of in their hundred to a "justice in eyre", a judge who moved between hundreds on a circuit. A criminal accused by this jury was given a trial by ordeal. The Church banned participation of clergy in trial by ordeal in 1215. Without the legitimacy of religion, trial by ordeal collapsed. The juries under the assizes began deciding guilt as well as providing accusations. The same year, trial by jury became an explicit right in one of the most influential clauses of Magna Carta. Article 39 of the Magna Carta read: It is translated thus by Lysander Spooner in his "Essay on the Trial by Jury": Although it says "and or by the law of the land", this in no manner can be interpreted as if it were enough to have a positive law, made by the king, to be able to proceed legally against a citizen. The law of the land was the consuetudinary law, based on the customs and consent of John's subjects, and since they did not have Parliament in those times, this meant that neither the king nor the barons could make a law without the consent of the people. According to some sources, in the time of Edward III, "by the law of the land" had been substituted "by due process of law", which in those times was a trial by twelve peers. In 1215, Magna Carta further secured trial by jury by stating that During the mid-14th century, persons who had sat on the Presenting Jury (i.e., in modern parlance, the grand jury) were forbidden to sit on the trial jury for that crime. 25 Edward III stat 5., c3 (1353). Medieval juries were self-informing, in that individuals were chosen as jurors because they either knew the parties and the facts, or they had the duty to discover them. This spared the government the cost of fact-finding. Over time, English juries became less self-informing and relied more on the trial itself for information on the case. Jurors remained free to investigate cases on their own until the 17th century. Magna Carta being forgotten after a succession of benevolent reigns (or, more probably, reigns limited by the jury and the barons, and only under the rule of laws that the juries and barons found acceptable), the kings, through the royal judges, began to extend their control over the jury and the kingdom. In David Hume's "History of England", he tells something of the powers that the kings had accumulated in the times after Magna Carta, the prerogatives of the crown and the sources of great power with which these monarchs counted: The first paragraph of the Act that abolished the Star Chamber repeats the clause on the right of a citizen to be judged by his peers: In 1670 two Quakers charged with unlawful assembly, William Penn and William Mead, were found not guilty by a jury. The judge then fined the jury for contempt of court for returning a verdict contrary to their own findings of fact and removed them to prison until the fine was paid. Edward Bushel, a member of the jury, nonetheless refused to pay the fine. Bushel petitioned the Court of Common Pleas for a writ of "habeas corpus". The ruling in the "Bushel's Case" was that a jury could not be punished simply on account of the verdict it returned. Many British colonies, including the United States, adopted the English common law system in which trial by jury is an important part. Jury trials in criminal cases were a protected right in the original United States Constitution and the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Amendments of the U.S. Constitution extend the rights to trial by jury to include the right to jury trial for both criminal and civil matters and a grand jury for serious cases. Role. In most common law jurisdictions, the jury is responsible for finding the facts of the case, while the judge determines the law. These "peers of the accused" are responsible for listening to a dispute, evaluating the evidence presented, deciding on the facts, and making a decision in accordance with the rules of law and their jury instructions. Typically, the jury only judges guilt or a verdict of not guilty, but the actual penalty is set by the judge. An interesting innovation was introduced in Russia in the judicial reform of Alexander II: unlike in modern jury trials, jurors decided not only whether the defendant was guilty or not guilty, but they had a third choice: "Guilty, but not to be punished", since Alexander II believed that justice without morality was wrong. In France and some countries organized in the same fashion, the jury and several professional judges sit together to determine guilt first. Then, if guilt is determined, they decide the appropriate penalty. Some jurisdictions with jury trials allow the defendant to waive their right to a jury trial, thus leading to a bench trial. Jury trials tend to occur only when a crime is considered serious. In some jurisdictions, such as France and Brazil, jury trials are reserved, and compulsory, for the most severe crimes and are not available for civil cases. In Brazil, for example, trials by jury are applied in cases of voluntary crimes against life, such as first and second degree murder, forced abortion and instigation of suicide, even if only attempted. In others, jury trials are only available for criminal cases and very specific civil cases (malicious prosecution, civil fraud and false imprisonment). In the United States, jury trials are available in both civil and criminal cases. In Canada, an individual charged with an indictable offence may elect to be tried by a judge alone in a provincial court, by judge alone in a superior court, or by judge and jury in a superior court; summary offences cannot be tried by jury. In England and Wales, offences are classified as summary, indictable, or either way; jury trials are not available for summary offences (using instead a summary proceeding with a panel of three lay magistrates or a district judge sitting alone), unless they are tried alongside indictable or either way offences that are themselves tried by jury, but the defendant has a right to demand trial by jury for either way offences. The situation is similar in Scotland; whereas in Northern Ireland even summary offences carry a right to jury trial, with some exceptions. In the United States, because jury trials tend to be high profile, the general public tends to overestimate the frequency of jury trials. Approximately 150,000 jury trials are conducted in state courts annually, and an additional 5,000 jury trials are conducted in federal courts. Two thirds of jury trials are criminal trials, while one-third are civil and "other" (e.g., family, municipal ordinance, traffic). Nevertheless, the vast majority of criminal cases are settled by plea bargain, which bypasses the jury trial. Some commentators contend that the guilty-plea system unfairly coerces defendants into relinquishing their right to a jury trial. Others contend that there never was a golden age of jury trials, but rather that juries in the early nineteenth century (before the rise of plea bargaining) were "unwitting and reflexive, generally wasteful of public resources and, because of the absence of trained professionals, little more than slow guilty pleas themselves", and that the guilty-plea system that emerged in the latter half of the nineteenth century was a superior, more cost-effective method of achieving fair outcomes. Pros and cons. In countries where jury trials are common, juries are often seen as an important separation of powers. Another common assertion about the benefits of trial by jury is that it provides a means of educating citizens about government. Many also believe that a jury is likely to provide a more sympathetic hearing, or a fairer one, to a party who is not part of the government—or other establishment interest—than representatives of the state might. This last point may be disputed. For example, in highly emotional cases, such as child rape, the jury may be tempted to convict based on personal feelings rather than on conviction beyond reasonable doubt. In France, former attorney, then later Minister of Justice Robert Badinter, remarked about jury trials in France that they were like "riding a ship into a storm", because they are much less predictable than bench trials. Another issue with jury trials is the potential for jurors to exhibit discrimination. Infamous cases include the Scottsboro Boys, a group of nine African-American teenagers accused of raping two White American women on a train in 1931, for which they were indicted by an all-white jury, the acquittal of two white men Roy Bryant and J. W. Milan by an all-white jury for the murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till in 1955 (they admitted killing him in a magazine interview a year later), and the 1992 trial in the Rodney King case in California, in which white police officers were acquitted of excessive force in the beating of King, an African-American man. The jury consisted mostly of white people, and there were no African-American jurors. The positive belief about jury trials in the UK and the U.S. contrasts with popular belief in many other nations, in which it is considered bizarre and risky for a person's fate to be put into the hands of untrained laymen. In Japan, for instance, which used to have optional jury trials for capital or other serious crimes between 1928 and 1943, the defendant could freely choose whether to have a jury or trial by judges, and the decisions of the jury were non-binding. During the Tojo regime this was suspended, arguably stemming from the popular belief that any defendant who risks his fate on the opinions of untrained laymen is almost certainly guilty. One issue that has been raised is the ability of a jury to fully understand evidence. It has been said that the expectation of jury members as to the explanatory power of scientific evidence has been raised by TV police procedural and legal dramas, in what is known as the 'CSI effect' (after the ). In at least one English trial the misuse or misunderstanding or misrepresentation by the prosecution of statistics has led to wrongful conviction. In various countries. Argentina. Argentina is one of the first countries in Latin America that has implemented the Trial by Juries. Although it has a Civil Law process, since November 2015, it now has Jury system for serious crimes cases. Australia. The Australian Constitution provides that: "80. The trial on indictment of any offence against any law of the Commonwealth shall be by jury, and every such trial shall be held in the State where the offence was committed, and if the offence was not committed within any State the trial shall be held at such place or places as the Parliament prescribes. The first trials by civilian juries of 12 in the colony of New South Wales were held in 1824, following a decision of the NSW Supreme Court on 14 October 1824. The NSW Constitution Act of 1828 effectively terminated trial by jury for criminal matters. Jury trials for criminal matters revived with the passing of the Jury Trials Amending Act of 1833 (NSW) (2 William IV No 12). Challenging potential jurors. The "voir dire" system of examining the jury pool before selection is not permitted in Australia as it violates the privacy of jurors. Therefore, though it exists, the right to challenge for cause during jury selection cannot be employed much. Peremptory challenges are usually based on the hunches of counsel and no reason is needed to use them. All Australian states allow for peremptory challenges in jury selection; however, the number of challenges granted to the counsels in each state are not all the same. Until 1987 New South Wales had twenty peremptory challenges for each side where the offence was murder, and eight for all other cases. In 1987 this was lowered to three peremptory challenges per side, the same amount allowed in South Australia. Eight peremptory challenges are allowed for both counsels for all offences in Queensland. Victoria, Tasmania and the Northern Territory allow for six. Western Australia allows three peremptory challenges per side unless there is more than one accused in which case the prosecution can peremptorily challenge 3 times the number of accused and each accused has 3 peremptory challenges. Majority and unanimous verdicts in criminal trials. In Australia majority verdicts are allowed in South Australia, Victoria, Western Australia, Tasmania, the Northern Territory, New South Wales and Queensland, while the ACT require unanimous verdicts. Since 1927 South Australia has permitted majority verdicts of 11:1, and 10:1 or 9:1 where the jury has been reduced, in criminal trials if a unanimous verdict cannot be reached in four hours. They are accepted in all cases except for "guilty" verdicts where the defendant is on trial for murder or treason. Victoria has accepted majority verdicts with the same conditions since 1994, though deliberations must go on for six hours before a majority verdict can be made. Western Australia accepted majority verdicts in 1957 for all trials except where the crime is murder or has a life sentence. A 10:2 verdict is accepted. Majority verdicts of 10:2 have been allowed in Tasmania since 1936 for all cases except murder and treason if a unanimous decision has not been made within two hours. Since 1943 verdicts of "not guilty" for murder and treason have also been included, but must be discussed for six hours. The Northern Territory has allowed majority verdicts of 10:2, 10:1 and 9:1 since 1963 and does not discriminate between cases whether the charge is murder or not. Deliberation must go for at least six hours before delivering a majority verdict. The Queensland "Jury Act 1995" (s 59F) allows majority verdicts for all crimes except for murder and other offences that carry a life sentence, although only 11:1 or 10:1 majorities are allowed. Majority verdicts were introduced in New South Wales in 2006. In New South Wales, a majority verdict can only be returned if the jury consists of at least 11 jurors and the deliberation has occurred for at least 8 hours or for a period that the court considers reasonable having regard to the nature and complexity of the case. Additionally, the court must be satisfied through examination of one or more of the jurors on oath, that a unanimous verdict will not be reached if further deliberation were to occur. Austria. Austria, in common with a number of European civil law jurisdictions, retains elements of trial by jury in serious criminal cases. Belgium. Belgium, in common with a number of European civil law jurisdictions, retains the trial by jury through the Court of Assize for serious criminal cases and for political crimes and for press delicts (except those based on racism or xenophobia), and for crimes of international law, such as genocide and crime against humanity. Canada. Under Canadian law, a person has the constitutional right to a jury trial for all crimes punishable by five years of imprisonment or more. The Criminal Code also provides for the right to a jury trial for most indictable offences, including those punishable by less than five years' imprisonment, though the right is only constitutionally enshrined for those offences punishable by five years' imprisonment or more. Generally, it is the accused person who is entitled to elect whether their trial will proceed by judge alone or by judge and jury; however, for the most severe criminal offences—murder, treason, intimidating Parliament, inciting to mutiny, sedition, and piracy—trial by jury is mandatory unless the prosecution consents to trial by judge alone. Jury panel exhaustion Criminal Code Section 642(1): If a full jury and alternate jurors cannot be provided, the court may order the sheriff or other proper officer, at the request of the prosecutor, to summon without delay as many people as the court directs for the purpose of providing a full jury and alternate jurors. Section 642(2): Jurors may be summoned under subsection (1) by word of mouth, if necessary. Section 642(3): The names of the people who are summoned under this Section shall be added to the general panel for the purposes of the trial, and the same proceedings with respect to calling, challenging, excusing and directing them shall apply to them. According to the case of "R v Mid-Valley Tractor Sales Limited" (1995 CarswellNB 313), there are limitations on the powers granted by Section 642. These powers are conferred specifically upon the judge, and the section does not confer a further discretion to delegate that power to others, such as the sheriff's officer, even with the consent of counsel. The Court said that to hold otherwise would nullify the rights of the accused and the prosecution to object to a person being excused inappropriately, and may also interfere with the rights of the parties to challenge for cause. The selection of an impartial jury is the basis of a fair trial. The Supreme Court of Canada also held in "Basarabas and Spek v The Queen" (1982 SCR 730) that the right of an accused to be present in court during the whole of his trial includes the jury selection process. In "Tran v The Queen" (1994 2 SCR 951), it was held that an accused only has to show that they were excluded from a part of the trial that affected their vital interests, they do not have to demonstrate actual prejudice, just the potential for prejudice. As well, a valid waiver of such a right must be clear, unequivocal and done with full knowledge of the rights that the procedure was enacted to protect, as well as the effect that the waiver will have on those rights. France. In France, a defendant is entitled to a jury trial only when prosecuted for a felony ("crime" in French). Crimes encompass all offenses that carry a penalty of at least 10 years' imprisonment (for natural persons) or a fine of €75,000 (for legal persons). The only court that tries by jury is the "cour d'assises," in which three professional judges sit together with six or nine jurors (on appeal). Conviction requires a two-thirds majority (four or six votes). Greece. The country that originated the concept of the jury trial retains it in an unusual form. The Constitution of Greece and Code of criminal procedure provide that felonies (Greek: Κακουργήματα) are tried by a "Mixed Court" composed of three professional judges, including the President of the Court, and four lay judges who decide the facts, and the appropriate penalty if they convict. Certain Felonies, such as terrorism, are exempt, due to their nature, from the jurisdiction of the "Mixed Courts" and are tried instead by the Court of Appeals both in first and second instance. Gibraltar. Being a Common Law jurisdiction, Gibraltar retains jury trial in a similar manner to that found in England and Wales, the exception being that juries consist of nine lay people, rather than twelve. Hong Kong. Hong Kong, as a former British colony has a common law legal system. Article 86 of Hong Kong's Basic Law, which came into force on 1 July 1997 following the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China provides: "The principle of trial by jury previously practised in Hong Kong shall be maintained." Criminal trials in the High Court are by jury. The juries are generally made of seven members, who can return a verdict based on a majority of five. There are no jury trials in the District Court, which can impose a sentence of up to seven years' imprisonment. This is despite the fact that all court rooms in the District Court have jury boxes. The lack of juries in the District Court has been severely criticized. Clive Grossman SC in a commentary in 2009 said conviction rates were "approaching those of North Korea". Many complex commercial cases are prosecuted in the District Court rather than before a jury in the High Court. In 2009, Lily Chiang, former chairwoman of the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce, lost an application to have her case transferred from the District Court to the High Court for a jury trial. Justice Wright in the Court of First Instance held that there was no absolute right to a trial by jury and that the "decision as to whether an indictable offence be tried in the Court of First Instance by a judge and jury or in the District Court by a judge alone is the prerogative of the Secretary for Justice." Chiang issued a statement at the time saying "she was disappointed with the judgment because she has been deprived of a jury trial, an opportunity to be judged by her fellow citizens and the constitutional benefit protected by the Basic Law". In civil cases in the Court of First Instance jury trials are available for defamation, false imprisonment, malicious prosecution or seduction unless the court orders otherwise. A jury can return a majority verdict in a civil case. India. The first case decided by an English jury in India happened in Madras in 1665, for which Ascentia Dawes (probably a British woman) was charged by a grand jury with the murder of her slave girl, and a petty jury, with six Englishmen and six Portuguese, found her not guilty. With the development of the East India Company empire in India, the jury system was implemented inside a dual system of courts: In Presidency Towns (Calcutta, Madras, Bombay), there were Crown Courts and in criminal cases juries had to judge British and European people (as a privilege) and in some cases Indian people; and in the territories outside the Presidency Towns (called "moffussil"), there were Company Courts (composed with Company officials) without jury to judge most of the cases implying indigenous people. After the Crown Government of India (Raj) adopted the Indian Penal Code (1860) and the Indian Code of Criminal Procedure (1861, amended in 1872, 1882, 1898), the criminal jury was obligatory only in the High Courts of the Presidency Towns; elsewhere, it was optional and rarely used. According sections 274 and 275 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the jury was composed from 3 (for smaller offences judged in session courts) to 9 (for severe offences judges in High Courts) men; and when the accused were European or American, at least half of the jurors had to be European or American men. Jury trials were abolished in most Indian courts by the 1973 Code of Criminal Procedure. Nanavati Case was not the last Jury trial in India. West Bengal had Jury trials as late as 1973. The jury found no place in the 1950 Indian Constitution, and it was ignored in many Indian states.The Law Commission recommended its abolition in 1958 in its 14th Report. It has been claimed that the sensational aquittal in "K. M. Nanavati v. State of Maharashtra" case in 1959 also influenced the abolition. Jury trials were abolished in India in most courts except for Matrimonial Disputes of Parsis, which is still in force today. Parsis in India can legally use Jury System to decide divorces wherein randomly selected members called 'delegates' from the community decide the fact of the matrimonial disputes of Parsis. Jury system for Parsi Matrimonial dispute cases is a mix of Panchayat system and Jury system found in US etc. countries. The law which governs this is 'The Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act, 1936' as amended in 1988. A study by Elisabeth Kolsky argues that many "perverse verdicts" were delivered by white juries in trial of "European British subjects" charged with murder, assault, confinement of Indians. Ireland. In the Republic of Ireland, a common law jurisdiction, jury trials are available for criminal cases before the Circuit Court, Central Criminal Court and defamation cases, consisting of twelve jurors. Juries only decide questions of fact; they have no role in criminal sentencing in criminal cases or awarding damages in libel cases. It is not necessary that a jury be unanimous in its verdict. In civil cases, a verdict may be reached by a majority of nine of the twelve members. In a criminal case, a verdict need not be unanimous where there are not fewer than eleven jurors if ten of them agree on a verdict after considering the case for a reasonable time. Juries are selected from a jury panel, which is picked at random by the county registrar from the electoral register. The principal statute regulating the selection, obligations and conduct of juries is the Juries Act 1976 as amended by the Civil Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2008, which scrapped the upper age limit of 70. Juries are not paid, nor do they receive travel expenses. They do receive lunch for the days that they are serving; however, for jurors in employment, their employer is required to pay them as if they were present at work. For certain terrorist and organised crime offences the Director of Public Prosecutions may issue a certificate that the accused be tried by the Special Criminal Court composed of three judges instead of a jury, one from the District Court, Circuit Court and High Court. Italy. The Corte d'Assise is composed of 2 judges and 6 laypersons chosen at random among Italian citizens 30 to 65 years old. Only serious crimes like murder can be tried by the Corte d'Assise. Japan. On May 28, 2004, the Diet of Japan enacted a law requiring selected citizens to take part in criminal court trials of certain severe crimes to make decisions together with professional judges, both on guilt and on the sentence. These citizens are called "saiban-in" (裁判員 "lay judge"). The "saiban-in" system was implemented in May 2009. Kuba Kingdom. The Kuba Kingdom, in what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo, developed trial by jury independently prior to the arrival of Europeans in 1884. New Zealand. The New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 provides a defendant with the right to a jury trial if they are charged with a criminal offence punishable by two years' imprisonment or more. For most offences, the defendant can choose to forego a jury trial in favour of a judge-alone (bench) trial. Serious "category 4" offences such as murder, manslaughter and treason are always tried by jury, with some exceptions. Civil jury trials are restricted to cases involving defamation, false imprisonment or malicious prosecution. New Zealand previously required jury verdicts to be passed unanimously, but since the passing of the Criminal Procedure Bill in 2009 the Juries Act 1981 has permitted verdicts to be passed by a majority of one less than the full jury (that is an 11–1 or a 10–1 majority) under certain circumstances. Norway. Norway has a system where the lower courts ("tingrett") is set with a judge and two lay judges, or in bigger cases two judges and three lay judges. All of these judges convict or acquit, and set sentences. Simple majority is required in all cases, which means that the lay-judges are always in control. In the higher court/appellate court ("lagmannsrett") there is a jury ("lagrette") of 10 members, which need a minimum of seven votes to be able to convict. The judges have no say in the jury deliberations, but jury instructions are given by the chief judge ("lagmann") in each case to the jury before deliberations. The "voir-dire" is usually set with 16 prospective jurors, which the prosecution and defence may dismiss the six persons they do not desire to serve on the jury. This court ("lagmannsretten") is administered by a three-judge panel (usually one "lagmann" and two "lagdommere"), and if seven or more jury members want to convict, the sentence is set in a separate proceeding, consisting of the three judges and the jury foreman ("lagrettens ordfører") and three other members of the jury chosen by ballot. This way the laymen are in control of both the conviction and sentencing, as simple majority is required in sentencing. The three-judge panel can set aside a jury conviction or acquittal if there has been an obvious miscarriage of justice. In that event, the case is settled by three judges and four lay-judges. In May 2015, the Norwegian Parliament asked the government to bring an end to jury trials, replacing them with a bench trial ("meddomsrett") consisting of two law-trained judges and three lay judges ("lekdommere"). This has not been fully implemented yet as of February 2016, but is expected soon. Russia. In the judiciary of Russia, for serious crimes the accused has the option of a jury trial consisting of 12 jurors. The number of jury trials remains small, at about 600 per year, out of about 1 million trials. A juror must be 25 years old, legally competent, and without a criminal record. The 12 jurors are selected by the prosecution and defense from a list of 30–40 eligible candidates. The Constitution of Russia stipulates that, until the abolition of the death penalty, all defendants in a case that may result in a death sentence are entitled to a jury trial. Lawmakers are continuously chipping away at what types of criminal offenses merit a jury trial. They are similar to common law juries, and unlike lay judges, in that they sit separately from the judges and decide questions of fact alone while the judge determines questions of law. They must return unanimous verdicts during the first 3 hours of deliberation, but may return majority verdicts after that, with 6 jurors being enough to acquit. They may also request that the judge show leniency in sentencing. Juries have granted acquittals in 15–20% of cases, compared with less than 1% in cases decided by judges. Juries may be dismissed and skeptical juries have been dismissed on the verge of verdicts, and acquittals are frequently overturned by higher courts. Trial by jury was first introduced in the Russian Empire as a result of the Judicial reform of Alexander II in 1864, and abolished after the October Revolution in 1917. They were reintroduced in the Russian Federation in 1993, and extended to another 69 regions in 2003. Its reintroduction was opposed by the Prosecutor General. Singapore. Singapore fully abolished the jury system in 1969, though jury trials for non-capital offenses had already been abolished a decade earlier. Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, a former trial lawyer, explained why he supported the policy to the BBC and in his memoirs, saying, "I had no faith in a system that allowed the superstition, ignorance, biases, and prejudices of seven jurymen to determine guilt or innocence." South Africa. The jury system was abolished in South Africa in 1969 by the Abolition of Juries Act, 1969. The last jury trial to be heard was in the District of Kimberley. Some judicial experts had argued that a system of whites-only juries (as was the system at that time) was inherently prejudicial to 'non-white' defendants (the introduction of nonracial juries would have been a political impossibility at that time). More recently it has been argued that, apart from being a racially divided country, South African society was, and still is, characterised by significant class differences and disparities of income and wealth that could make re-introducing the jury system problematic. Arguments for and against the re-introduction of a jury system have been discussed by South African constitutional expert Professor Pierre de Vos in the article "Do we need a jury system?" On 28 March 2014, the Oscar Pistorius trial was adjourned due to the illness of one of the two assessors that assist the judge on questions of fact (rather than law), in place of the jury, to reach a verdict. The legal system in the UK sees no reason to block extradition on this, as witnessed in the Shrien Dewani case. Sweden. In Sweden, juries are uncommon; the public is represented in the courts by means of lay judges (nämndemän). However, the defendant has the right to a jury trial in the lower court (tingsrätt) when accused of an offence against the fundamental laws on freedom of expression and freedom of the press. If a person is accused of e.g. libel or incitement to ethnic or racial hatred, in a medium covered by the fundamental laws (e.g. a printed paper or a radio programme), she has the right to have the accusation tried by a jury of nine jurors. This applies also in civil (tort) cases under the fundamental laws. A majority of at least six jurors must find that the defendant has committed the alleged crime. If it does not, the defendant is acquitted or, in a civil case, held not liable. If such a majority of the jurors hold that said crime has in fact been committed, this finding is not legally binding for the court; thus, the court (three judges) can still acquit the defendant or find him/her not liable. A jury acquittal may not be overruled after appeal. In Swedish civil process, the "English rule" applies to court costs. Earlier, a court disagreeing with a jury acquittal could, when deciding on the matter of such costs, set aside the English rule, and instead use the "American rule", that each party bears its own expense of litigation. This practice was declared to violate the rule of presumption of innocence according to article 6.2. of the European Convention on Human Rights, by the Supreme Court of Sweden, in 2012. Switzerland. As of 2008, only the code of criminal procedure of the Canton of Geneva provides for genuine jury trials. Several other cantons—Vaud, Neuchâtel, Zürich and Ticino—provide for courts composed of both professional judges and laymen ("Schöffengerichte" / "tribunaux d'échevins"). Because the unified Swiss Code of Criminal Procedure (set to enter into force in 2011) does not provide for jury trials or lay judges, however, they are likely to be abolished in the near future. Ukraine. The judiciary of Ukraine allows jury trials for criminal cases where the sentence can reach life imprisonment if the accused so wishes. But this seldom happens. A jury is not formed from random citizens, but only from those who have previously applied for this role who do meet certain criteria. United Kingdom. The United Kingdom consists of three separate legal jurisdictions, but there are some features common to all of them. In particular there is seldom anything like the U.S. voir dire system; jurors are usually just accepted without question. Controversially, in England there has been some screening in sensitive security cases, but the Scottish courts have firmly set themselves against any form of jury vetting. England and Wales. In England and Wales (which have the same legal system), everyone accused of an offence which carries more than six months' imprisonment has a right to trial by jury. Minor ("summary") criminal cases are heard without a jury in the Magistrates' Courts. Middle-ranking ("triable either way") offences may be tried by magistrates or the defendant may elect trial by jury in the Crown Court. Serious ("indictable-only") offences, however, must be tried before a jury in the Crown Court. Juries sit in few civil cases, being restricted to false imprisonment, malicious prosecution, and civil fraud (unless ordered otherwise by a judge). Juries also sit in coroner's courts for more contentious inquests. All criminal juries consist of 12 jurors, those in a County Court having 8 jurors and Coroner's Court juries having between 7 and 11 members. Jurors must be between 18 and 75 years of age, and are selected at random from the register of voters. In the past a unanimous verdict was required. This has been changed so that, if the jury fails to agree after a given period, at the discretion of the judge they may reach a verdict by a 10–2 majority. This was designed to make it more difficult for jury tampering to succeed. In 1999 the then Home Secretary Jack Straw introduced a controversial bill to limit the right to trial by jury. This became the Criminal Justice Act 2003, which sought to remove the right to trial by jury for cases involving jury tampering or complex fraud. The provision for trial without jury to circumvent jury tampering succeeded and came into force in 2007; the provision for complex fraud cases was defeated. Lord Goldsmith, the then Attorney General, then pressed forward with the Fraud (Trials Without a Jury) Bill in Parliament, which sought to abolish jury trials in major criminal fraud trials. The Bill was subject to sharp criticism from both sides of the House of Commons before passing its second Commons reading in November 2006, but was defeated in the Lords in March 2007. The trial for the first serious offence to be tried without a jury for 350 years was allowed to go ahead in 2009. Three previous trials of the defendants had been halted because of jury tampering, and the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Judge, cited cost and the additional burden on the jurors as reasons to proceed without a jury. Previously in cases where jury tampering was a concern the jurors were sometimes closeted in a hotel for the duration of the trial. However, Liberty director of policy Isabella Sankey said that "This is a dangerous precedent. The right to jury trial isn't just a hallowed principle but a practice that ensures that one class of people don't sit in judgement over another and the public have confidence in an open and representative justice system." The trial started in 2010, with the four defendants convicted on the 31 March 2010 by Mr Justice Treacy at the Old Bailey. Scotland. In Scots law the jury system has some similarities with England but some important differences; in particular, there are juries of 15 in criminal trials, with verdicts by simple majority. Northern Ireland. In Northern Ireland, the role of the jury trial is roughly similar to England and Wales, except that jury trials have been replaced in cases of alleged terrorist offences by courts where the judge sits alone, known as "Diplock courts". Diplock courts are common in Northern Ireland for crimes connected to terrorism. Diplock courts were created in the 1970s during The Troubles, to phase out Operation Demetrius internments, and because of the argument that juries were intimidated, though this is disputed. The Diplock courts were shut in 2007, but between 1 August 2008 and 31 July 2009, 13 non-jury trials were held, down from 29 in the previous year, and 300 trials per year at their peak. United States. The availability of a trial by jury in American jurisdictions varies. Because the United States legal system separated from that of the English one at the time of the American Revolution, the types of proceedings that use juries depends on whether such cases were tried by jury under English common law at that time rather than the methods used in English courts now. For example, at the time, English "courts of law" tried cases of torts or private law for monetary damages using juries, but "courts of equity" that tried civil cases seeking an injunction or another form of non-monetary relief did not. As a result, this practice continues in American civil laws, but in modern English law, only criminal proceedings and some inquests are likely to be heard by a jury. A distinctive feature of jury trials in the United States is that verdicts in criminal cases must usually be unanimous. Every person accused of a crime punishable by incarceration for more than six months has a constitutionally protected right to a trial by jury, which arises in federal court from Article Three of the United States Constitution, which states in part, "The Trial of all Crimes...shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed." The right was expanded with the Sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which states in part, "In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed." Both provisions were made applicable to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment. Most states' constitutions also grant the right of trial by jury in lesser criminal matters, though most have abrogated that right in offenses punishable by fine only. The Supreme Court has ruled that if imprisonment is for six months or less, trial by jury is not required, meaning a state may choose whether or not to permit trial by jury in such cases. Under the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, if the defendant is entitled to a jury trial, he may waive his right to have a jury, but both the government (prosecution) and court must consent to the waiver. Several states require jury trials for all crimes, "petty" or not. In the cases "Apprendi v. New Jersey", , and "Blakely v. Washington", , the Supreme Court of the United States held that a criminal defendant has a right to a jury trial not only on the question of guilt or innocence, but any fact used to increase the defendant's sentence beyond the maximum otherwise allowed by statutes or sentencing guidelines. This invalidated the procedure in many states and the federal courts that allowed sentencing enhancement based on "a preponderance of evidence", where enhancement could be based on the judge's findings alone. Depending upon the state, a jury must be unanimous for either a guilty or not guilty decision. A hung jury results in the defendants release, however charges against the defendant are not dropped and can be reinstated if the state so chooses. Jurors in some states are selected through voter registration and drivers' license lists. A form is sent to prospective jurors to pre-qualify them by asking the recipient to answer questions about citizenship, disabilities, ability to understand the English language, and whether they have any conditions that would excuse them from being a juror. If they are deemed qualified, a summons is issued. English common law and the United States Constitution recognize the right to a jury trial to be a fundamental civil liberty or civil right that allows the accused to choose whether to be judged by judges or a jury. In the United States, it is understood that juries usually weigh the evidence and testimony to determine questions of fact, while judges usually rule on questions of law, although the dissenting justices in the Supreme Court case "Sparf et al. v. U.S. 156 U.S. 51 (1895)", generally considered the pivotal case concerning the rights and powers of the jury, declared: "It is our deep and settled conviction, confirmed by a re-examination of the authorities that the jury, upon the general issue of guilty or not guilty in a criminal case, have the right, as well as the power, to decide, according to their own judgment and consciences, all questions, whether of law or of fact, involved in that issue." Jury determination of questions of law, sometimes called jury nullification, cannot be overturned by a judge if doing so would violate legal protections against double jeopardy. Although a judge can throw out a guilty verdict if it was not supported by the evidence, a jurist has no authority to override a verdict that favors a defendant. It was established in Bushel's Case that a judge cannot order the jury to convict, no matter how strong the evidence is. In civil cases a special verdict can be given, but in criminal cases a general verdict is rendered, because requiring a special verdict could apply pressure to the jury, and because of the jury's historic function of tempering rules of law by common sense brought to bear upon the facts of a specific case. For this reason, Justice Black and Justice Douglas indicated their disapproval of special interrogatories even in civil cases. There has been much debate about the advantages and disadvantages of the jury system, the competence or lack thereof of jurors as fact-finders, and the uniformity or capriciousness of the justice they administer. The jury has been described by one author as "an exciting and gallant experiment in the conduct of serious human affairs". Because they are fact-finders, juries are sometimes expected to perform a role similar to a lie detector, especially when presented with testimony from witnesses. A civil jury is typically made up of 6 to 12 persons. In a civil case, the role of the jury is to listen to the evidence presented at a trial, to decide whether the defendant injured the plaintiff or otherwise failed to fulfill a legal duty to the plaintiff, and to determine what the compensation or penalty should be. A criminal jury is usually made up of 12 members, though fewer may sit on cases involving lesser offenses. Criminal juries decide whether the defendant committed the crime as charged. In several southern states, the jury sets punishment, while in most states and at the federal level, it is set by the judge. Prior to 2020, under most states' laws, verdicts in criminal cases must be unanimous with the exception of Oregon and Louisiana. In Oregon, a 10–2 majority was required for conviction, except for capital crimes which require unanimous verdicts for guilty in any murder case. In Oregon, unlike any other state, a Not Guilty verdict may be reached in any case (murder included) by a vote of 10 to 2 or 11 to 1. Louisiana also did not require unanimous juries in serious felony cases until passage of a state constitutional amendment going into effect for crimes committed on or after January 1, 2019. However, in "Ramos v. Louisiana", decided in April 2020, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that felony convictions must be a unanimous vote from the jury, overturning Oregon's and Louisiana's prior allowances for split decisions. In civil cases, the law (or the agreement of the parties) may permit a non-unanimous verdict. A jury's deliberations are conducted in private, out of sight and hearing of the judge, litigants, witnesses, and others in the courtroom. Not every case is eligible for a jury trial. In the majority of U.S. states, there is no right to a jury trial in family law actions not involving a termination of parental rights, such as divorce and custody modifications. Only eleven states allow juries in any aspect of divorce litigation (Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Louisiana, Maine, Nevada, New York, North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Wisconsin). Most of these limit the right to a jury to try issues regarding grounds or entitlement for divorce only. Texas provides jury trial rights most broadly, including even the right to a jury trial on questions regarding child custody. However, anyone who is charged with a criminal offense, breach of contract or federal offence has a Constitutional right to a trial by jury. Civil trial procedure. "In the United States, a civil action is a lawsuit; civil law is the branch of common law dealing with non-criminal actions. It should not be confused with legal system of civil law." The right to trial by jury in a civil case in federal court is addressed by the Seventh Amendment. Importantly, however, the Seventh Amendment does not guarantee a right to a civil jury trial in state courts (although most state constitutions guarantee such a right). The Seventh Amendment provides: "In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law." In Joseph Story's 1833 treatise "Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States", he wrote, "[I]t is a most important and valuable amendment; and places upon the high ground of constitutional right the inestimable privilege of a trial by jury in civil cases, a privilege scarcely inferior to that in criminal cases, which is conceded by all to be essential to political and civil liberty." The Seventh Amendment does not guarantee or create any right to a jury trial; rather, it preserves the right to jury trial in the federal courts that existed in 1791 at common law. In this context, common law means the legal environment the United States inherited from England. In England in 1791, civil actions were divided into actions at law and actions in equity. Actions at law had a right to a jury, actions in equity did not. Federal Rules of Civil Procedure Rule 2 says "[t]here is one form of action—the civil action", which abolishes the legal/equity distinction. Today, in actions that would have been "at law" in 1791, there is a right to a jury; in actions that would have been "in equity" in 1791, there is no right to a jury. However, Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 39(c) allows a court to use one at its discretion. To determine whether the action would have been legal or equitable in 1791, one must first look at the type of action and whether such an action was considered "legal" or "equitable" at that time. Next, the relief being sought must be examined. Monetary damages alone were purely a legal remedy, and thus entitled to a jury. Non-monetary remedies such as injunctions, rescission, and specific performance were all equitable remedies, and thus up to the judge's discretion, not a jury. In "Beacon Theaters, Inc. v. Westover", , the US Supreme Court discussed the right to a jury, holding that when both equitable and legal claims are brought, the right to a jury trial still exists for the legal claim, which would be decided by a jury before the judge ruled on the equitable claim. There is not a United States constitutional right under the Seventh Amendment to a jury trial in state courts, but in practice, almost every state except Louisiana, which has a civil law legal tradition, permits jury trials in civil cases in state courts on substantially the same basis that they are allowed under the Seventh Amendment in federal court. The right to a jury trial in civil cases does not extend to the states, except when a state court is enforcing a federally created right, of which the right to trial by jury is a substantial part. The court determines the right to jury based on all claims by all parties involved. If the plaintiff brings only equitable claims but the defendant asserts counterclaims of law, the court grants a jury trial. In accordance with Beacon Theaters, the jury first determines the facts, then the judge enter judgment on the equitable claims. Following the English tradition, U.S. juries have usually been composed of 12 jurors, and the jury's verdict has usually been required to be unanimous. However, in many jurisdictions, the number of jurors is often reduced to a lesser number (such as five or six) by legislative enactment, or by agreement of both sides. Some jurisdictions also permit a verdict to be returned despite the dissent of one, two, or three jurors. Waiver of jury trial. The vast majority of U.S. criminal cases are not concluded with a jury verdict, but rather by plea bargain. Both prosecutors and defendants often have a strong interest in resolving the criminal case by negotiation resulting in a plea bargain. If the defendant waives a jury trial, a bench trial is held. For civil cases, a jury trial must be demanded within a certain period of time per Federal Rules of Civil Procedure 38. In United States Federal courts, there is no absolute right to waive a jury trial. Per Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure 23(a), only if the prosecution and the court consent may a defendant waive a jury trial for criminal cases. However, most states give the defendant the absolute right to waive a jury trial, and it has become commonplace to find such a waiver in routine contracts as a 2004 "Wall Street Journal" Article states: "For years, in an effort to avoid the slow-moving wheels of the U.S. judicial system, many American companies have forced their customers and employees to agree to settle disputes outside of the courts, through private arbitration... but the rising cost of arbitration proceedings has led some companies to decide they might be better off in the court system after all [so long as] they don't have to tangle with juries. The new tactic [is to] let disputes go to court, but on the condition that they be heard only by a judge." The article goes on to claim "The list includes residential leases, checking-account agreements, auto loans and mortgage contracts. Companies that believe juries are biased toward plaintiffs hope this approach will boost their chances of winning in court. Critics say that unfairly denies citizens' access to the full range of legal options guaranteed by the Constitution." In the years since this 2004 article, this practice has become pervasive in the US and, especially in online agreements, it has become commonplace to include such waivers to trial by jury in everything from user agreements attached to software downloads to merely browsing a website. This practice, however, means that while such waivers may have legal force in one jurisdiction—in this case the United States—in the jurisdiction where a verdict is sought in the absence of jury trial (or indeed the presence of a defendant, or any legal representation "in absentia") may well run directly counter to law in the jurisdiction—such as the United Kingdom—where the defendant resides, thus: The Judgment on "Regina v Jones issued by the United Kingdom's Court of Appeal's (Criminal Division)" states, (in part, in Item 55) "... the issue has to be determined by looking at the way in which the courts handled the problem under English criminal procedure and by deciding whether, in the result, the appellant can be said to have had a fair hearing." Jury Trials - Terminating Parental Rights. Only five of the 50 states require or permit jury trials for cases where the state is seeking to legally sever a parent-child relationship. Oklahoma, Texas, Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. In Virginia, the jury is called an “advisory jury.” The remaining 46 jurisdictions have case law or statutes or local court rules or common practice that specifically prohibits a jury trial in termination of parental rights cases. The fate of a family is exclusively placed in the hands of a single judge when there is no jury trial. Dwight Mitchell, the founder of Family Preservation Foundation, a nonprofit family reunification and family first organization advocates for jury trials in termination of parental rights cases. Family Preservation recognizes that the parent/child relationship is a sacred connection that should not be severed without due cause, for the protection and safety of the child, and only after all means of addressing the problems of the family unit have been exhausted.

also the privilege

9086-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=56276347

Scent rubbing is a behaviour where a mammal rubs its body against an object in their environment, sometimes in ones covered with strongly odoured substances. It is typically shown in carnivores, although many mammals exhibit this behaviour. Lowering shoulders, collapsing the forelegs, pushing forward and rubbing the chin, temples, neck, or back is how this act is performed. A variety of different odours can elicit this behaviour including faeces, vomit, fresh or decaying meat, insecticide, urine, repellent, ashes, human food and so on. Scent rubbing can be produced by an animal smelling novelty odours, which include manufactured smells such as perfume or motor oil and carnivore smells including faeces and food smells. Scent rubbing is often performed with scent marking and self-anointing, and is typically used by animals to scent mark an object in their surroundings. This marking can be used as a means of communication between species. Many different species of felids, monkeys, bears, wolves and marmots have primarily been used to study scent rubbing in carnivores. Differences in gender and age exist for scent rubbing, with adults and males performing the behaviour more frequently than juveniles and females in many species. Species. Felidae. Many carnivorous felids scent rub. Felids are able to discriminate between similar smelling odours using the vomeronasal organ, which is important for eliciting scent rubbing. The rubbing behaviour is often performed as a means of scent-marking. Domestic cat. Domestic cats display scent rubbing. The cheeks, abdomen, paws, above tail and around the anus contain organs that produce scent. When a cat is comfortable with their surroundings and environment, they release the feline facial pheromone during facial rubbing in order to leave this pheromone on the objects around them. Cats scent rub against objects as a means of marking by releasing pheromones with glandular secretions, and information about the animal's age, sex, and identity can be obtained from these secretions. Domestic cats will more frequently rub against an object that is new to their environment. When an object is induced with the scent of another animal it causes an increase in rubbing as it contains sensory properties that are not familiar to the cat. When a cat is presented with an object treated with scent gland secretions from both a rat and snake, the cat will forcefully scent rub its head against it. Mutual face rubbing behaviour between cats in groups and cats rubbing against their owners may be a form of social bonding. During rubbing against humans, cats tend to use the temporal gland area which consists of the cheek, between the eye and the ear. Leopard. Kalahari leopards use trees in their environment to scent rub. When the backs and flanks are rubbed against trees it is most often related to itching rather than scent rubbing, but when rubbing to scent mark is used it is mostly demonstrated by males when mating. It is suggested that this rubbing behaviour is a form of chemical communication regarding female attention. Bears. Bears rub against the ground, trees and rocks in order to scent mark. This is the most frequent way that bears mark their surroundings. Black bears rub their cheeks, back, neck and head against trees in a bipedal stance. This act is noted most often during the breeding season for grizzly and black bears as a form of communication. The behavioural aspect of scent rubbing is shown during interspecific interactions between these bears, as black bears are found to decrease their tree rubbing once a grizzly has already done so. The andean bear scent rubs against trees at marking sites by rubbing its neck, shoulders, flanks or back. Sometimes this species marks the tree with its claws or urinates while rubbing. The behaviour in this species is thought to be linked to intraspecific communication. Old World monkeys. The rubbing behaviours of the Southern brown howler monkeys are linked to scent marking. Throat (facial and neck), anal, dorsal, chest and chin rubbing has been observed in "Alouatta" and is mostly performed while sitting. Like felids, howler monkeys use their vomeronasal sensory organs to distinguish pheromones. Dominant howlers of both male and female genders scent rub and mark more than subordinate conspecifics. Anogenital rubbing in monkeys is associated with cleaning after defecation and urination and also deposits the animals scent for other species to notice. Black-handed spider monkeys are another "Cercopithecidae" species which display fur rubbing against the leaves of Rutaceae plants. The scent rubbing behaviour shown by the white-faced capuchin of this species if often done by many individuals simultaneously, creating an interaction among their population and may function in scent marking and olfactory communication. Woolly monkeys also show scent rubbing in the form of chest rubbing that suggests the behaviour has a reproductive function. The reasoning for chest rubbing in woolly monkeys is similar to the throat rubbing displayed by howler monkeys during mating season. Rubbing behaviour in woolly monkeys has also been linked to dominance and social communication. Gray wolf. Gray wolves scent rub to a large variety of odors including urine, perfumes, repellant, ashes, human handled objects, food, and resting sites. They scent rub intensively to manufactured smells such as motor oil and carnivore scents such as feces of other animals including black bear and cougars. The reason behind scent rubbing in wolves is unknown, but it is suggested that they use it to remember odors experienced in their environment, whether new or familiar. Marmot. Marmots slowly rub their faces from mouth to ears on objects repeatedly as a form of scent rubbing called cheek rubbing. This behaviour is common, and the objects are typically stones, rocks and the ground around burrows. They conduct this behaviour to scent mark, and when interrupted fights can occur. Marmots scent rub on new objects within their home environment. Communication. Scent rubbing can be used as a form of communication between many terrestrial mammals. This method is used to send messages, find mates and to keep away from areas where others have foraged. Odours produced by sweat glands, urine, faeces and vaginal secretions often induce this behaviour, which is prominent in carnivore species. Scent rubbing by males in many species is related to intrasexual communication and social interaction, such as the social status the animal holds in that population. Carnivores often scent rub as a mechanism of olfactory communication in which they release chemical odours to increase odds of being detected by conspecifics. Spider monkeys rub saliva onto their sternal region and then rub this area against a tree, which may serve as a form of olfactory communication as they often use their apocrine glands, located in the sternal area, for this communication. Rubbing behaviour displayed through cheek rubbing can reveal dominance in a population, with subordinate individuals doing this less than dominant ones. Scent rubbing also allows animals to gather scent from their surroundings onto themselves. Gray foxes have been found to cheek rub fresh puma scrapes in order to acquire the scent and mask their own, deterring predation by other animals. This shows that scent rubbing has an interspecific scent marking function. Odours that induce rubbing. Both strong naturally occurring and artificial substances can cause mammals to scent rub. Strong smelling substances include rotting meat, fresh meat, vomit, faeces, food and the intestinal contents of other animals. Artificial substances that induce this behaviour include engine oil, perfume and insecticide. When an animal encounters an object with a novel or familiar smell it can elicit rubbing various body parts against this object. Sex and age differences. Sex. The scent rubbing behaviour has been observed more frequently in males than females for many species. Certain male domestic cats, bears, monkeys and leopards are shown to scent rub more than their female conspecifics. There is an increase of scent rubbing during breeding season for black bears, but this is done predominantly by males. Body rubbing as a means of scent marking is done more often by male pumas. In species of spider monkey, adult males perform fur rubbing more often than females. Age. Scent rubbing in cats is performed by adult animals more often than juveniles, indicating that the behaviour is used as a means of marking territory or of expressing their status. Adult marmots display a form of scent rubbing called cheek rubbing more than young members of the species. Mature pumas spent a significantly longer time body rubbing than immature pumas, which is related to communication behaviours developing with age, mature females did not visit their community scrapes as often. Only sexually mature woolly monkeys exhibit chest rubbing, which suggests that this scent rubbing behaviour reproductive function.

multiple appendages

2153-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3887293

Metz Cathedral, otherwise the Cathedral of Saint Stephen, Metz (), is a Roman Catholic cathedral in Metz, capital of Lorraine, France. It is dedicated to Saint Stephen. First begun in the early 14th century, it was joined together with the collegiate church of Notre-Dame in the mid-14th century, and given a new transept and late Gothic chevet, finished between 1486 and 1520. It is the cathedral of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Metz as the seat of the bishops of Metz. The cathedral treasury displays the collection, assembled over 1,000 years, of the bishopric of Metz, including paraments and items used for the Eucharist. Metz Cathedral has the third-highest nave of cathedrals in France (41.41 meters (135.9 ft)), behind Amiens Cathedral and Beauvais Cathedral. It is nicknamed ("the Good Lord's lantern"), displaying the largest expanse of stained glass in the world with . The stained glass windows include works by Gothic and Renaissance master glass makers Hermann von Münster, Theobald of Lixheim, and Valentin Bousch. Later artistic styles are represented by Charles-Laurent Maréchal (Romanticism), Roger Bissière (tachisme), Jacques Villon (Cubism), and Marc Chagall (modernism). History. Early churches. A Gallo-Roman oppidum, or fortified town, called Diuodron Medimatriques, occupied the site from at least the first century B.C. It became a stop on the trade route between Lyon and Treves, and was an imperial residence during the Holy Roman Empire between 306 and 390. The presence of the first bishop, Clement, is recorded in 346. The cathedral was built on an ancient site from the 5th century dedicated to Saint Stephen. It is said to have contained a collection of his relics. According to Gregory of Tours, the shrine of Saint Stephen was the sole structure spared during the sack of 451 by Attila's Huns. It was a royal residence of the grandsons of Clovis, king of the Franks, and of Theudebert I, who became the Merovingian ruler in 534. Gregory of Tours mentioned the existence of the church in 584, and a cathedral under the archbishop Arnoul is mentioned in 616. The Archbishop and Saint Chrodegang (742-766) is mentioned in accounts of the time as a papal envoy to the Franks. He is credited with introducing the Roman liturgy and chants, with the support of King of the Franks, Pepin, between 751 and 768. Chrodegang is also credited with establishing the first cathedral chapter in western Europe, and also the first cathedral close, combining chapels, dormitory, refectory, and other functional buildings. This system was formally adopted by other Frankish cathedrals under the Capitulary of Aix-en-Chapelle in 816. This first cloister, on the south side of the cathedral where the Place des Armes is located, was in existence in 1754, when it was demolished in response to new papal doctrines. The Ottonian or Pre-Romanesque cathedral. In 843, after long disputes between the successors to Charlemagne, the Holy Roman Empire was broken into four parts. In 870, Metz and its province Lorraine allied with East Francia while remaining an autonomous duchy. In 962, when Otto I, Holy Roman Emperor, restored the Empire, Lorraine was designated as the autonomous Duchy of Lorraine, with Metz as its capital. It maintained this status until 1766, when it formally became part of France. The construction of a new cathedral began under bishop Thierry I between 965 and 984, and was completed under his second successor Thierry II of Luxembourg, between 1006 and 1047. It was built in what was later called Ottonian architecture, a form of pre-Romanesque architecture. This church had two towers and three bays on the west front, a nave with three vessels, and a larger tower over the transept. Because of its placement on a terrace next to the Moselle River, the cathedral could not have the traditional east to west orientation from the choir to the west front. Instead, it was oriented on an axis from southeast to northwest. The roof, following a regional tradition, was covered with tiles of white limestone. A smaller church, the Collegiale of Notre-Dame-la-Ronde, was built close to the old cathedral in the 8th century, and was entirely rebuilt between 1200 and 1207 to be oriented directly with the axis of the Cathedral. The complex of early buildings also included the cloister and a palace for the archbishop, where the market square is located today. The Gothic Cathedral. The reconstruction of the cathedral in the Gothic style was proposed in about 1220 by the bishop of Metz, Conrad de Scharfenberg, the chancellor of Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor. The work began under Jacques de Lorraine, the head of the chapter, who became bishop in 1239. Construction began at the west end of the nave and continued to the transept and the old choir, which was still in place until the end of the 15th century. The vault of the new structure was not planned to be higher than 30–35 meters. The plan integrated the neighbouring Collegiale of Notre Dame into the western end of the cathedral, which resulted in the absence of a traditional west-end portal. The south-western porch of the cathedral became the entrance of the former collegiale. The nave, with the exception of its vaults, was probably finished between 1245-1250. Then a decision was taken to make the cathedral much taller, with the addition of a new level of large windows about forty meters high, equal in height to the two levels below. New more massive columns were added, and the triforium between the arcades and high windows was enlarged and strengthened to support the greater weight. Between 1250 and 1255 the south side walls west of the transept were also strengthened to support the new higher walls. The south facade was also built higher to match the greater height of the new nave. The piers of the flying buttresses were also reconstructed, doubling their height. In about 1270-75, the tower of the Chapter was raised to the height of the cornice of the new nave. Since the new nave was now twice as high as planned, the towers also had to be made taller. Between 1275–80, A second level and the beginning of a third level were added to the Tour de la Mutte. By 1359 the nave was entirely covered, but work on the upper walls continued for another twenty years. In 1380–81, the chanoines of the Cathedral decided to demolish the wall which separated the cathedral from the adjoining nave of the church of Notre Dame. This was resisted by the clergy of Notre Dame, but the work went ahead, modified by the installation of a grill between the two naves. In 1381 the cathedral chapter engaged the glassmaker Hermann de Münster to make a rose window for the west front, which was finished in 1392. There was a lull of nearly a century before major work was resumed on the construction of the transept and the choir. In 1388 a wooden belfry was installed by the city government on the La Mutte tower, and a new chapel, the Bishop's Chapel, was added on the lower south aisle in 1443. Its patron, Bishop Conrad Bayer de Bopard, died a few days after the chapel was consecrated, and was interred within it in 1459, In 1468 a serious fire broke out on the new balustrade of the roof. In the years before the fire, from 1452 to 1467, there had been a bitter dispute between the city leaders and the cathedral authorities over who was responsible for the maintenance and safety of cathedral property, which the Bishop ended by excommunicated the city leaders. When the fire broke out, the city leaders refused to assist the clergy in fighting the fire, only sending men to put on the fire on the bell tower, which was owned by the city. Relations thereafter between the city and clerical authorities were strained. The last work on the La Mutte bell tower was completed between 1477 and 1453. The stone shaft forty meters high was topped by a tall spire, giving it a total height of almost ninety meters. The finished cathedral was consecrated on 11 April 1552. Gothic Completion and neoclassical additions (16th–18th century). Work continued into the 16th century to rebuild the remaining Romanesque portions into the Gothic style. The old choir was demolished in 1503. A few weeks later, the old Romanesque south transept fell. The next year work began on the new transept, and the final flying buttress of the choir was installed ion 1506. The new construction largely followed the original Gothic style. A new canonical choir was built beginning in 1519 next to the sanctuary, at the crossing of the transept. An ornate rood screen was installed between the choir and the nave, with sculpture by Mansuy Gauvain, and new choir stalls were installed. The choir was completed with a new altar and a small organ in the triforium above the rood screen. A project was also begun to create a new grand portal on the west end. The work was begun but was halted in 1552 by the entry into the city of the army of King Henry II of France. Work did not resume until 1761. Metz and the Duchy of Lorraine formally retained their independent status, but the French political and cultural influence grew from 1737 until 1766, when France formally annexed the Duchy. In 1741, proponents of the new French classical style, popular in Paris, proposed to redecorate the choir of Metz Cathedral in the new style. They presented a neoclassical program for the choir by the royal sculptor from Paris, Sébastien Slodtz. However, Slotdtz's proposed decoration was fiercely resisted by the more conservative chapter and was finally rejected in 1762. In 1754 another large modification was begun by the governor of Metz. He destroyed the old cloisters next to the church, with their chapels and arcades, with the intention of creating a parade ground for official celebrations. However, this project was abandoned in 1758. Instead, the space was filled by a group of houses, shops and a large pavilion. Another classical addition to the cathedral was proposed in 1755 by the royal architect Jacques-François Blondel. He was commissioned by the Royal Academy of Architecture to build a Neoclassical Doric portico which would serve as the main entrance to the cathedral. This was funded partially by Louis XV, to celebrate his recovery from a serious illness from which he had nearly died in Metz in 1744. It was duly built built between 1764 and 1766, However, the work on this new portal caused more problems; it was found that the portico would block some of the stained glass windows, and the digging of the deep foundations for the portico immediately created weaknesses in the west front and north buttress. The Revolution to the 21sth century. In the years before the French Revolution in 1789, many of the Gothic tombs and monuments of the cathedral were removed, or put into lower aisles to accommodate the new classical taste. The Revolution greatly accelerated the destruction. The cathedral chapter was formally abolished in 1790, and the cathedral was declared a simple parish and episcopal church. The old rood screen, made in 1555. was destroyed and replaced by a circular platform or stage in the transept. From 1793 to 1794, the cathedral was officially termed a "Temple of Reason". It was turned into a legal church in 1795, and services resumed, but it was not formally returned to the Catholic Church until 1802. The cathedral was in a deplorable state in the early 19th century. The vaults shook when the bells in the tower rang. The arch supporting the right side of the bell tower was broken, and the windows of the tower had to removed. The arch was finally replaced in 1829. Weaknesses of the foundation made the new portico unsteady. The wood of belfry of the Chapter tower was rotting, and falling in pieces onto the street below; workmen refused to enter the unstable tower. The government finally agreed to finance the complete reconstruction of the tower of La Mutte, which was completed in 1843. The government of Emperor Louis-Napoleon promised a full restoration of the Cathedral. Following the Prussian victory in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, Lorraine and Metz were taken from France in 1871 and annexed to the new German Empire. In 1877, the cathedral was heavily damaged by a major fire caused by fireworks. The King of Prussia and Emperor William I took a particular interest in the rebuilding of Metz Cathedral, to win the support of the population. A young architect from Munich, Paul Tortow, became master of works of the cathedral in 1874 and held the position for thirty-two years, until 1906. He first constructed a new roof, built on a metal frame, which raised its height by 3.5 meters. He then removed the collection of structures that had been built up against the walls, and restored the Chapel of Notre-Dame-de-Mont-Carmel, which had previously belonged to the adjoining church of Notre-Dame-la-Rond. He reopened the windows which had been blocked by the 19th-century construction. He also cleared out the crypt of the cathedral, which had been turned into a storeroom for the neighbouring shops in the gallery. Between 1874 and 1877 he restored the vaults and buttresses that had been weakened by age and the fire. Between 1898 and 1903 he removed Blondel's classical portico over the portal. The new portal was the subject of careful study by Torow. He decided upon a 14th-century Gothic style, in harmony with the rose window. With the French sculptor Auguste Dujardin, he visited twenty-one cathedrals in Burgundy, the Ile-de-France, Normandy and Champagne, taking photographs to act as the basis for his design. The final plan adapted elements of the 13th and 14th centuries, and borrowed particularly from the portals of Auxerre Cathedral, Chartres Cathedral and Amiens Cathedral. He also rebuilt triangular gables at the top of the north and south facades in the late Gothic style, with spires and pinnacles. The new south portal was completed and inaugurated on 14 May 1903. The final project of the exterior renovation was the La Mutte tower, which was granted back to the church by the city, which had taken it as the municipal bell tower. Major restoration and rebuilding also took place inside the cathedral, under another architect, Wilhelm Schmitz. He enlarged the choir, restored damaged windows, constructed new choir stalls, and installed a new stone choir screen, new altars, and new bronze doors for the west portal. In 1914 war interrupted the work. In 1918, at the end of the First World War, Lorraine and the cathedral were returned to France. The forty-four new choir stalls, made in Colmar in 1914, were finally installed 1922. Between the First and Second World Wars, little funding was available to restore or improve the cathedral; the only significant addition was a new bishop's chair, installed in 1932. However, after the Second World War, chief architect Robert Renaud began a campaign to restore and renew the art. He had a copy made and installed of the angel-musician statue which had decorated the roof–it had been blown down in a storm in 1952. In 1965, a stained glass window of David and Bathsheba, designed by Marc Chagall was installed in Bay 9, along with windows by other contemporary artists. Until 1960 all the furnishings of the Cathedral were either original Gothic or recreations of Gothic. That year the cathedral began to acquire modern works of furniture and art, including windows designed by Marc Chagall, Jacques Villon and other artists. In 1999 another wind storm broke loose a pinnacle from the roof, which fell through the roof of the sacristy, requiring major work. The west rose window also showed signs of weakness, due to the absence of a supporting buttress on the west, and began to crack. It was reinforced with two steel supports between 1995 and 2000. The La Mutte tower was restored beginning in 2009, including the restoration of the bells and their mechanism. Exterior. Metz Cathedral is a Rayonnant Gothic edifice built of the local yellow Jaumont limestone. As in French Gothic architecture, the building is compact, with slight projection of the transepts and subsidiary chapels. However, it displays singular, distinctive characteristics in both its ground plan and architecture compared to most other cathedrals. Because of the topography of the Moselle valley in Metz, the common west–east axis of the ground plan could not be applied and the church is oriented north-northeast. Moreover, unlike the French and German Gothic cathedrals having three portals surmounted by a rose window and two large towers, this one has a single porch at its western front. The entrance is to the side of the building through another portal placed at the south-western side of the narthex, avoiding the usual alignment of the entrance with the choir. The nave is supported by flying buttresses and culminates at high, making it one of the highest naves in the world. The height of the nave is contrasted by the relatively low height of the aisles at high, reinforcing the sensation of height of the nave. This feature permitted the architects to create large, tall expanses of stained glass. Throughout its history the cathedral has been subjected to architectural and ornamental modifications with successive additions of Neoclassical and Neogothic elements. West Front and the Portal of Christ. The portal of the west front, typically the main entrance of a cathedral, in Metz is a secondary entrance. The original Gothic portal was replaced by a classical entrance in 1724, which was replaced by the current Neo-Gothic portal in 1903, called "Christ the King." It was designed by architect Paul Tornow and artist Auguste Dujardin. It is lavishly filled with sculpture including column-statues in niches above smaller sculptures in the soubassement. The tympanum over the portal, largely inspired by the Tympanum of Amiens Cathedral, illustrates the Last Judgement, with Christ as the central figure, between two figures representing the Church the Synagogue. The portal is flanked by four 4-meter-tall statues of the prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Daniel. The statue of Daniel was originally given the features of the German Emperor of the time, William II, who commissioned the Portal before the First World War. The moustaches were removed during the German occupation of Metz in World War II. Portal of the Virgin. The Portal of the Virgin, in the south side facing the Place d'Armes, was constructed before 1225. It was the main entrance of the cathedral until the 18th century, and it most probably occupied the same place as the entrance of the earlier pre-Romanesque cathedral. It was covered over and seriously degraded during the addition of classical features in the 18th century, and was not uncovered until 1867. It was then lowered by a meter and a half. A majority of the sculpture, was recreated by Auguste Dujardin, and other portions were restored. It was not formally opened until 1885. The sculpture depicts scenes from the life of the Virgin Mary, culminating at the top of the arch with the crowning of the Virgin by Christ. Recent research found traces of orange, red and green pigment, indicating that the original portal sculpture was brightly colored. Portal of Notre-Dame-La-Ronde. The Portal of Notre-Dame-La-Ronde, on the northwest side, dates to 1260–65 and is the oldest and most simply decorated entry to the cathedral. In the 18th century, it was given a classical canopy to harmonise with the other classical features, but it still retains panels of the 13th-century sculpture and carved stonework resembling fabric around the doorway. Similar design from the same period is found at Reims Cathedral. Bell Tower of La Mutte, Chapter Tower and Horloge Tower. The south tower of the Cathedral, called "La Mutte", was both the cathedral and municipal bell tower; it was built in 1324 and the municipal bell, called La Mutte, was installed there in 1381. This bell was rung in case of fires, approaching enemies or important civic events. After a fire in 1468, a new upper stage of the tower and a spire was constructed on top, bringing the height to ninety meters. It has two platforms where watchmen were posted to look out for fires or approaching enemies. The present major city bell in the tower is named "La Mutte" and was cast in 1605. It weighs 11,000 kilograms (24,250 pounds). A second bell, called Tocsin, made in 1501, weighs 1500 kilos, and is rung to signal the end of the day; along with a third small bell, called Mademoiselle de Tourmel, made in 1802 and recast in 1875. It weighs just 45 kilograms. The Chapter Tower (Tour de Chapitre), was built at the same time, at the end of the 14th and beginning of the 15th century, and in the same style and plan as the tower of La Mutte. This tower also contains a portal to the cathedral, the Portal of St. Stephen. The medieval sculpture was nearly all destroyed by the end of the 18th century, with the exception of a scene on the lintel of the stoning of Saint Stephen, and two scenes from the life of St. Clement. The west front of the Cathedral receives support from a massive buttress on the north, while on the south the facade gets support from the Tower of the Horloge, an eight-sided tower, more slender and shorter than the tower of La Mutte, whose lower portion, with sections of white stone, probably belonged to the original collegiate built in 1207. It is capped by an octagonal belfry and an open pyramid, which were added in 1896. The exterior of this tower features an angel holding a sundial, decorated with the coat of arms of the city, and the date 1504. This tower formally belonged to the city of Metz, and contains a second set of cathedral bells. The largest bell, which sounds the hours, was made in 1413, and weighs 2000 kilograms; a smaller bell sounds the quarter hours, and was made 1398 (60 kilograms); and there is a third bell from the 16th century (also weighing 60 kilograms). Transept. The transept and the chevet at the northeast end of the cathedral were constructed together between 1487 and 1450. In this part of the cathedral, the vaults reach a height of 45 meters. The triangular north transept gable was a later addition of Neo-Gothic, made in 1886 in the 15th-century style. It is crowned with a statue of the Virgin Mary, marking the chapel of the Virgin. The south transept facade has a matching gable made in 1883-85, in the more ornate flamboyant style. It is crowned by two statues, Saint Nicholas and a local medieval bishop, Saint Goëry. There is also a flamboyant gable over the large south window, also an elaborate flamboyant style, with curves and counter-curves. It was damaged by the 19th-century fire and was replaced. At the top is a statue of Saint Stephen, the patron saint of the Cathedral. The chevet. The chevet, at the southeast end of the cathedral, was built between 1503 and 1508 atop the earlier Romanesque crypt and the earlierRayonnant style chapels. It contains the apse and disambulatory, and three radiating chapels; the axis chapel of the Virgin; and chapels of the Sacred Heart and Notre-Dame of Mount-Carmel. The doorway to Rue du Vivier was added in 1889. The chapels are separated by the massive buttresses and arches which support the upper walls. The buttresses themselves are decorated with spires, which give them extra weight. The windows of the upper walls are topped with pointed arches and pinnacles, and the chevet is flanked by two additional slender towers with spires on either side of the choir, which give additional support to the structure. On the north is the Tower of the Boule d'Or or Tower of the Pomme d'Or (Named for a gilded copper apple ornament on top of the spire before the Revolution); and to south, the Tower of Charlemagne. This tower has a stairway that gives access to the terraces, triforium, and the narrow pathway around the edge of the roof of the choir. The Interior. The nave. The nave is the portion of a cathedral, usually at the west end, where the worshippers are seated. The nave of Metz Cathedral is noted for its exceptional height, harmony, and especially the great quantity of stained glass that entirely fills the upper walls, the largest area of glass of any cathedral. It has the traditional elevation of Gothic cathedrals of the 13th century, with three levels; an arcade of pointed arches supported by large pillars on the ground floor, 12.65 meters high; above that a triforium with windows. six meters high; above that a decorative band of two friezes with sculpted foliage and drapery; and above that the high windows extending upwards 25.5 meters into the vaults. Slender colonettes run up the walls between the windows from the arcade pillars to support the vaults. The pillars of the arcade, consisting of bundled columns, also have decoration; sculpted grapevines and other vegetal designs, from about 1245. The four-part rib vaults of the nave vaults are exceptionally high; between 41.2 and 42.6 meters, exceeded in height only by those of Beauvais Cathedral (48 meters), matching those of Amiens Cathedral (42.3. meters), and taller than those of Reims Cathedral (38 meters). The collateral aisles on either side of the nave are not nearly as high; just 13.3 meters, but they also have walls largely filled with stained glass. Transept and choir. The Transept and choir were built later than the nave, between 1487 and 1520, with elaborate decoration in the flamboyant style of the late Gothic in the tracery of the windows and the pillars. Nonetheless, the builders respected the elevations and distribution of space on the walls established in the nave at the end of the 13th century. The high windows of the nave were the model for the high windows in the transept and the choir. Parts of the north transept also serve an important structural purpose; the section of the transept where it meets the nave, made about 1300, also serves a buttress for the arches of the nave where they meet the transept. Each level of the transept also has narrow coursières, or passageways, built in the wall on the interior and exterior of the transept. The vaults of the transept meet the vaults of the nave and choir at the central crossing. The transept is 46.80 metres (153.5 ft) high and 16.34 metres (53.6 ft) wide. The vault in the center of the crossing has additional decorative lierne and tiercon ribs, which form a star, and a large keystone, 1.7 meters high and 3.7 meters across, at the meeting point. The choir of a cathedral, where the clergy traditionally worships, is usually long, but because of the unusual topography under the cathedral, the choir in Metz is relatively short, and raised up by twelve steps from the transept. The modern liturgical furniture in the choir was created by the Swiss-born French artist Mattia Bonetti between 2004 and 2006. It includes an altar, "Ambon" or tribune, and "cathedre", or bishop's chair. They are made of bronze, marble and oak, with a motif of reeds gently blowing in the wind, against a dark background. The Altar of Notre Dame de Lourdes made of red marble in 1911 by the Munich sculptor Max Heilmaler, It was subject to many later alterations. It depicts the Virgin in a red marble mandorle. The additional sculpture of the Announciation, also by Heilmaler. Below the altar a depiction of Christ being presented at the Temple, by Caspar Weis. With it is the retable made of gilded and painted oak, It was originally made for the altar of a chapel at the shrine of Notre Dame de Lourdes, where it was placed in 1245. It depicts the Virgin, with the moon at her feet, with figures of Saint Barbara and Saint Catherine. It was removed from that church in 1912 because the church authorities in Lourdes felt it clashed with the simplicity of the decor there. The choir stalls are a prominent feature in the centre of the Choir. They were made by Théophile Klem of Colmar between 1913-14, but they were not put into place until 1922-23. Carvings also decorate They decorate the screen of the choir made in 1912. The apse, diambulatory and radiating chapels. Beyond the choir is the apse, with a semicircular passage, the disambulatory, which leads to the three chapels at the end of the cathedral. The central chapel is dedicated to the Virgin Mary, the left chapel to Saint Joseph, and the right chapel to Saint Livier. The following picture presents the ground plan of Saint-Stephen of Metz and the position of the architectural elements: Painting and sculpture. The chapels of the transept were decorated in the 14th century with murals on the columns, which served as epitaphs for prominent church figures. These were covered over with plaster in the remodelling of the 17th century and rediscovered and restored between 1840 and 1909. One good example is the painted epitaph of Jacques Poulain, from 1379, located on the north side at the sixth pillar. Stained glass. The stained glass windows of the cathedral range in date from the 13th century to the 20th century, and cover an area of 6500 square meters; the cathedral has the most stained glass of any medieval religious monument. The early windows resemble mosaics, made of very small pieces of thick, deeply-colored glass bound together by thin strips of lead. The later windows became much larger and thinner, as glassmaking technology improved, with support of iron bars and stone tracery. They were often colored with silver stain, and enamel paints which could be etched to give different shades and three dimensions, more closely resembling Renaissance paintings. The later Gothic periods also made greater use of grisaille, glass colored white, grey or other pale colors, to bring more light into the interior, and to highlight the colored glass. Most of the original glass was removed in the centuries after the Middle Ages. Most of the glass today is restored or a more modern replacement. The windows of Metz were made by the master craftsmen including Hermann von Münster in the fourteenth century, and Valentin Bousch in the sixteenth. In the twentieth century, the artist Marc Chagall created three stained glass windows for the cathedral between 1958 and 1968. Roger Bissière and Jacques Villon provided designs for further windows, including the complete chapel of the Holy Sacrament. Early glass (13th century). The earliest glass in the cathedral, from the third quarter of the 13th century, is found in the central bay of the Chapel of Notre-Dame-La-Rond, on the north side of the cathedral near the portal of that name. The glass was originally all in one window, but was separated and now is displayed in two parts in the lower portions of the bays. In the north (Bay 33) are the lancet windows which illustrate the genealogy of Christ and the Virgin Mary, as well as the prophets and apostles. In the South (Bay 28) is the oculus of the original window, with the crowning of the Virgin. This window very unusually depicts the Virgin to the left of Christ, who is presenting the crown to her with his left hand. A similar arrangement from the same period is found in Strasbourg Cathedral. 14th–15th century glass. A number of important windows were installed in the 14th century, including the great rose window of the western facade. This window was the work of Hermann von Munster, who created an ambitious program of windows. Other windows he designed were placed in the north and south arms of the transept, the west bay and the north and south arms of the transept. 16th century glass. The most prominent examples of 16th-century glass are the windows of the north face of the transept, made by Valentin Bousch between 1521 and 1536. Their figures clearly show the influence of the Renaissance, with a full use of perspective, shading, giving the windows a close resemblance to Renaissance paintings. 20th century – modern windows. Between 1954 and 1958 most of the upper windows of the nave were replaced with windows designed to harmonize with the early Gothic windows by Jean Gaudin, who had restored the windows of Amiens Cathedral. Then, in 1956, Robert Renaud, chief architect of the Center of National Monuments, commissioned a group of windows for the Chapel of the Holy Sacrament designed by the cubist-impressionist Jacques Villon, the brother of pioneer modernist Marcel Duchamp, then eighty years old. The windows are composed of intersecting lines and planes of different colors, represents the Last Supper and Crucifixion, surrounded by abstract images of earlier Biblical symbols; the rock of Mount Horeb, the Marriage at Cana, the Book of Exodus and a lamb representing Easter. They were installed in 1957. Two other abstract windows were made by Roger Bissière for the portal of La Mutte and the portal of the Tower of the Chapter. The former, facing the rising sun, has warm abstract colors, while the latter window, facing the sunset, has cool colors. The best-known windows are those designed by Marc Chagall. They were commissioned at the same time that he was chosen by André Malraux, French Minister of Culture, to decorate the central dome of the Paris Opera. The first, in Bay 17 of the west of the north transept, made between 1958 and 1961, depicts Genesis and the creation, the original sin, and the expulsion from Eden. Two additional groups were made for two bays in the north disambulatory (bays 11 and 9). They were made between 1961 and 1967, and depict Old Testament scenes, including Moses receiving the Ten Commandments, the Sacrifice of Abraham, the Burning Bush, and other events. The final series done by Chagall was created between 1968 and 1970 in the west triforium. These windows are "Grand Bouquet", a composition of birds and flowers and a rainbow on a background of nacre (Bays 111 and 113) and "Petit Bouquet" (Bays 107–109). Organs. Metz Cathedral has two organs. The modern and larger organ is located in the transept. The smaller and older instrument, called the "Renaissance", is perched on the triforium of the last traverse of the nave, closest to the choir. It was placed there above the former rood screen to accompany ceremonies of the clergy taking place within the choir. It was made in 1537, and while the instrument has been regularly modified and updated, the wooden buffet or cabinet is original. Crypt. The original romanesque crypt beneath the choir was enlarged at the beginning of the 16th century to serve as a foundation for the new chevet. and contains ambulatory leading to three chapels. It was originally largely filled with tombs, It now serves as a museum of cathedral history. The crypt displays the Graouilly, a large figure of the mythical dragon which was said in legend to been slain by Saint Clement in about 1000 AD. It was carried in religious processions in Metz beginning the 13th century and was described by Rabelais after his stay in Metz in 1546–47. The body of the current Graouilly is made of canvas covering a metal frame is from the 19th century, while the head is wood from an 18th-century effigy of the creature. Treasury. The treasury of the cathedral, located in the old sacristy next to the south transept, lost most of its precious objects during the French Revolution, when they were taken away to be melted down for their gold or stripped of their jewels. The most famous item in the Treasury is the reputed "Cape of Charlemagne", a garment probably made in the 12th century. It is made of purple silk with three large eagles embroidered with gold, whose wings are decorated with roses and griffons. It was further adorned during the Renaissance with a plus a hood embroidered with silver. The treasury also displays a large Bishop's ring made of stone and gold, called the Ring of Saint Arnoul, made in the 7th century. It is one of the oldest Bishop's rings still existing.

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Core Molding Technologies, Inc. was founded in 1988 (its original name was Core Materials Corporation) and now based in Columbus, Ohio. The company manufactures sheet molding compounds (SMC), and molds fiberglass reinforced plastics. It occupies over 1,000,000 square feet of manufacturing space and its main subsidiaries are in Matamoros, Mexico, Gaffney, South Carolina, and Cincinnati, Ohio. In 2011, Core Molding Technologies formed Core Specialty Composites, LLC. History. 1980: The predecessor company Columbus Plastic Operations was set up. 1996: The company (firstly named Core Materials Corporation) was set up and acquired Columbus Plastic Operations. 2002: The company changed its name to Core Molding Technologies, Inc. 2011: The company formed Core Specialty Composites, LLC In March 2013, Core Molding Technologies, Inc. received a significant new business opportunity award from Volvo Group North America LLC. Products and services. Core Molding Technologies specializes in large-format moldings and provides fiberglass processes, such as compression molding process (SMC, GMT), spray-up, hand lay-up, resin transfer molding (RTM), and reaction injection molding (RIM). Core Molding Technologies mainly produced fiber reinforced plastics and plastic composites such as shielding, vehicle roofs, hoods and so on. Besides, it also provides services for manufacturing and product development, such as custom material formulations, composite mold construction, design for manufacturability and so on. Next Generation Product Released: Core Molding Technologies' Featherlite® SMC Production Reaches 10,000,000 lbs. Operations. Research and development. 2011.2, The company introduced Featherlite® SMC, with a 1.43 sp.gr density, lighter than standard-density SMC (1.9 sp.gr). 2012, The company introduced N-sulGuard® SMC to support Ag and Construction Equipment and Electrical markets. 2013.8, the company announced Airilite™, an ultra-low density SMC, about 1.18 sp.gr. 2013.10, the company announced the low-density Featherlite® SMC has reached 10,000,000 pounds. This also announced FeatherliteXL™ SMC, the company's second-generation advancement, began to develop. Awards. Core Molding Technologies, because of its stable supplies, was presented a "Supplier of the Year" award for 2012 by Kautex Textron GmbH & Co. KG., one of the 100 largest global automotive suppliers.

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Linens are fabric household goods intended for daily use, such as bedding, tablecloths and towels. "Linens" may also refer to church linens, meaning the altar cloths used in church. History. The earliest known household linens were made from thin yarn spun from flax fibres to make linen cloth. Ancient Egypt, Babylon, and Phoenicia all cultivated flax crops. The earliest surviving fragments of linen cloth have been found in Egyptian tombs and date to 4000 BCE. Flax fibres have been found in cloth fragments in Europe that date to the Neolithic prehistoric age. Cotton is another popular fibre for making cloth used for household linens. Its use in cloth-making also dates back to prehistoric times, in Indian subcontinent, China, Peru and Egypt. The Indian subcontinent was especially well known for high quality cotton cloth as early as 1500 BCE. Linen was an especially popular cloth during the Middle Ages in Europe, when cotton was an exotic import. It was used for underclothing, chemises, shifts, shirts and blouses, in fact most clothing worn next to the skin, by those able to afford an extra layer of clothing. The tradition of calling household fabric goods "linens" dates from this period, but meant clothing as much as large sheets. According to medieval tradition, which survived up until the modern era, a bride would often be given a gift of linens made by the women in her family as a wedding present, to help her set up her new married home. In France this was called a trousseau, and was often presented to the bride in a wooden hope chest. The Industrial Revolution brought huge changes to cloth manufacturing. The rise of European colonialism at the same time helped support the rapid growth of cloth production by creating many cheap sources of raw materials. British cloth manufacturers would import raw cotton from America and the British West Indies to Ireland, where it would be spun into yarn. The yarn would be imported into England, where mechanized factories employed thousands of workers, who would weave cloth on industrial looms. In 1781, a cloth producer from Manchester testified about his business to a committee of the House of Commons in the British Parliament. He stated that he employed 6000 workers, who would print and stamp 60,000 yards of cotton and linen fabric a year. Cotton gradually replaced linen for most uses in clothing, but remained preferred for bedsheets and tablecloths. Other European countries manufactured and traded their own types of household linens as well, and mass manufacturing techniques and trade competition gradually made affordable household linens common. Today, the term "linen" is still used for bedsheets, tablecloths and similar household textiles, even though most are made of cotton, synthetic fabrics, or blends. Especially in American English, they may be called "white goods", otherwise a term for kitchen major appliances. Cleaning and storage of linens. Cleaning household linens is done as appropriate to the type of cloth. Household linens are most likely to have stains from organic sources such as food, blood, and soil. If the linens are made of natural fibres such as linen or cotton, the cloth will need to be rinsed as soon as possible in cold water to prevent the stain from becoming permanent. Stains from red wine, or red or purple berries and fruit are an exception and must be washed in boiling water, yet despite this, these stains may be impossible to remove. Otherwise, regular washing of household linens should be done in hot water for hygienic reasons, to destroy bacteria left on the linens from frequent use. Linen and cotton that are white may also become yellow over time, but this is eliminated by bleaching, either with liquid bleach, or by the traditional method of hanging the linens in the sun to let the sunlight bleach out the discoloration. Household linens are stored near the area where they are used, when possible, for convenience. Otherwise, bed and kitchen and dining linens may be stored together in a linen closet or cupboard. There are many methods of folding linens for storage. For formal occasions, table linens may be ironed before use. Traditionally, table linens could be starched while ironing, to decrease wrinkling and retain a smooth, pristine appearance. Seasonal storage of linens led to the development of natural pest control methods in Europe to prevent moth larvae and other insects or rodents from eating the cloth. Sachets made of dried Margosa (neem), cloves, lavender, and other herbs are traditional, as are cedar wood chips. Industrial cleaning of linens. Industrial laundries were developed in the Middle Ages, when large convents and monasteries used their own facilities. Hospitals and boarding schools followed this example. Today, there are several types of industrial laundries. Hospitals often use laundry chutes to collect used linens. These are transported to an industrial laundry, where they are sorted into three categories: regularly soiled, infected, or staff uniforms. They are laundered as appropriate, usually at high temperatures, to ensure that viruses, bacteria, and soil are cleaned and that the linens are hygienic before being returned to the hospital. In India, Dhobi ghats provide laundry service to both institutions and households. Household linens and clothing are both collected on a fixed day of the week by the Dhobi, who washes the laundry at a ghat, which is often in a large Dhobi ghat zone where many Dhobis work at their own stall. Each stall is approximately four square metres. Laundry is washed in large tubs, rinsed, cleaned by beating on a stone made for the purpose, and then the linens are hung on lines to dry. Industrial linens are treated in steamers for several hours for hygienic reasons. Dhobis also iron linens. Antique linens. The collecting and restoring of antique linens can be complex, depending upon the condition of the cloth. Many old household linens were stored filled with starch, which damages the cloth over time since it hardens and causes wearing and tears in the fabric where it is folded and creased. The owner of an antique linen must determine if conserving, repairing, or mending are appropriate. Types of antique linens may be identified by the place where they were made. Some well-known locations for making heirloom-quality household linens include Ireland, for its Irish linen and lace, and Madeira, known for a type of linen called Madeira cloth. The type of embellishment on the linens may make them collectable, especially embroidery, including Victorian-era redwork and bluework, which use only red or blue thread. Lace embellishments on linens also make them collectable, such as Battenberg lace. White sale. January "White sales" have been a custom in the United States since the late 19th century. White sales are held by department stores to sell household linens, bedding and towels, at a price discount. The sales are called "White sales" since the sales started during an era when these items were only available in white. List of church linens. Church linens are used in some Christian churches, with the Roman Catholic Church having perhaps the most elaborate use of them. Linens are used to represent the sacred nature of the altar and to protect the Eucharist. Church linens include:

religious status

1992-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=381638

The thick-billed murre or Brünnich's guillemot ("Uria lomvia") is a bird in the auk family (Alcidae). This bird is named after the Danish zoologist Morten Thrane Brünnich. The very deeply black North Pacific subspecies "Uria lomvia arra" is also called Pallas' murre after its describer. The genus name is from Ancient Greek "ouria", a waterbird mentioned by Athenaeus. The species term "lomvia" is a Swedish word for an auk or diver. The English "guillemot" is from French "guillemot" probably derived from "Guillaume", "William". "Murre" is of uncertain origins, but may imitate the call of the common guillemot. Murres have the highest flight cost, for their body size, of any animal. Description. Since the extinction of the great auk in the mid-19th century, the murres are the largest living members of the Alcidae. The thick-billed murre and the closely related common guillemot (or common murre, "U. aalge") are similarly-sized, but the thick-billed still bests the other species in both average and maximum size. The thick-billed murre measures in total length, spans across the wings and weighs . The Pacific race ("U. l. arra") is larger than the Atlantic race, especially in bill dimensions. Adult birds are black on the head, neck, back and wings with white underparts. The bill is long and pointed. They have a small rounded black tail. The lower face becomes white in winter. This species produces a variety of harsh cackling calls at the breeding colonies, but is silent at sea. They differ from the common murre in their thicker, shorter bill with white gape stripe and their darker head and back; the "bridled" morph is unknown in "U. lomvia" - a murre has either a white eye-stripe, or a white bill-stripe, or neither, but never both; it may be that this is character displacement, enabling individual birds to recognize conspecifics at a distance in the densely packed breeding colonies as the bridled morph is most common by far in North Atlantic colonies where both species of guillemots breed. In winter, there is less white on the thick-billed murre's face. They look shorter than the common murre in flight. First year birds have smaller bills than adults and the white line on the bill is often obscure, making the bill an unreliable way to identify them at this age. The head pattern is the best way to distinguish first-year birds from common murres. Distribution. The thick-billed murre is distributed across the polar and sub-polar regions of the Northern Hemisphere where four subspecies exist; one lives on the Atlantic and Arctic oceans of North America ("U. l. lomvia"), another on the Pacific coast of North America ("U. l. arra"), and two others that inhabit the Russian arctic ("U.l.eleonorae" and "U.heckeri"). Habitat. Thick-billed murres spend all of their lives at sea in waters which remain below 8°C, except during the breeding season where they form dense colonies on cliffs. Breeding. Thick-billed murres form vast breeding colonies, sometimes composed of over a million breeding birds, on narrow ledges and steep cliffs which face the water. They have the smallest territory of any bird, requiring less than one square foot per individual. A breeding pair will lay a single egg each year. Despite this, they are one of the most abundant marine birds in the Northern Hemisphere. Adults perform communal displays early in the breeding season to time their breeding cycles. They do not build nests, but lay the egg directly on bare rock. Both parents are involved in incubating the egg and raising the young. Due to the enormous amount of energy needed to take off in flight, adults can only provide one food item at a time to their chick. Chicks spend between 18 and 25 days on the cliffs before leaving for the sea. Once ready to leave, the young will await nightfall and jump off the edge towards the water. A parent immediately jumps after and glides within centimeters of the fledgling. At sea, the male and the chick stay together for around 8 weeks during which the adult continues to provide food for the young. Survival rates of the young is not based on the number of individuals in the colony, but rather on the age of the breeders within the colony. Offspring of inexperienced pairs grow more slowly than those of experienced breeders, possibly because they do not receive as much food from their parents. Also, pairs which contain at least one young breeding bird tend to have lower hatch rates. Older and experienced adults obtain the better nesting sites located in the center of the colony, while the inexperienced individuals are kept on the margins where their young are more likely to be preyed upon. Migratory patterns. They move south in winter into northernmost areas of the north Atlantic and Pacific, but only to keep in ice-free waters. Flight and feeding characteristics. The thick-billed murre's flight is strong and direct, and they have fast wing beats due to the short wings. Like the other auks, these birds forage for food by using their wings to 'swim' underwater. They are accomplished divers, reaching depths of up to 150 m and diving for up to four minutes at a time; usually however birds make either shallow short dives or dive down to 21–40 m for longer periods. While hunting, the diving trajectory resembles a flattened 'U'. Birds will make long trips to get to favorite feeding grounds; while they usually forage several dozen km from their nest sites, they often travel more than 100 km to fish. The strong and direct flight of murres, which is, for their body size, the most costly form of sustained locomotion of any animal, is a result of their short wingspan The diving depths and durations regularly achieved by these birds indicate that they, and similar auks, have some—as yet unknown—mechanism to avoid diving sickness and lung collapse when surfacing. It is postulated that auks temporarily absorb excess gases into the vascular structure of their bones. From there, it is gradually released from temporary storage in a controlled process of decompression. Trophic Linkages. The nominate race feeds primarily on fish such as "Gadus spp." and Arctic cod ("Boreogadus saida"), as well as the pelagic amphipod "Parathemisto libellula". Other fish such as capelin ("Mallotus villosus") and "Myoxocephalus spp. ", as well as other crustaceans, polychaetes, and a few molluscs, are found in their diet but in relatively low numbers. When wintering near Newfoundland, capelin can account for over 90 percent of their diet. Thick-billed murres have few natural predators because the immense number of concentrated birds found on the breeding colonies and the inaccessibility of these breeding sites make it extremely difficult for them to be preyed upon. Their main predator is the glaucous gull ("Larus hyperboreus"), and these feed exclusively on eggs and chicks. The common raven ("Corvus corax") may also try to obtain eggs and hatchlings when they are left unattended. Status and conservation. Although declines have been observed in many parts of their range, the thick-billed murre is not a species of concern as the total population is estimated to contain between 15 and 20 million individuals worldwide. Egg harvesting and hunting of adult birds are major threats in Greenland, where populations fell steeply between the 1960s and 1980s. In the Barents Sea region, the species has declined locally, due to influences associated with polar stations in Russia. Fisheries may also be a threat, but because thick-billed murres are better able to use alternative food sources the effect of over-fishing is not as severe as on the common murre. Pollution from oil at sea exerts another major threat. Murres are among the seabirds most sensitive to oil contamination. Incidental mortality brought on by entanglement with fishing gear is also an important cause of population decline. Thick-billed murres are closely associated with sea-ice throughout the year. Consequently, some scientists believe that climate change may be a threat to this Arctic-breeding species. However the species seems adaptable. Populations at the southern edge of their range switched from feeding on ice-associated Arctic cod to warmer-water capelin as ice break-up became earlier. Dates for egg-laying advanced with the earlier disappearance of ice. The growth of chicks is slower in years when ice break-up is early relative to egg-laying by the murres. In extremely warm years, mosquitoes and heat kill some breeders. As a vagrant. Brünnich's guillemot is a rare vagrant in European countries south of the breeding range. In Britain, over 30 individuals have been recorded, but over half of these were tideline corpses. Of those that were seen alive, only three have remained long enough to be seen by large numbers of observers. All three were in Shetland - winter individuals in February 1987 and November/December 2005, and a bird in an auk colony in summer 1989. The 1989 and 2005 birds were both found by the same observer, Martin Heubeck. The species has been recorded once in Ireland, and has also been recorded in the Netherlands. In the western Atlantic, they may range as far as Florida, and in the Pacific to California. Before 1950, large numbers appeared on the North American Great Lakes in early winter, passing up the St. Lawrence River from the East coast. Such irruptions have not been seen since 1952.

prior dissipation

2965-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37836894

Sam Gibson is a fictional character from the American soap opera "The Young and the Restless", portrayed by Sean Patrick Flanery. He made his first on-screen appearance on April 18, 2011. Introduced by head writer Maria Arena Bell, Sam was created as a love interest for long-running Sharon Newman while she was a fugitive. A rural veterinarian, Sam takes Sharon, posing under the alias Sheri Coleman, into his barn. They eventually fall in love; but she is located and arrested. Although they remained friends, the relationship ended when she returned to Genoa City. Flanery was let go after a few months, last airing on November 4, 2011. Character creation and casting. On March 9, 2011, the show's executive producer and head writer Maria Arena Bell told "TV Guide" that Flanery would be joining the cast as Sam. Flanery, primarily a movie actor, is best known for his roles as Conner MacManus in "The Boondock Saints", Greg Stillson in "The Dead Zone", Jeremy "Powder" Reed in "Powder" and Indiana Jones in "The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles", as well as Bobby Dagen in "Saw 3D". Of working on a soap opera, Flanery said "I enjoy switching it up like that. It was a medium I had never explored before. It is a different kind of break." His full name was later announced as Sam Gibson, and his first air-date was April 18, 2011. Prior to his debut, a "TV Guide Canada" columnist Nelson Branco noted in his 'Suds Report' column that Sam's characteristics and traits resembled that of another character Adam Newman's (Michael Muhney) mother Hope Adams (Signy Coleman). Adam is the song of multi-millionaire business tycoon Victor Newman (Eric Braeden), and Branco speculated in his article that Sam could possibly end up being "the real Adam Newman". This led fans to speculate about who Sam "will turn out to be". On September 14, it was announced by various sources that Flanery along with four other cast-mates: Eden Riegel (Heather), Darius McCrary (Malcolm) and Tristan Rogers (Colin), were to leave "The Young and the Restless". "CBS Soaps In Depth" reported that the characters were on the "shopping block" as part of a "true cast shake-up". Sara Bibel of Xfinity said "While I never take pleasure in an actor losing his or her job, these characters are not essential to the show." "TV Guide Canada"s Amber Dowling reported that all actors had been let go, to make way for returning and new cast members, including the highly anticipated return of Melody Thomas Scott as long-running character Nikki Newman. Dowling said "The housecleaning had many fans abuzz, wondering if it meant Scott would finally return to the series." Initially, only Rogers was expected to have been fired following an announcement via Twitter until an insider from the show shared the news with "CBS Soaps In Depth" of additional departures. Character development. Sam, a rural veterinarian from New Mexico is described as being "kind, decent, and full of common sense". The character was introduced as a love interest for Sharon Newman (Sharon Case) while she was on the run, after being sentenced un-rightfully for the murder of Skye Newman (Laura Stone). Daytime Confidential revealed that he who would enter Sharon's "orbit". "On-Air On-Soaps" described him as a "salt of the earth" veterinarian who would be paired with "non other" than the "troubled" Sharon, who is a regular and one of the show's longest-running cast members. "TV Guide"s Michael Logan noted that Flanery wouldn't end up playing "yet another rich, Genoa City power-schemer" but he would be playing "rather a salt o' the earth country veterinarian" who would romance Sharon. Flanery said that Sam "seems logical and down to earth, of average means. Sort of a departure from normal “filthy rich” characters." Sam is a widower, and hadn't found love since the death of his wife. Sam discovered Sharon sleeping in his barn and invited her in, giving her a place to stay. At the time, Sharon, who was a fugitive, was posing under the pseudonym Sheri Coleman. Sam is good friends with a local young girl named Piper, whom 'Sheri' bonds with as well. They formed a close relationship together. While she was in New Mexico, Sharon let her loved ones in Genoa City, Wisconsin believe she was dead. Of working with Flanery, Sharon Case said that she "loved him" and said "I thought the storyline turned out really lovely, but what a 180 degree turn in energy – that the storyline was going in one direction and all of a sudden it was going in another direction. I thought it was an interesting choice and the story turned out really beautiful." Case said that the romance between Sharon and Sam "turned out great" and praised the writing. Of the story, "On-Air On-Soaps" said "Sharon went on the run, faked her own death, ended up on a farm, met a handsome stranger, and from there the story seems to get even more complex." Storylines. Sam discovered 'Sheri' in his barn. She threatened him not to come close to her, but he assured her he wasn't going to hurt her. After speaking with the mysterious Sheri, he let her stay at a room attached to the barn. She helped Sam deliver a lamb, which they named Fanny. Sam told Sharon about him being a widow, and they became close. Piper Sheffield (Ellery SprayBerry), a young animal-loving local girl, met Sheri and instantly gravitated towards her. Sam provided Sheri with a laptop. Unable to check her e-mails, she decided to look at a memorial page on Faceplace which was created in honor of her, but was horrified to realize people believed she killed herself. Sam found it hard to ask Sheri to leave the barn, which she eventually agreed to. She attended a local fair with Piper and Sam, where she saw her ex, Adam Newman. Adam was in New Mexico trying to prove that Sharon's "death" was an accident, and she didn't commit suicide. In reality, Sharon was carjacked, and the women who stole her car, identification card and jewelry was killed in the car accident. O'Keefe, Sam's beloved elderly dog, died on a night where he asked Sheri out on a date. He showed up at the barn drunk; Sheri slapped him but they ended up making love after she comforted him. The following morning, she ended up in his bed. Sheri decided to write a letter to Sam telling him the truth about her life as Sharon. However, after hours of writing, she tore up the letter. At a party Sam took Sheri to, Piper's father, a cop, arrested Sharon for the murder of Skye and fleeing Genoa City. Back in Genoa City, where Sam followed Sharon to, she explained everything. Sam wasn't angry, and decided to support Sharon. Sharon was sentenced to a thirty-year life imprisonment. Sharon told Sam, who had temporarily relocated to Genoa City to support her, to return to his life. He said goodbye to her and left. Sam returned for another visit. After Sharon was acquitted, she returned to New Mexico for a short holiday with her daughter Faith Newman (Alyvia Alyn Lind). Sam has not appeared since. Reception. Michael Logan of "TV Guide" called the character a "nice switch-up" from the typical character on the show. Sara Bibel of Xfinity said that Sam "seemed like a short term character" who she thought "was going to help Sharon go on a journey of self-exploration while away from Genoa City. Instead, she did not seem to learn anything from her time with the veterinarian. Once she was arrested and rejected him for another shot at Adam, I did not understand why he continued to stand by her." Following the news of Sam and three others' departures, Soaps.com held a poll entitled "Which possible departure upsets you most? ", where Sam's received the most votes (1,100).

personal recognition papers

10463-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=758470

Jarry Park (French: Parc Jarry) is an urban park in the Villeray–Saint-Michel–Parc-Extension borough of Montreal, Quebec, Canada. From 1969 to 1976, the former Jarry Park Stadium (located in the southwest corner of the park, now IGA Stadium) was the home of the Montreal Expos, Canada's first Major League Baseball team. It also hosted a Mass by Pope John Paul II. There is now a hall dedicated to him in District Police Station 31 (Villeray). Facilities include softball, cricket and soccer fields, a skate park, tennis and basketball courts, a public pool and an artificial lake. In addition, there is a monument called "Paix des enfants" ("Children's Peace"), consisting of violent toys fused together. The park is bordered by Gary-Carter Street to the south, Rue Jarry to the north, Boulevard Saint-Laurent to the east, and the Canadian Pacific rail tracks to the west. The park was named in honour of Raoul Jarry (1885–1930), a member of Montreal's City Council. On 24 June 1965, Jarry Park hosted the great show on Saint John Baptiste Day, (La Saint-Jean Baptiste), the French-Canadian annual celebration day. Since 1977 it is now officially called Quebec's National Holiday, (La fête nationale du Québec). That year, Jarry Park was chosen to present the most important event of the celebrations. 40,000 people came to hear some of Québec's most acclaimed singers; namely Pauline Julien, Clémence Desrochers, Jean-Pierre Ferland, Christine Charbonneau, Hervé Brousseau, Les Cailloux, Pierre Calvé, Renée Claude et Pierre Létourneau.

wonderful display

9711-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=21260

The economy of North Korea is a centrally planned economy, following Juche, where the role of market allocation schemes is limited, although increasing. , North Korea continues its basic adherence to a centralized command economy. There has been some economic liberalization, particularly after Kim Jong-un assumed the leadership in 2012, but reports conflict over particular legislation and enactment. The collapse of the Eastern Bloc from 1989 to 1991, particularly North Korea's principal source of support, the Soviet Union, forced the North Korean economy to realign its foreign economic relations, including increased economic exchanges with South Korea. China is North Korea's largest trading partner. North Korea's ideology of Juche has resulted in the country pursuing autarky in an environment of international sanctions. While the current North Korean economy is still dominated by state-owned industry and collective farms, foreign investment and corporate autonomy have slightly increased. North Korea had a similar GDP per capita to its neighbor South Korea from the aftermath of the Korean War until the mid-1970s, but had a GDP per capita of less than $2,000 in the late 1990s and early 21st century. For 2018, the Bank of Korea estimated the GDP growth as −4.1%. Corruption. In 2019, North Korea was ranked 172nd in the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index with a score of 17 out of 100. Size of the North Korean economy. Estimating gross national product in North Korea is a difficult task because of a dearth of economic data and the problem of choosing an appropriate rate of exchange for the North Korean won, the nonconvertible North Korean currency. The South Korean government's estimate placed North Korea's GNP in 1991 at US$22.9 billion, or US$1,038 per capita. In contrast, South Korea posted US$237.9 billion of GNP and a per capita income of US$5,569 in 1991. North Korea's GNP in 1991 showed a 5.2% decline from 1989, and preliminary indications were that the decline would continue. South Korea's GNP, by contrast, expanded by 9.3% and 8.4%, respectively, in 1990 and 1991. It is estimated that North Korea's GNP nearly halved between 1990 and 1999. North Korean annual budget reports suggest state income roughly tripled between 2000 and 2014. By about 2010, external trade had returned to 1990 levels. The South Korea-based Bank of Korea estimated that over 2000 to 2013 average growth was 1.4% per year. It estimated that the real GDP of North Korea in 2015 was 30,805 billion South Korean won. It has published the following estimates of North Korea's GDP growth: This analysis converts production volume estimates into South Korean prices, so is subject to price changes over time of South Korean goods. According to analyst Andrei Lankov, writing in 2017, a significant number of observers believe that the Bank of Korea is too conservative and the real growth rate is North Korea reported that the government budget has been increasing at between 5% and 10% annually from 2007 to 2015. Reported planned capital expenditure, mainly on roads and public buildings, increased by 4.3% in 2014, 8.7% in 2015 to 13.7% in 2016. According to a North Korea economist, the growth rate was 3.7% in 2017, lifting GDP to $29.6 billion in 2018. The Australian government estimated 1.3% growth in 2017, while the South Korean government estimated -3.5%. In 2018, North Korea's government budget revenue plan overfulfilled 1.4%, an increase of 4.6% over 2017 year. History. Colonial period and post World War II. Beginning in the mid-1920s, the Japanese colonial administration in Korea concentrated its industrial-development efforts in the comparatively under-populated and resource-rich northern portion of the country, resulting in a considerable movement of people northward from the agrarian southern provinces of the Korean Peninsula. This trend did not reverse until after the end (1945) of World War II, when more than 2 million Koreans moved from North to South following the division of Korea into Soviet and American military zones of administration. This southward exodus continued after the establishment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) in 1948 and during the 1950–53 Korean War. The North Korean population as of October 2008 was given as 24 million. The post-World War II division of the Korean Peninsula resulted in imbalances of natural and human resources, with disadvantages for both the North and the South. In 1945, about 80% of Korean heavy industry was in the North but only 31% of light industry, 37% of agriculture, and 18% of the peninsula's total commerce. North and South Korea both suffered from the massive destruction caused during the Korean War. Historian Charles K. Armstrong stated that "North Korea had been virtually destroyed as an industrial society". In the years immediately after the war, North Korea mobilized its labour force and natural resources in an effort to achieve rapid economic development. Large amounts of aid from other communist countries, notably the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, helped the country achieve a high growth-rate in the immediate postwar period. Early efforts at modernization. In 1961, an ambitious seven-year plan was launched to continue industrial expansion and increase living standards, but within three years it became clear this was failing and the plan period was extended to 1970. The failure was due to reduced support from the Soviet Union when North Korea aligned more with China, and military pressure from the U.S. leading to increased defence spending. In 1965, South Korea's rate of economic growth first exceeded North Korea's in most industrial areas, though South Korea's per capita GNP remained lower than North Korea's. In 1979, North Korea renegotiated much of its international debt, but in 1980 it defaulted on its loans except those from Japan. By the end of 1986, hard-currency debt had reached more than US$1 billion. It also owed nearly $2 billion to communist creditors, principally the Soviet Union. The Japanese declared North Korea in default. By 2000, taking into account penalties and accrued interest, North Korea's debt was estimated at $10–12 billion. By 2012, North Korea's external debt had grown to an estimated US$20 billion despite Russia reportedly writing off about $8 billion of debt in exchange for participation in natural resources development. Besides Russia, major creditors included Hungary, the Czech Republic and Iran. Largely because of these debt problems and because of a prolonged drought and mismanagement, North Korea's industrial growth slowed, and per capita GNP fell below that of the South. By the end of 1979 per capita GNP in North Korea was about one-third of that in the South. The causes for this relatively poor performance are complex, but a major factor is the disproportionately large percentage of GNP (possibly as much as 25%) that North Korea devotes to the military. There were minor efforts toward relaxing central control of the economy in the 1980s that involve industrial enterprises. Encouraged by Kim Jong-il's call to strengthen the implementation of the independent accounting system (, "tongnip ch'aesanje") of enterprises in March 1984, interest in enterprise management and the independent accounting system increased, as evidenced by increasing coverage of the topic in North Korean journals. Under the system, factory managers still are assigned output targets but are given more discretion in decisions about labour, equipment, materials, and funds. In addition to fixed capital, each enterprise is allocated a minimum of working capital from the state through the Central Bank and is required to meet operating expenses with the proceeds from sales of its output. Up to 50% of the "profit" is taxed, the remaining half being kept by the enterprise for purchase of equipment, introduction of new technology, welfare benefits, and bonuses. As such, the system provides some built-in incentives and a degree of micro-level autonomy, unlike the budget allocation system, under which any surplus is turned over to the government in its entirety. Another innovation, the August Third People's Consumer Goods Production Movement, is centred on consumer goods production. This measure was so named after Kim Jong-il made an inspection tour of an exhibition of light industrial products held in Pyongyang on August 3, 1984. The movement charges workers to use locally available resources and production facilities to produce needed consumer goods. On the surface, the movement does not appear to differ much from the local industry programs in existence since the 1960s, although some degree of local autonomy is allowed. However, a major departure places output, pricing, and purchases outside central planning. In addition, direct sales stores were established to distribute goods produced under the movement directly to consumers. The movement is characterized as a third sector in the production of consumer goods, alongside centrally controlled light industry and locally controlled traditional light industry. Moreover, there were some reports in the mid-1980s of increasing encouragement of small-scale private handicrafts and farm markets. , however, no move was reported to expand the size of private garden plots. All these measures appear to be minor stop-gap measures to alleviate severe shortages of consumer goods by infusing some degree of incentives. In mid-1993, no significant moves signalling a fundamental deviation from the existing system had occurred. The reluctance to initiate reform appears to be largely political. This concern is based on the belief that economic reform will produce new interests that will demand political expression and that demands for the institutionalization of such pluralism eventually will lead to political liberalization. Beginning in the mid-1980s and particularly around the end of the decade, North Korea slowly began to modify its rigid self-reliant policy. The changes, popularly identified as the open-door policy, included an increasing emphasis on foreign trade, a readiness to accept direct foreign investment by enacting a joint venture law, the decision to open the country to international tourism, and economic cooperation with South Korea. The main targets of the Third Seven-Year Plan of 1987–1993 were to achieve the "Ten Long-Range Major Goals of the 1980s for the Construction of the Socialist Economy". These goals, conceived in 1980, were to be fulfilled by the end of the decade. The fact that these targets were rolled over to the end of the Third Seven-Year Plan is another indication of the disappointing economic performance during the Second Seven-Year Plan. The three policy goals of self-reliance, modernization, and scientification were repeated. Economic growth was set at 7.9% annually, lower than the previous plan. Although achieving the ten major goals of the 1980s was the main thrust of the Third Seven-Year Plan, some substantial changes have been made in specific quantitative targets. For example, the target for the annual output of steel was reduced by a third: from 15 million tons to 10 million tons. The output targets of cement and non-ferrous metals—two major export items—have been increased significantly. The June 1989 introduction of the Three-Year Plan for Light Industry as part of the Third Seven-Year Plan is intended to boost the standard of living by addressing consumer needs. The Third Seven-Year Plan gave a great deal of attention to developing foreign trade and joint ventures, the first time a plan has addressed these issues. By the end of 1991, however, two years before the termination of the plan, no quantitative plan targets were made public, an indication that the plan has not fared well. The diversion of resources to build highways, theatres, hotels, airports, and other facilities to host the Thirteenth World Festival of Youth and Students in July 1989 must have had a negative impact on industrial and agricultural development, although the expansion and improvement of social infrastructure have resulted in some long-term economic benefits. State Planning Commission. Although general economic policy objectives are decided by the Central People's Committee (CPC), it is the task of the State Planning Committee to translate the broad goals into specific annual and long-term development plans and quantitative targets for the economy as a whole, as well as for each industrial sector and enterprise. Under the basic tenets of the 1964 reforms, the planning process is guided by the principles of "unified planning" (, "ilwŏnhwa") and of "detailed planning" (, "saebunhwa"). Under "unified planning", regional committees are established in each province, city, and county to systematically coordinate planning work. These committees do not belong to any regional organization and are directly supervised by the State Planning Committee. As a result of a reorganization in 1969, they are separated into provincial planning committees, city/county committees, and enterprise committees (for large-scale enterprises). The planning committees, under the auspices of the State Planning Committee, coordinate their work with the planning offices of the economy-related government organizations the corresponding regional and local areas. The system attempts to enable the regional planning staff to better coordinate with economic establishments in their areas, which are directly responsible to them in planning, as well as communicating directly with staff at the CPC. "Detailed planning" seeks to construct plans with precision and scientific methods based on concrete assessment of the resources, labour, funds, plant capacities, and other necessary information. There are four stages in drafting the final national economic plan. The plan then becomes legal and compulsory. Frequent directives from the central government contain changes in the plan targets or incentives for meeting the plan objectives. Although the central government is most clearly involved in the formulation and evaluation of the yearly and long-term plans, it also reviews summaries of quarterly or monthly progress. Individual enterprises divide the production time into daily, weekly, ten-day, monthly, quarterly, and annual periods. In general, the monthly plan is the basic factory planning period. The success of an economic plan depends on the quality and detail of information received, the establishment of realistic targets, coordination among sectors, and correct implementation. High initial growth during the Three-Year Plan and, to a lesser extent, during the Five-Year Plan contributed to a false sense of confidence among the planners. Statistical over reporting—an inherent tendency in an economy where rewards lie in fulfilling the quantitative targets, particularly when the plan target year approaches—leads to overestimation of economic potential, poor product quality, and eventually to plan errors. Inefficient use of plants, equipment, and raw materials add to planning errors. Lack of coordination in planning and production competition among sectors and regions cause imbalances and disrupt input-output relationships. The planning reforms in 1964 were supposed to solve these problems, but the need for correct and detailed planning and strict implementation of plans was so great that their importance was emphasized in the report unveiling the Second Seven-Year Plan, indicating that planning problems persisted in the 1980s. In the mid-1990s, North Korea abandoned firm directive planning, and multi-year plans became more of a long-term economic strategy. Ch'ŏngsan-ni Method. The "Ch'ŏngsan-ni Method" () of management was born out of Kim Il-sung's February 1960 visit to the Ch'ŏngsan-ni Cooperative Farm in South P'yŏngan Province. Influenced by Mao Zedong's Great Leap Forward Policy, Kim and other members of the KWP Central Committee offered "on-the-spot guidance" (, "hyŏnji chido") and spent two months instructing and interacting with the workers. The avowed objective of this new method is to combat "bureaucratism" and "formalism" in the farm management system. The leadership claimed that farm workers were unhappy and produced low output because low-ranking functionaries of the Workers' Party of Korea (who expounded abstract Marxist theories and slogans) were using tactics that failed to motivate. To correct this, the leadership recommended that the workers receive specific guidance in solving production problems and be promised readily available material incentives. The Ch'ŏngsan-ni Method called for high-ranking party officials, party cadres, and administrative officials to emulate Kim Il-sung by making field inspections. The system provided opportunities for farmers to present their grievances and ideas to leading cadres and managers. Perhaps more important than involving administrative personnel in on-site inspections was the increased use of material incentives, such as paid vacations, special bonuses, honorific titles, and monetary rewards. In fact, the Ch'ŏngsan-ni Method appeared to accommodate almost any expedient to spur production. The method, subsequently, was undercut by heavy-handed efforts to increase farm production and amalgamate farms into ever-larger units. Actual improvement in the agricultural sector began with the adoption of the subteam contract system as a means of increasing peasant productivity by adjusting individual incentives to those of the immediate, small working group. Thus the increasing scale of collective farms was somewhat offset by the reduction in the size of the working unit. "On-the-spot guidance" by high government functionaries, however, continued in the early 1990s, as exemplified by Kim Il-sung's visits to such places as the Wangjaesan Cooperative Farm in Onsŏng County and the Kyŏngsŏn Branch Experimental Farm of the Academy of Agricultural Sciences between August 20 and 30, 1991. Kim Jong-il carried on the tradition, despite having refused to do so before, and even expanded it to the Korean People's Army. Today, Kim Jong-un continues the practices of the method. Taean work system. The industrial management system developed in three distinct stages. The first was a period of enterprise autonomy that lasted until December 1946. The second stage was a transitional system based on local autonomy, with each enterprise managed by the enterprise management committee under the direction of the local people's committee. This system was replaced by the "one-man management system" (), with management patterned along Soviet lines as large enterprises were nationalized and came under central control. The third stage, the "Taean" Work System (, "Taeanŭi saŏpch'e"), was introduced in December 1961 as an application and refinement of agricultural management techniques to industry. The Taean industrial management system grew out of the "Ch'ŏngsan-ni" Method. The highest managerial authority under the Taean system is the party committee. Each committee has approximately 25 to 35 members elected from the ranks of managers, workers, engineers, and the leadership of "working people's organizations" at the factory. A smaller "executive committee", about one-quarter the size of the regular committee, has practical responsibility for day-to-day plant operations and major factory decisions. The most important staff members, including the party committee secretary, factory manager, and chief engineer, make up its membership. The system focuses on co-operation among workers, technicians, and party functionaries at the factory level. Each factory has two major lines of administration, one headed by the manager, the other by the party committee secretary. A chief engineer and his or her assistants direct a general staff in charge of all aspects of production, planning, and technical guidance. Depending on the size of the factory, varying numbers of deputies oversee factory logistics, marketing, and workers' services. The supply of materials includes securing, storing, and distributing all materials for factory use, as well as storing finished products and shipping them from the factory. Deputies are assigned workers to their units and handle factory accounts and payroll. Providing workers' services requires directing any farming done on factory lands, stocking factory retail shops, and taking care of all staff amenities. Deputies in charge of workers' services are encouraged to meet as many of the factory's needs as possible using nearby agricultural cooperatives and local industries. The secretary of the party committee organizes all political activities in each of the factory party cells and attempts to ensure loyalty to the party's production targets and management goals. According to official claims, all management decisions are arrived at by consensus among the members of the party committee. Given the overwhelming importance of the party in the country's affairs, it seems likely that the party secretary has the last say in any major factory disputes. The Taean system heralded a more rational approach to industrial management than that practised previously. Although party functionaries and workers became more important to management under the new system, engineers and technical staff received more responsibility in areas where their expertise could contribute the most. The system recognizes the importance of material as well as "politico-moral" incentives for managing the factory workers. The "internal accounting system", a spin-off of the "independent accounting system", grants bonuses to work teams and workshops that use raw materials and equipment most efficiently. These financial rewards come out of enterprise profits. A measure of the success of the Taean work system is its longevity and its continued endorsement by the leadership. In his 1991 New Year's address marking the 13th anniversary of the creation of the system, Kim Il-sung said that the Taean work system is the best system of economic management. It enables the producer masses to fulfill their responsibility and role as masters and to manage the economy in a scientific and rational manner by implementing the mass line in economic management, and by combining party leadership organically with administrative, economic, and technical guidance. Mass production campaigns. Parallel to management techniques such as the Ch'ŏngsan-ni Method and the Taean work system, which were designed to increase output in more normalized and regularized operations of farms and enterprises, the leadership continuously resorts to exhortations and mass campaigns to motivate the workers to meet output targets. The earliest and the most pervasive mass production campaign was the Ch'ŏllima Movement. Introduced in 1958 and fashioned after China's Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Ch'ŏllima Movement organized the labour force into work teams and brigades to compete at increasing production. The campaign was aimed at industrial and agricultural workers and at organizations in education, science, sanitation and health, and culture. In addition to work teams, units eligible for Ch'ŏllima citations included entire factories, factory workshops, and such self-contained units as a ship or a railroad station. The "socialist emulation" among the industrial sectors, enterprises, farms, and work teams under the Ch'ŏllima Movement frantically sought to complete the First Five-Year Plan (1957–1960) but instead created chaotic disruptions in the economy. This made it necessary to set aside 1959 as a "buffer year" to restore balance in the economy. Although the Ch'ŏllima Movement was replaced in the early 1960s by the Ch'ŏngsan-ni Method and the Taean Work System, the regime's reliance on mass campaigns continued into the early 1990s. Campaigns conducted after the Ch'ŏllima to speed battles toward the end of a period (such as a month, a year, or an economic plan) to reach production targets to carry out the economic goals of the decade. Efforts at modernization since 1991. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the principal source of external support, North Korea announced in December 1993 a three-year transitional economic policy placing primary emphasis on agriculture, light industry, and foreign trade. However, lack of fertilizer, natural disasters, and poor storage and transportation practices the country fell more than a million tons per year short of grain self-sufficiency. Moreover, lack of foreign exchange to purchase spare parts and oil for electricity generation left many factories idle. The shortage of foreign exchange because of a chronic trade deficit, a large foreign debt, and dwindling foreign aid has constrained economic development. In addition, North Korea has been diverting scarce resources from developmental projects to defence; it spent more than 20% of GNP on defence toward the end of the 1980s, a proportion among the highest in the world. These negative factors, compounded by the declining efficiency of the central planning system and the failure to modernize the economy, have slowed the pace of growth since the 1960s. The demise of the communist regimes in the Soviet Union and East European countries—North Korea's traditional trade partners and benefactors—has compounded the economic difficulties in the early 1990s. Economically, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of Soviet support to North Korean industries caused a contraction of the North Korea's economy by 25% during the 1990s. While, by some accounts, North Korea had a higher per capita income than South Korea in the 1970s, by 2006 its per capita income was estimated to be only $1108, one seventeenth that of South Korea. Experimentation in small scale entrepreneurship took place from 2009 to 2013, and although there continue to be legal uncertainties this has developed into a significant sector. By 2016 economic liberalisation had progressed to the extent that both locally-responsible and state industrial enterprises gave the state 20% to 50% of their output, selling the remainder to buy raw materials with market-based prices in akin to a free market. In 2014, the Enterprise Act was amended to allow state-owned enterprise managers to engage in foreign trade and joint ventures, and to accept investment from non-government domestic sources. Under the new rules the enterprise director became more like the western chief executive officer, and the chief engineer had an operational role more like a western chief operating officer. As of 2017 it was unclear if the Taean Work System (described above) still in practice operated to give local people's committees much influence. In 2017, Dr. Mitsuhiro Mimura, Senior Research Fellow at Japan's Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia, who has visited North Korea 45 times, described it as the "poorest advanced economy in the world", in that while having comparatively low GDP, it had built a sophisticated production environment. He described the recent rise of entrepreneurial groups through "socialist cooperation", where groups of individuals could start small enterprises as cooperative groups. Managers in state-owned industries or farms were also free to sell or trade production beyond state plan targets, providing incentives to increase production. Managers could also find investment for expansion of successful operations, in a process he called "socialist competition". A state plan was still the basis for production, but was more realistic leaving room for excess production. Budget and finance. The state budget is a major government instrument in carrying out the country's economic goals. Expenditures represented about three-quarters of GNP in the mid-1980s, the allocation of which reflected the priorities assigned to different economic sectors. Taxes were abolished in 1974 as "remnants of an antiquated society". This action, however, was not expected to have any significant effect on state revenue because the overwhelming proportion of government funds—an average of 98.1% during 1961–1970—was from turnover (sales) taxes, deductions from profits paid by state enterprises, and various user fees on machinery and equipment, irrigation facilities, television sets, and water. In order to provide a certain degree of local autonomy as well as to lessen the financial burden of the central government, a "local budget system" was introduced in 1973. Under this system, provincial authorities are responsible for the operating costs of institutions and enterprises not under direct central government control, such as schools, hospitals, shops, and local consumer goods production. In return, they are expected to organize as many profitable ventures as possible and to turn over profits to the central government. Around December of every year, the state budget for the following calendar year is drafted, subject to revision around March. Typically, total revenue exceeds expenditure by a small margin, with the surplus carried over to the following year. The largest share of state expenditures goes to the "people's economy", which averaged 67.3% of total expenditures between 1987 and 1990, followed in magnitude by "socio-cultural", "defense", and "administration". Defense spending, as a share of total expenditures, has increased significantly since the 1960s: from 3.7% in 1959 to 19% in 1960, and, after averaging 19.8% between 1961 and 1966, to 30.4% in 1967. After remaining around 30% until 1971, the defense share decreased abruptly to 17% in 1972, and continued to decline throughout the 1980s. Officially, in both 1989 and 1990 the defense share remained at 12%, and for 1991 it was 12.3% with 11.6% planned for 1992. The declining trend was consistent with the government's announced intentions to stimulate economic development and increase the social benefits. However, Western experts have estimated that actual military expenditures are higher than budget figures indicate. In the 1999 budget, expenditures for the farming and power sectors were increased by 15% and 11%, respectively, compared with those of 1998. In the 2007 budget, it was estimated an increase in revenue at 433.2bn won ($3.072bn, $1 = 141 won). In 2006, 5.9% were considered the public revenue, whereas this year, this figure was raised to 7.1%. North Korea claims that it is the only state in the world that does not levy taxes. Taxes were abolished beginning on April 1, 1974. Bonds. Since 2003, North Korean authorities issue government bonds called The "People's Life Bonds", and promoted the slogan "Buying bonds is patriotic". North Korea sold bonds internationally in the late 1970s for 680 million Deutsche marks and 455 million Swiss francs. North Korea defaulted on these bonds by 1984, although the bonds remain traded internationally on speculation that the country would eventually perform on the obligations. The latest trends. "The Sydney Morning Herald" reported that Kim's previous propaganda was changed into patriotism and economy, and in improving the relationship between China, South Korea, and the United States. The state-run television promoted a song of praise to the National flag by airing videos with images that included the flag being raised September 2018, during mass games events, marking North Korea's 70th anniversary. In the video, brief images of troops, fighter jets releasing blue, red, and white smoke, scattered pictures of civilians, new high-rise apartments in the capital, fireworks displays, and even students in their school uniforms can all be seen at the same event. The "South China Morning Post", in a 2019 article, stated that already there is also some economical and cultural revolution happening recently within North Korea itself. It started in earnest in February 2018, during the Pyeongchang Winter Olympic Games, when top musicians from North Korea were sent to perform in South Korea. This included a female quintet who performed in black shorts and red tops. After two months, Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un saw the performance of South Korean girl group, Red Velvet. This is the first ever K-Pop show to be held in Pyongyang. The North Korean musicians that performed in South Korea were highly praised for their performance that leader Kim decided to send them to Beijing for another goodwill tour in January, 2019. Part of the revolution was the introduction of other cultures, including Western, which was previously believed to be vulgar and quite corrupt in the past, but is now slowly making its way to the North Korean people. Second-hand Harry Potter books can now be read at the National Library, and Bollywood films like the "Three Idiots" had just had a run in their cinemas. The changes have also found their way to the economic sector with factories that are also producing products that are associated more with the West, like Air Jordan shoes, for national consumption. Per the amendments made to the Constitution in 2019, the former economic methods of management, Ch'ŏngsan-ni in agriculture and Taean in the industries, were now phased out altogether. After the 8th Party Congress, Kim Byung-yeon of the Seoul National University said that, between 2017 to 2019, the North Korean GDP decreased by 10% and, in 2020, the North Korean GDP decreased by 5%. Economic sectors. Manufacturing. North Korea also implements planned economy in industry. The government will provide fuel and materials for a factory, while the factory will manufacture products and quantities according to the government's requirements. North Korea's self-reliant development strategy assigned top priority to developing heavy industry, with parallel development in agriculture and light industry. This policy was achieved mainly by giving heavy industry preferential allocation of state investment funds. More than 50% of state investment went to the industrial sector during the 1954–1976 period (47.6%, 51.3%, 57.0%, and 49.0%, respectively, during the Three-Year Plan, Five-Year Plan, First Seven-Year Plan, and Six-Year Plan). As a result, gross industrial output grew rapidly. As was the case with the growth in national output, the pace of growth has slowed markedly since the 1960s. The rate declined from 41.7% and 36.6% a year during the Three-Year Plan and Five-Year Plan, respectively, to 12.8%, 16.3%, and 12.2%, respectively, during the First Seven Year Plan, Six-Year Plan, and Second Seven-Year Plan. As a result of faster growth in industry, that sector's share in total national output increased from 16.8% in 1946 to 57.3% in 1970. Since the 1970s, industry's share in national output has remained relatively stable. From all indications, the pace of industrialization during the Third Seven-Year Plan up to 1991 is far below the planned rate of 9.6%. In 1990 it was estimated that the industrial sector's share of national output was 56%. Industry's share of the combined total of gross agricultural and industrial output climbed from 28% in 1946 to well over 90% in 1980. Heavy industry received more than 80% of the total state investment in industry between 1954 and 1976 (81.1%, 82.6%, 80%, and 83%, respectively, during the Three-Year Plan, Five-Year Plan, First Seven-Year Plan, and Six-Year Plan), and was overwhelmingly favored over light industry. North Korea claims to have fulfilled the Second Seven-Year Plan (1978–1984) target of raising the industrial output in 1984 to 120% of the 1977 target, equivalent to an average annual growth rate of 12.2%. Judging from the production of major commodities that form the greater part of industrial output, however, it is unlikely that this happened. For example, the increase during the 1978–1984 plan period for electric power, coal, steel, metal-cutting machines, tractors, passenger cars, chemical fertilizers, chemical fibers, cement, and textiles, respectively, was 78%, 50%, 85%, 67%, 50%, 20%, 56%, 80%, 78%, and 45%. Raw materials were in short supply and so were energy and hard currency. Infrastructure decayed and machinery became obsolete. Unlike other socialist countries in the Eastern Europe, North Korea kept planning in a highly centralized manner and refused to liberalize economic management. In the mid-1980s, the speculation that North Korea would emulate China in establishing Chinese-style special economic zones was flatly denied by then deputy chairman of the Economic Policy Commission Yun Ki-pok (Yun became chairman as of June 1989). China's special economic zones typically are coastal areas established to promote economic development and the introduction of advanced technology through foreign investment. Investors are offered preferential tax terms and facilities. The zones, which allow greater reliance on market forces, have more decision making power in economic activities than do provincial-level units. Over the years, China has tried to convince the North Korean leadership of the advantages of these zones by giving tours of the various zones and explaining their values to visiting high-level officials. In April 1982, Kim Il-sung announced a new economic policy giving priority to increased agricultural production through land reclamation, development of the country's infrastructure—especially power plants and transportation facilities—and reliance on domestically produced equipment. There also was more emphasis on trade. In September 1984, North Korea promulgated a joint venture law to attract foreign capital and technology. The new emphasis on expanding trade and acquiring technology was not, however, accompanied by a shift in priorities away from support of the military. In 1991, North Korea announced the creation of a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in the northeast regions of Rason (Rason Special Economic Zone) and Ch'ŏngjin. Investment in this SEZ has been slow in coming. Problems with infrastructure, bureaucracy, uncertainties about the security of investments, and viability have hindered growth and development. Nevertheless, thousands of small Chinese businesses had set up profitable operations in North Korea by 2011. A government research center, the Korea Computer Center, was set up in 1990, starting the slow development of an information technology industry. In 2013 and 2014, the State Economic Development Administration announced a number of smaller special economic zones covering export handling, mineral processing, high technology, gaming and tourism. Garment industry. The most successful export industry is the garment industry. Production is by a North Korean firm for a European or other foreign partner, by a Chinese firm operating in North Korea with a North Korean partner, or by North Korean workers working in Chinese or other foreign factories. Wages are the lowest in northeastern Asia. Automotive industry. The North Korean motor vehicle production establishes military, industrial and construction goals, with private car ownership by citizens remaining on low demand. Having Soviet origins (the subsequent practice of cloning foreign specimens, and a recent automobile joint-venture), North Korea has developed a wide-range automotive industry with production of all types of vehicles. The basis for production is in urban and off-road minis; luxury cars; SUV cars; small, medium, heavy, and super-heavy cargo; construction and off-road trucks; minibuses/minivans, coach buses, civilian and articulated buses, trolleybuses, and trams. However, North Korea produces far fewer vehicles than its production capability due to the ongoing economic crisis. North Korea has not joined or collaborated with the OICA, or with any other automotive organization, so any critical information about its motor vehicle industry is limited. Power and energy. The energy sector is one of the most serious bottlenecks in the North Korean economy. Since 1990, the supply of oil, coal, and electricity declined steadily, and seriously affected all sectors of the economy. Crude oil was formerly imported by pipeline at "friendship prices" from the former Soviet Union or China, but the withdrawal of Russian concessions and the reduction of imports from China brought down annual imports from about in 1988 to less than by 1997. As the imported oil was refined for fuels for transportation and agricultural machinery, a serious cutback in oil imports caused critical problems in transportation and agriculture. According to statistics compiled by the South Korean agency Statistics Korea based on International Energy Agency (IEA) data, per capita electricity consumption fell from its peak in 1990 of 1247 kilowatt hours to a low of 712 kilowatt hours in 2000. It slowly rose since then to 819 kilowatt hours in 2008, a level below that of 1970. North Korea has no coking coal, but has substantial reserves of anthracite in Anju, Aoji (Ŭndŏk), and other areas. Coal production peaked at 43 million tons in 1989 and steadily declined to 18.6 million tons in 1998. Major causes of coal shortages include mine flooding, and outdated mining technology. As coal was used mainly for industry and electricity generation, decrease in coal production caused serious problems in industrial production and electricity generation. Coal production may not necessarily increase significantly until North Korea imports modern mining technology. Electricity generation of North Korea peaked in 1989 at about 30 TWh. There were seven large hydroelectric plants in the 1980s. Four were along the Yalu River, built with Chinese aid, and supplying power to both countries. In 1989, 60% of electricity generation was hydroelectric and 40% fossil fueled, mostly coal-fired. In 1997, coal accounted for more than 80% of primary energy consumption and hydro power more than 10%. Net imports of coal represented only about 3% of coal consumption. Hydroelectric power plants generated about 65% of North Korea's electricity and coal-fired thermal plants about 35% in 1997. However, with only 20% of the per capita electricity generation of Japan, North Korea suffered from chronic supply shortages. Coal exports to China currently account for a major portion of North Korea's revenue. Some hydroelectric facilities were believed to be out of operation due to damage from major flooding in 1995. Coal-fired power plants were running well under capacity, due in part to a serious decline in coal supply and in part to problems with transportation of coal. The electricity supply steadily declined and was 17 TWh in 1998. Since electricity generated needed to be doubled just to return to the 1989 level, power shortages continued until coal production could increase substantially and generating equipment is refurbished. Transmission losses were reported to be around 30%. Construction. Construction has been an active sector in North Korea. This was demonstrated not only through large housing programmes, of which most were visible in the high-rise apartment blocks in Pyongyang, but also in the smaller modern apartment complexes widespread even in the countryside. These are dwarfed in every sense by "grand monumental edifices". The same may apply even to apparently economically useful projects such as the Nampo Dam, which cost US$4bn. The years of economic contraction in the 1990s slowed this sector as it did others; the shell of the 105-story Ryugyŏng Hotel towered unfinished on Pyongyang's skyline for over a decade. The Bank of Korea claims that construction's share of GDP fell by almost one-third between 1992 and 1994, from 9.1% to 6.3%. This accords with a rare official figure of 6% for 1993, when the sector was said to have employed 4.2% of the labour force. However, the latter figure excludes the Korean People's Army, which visibly does much of the country's construction work. Since about 2012, when 18 tower blocks were built in Pyongyang, a construction boom has taken place in Pyongyang. Major projects include the Mansudae People's Theatre (2012), Munsu Water Park (2013), the modernisation of Pyongyang Sunan International Airport (2015) and the Science and Technology Center (2015). Banking. The Central Bank of North Korea, under the Ministry of Finance, has a network of 227 local branches. Several reissues of banknotes in recent years suggest that citizens are inclined to hoard rather than bank any savings that they make from their incomes; reportedly they now also prefer foreign currency. At least two foreign aid agencies have recently set up microcredit schemes, lending to farmers and small businesses. In late 2009, North Korea revalued its currency, effectively confiscating all privately held money above the equivalent of US$35 per person. The revaluation effectively wiped out the savings of many North Koreans. Days after the revaluation the won dropped 96% against the United States dollar. Pak Nam-gi, the director of the Planning and Finance Department of North Korea's ruling Workers' Party, was blamed for the disaster and later executed in 2010. In 2004 and 2006 laws were passed to codify rules for savings and commercial banking. However it was not until 2012 that North Korean banks started to seriously compete for retail customers. Competing electronic cash cards have become widely accepted in Pyongyang and other cities, but are generally not linked to bank accounts. North Korean banks have introduced retail products which permit a mobile phone app to make payments and top-ups. As of May 2013, the Chinese banks, China Merchants Bank, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, China Construction Bank, and Agricultural Bank of China, stopped "all cross-border cash transfers, regardless of the nature of the business" with North Korea. The Bank of China, the China's primary institution for foreign exchange transactions, said, on May 14, 2013, that "it had closed the account of Foreign Trade Bank, North Korea's main foreign exchange bank". However, "smaller banks based in northeastern China across the border from North Korea said it was still handling large-scale cross-border transfers." For example, the Bank of Dalian branch in Dandong was still doing transfers to North Korea. Retail. Until the early 2000s the official retail sector was mainly state-controlled, under the direction of the People's Services Committee. Consumer goods were few and of poor quality, with most provided on a ration basis. There were state-run stores and direct factory outlets for the masses, and special shops with luxuries for the elite—as well as a chain of hard-currency stores (a joint venture with the association of pro-Pyongyang Korean residents in Japan, the Ch'ongryŏn), with branches in large cities. In 2002 and in 2010, private markets were progressively legalized, mostly for food sales. As of 2013, urban and farmer markets were held every 10 days, and most urban residents lived within 2 km of a market. In 2012, the third large shopping mall in Pyongyang, the Kwangbok Area Shopping Center, opened. In 2014 the construction of another large shopping mall started. As of 2017, these malls sold competing brands of goods, for example at least ten different kinds of toothpaste were being sold. In 2017, the Korea Institute for National Unification estimated there were 440 government-approved markets employing about 1.1 million people. Food. Agriculture. North Korea's sparse agricultural resources limit agricultural production. Climate, terrain, and soil conditions are not particularly favorable for farming, with a relatively short cropping season. Only about 17% of the total landmass, or approximately , is arable, of which is well suited for cereal cultivation; the major portion of the country is rugged mountain terrain. The weather varies markedly according to elevation, and lack of precipitation, along with infertile soil, makes land at elevations higher than 400 meters unsuitable for purposes other than grazing. Precipitation is geographically and seasonally irregular, and in most parts of the country as much as half the annual rainfall occurs in the three summer months. This pattern favors the cultivation of paddy rice in warmer regions that are outfitted with irrigation and flood control networks. Rice yields are 5.3 tonnes per hectare, close to international norms. In 2005, North Korea was ranked by the FAO as an estimated 10th in the production of fresh fruit and as an estimated 19th in the production of apples. Farming is concentrated in the flatlands of the four west coast provinces, where a longer growing season, level land, adequate rainfall, and good irrigated soil permit the most intensive cultivation of crops. A narrow strip of similarly fertile land runs through the eastern seaboard Hamgyŏng provinces and Kangwŏn Province, but the interior provinces of Chagang and Ryanggang are too mountainous, cold, and dry to allow much farming. The mountains contain the bulk of North Korea's forest reserves while the foothills within and between the major agricultural regions provide lands for livestock grazing and fruit tree cultivation. Since self-sufficiency remains an important pillar of North Korean ideology, self-sufficiency in food production is deemed a worthy goal. Another aim of government policies—to reduce the gap between urban and rural living standards—requires continued investment in the agricultural sector. The stability of the country depends on steady, if not rapid, increases in the availability of food items at reasonable prices. In the early 1990s, there were severe food shortages. The most far-reaching statement on agricultural policy is embodied in Kim Il-sung's 1964 "Theses on the Socialist Agrarian Question in Our Country", which underscores the government's concern for agricultural development. Kim emphasized technological and educational progress in the countryside as well as collective forms of ownership and management. As industrialization progressed, the share of agriculture, forestry, and fisheries in the total national output declined from 63.5% and 31.4%, respectively, in 1945 and 1946, to a low of 26.8% in 1990. Their share in the labor force also declined from 57.6% in 1960 to 34.4% in 1989. In the 1990s, the decreasing ability to carry out mechanized operations (including the pumping of water for irrigation), as well as lack of chemical inputs, was clearly contributing to reduced yields and increased harvesting and post-harvest losses. Incremental improvements in agricultural production have been made since the late 1990s, bringing North Korea close to self-sufficiency in staple foods by 2013. In particular, rice yields have steadily improved, though yields on other crops have generally not improved. The production of protein foods remains inadequate. Access to chemical fertilizer has declined, but the use of compost and other organic fertilizer has been encouraged. Fisheries. North Korean fisheries export seafood, primarily crab, to Dandong, Liaoning, illicitly. Crabs, clams and conches from the Yellow Sea waters of North Korea are popular in China, possibly because the less salty water improves taste. Food distribution system. Since the 1950s, a majority of North Koreans have received their food through the public distribution system (PDS). The PDS requires farmers in agricultural regions to hand over a portion of their production to the government and then reallocates the surplus to urban regions, which cannot grow their own foods. About 70% of the North Korean population, including the entire urban population, receives food through this government-run system. Before the floods, recipients were generally allotted 600–700 grams per day while high officials, military men, heavy laborers, and public security personnel were allotted slightly larger portions of 700–800 grams per day. As of 2013, the target average distribution was 573 grams of cereal equivalent per person per day, but varied according to age, occupation, and whether rations are received elsewhere (such as school meals). However, as of 2019, this number has been reduced to 312 grams per day according to an investigation conducted by the United Nations between March 29 and April 12. Decreases in production affected the quantity of food available through the public distribution system. Shortages were compounded when the North Korean government imposed further restrictions on collective farmers. When farmers, who had never been covered by the PDS, were mandated by the government to reduce their own food allotments from 167 kilograms to 107 kilograms of grain per person each year, they responded by withholding portions of the required amount of grain. Famine refugees reported that the government decreased PDS rations to 150 grams in 1994 and to as low as 30 grams by 1997. It was further reported that the PDS failed to provide any food from April to August 1998 (the "lean" season) as well as from March to June 1999. In January 1998, the North Korean government publicly announced that the PDS would no longer distribute rations and that families needed to somehow procure their own food supplies. By 2005, the PDS was only supplying households with approximately one half of an absolute minimum caloric need. By 2008, the system had significantly recovered, and, from 2009 to 2013, daily per person rations averaged at 400 grams per day for much of the year, though in 2011 it dropped to 200 grams per day from May to September. It is estimated that in the early 2000s, the average North Korean family drew some 80% of its income from small businesses that were technically illegal (though unenforced) in North Korea. In 2002 and in 2010, private markets were progressively legalized. As of 2013, urban and farmer markets were held every 10 days, and most urban residents lived within 2 km of a market, with markets having an increasing role in obtaining food. Crisis and famine. From 1994 to 1998, North Korea suffered a famine. Since North Korea is a closed country, the number of specific deaths in the incident is difficult to know. According to different literature, the starved or malnourished death toll is estimated to be between 240,000 and 480,000. Since 1998 there has been a gradual recovery in agriculture production, which by 2013 brought North Korea back close to self-sufficiency in staple foods. However, as of 2013, most households have borderline or poor food consumption, and consumption of protein remains inadequate. In the 1990s, the North Korean economy saw stagnation turning into crisis. Economic assistance received from the Soviet Union and China was an important factor of its economic growth. Upon its collapse in 1991, the Soviet Union withdrew its support and demanded payment in hard currency for imports. China stepped in to provide some assistance and supplied food and oil, most of it reportedly at concessionary prices. The North Korean economy was undermined and its industrial output began to decline in 1990. Deprived of industrial inputs, including fertilizers, pesticides, and electricity for irrigation, agricultural output also started to decrease even before North Korea had a series of natural disasters in the mid-1990s. This evolution, combined with a series of natural disasters including record floods in 1995, caused one of the worst economic crises in North Korea's history. Other causes of this crisis were high defense spending (about 25% of GDP) and bad governance. In December 1991, North Korea established a "zone of free economy and trade" to include the northeastern port cities of Unggi (Sŏnbong), Ch'ŏngjin, and Najin. The establishment of this zone also had ramifications on the questions of how far North Korea would go in opening its economy to the West and to South Korea, the future of the development scheme for the Tumen River area, and, more important, how much North Korea would reform its economic system. North Korea announced in December 1993 a three-year transitional economic policy placing primary emphasis on agriculture, light industry, and foreign trade. However, lack of fertilizer, natural disasters, and poor storage and transportation practices have left the country more than a million tons per year short of grain self-sufficiency. Moreover, lack of foreign exchange to purchase spare parts and oil for electricity generation left many factories idle. The 1990s famine paralyzed many of the Stalinist economic institutions. The government pursued Kim Jong-il's "Songun" policy, under which the military is deployed to direct production and infrastructure projects. As a consequence of the government's policy of establishing economic self-sufficiency, the North Korean economy has become increasingly isolated from that of the rest of the world, and its industrial development and structure do not reflect its international competitiveness. Domestic firms are shielded from international as well as domestic competition; the result is chronic inefficiency, poor quality, limited product diversity, and underutilization of plants. This protectionism also limits the size of the market for North Korean producers, which prevents taking advantage of economies of scale. Food shortages. The food shortage was primarily precipitated by the loss of fuel and other raw materials imports from China and the Soviet Union which had been essential to support an energy intensive and energy inefficient farming system. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the former concessional trade relationships which benefited the North Korea were not available. The three flood and drought years between 1994 and 1996 only served to complete the collapse of the agriculture sector. In 2004, more than half (57%) of the population did not have enough food to stay healthy. 37% of children had their growth stunted and of mothers severely lacked nutrition. In 2006, the World Food Program (WFP) and FAO estimated a requirement of 5.3 to 6.5 million tons of grain when domestic production fulfilled only 3.825 million tons. The country also faces land degradation after forests stripped for agriculture resulted in soil erosion. In 2008, a decade after the worst years of the famine, total production was 3.34 million tons (grain equivalent) compared with a need of 5.98 million tons. Thirty seven percent of the population was deemed to be insecure in food access. Weather continued to pose challenges every year, but overall food production grew gradually, and by 2013, production had increased to the highest level since the crisis, to 5.03 million tons cereal equivalent, against a minimum requirement of 5.37 MMT. In 2014, North Korea had an exceptionally good harvest, 5.08 million tonnes of cereal equivalent, almost sufficient to feed the entire population. While food production had recovered significantly since the hardest years of 1996 and 1997, the recovery was fragile, subject to adverse weather and year to year economic shortages. Distribution was uneven with the Public Distribution System largely ineffective. Any shortfall between production and need could be easily met by government funded imports, should the decision to make those purchases be made. North Korea now has in most years lower malnutrition levels than in some richer Asian countries. Mining. According to a 2012 report by South Korea-based North Korea Resource Institute (NKRI), North Korea has substantial reserves of iron ore, coal, limestone, and magnesite. In addition, North Korea is thought to have tremendous potential rare metal resources, which have been valued in excess of US$6 trillion. It is the world's 18th largest producer of iron and zinc, and has the 22nd largest coal reserves in the world. It is also the 15th largest fluorite producer and 12th largest producer of copper and salt in Asia. Other major natural resources in production include lead, tungsten, graphite, magnesite, gold, pyrites, fluorspar, and hydropower. In 2015, North Korea exported 19.7 million tonnes of coal, worth $1.06 billion, much of it to China. In 2016 it was estimated that coal shipments to China accounted for about 40% of exports. However, starting from February 2017 China suspended all North Korean coal imports, although according to China overall trade with North Korea increased. Information technology and culture. North Korea has a developing information technology industry. In 2018, a technological exhibition unveiled a new wi-fi service called Mirae ("Future"), which allowed mobile devices to access the intranet network in Pyongyang. The exhibition also showcased a home automation system using speech recognition in Korean. North Korea's cartoon animation studios such as SEK Studio sub-contract work from South Korean animation studios. Mansudae Overseas Projects builds monuments around the world. Organization and management. North Korea's economy has been unique in its elimination of markets. By the 1960s, market elements had been suppressed almost completely. Almost all items, from food to clothes, have traditionally been handed out through a public distribution system, with money only having a symbolic meaning. Ratios of food depend on hierarchy in the system, wherein the positions seem to be semi-hereditary. Until the late 1980s, peasants were not allowed to cultivate private garden plots. Since the government is the dominant force in the development and management of the economy, bureaus and departments have proliferated at all administrative levels. There are fifteen committees—such as the agricultural and state planning committees—one bureau, and twenty departments under the supervision of the Cabinet; of these, twelve committees—one bureau, and sixteen departments are involved in economic management. In the early 1990s, several vice premiers of the then State Administration Council supervised economic affairs. Organizations undergo frequent reorganization. Many of these agencies have their own separate branches at lower levels of government while others maintain control over subordinate sections in provincial and county administrative agencies. Around 1990, with the collapse of the Soviet Union, restrictions on private sales, including grain, ceased to be enforced. It is estimated that in the early 2000s, the average North Korean family drew some 80% of its income from small businesses that were technically illegal (though unenforced) in North Korea. In 2002, and in 2010, private markets were progressively legalized. As of 2013, urban and farmer markets were held every 10 days, and most urban residents lived within 2 km of a market. In 2014, North Korea announced the "May 30th measures". These planned to give more freedom to farmers, allowing them to keep 60% of their produce. Also enterprise managers would be allowed to hire and fire workers, and decide whom they do business with and where they buy raw materials and spare parts. Some reports suggest that these measures would allow nominally state-run enterprises to be run on capitalist lines like those in China. Economic planning. North Korea, one of the world's most centrally planned and isolated economies, faces desperate economic conditions. Industrial capital stock is nearly beyond repair as a result of years of underinvestment and shortages of spare parts. Industrial and power output have declined in parallel. During what North Korea called the "peaceful construction" period before the Korean War, the fundamental task of the economy was to overtake the level of output and efficiency attained toward the end of the Japanese occupation; to restructure and develop a viable economy reoriented toward the communist-bloc countries; and to begin the process of socializing the economy. Nationalization of key industrial enterprises and land reform, both of which were carried out in 1946, laid the groundwork for two successive one-year plans in 1947 and 1948, respectively, and the Two-Year Plan of 1949–50. It was during this period that the piece-rate wage system and the independent accounting system began to be applied and that the commercial network increasingly came under state and cooperative ownership. The basic goal of the Three-Year Plan, officially named "The Three-Year Post-war Reconstruction Plan of 1954–56", was to reconstruct an economy torn by the Korean War. The plan stressed more than merely regaining the prewar output levels. The Soviet Union, other East European countries and China provided reconstruction assistance. The highest priority was developing heavy industry, but an earnest effort to collectivize farming also was begun. At the end of 1957, output of most industrial commodities had returned to 1949 levels, except for a few items such as chemical fertilizers, carbides, and sulfuric acid, whose recovery took longer. Having basically completed the task of reconstruction, the state planned to lay a solid foundation for industrialization while completing the socialization process and solving the basic problems of food and shelter during the Five-Year Plan of 1957–1960. The socialization process was completed by 1958 in all sectors of the economy, and the Ch'ŏllima Movement was introduced. Although growth rates reportedly were high, there were serious imbalances among the different economic sectors. Because rewards were given to individuals and enterprises that met production quotas, frantic efforts to fulfill plan targets in competition with other enterprises and industries caused disproportionate growth among various enterprises, between industry and agriculture and between light and heavy industries. Because resources were limited and the transportation system suffered bottlenecks, resources were diverted to politically well-connected enterprises or those whose managers complained the loudest. An enterprise or industry that performed better than others often did so at the expense of others. Such disruptions intensified as the target year of the plan approached. Until the 1960s, North Korea's economy grew much faster than South Korea's. Although North Korea was behind in total national output, it was ahead of South Korea in per capita national output, because of its smaller population relative to South Korea. For example, in 1960 North Korea's population was slightly over 10 million people, while South Korea's population was almost 25 million people. Annual economic growth rates of 30% and 21% during the Three-Year Plan of 1954–1956 and the Five-Year Plan of 1957–1960, respectively, were reported. After claiming early fulfillment of the Five-Year Plan in 1959, North Korea officially designated 1960 a "buffer year"—a year of adjustment to restore balances among sectors before the next plan became effective in 1961. Not surprisingly the same phenomenon recurred in subsequent plans. Because the Five-Year Plan was fulfilled early, it became a de facto four-year plan. Beginning in the early 1960s, however, North Korea's economic growth slowed until it was stagnant at the beginning of the 1990s. Various factors explain the very high rate of economic development of the country in the 1950s and the general slowdown since the 1960s. During the reconstruction period after the Korean War, there were opportunities for extensive economic growth—attainable through the communist regime's ability to marshall idle resources and labor and to impose a low rate of consumption. This general pattern of initially high growth resulting in a high rate of capital formation was mirrored in other Soviet-type economies. Toward the end of the 1950s, as reconstruction work was completed and idle capacity began to diminish, the economy had to shift from the extensive to the intensive stage, where the simple communist discipline of marshaling underutilized resources became less effective. In the new stage, inefficiency arising from emerging bottlenecks led to diminishing returns. Further growth would only be attained by increasing efficiency and technological progress. Beginning in the early 1960s, a series of serious bottlenecks began to impede development. Bottlenecks were pervasive and generally were created by the lack of arable land, skilled labor, energy, and transportation, and deficiencies in the extractive industries. Moreover, both land and marine transportation lacked modern equipment and modes of transportation. The inability of the energy and extractive industries as well as of the transportation network to supply power and raw materials as rapidly as the manufacturing plants could absorb them began to slow industrial growth. The First Seven-Year Plan (initially 1961–1967) built on the groundwork of the earlier plans but changed the focus of industrialization. Heavy industry, with the machine tool industry as its linchpin, was given continuing priority. During the plan, however, the economy experienced widespread slowdowns and reverses for the first time, in sharp contrast to the rapid and uninterrupted growth during previous plans. Disappointing performance forced the planners to extend the plan three more years, until 1970. During the last part of the "de facto" ten-year plan, emphasis shifted to pursuing parallel development of the economy and of defense capabilities. This shift was prompted by concern over the military takeover in South Korea by General Park Chung-hee (1961–1979), escalation of the United States involvement in Vietnam, and the widening Sino-Soviet split. It was thought that stimulating a technological revolution in the munitions industry was one means to achieve these parallel goals. In the end, the necessity to divert resources to defense became the official explanation for the plan's failure. The Six-Year Plan of 1971–1976 followed immediately in 1971. In the aftermath of the poor performance of the preceding plan, growth targets of the Six-Year Plan were scaled down substantially. Because some of the proposed targets in the First Seven-Year Plan had not been attained even by 1970, the Six-Year Plan did not deviate much from its predecessor in basic goals. The Six-Year Plan placed more emphasis on technological advance, self-sufficiency ("Juche") in industrial raw materials, improving product quality, correcting imbalances among different sectors, and developing the power and extractive industries; the last of these had been deemed largely responsible for slowdowns during the First Seven-Year Plan. The plan called for attaining a self- sufficiency rate of 60–70% in all industrial sectors by substituting domestic raw materials wherever possible and by organizing and renovating technical processes to make the substitution feasible. Improving transport capacity was seen as one of the urgent tasks in accelerating economic development—it was one of the major bottlenecks of the Six-Year Plan. North Korea claimed to have fulfilled the Six-Year Plan by the end of August 1975, a full year and four months ahead of schedule. Under the circumstances, it was expected that the next plan would start without delay in 1976, a year early, as was the case when the First Seven-Year Plan was instituted in 1961. Even if the Six-Year Plan had been completed on schedule, the next plan should have started in 1977. However, it was not until nearly two years and four months later that the long-awaited plan was unveiled—1977 had become a "buffer year". The inability of the planners to continuously formulate and institute economic plans reveals as much about the inefficacy of planning itself as the extent of the economic difficulties and administrative disruptions facing the country. For example, targets for successive plans have to be based on the accomplishments of preceding plans. If these targets are underfulfilled, all targets of the next plan—initially based on satisfaction of the plan—have to be reformulated and adjusted. Aside from underfulfillment of the targets, widespread disruptions and imbalances among various sectors of the economy further complicate plan formulation. The basic thrust of the Second Seven-Year Plan (1978–1984) was to achieve the three-pronged goals of self-reliance, modernization, and "scientification". Although the emphasis on self-reliance was not new, it had not previously been the explicit focus of an economic plan. This new emphasis might have been a reaction to mounting foreign debt originating from large-scale imports of Western machinery and equipment in the mid-1970s. Through modernization North Korea hoped to increase mechanization and automation in all sectors of the economy. "Scientification" means the adoption of up-to-date production and management techniques. The specific objectives of the economic plan were to strengthen the fuel, energy, and resource bases of industry through priority development of the energy and extractive industries; to modernize industry; to substitute domestic resources for certain imported raw materials; to expand freight-carrying capacity in railroad, road, and marine transportation systems; to centralize and containerize the transportation system; and to accelerate a technical revolution in agriculture. In order to meet the manpower and technology requirements of an expanding economy, the education sector also was targeted for improvements. The quality of the comprehensive eleven-year compulsory education system was to be enhanced to train more technicians and specialists, and to expand the training of specialists, particularly in the fields of fuel, mechanical, electronic, and automation engineering. Successful fulfillment of the so-called nature-remaking projects also was part of the Second Seven-Year Plan. These projects referred to the five-point program for nature transformation unveiled by Kim Il-sung in 1976: completing the irrigation of non-paddy fields; reclaiming 1,000 square kilometres of new land; building 1,500 to 2,000 km of terraced fields; carrying out afforestation and water conservation work; and reclaiming tidal land. From all indications, the Second Seven-Year Plan was not successful. North Korea generally downplayed the accomplishments of the plan, and no other plan received less official fanfare. It was officially claimed that the economy had grown at an annual rate of 8.8% during the plan, somewhat below the planned rate of 9.6%. The reliability of this aggregate measure, however, is questionable. During the plan, the target annual output of 10 million tons of grains (cereals and pulses) was attained. However, by official admission, the targets of only five other commodities were fulfilled. Judging from the growth rates announced for some twelve industrial products, it is highly unlikely that the total industrial output increased at an average rate of 12.2% as claimed. After the plan concluded, there was no new economic plan for two years, indications of both the plan's failure and the severity of the economic and planning problems confronting the economy in the mid-1980s. From 1998 to 2003, the government implemented a plan for scientific and technical development, which focused on the nation's IT and electronic industry. Labor. Growth and changes in the structure and ownership pattern of the economy also have changed the labor force. By 1958 individual private farmers, who once constituted more than 70% of the labor force, had been transformed into or replaced by state or collective farmers. Private artisans, merchants, and entrepreneurs had joined state or cooperative enterprises. In the industrial sector in 1963, the last year for which such data are available, there were 2,295 state enterprises and 642 cooperative enterprises. The size and importance of the state enterprises can be surmised by the fact that state enterprises, which constituted 78% of the total number of industrial enterprises, contributed 91% of total industrial output. Labor force (12.6 million)—by occupation: External trade. Statistics from North Korea's trade partners is collected by international organizations like the United Nations and the International Monetary Fund, and by the South Korean Ministry of Unification. It has also been estimated that imports of arms from the Soviet Union in the period 1988 to 1990 accounted for around 30% of the North Korea's total imports, and that between 1981 and 1989 North Korea earned approximately $4 billion from the export of arms, approximately 30% of North Korea's total exports in that period. The nominal dollar value of arms exports from North Korea in 1996 was estimated to have been around $50 million. North Korea's foreign trade deteriorated in the 1990s. After hitting the bottom of $1.4 billion in 1998, it recovered slightly. North Korea's trade total in 2002 was $2.7 billion: only about 50% of $5.2 billion in 1988, even in nominal US dollars. These figures exclude intra-Korean trade, deemed internal, which rose in 2002 to $641 million. During the late 2000s trade grew strongly, almost tripling between 2007 and 2011 to $5.6 billion, with much of the growth being with China. By about 2010 external trade had returned to 1990 levels, and by 2014 was near double 1990 levels, with trade with China increasing from 50% of total trade in 2005 to near 90% in 2014. In 2015, it was estimated that exports to China were $2.3 billion—83% of total exports of $2.83 billion. In addition to Kaesŏng and Kŭmgang-san, other special economic areas were established at Sinŭiju in the northwest (on the border with China), and at Rasŏn in the northeast (on the border with China and Russia). International sanctions impeded international trade to some degree, many related to North Korea's development of weapons of mass destruction. United States President Barack Obama approved an executive order in April 2011 that declared "the importation into the United States, directly or indirectly, of any goods, services, or technology from North Korea is prohibited". Operational sanctions included United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1695, 1718, 1874, 1928, 2087, and 2094. Reports in 2018 indicated that trade sanctions (bans on almost all exports and the freezing of overseas accounts) were seriously affecting the economy. The main paper Rodong Sinmun was running short of paper and was publishing only a third of its normal print run, two energy plants supplying electricity to Pyongyang had to be shut down intermittently due to lack of coal, causing blackouts, coal mines were operating under capacity due to lack of fuel, coal could not be transported due to lack of fuel and food rations had been cut by half. The Taep'oong International Investment Group of Korea is the official company that manages oversea investments to North Korea. North–South economic ties. North and South Korea's economic ties have fluctuated greatly over the past 30 years or so. In the late 1990s and most of the 2000s, North-South relations warmed under the Sunshine Policy of President Kim Dae-jung. Many firms agreed to invest in North Korea, encouraged by the South Korean government's commitment to cover their losses, should investment projects in the north fail to become profitable. Following a 1988 decision by the South Korean Government to allow trade with the North (see Reunification efforts since 1971), South Korean firms began to import North Korean goods. Direct trade with the South began in the fall of 1990 after the unprecedented September 1990 meeting of the two Korean Prime Ministers. Trade between the countries increased from $18.8 million in 1989 to $333.4 million in 1999, much of it processing or assembly work undertaken in the North. During this decade, the chairman of the South Korean company Daewoo visited North Korea and reached agreement on building a light industrial complex at Namp'o. In other negotiations, Hyundai Asan obtained permission to bring tour groups by sea to Kŭmgang-san on the North Korea's southeast coast (see Kŭmgang-san Tourist Region), and more recently to construct the Kaesŏng Industrial Park, near the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), at a cost of more than $1 billion. In response to the summit between Kim Jong-il and Kim Dae-jung in 2000, North and South Korea agreed in August 2000 to reconnect the section of the Seoul–Pyongyang Gyeongui Railway Line across the DMZ. In addition, the two governments said they would build a four-lane highway bypassing the truce village at Panmunjeom. TV commercials for Samsung's Anycall cell phone featuring North Korean dancer Cho Myong-ae and South Korea's Lee Hyo-ri were first broadcast on June 11, 2006. Trade with South Korea declined after Lee Myung-bak was elected President of South Korea in 2008, who reduced trade to put pressure on North Korea over nuclear matters. Trade with South Korea fell from $1.8 billion to $1.1 billion between 2007 and 2013, most of the remaining trade being through the Kaesŏng Industrial Park. The Park has been subject to frequent shutdowns due to political tensions. China. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, China has been North Korea's primary trading partner. Bilateral trade rose sharply after 2007. In 2007 trade between the two countries was $1.97 billion (₩1.7 trillion). By 2011 trade had increased to $5.6 billion (₩5.04 trillion). Trade with China represented 57% of North Korea's imports and 42% of exports. Chinese statistics for 2013 indicate that North Korean exports to China were nearly $3 billion, with imports of about $3.6 billion. Exports to China in 2015 were estimated at $2.3 billion. Joint ventures. Some South Korean companies launched joint ventures in areas like animation and computer software, and Chinese traders have done a booming business back and forth across the China–North Korea border. In a 2007 survey of 250 Chinese operations in North Korea, a majority reported paying bribes. Robert Suter, who headed the Seoul office of Swedish-Swiss power generation company ABB, says ABB was staking out a position in North Korea, "It is the same as it was in China years ago. You had to be there and you had to build trust." A number of South Korean enterprises were mainly active in a specially developed industrial zone in Kaesong Industrial Region and Chinese enterprises were known to be involved in a variety of activities in trade and manufacturing in North Korea. European enterprises founded in 2005 the European Business Association (EBA), Pyongyang, a "de facto" chamber of commerce representing a number of European-invested joint ventures and other businesses. Ch'ongryŏn, the pro-North Korean General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, broadcast on their TV channel in 2008 a TV film in three parts featuring foreign investment and business in North Korea. This film was put on a YouTube channel called "BusinessNK" and could be watched together with a number of other videos on foreign joint ventures as well as other investment and business activities in North Korea. Though no international banks operated in the isolated socialist state in 2013, foreign companies were said to be increasingly interested in dealing with North Korea. A flat LCD television factory in North Korea was funded by the Ch'ongryŏn in 2010. The Rason Special Economic Zone was established in the early 1990s, in the northeastern corner of the country bordering China and Russia. In June 2011, an agreement with China was made to establish a joint free trade area on North Korea's Hwanggumpyong and Wihwa Islands and China's border area near Dandong. North Korea designated over a dozen new special economic zones in 2013 and 2014.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=50172711

The 2016 Amstel Gold Race was a one-day classic cycling race that took place in the Limburg region of the Netherlands on 17 April 2016. It was the 51st edition of the Amstel Gold Race and the eleventh event of the 2016 UCI World Tour. It was also the first of the Ardennes classics, although it is technically not in the Ardennes region. The race took place over a route that starts in Maastricht and ends in Berg en Terblijt on the outskirts of Valkenburg. The key difficulty in the race came from the 34 short but steep climbs. The central climb, the Cauberg, was crossed four times, with between the final summit and the finish line. The favourites for victory in the race included the three-time winner Philippe Gilbert (BMC), the defending champion Michał Kwiatkowski (Sky), and Simon Gerrans and Michael Matthews (both ). There were numerous attacks in the first part of the race, but no group had a significant advantage in the last part of the race. Tim Wellens () had a small lead on the final climb of the Cauberg, but he was caught before the summit by a large group led by Orica–GreenEDGE. Towards the summit of the climb, Enrico Gasparotto (), the 2012 champion, attacked; he was joined by 's Michael Valgren and the two came to the finish together, with Gasparotto winning the sprint for victory. Sonny Colbrelli () was third in the main group, which finished four seconds behind. Route. The route covered and included 34 classified climbs; as in the other Ardennes classics (La Flèche Wallonne and Liège–Bastogne–Liège), the main difficulty came from the short but steep climbs. The route started in Maastricht and travelled north to the outskirts of Geleen for the first three climbs of the day. The route turned east to Voerendaal for the fourth climb, then west for the first climb of the Sibbergrubbe. This took the riders into Valkenburg aan de Geul and onto the first of four climbs of the Cauberg, where there was a series of three circuits, each shorter than the last. The first circuit took the riders on a long loop to the south of Valkenburg as far as Vaals. This included the first climb of the Geulhemmerberg, then fifteen more climbs. These included the Loorberg and the Gulpenerberg for the first time and the Sibbergrubbe and the Cauberg for the second time. The second climb of the Cauberg came with completed and remaining. The second circuit again took the riders south, through the town of Gulpen. This circuit included the Bemelerberg for the first time, the Geulhemmerberg, the Loorberg and the Gulpenerberg for the second time and then the Cauberg for the third time. Between this ascent of the Cauberg and the finish line were of roads that were raced around a small circuit close to Valkenburg. The circuit included the third climb of the Sibbergrubbe, then the second climb of the Bemelerberg and finally the fourth climb of the Cauberg. At the top of the Cauberg there were of relatively flat roads to the finish line in Berg en Terblijt. The Cauberg was expected to be the decisive climb in the race. The first two climbs were expected to be raced gently, but the final two times were expected to be central to the race's outcome. The Cauberg itself is an climb with an average gradient of 6.5% and a maximum gradient of 12.8%. Additional difficulty was created throughout the route by the roads that frequently turned back on themselves and by the high density of traffic calming devices. "Cyclingnews.com" described the route as "technically demanding" and "a fertile ground for crashes", adding that local knowledge was valuable. Participating teams. The race organisers invited 25 teams to participate in the 2016 Amstel Gold Race. As it is a UCI World Tour event, all 18 UCI WorldTeams were invited automatically and were obliged to send a squad. An additional seven UCI Professional Continental teams were given wildcard entries. These included two Belgian teams ( and ), a Dutch team (), two Italian teams ( and ), a Polish team () and a French team (). Pre-race favourites. The defending champion was Michał Kwiatkowski, who won the 2015 race while riding for but moved to for the 2016 season. He won that race by catching up with the leading riders on the flat section following the final climb and outsprinting them at the line. He was also in strong form, having won the E3 Harelbeke a few weeks previously. Kwiatkowski was considered to able both to attack on the final climb and also to win from a small group sprint. The previous champion was Philippe Gilbert (), who had won the race a total of three times as well as winning the 2012 world championships road race that finished with the same Cauberg finale. He had won the 2014 edition by escaping on the climb and, with the assistance of a tailwind, staying away to the finish. Gilbert had recently been involved in an altercation with a driver in which he had broken a finger; he missed Brabantse Pijl in order to have metal pins inserted and it was unclear whether he would be able to play a major part in the race. had two major favourites for the race: Michael Matthews and Simon Gerrans. Matthews had been third in 2015, while Gerrans had finished third on three other occasions. They were declared to be "joint leaders" by their team, but in the 2015 road race world championships had sprinted against one another, despite being on the same team. Gerrans in particular was in good form, following his performance in the 2016 Tour of the Basque Country, while Matthews had declared the Amstel Gold Race to be one of the main objectives of his season. The last rider to win the race from a long-range breakaway had been Roman Kreuziger () in 2013, but he had failed to perform well in the race since then. Other possible winners included 's Julian Alaphilippe and Petr Vakoč, 's Daniel Moreno, 's Enrico Gasparotto (the 2012 champion), 's Simon Geschke, 's Tony Gallopin, 's Edvald Boasson Hagen and 's Fabio Felline. Race summary. In the neutral section before the official start of the race, Fabio Felline crashed. He was reaching down to adjust something at the front of his bike; his wheel then jammed and the bike stopped abruptly. Felline was thrown over the handlebars and hit the ground face first. He broke his nose and suffered a fracture at the base of his skull. The injuries put him out of both the Amstel Gold Race and the rest of the Ardennes week. When the racing started, it took for a breakaway to form. Eleven riders escaped and, over the following , built a four-minute lead. The riders in the breakaway were Alex Howes (), Laurent Didier (Trek–Segafredo), Matteo Montaguti (), Laurens De Vreese (), Matteo Bono (), Kévin Reza (), Larry Warbasse (), Fabien Grellier (), Giacomo Berlato (), Tom Devriendt () and Josef Černý (). Their lead reached five minutes at the foot of the first ascent of the Cauberg. In the peloton, Sky, Orica–GreenEDGE and AG2R La Mondiale led the chase and the lead was reduced to just over three minutes when they crossed the finish line for the second time. Rain began to fall, causing a crash for Joaquim Rodríguez (). With remaining, a four-man group broke free of the peloton. The riders were Tosh Van der Sande (Lotto–Soudal), Niccolò Bonifazio (Trek–Segafredo), Gianni Meersman (Etixx–Quick-Step) and Björn Thurau (Wanty–Groupe Gobert). They were chased unsuccessfully by Andriy Hrivko (Astana); the four-man group reduced the breakaway's advantage to 90 seconds. On the Gulpenerberg, Reza and Didier were dropped from the breakaway, which had a two-minute lead over the peloton. Michael Albasini (Orica–GreenEDGE) attacked in the main group but was chased by Team Sky; Orica–GreenEDGE then brought the four-man chasing group back before the summit of the Keutenberg. With remaining, Philippe Gilbert and Edvald Boasson Hagen were dropped. On the penultimate climb of the Cauberg, the breakaway was reduced to five riders, who had a fifteen-second lead. Bob Jungels (Etixx–Quick-Step) and Enrico Battaglin () attacked from the peloton, while Michał Kwiatkowski was among the riders dropped. Orica–GreenEDGE continued to lead the peloton with Albasini and Mathew Hayman, the winner of Paris–Roubaix the previous week. The breakaway was caught with remaining. Roman Kreuziger attacked with remaining; there was an immediate counter-attack from Tim Wellens (Lotto–Soudal), who passed Kreuziger and earned a fifteen-second lead at the bottom of the final climb of the Cauberg. As Albasini brought Wellens back on the Cauberg, Enrico Gasparotto attacked. He was followed by Tinkoff's Michael Valgren at the top of the climb. Despite a brief attack from Jelle Vanendert (Lotto–Soudal), no one in the peloton seemed willing to put the effort into catching the leading pair. Valgren did a long pull at the front of the race, with Gasparotto in his wheel. At the finish line, Gasparotto was easily able to come around him to take his second Amstel Gold Race victory. Sonny Colbrelli (Bardiani–CSF) won the sprint for third place. Post-race analysis. Reactions. The race was Gasparotto's first win since his first Amstel Gold triumph in 2012. He crossed the line pointing to the sky in a reference to his former teammate Antoine Demoitié, who had been killed in an accident at Gent–Wevelgem two weeks previously. "Cycling Weekly" described his victory as "emotional". Gasparotto himself had not been at Demoitié's funeral as he had been training on Mount Teide in Tenerife. He had been encouraged by Demoitié's widow the previous day and said that he had felt a "really big responsibility" and had not wanted to let his teammates down. He also said that, as in his 2012 victory, he had used the 39-tooth inner ring for most of the climb and had only changed to the 53-tooth outer ring at the summit, for the flat section towards the finish line. Gasparotto also credited his victory to Valgren's presence with him, as Valgren was willing to pull hard in the final kilometre. Valgren, meanwhile, said that his second-place finish was a "big result" for him. Because Valgren was so determined to stay ahead of the chasing group, Gasparotto was able to sit in behind him and come past at the finish when Valgren was tired. Nonetheless, he said that he was happy with his performance and that he hoped to come back and win the race in the future. "Cyclingnews.com" described the result as "a big step up" for him. Colbrelli, however, said that he had "mixed feelings" about his third-place finish. He said that the calibre of the riders who had finished behind him demonstrated that he had ridden "a great race" but also that he had "waited for too long" to try to bring the leading pair back. Kwiatkowski tweeted after the race that the weather had been a factor in his disappointing performance: he wrote "I tried my hardest but the hail with rain froze my hands, feet, legs, back and, finally, my thoughts and ambitions." His team's "directeur sportif", Kurt Asle Arvesen, said that he "didn't have good legs" and that the two Sky riders in the group at the end of the race – Sergio Henao and Lars Petter Nordhaug – had been unable to go with the attack on the Cauberg and were not strong enough to compete with the sprinters at the finish. UCI World Tour standings. There were no significant changes in the standings of the season-long 2016 UCI World Tour competition. Because Gasparotto, Colbrelli and Bryan Coquard () all rode for Professional Continental teams rather than World Teams, they did not earn any World Tour points. Valgren's second-place finish earned him 60 points; this put him in 25th place in the individual standings but it also helped Tinkoff to an increased lead in the team standings. Australia, meanwhile, retained a two-point lead over Belgium in the nations' standings.

limited overtaking effort

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=46378085

Massacre is a fictional supervillain appearing in American comic books published by Marvel Comics. He primarily appears in Spider-Man related publications. The character is responsible for the murder of Ashley Kafka, a supporting character in various Spider-Man comic books and adapted media. Publication history. The character's first appearance was in "The Amazing Spider-Man" #655 (published April 2011), during the "" storyline and was created by Dan Slott and Marcos Martin. The character also appeared in the following issue. Massacre would go on to make his return in the fourth issue of the "Superior Spider-Man" series. He was killed by the eponymous character in the next issue of that series. Fictional character biography. Marcus Lyman was an ordinary man until a failed assassination attempt nearly claimed his life. He and his wife, Judy Lyman, were successful traders for a local Wall Street firm in New York City until an unhappy client planted a car bomb on their vehicle. The bomb killed Judy Lyman but Marcus survived with a piece of shrapnel from the explosion stuck in his forehead, penetrating his brain. The shrapnel was successfully removed but not without consequence: the damage had caused certain connections in Lyman's brain to no longer function. As a result, he lost his ability to feel emotion. He was sent to the Ravencroft Institute For The Criminally Insane, where he was treated by Dr. Ashley Kafka. Dr. Kafka was disturbed by Lyman and she found that there was nothing she could do to help his mental state, advising that he be held under observation indefinitely. Now calling himself "Massacre", Marcus Lyman escaped the Ravencroft Institute and began kidnapping hostages. He held the hostages in a building, killing one of them to prove that he was willing to do so. The police began attempting negotiations with Massacre. Having temporarily lost his Spider-sense, Spider-Man arrived on the crime scene in an attempt to free the hostages, but was barely able to do so due to Massacre's heavy artillery. Massacre managed to escaped the scene, though not before Spider-Man secretly placed a Spider Tracer on him. Massacre resurfaced not long after, kidnapping another set of hostages at his former Wall Street firm but Spider-Man arrived on the scene prepared. Now donning a bullet proof costume and magnetic webbing, Spider-Man was able to defeat Massacre and rescue the hostages. When asked about his motivations, Massacre admitted that he had no particular reason for committing the crimes he did. Massacre was sent back to the Ravencroft Institute. At the Ravencroft Institute, Dr. Kafka became increasingly afraid of Massacre, believing him to be her most dangerous patient. Her fears were realized when Massacre once again escaped Ravencroft, killing Kafka in the process. Massacre then went on a killing spree, threatening to murder anyone who crossed his path. Massacre soon took hostages at a Burger Town restaurant and, in retaliation for an employee pressing an alarm button, murdered them. Massacre then tracked down the manager of the Phizzy Cola company (Burger Town being one of its subsidiaries) and offered to help fix Phizzy Cola's public image after the killings by continuing to murder innocents wearing the logo of Phizzy Cola's rival company in exchange for a large sum of cash. Fearing for her own life, the manager agreed to Massacre's offer. Because of all of the harm Massacre has caused to innocent civilians, the Superior Spider-Man (Otto Octavius's mind in Spider-Man's body) decides to end Masacre's killing spree by killing him with his own gun. Just before his death, Massacre claimed to feel a spark of emotion. Clone. During the "" storyline, Massacre is among the villains cloned by Jackal and his company New U Technologies. Although New U Technologies is supposed to revive individuals without any defects, Massacre assumedly retains the shrapnel in his brain as he is seen with the metal plate over his head. He was involved in a fight with the other cloned supervillains until it was broken up by a clone of Prowler. Powers and abilities. While Massacre doesn't have any traditional super-powers, an accident made it nearly impossible for him to feel any emotion. Massacre also has a genius level intellect.

specific cause

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3024372

Hazelwood Park is an upper class suburb in the City of Burnside, Adelaide, South Australia with a census area population of 1,717 people. The suburb is about 5 kilometres east of the Central business district. Hazelwood Park, a suburban park inside the suburb, is the major attraction in the suburb and is the start of the flat country of the Adelaide Plains at the bottom of the Adelaide Hills. Adjacent Howard Terrace is considered to be the end of the Plains and the start of the foothills. Hazelwood Park includes the Burnside Swimming Centre, a popular site in the summer. Much of the remainder of the suburb is residential but there is a small shopping area along Glynburn Road on the eastern edge. The area was first settled by Europeans in 1848 but has seen many community changes over the years. The suburb is split in half by Greenhill Road, to the north there are residential dwellings and the park. To the south and east are the foothills of the Mount Lofty Ranges with continued residential properties. Hazelwood Park is bounded to the north by Knightsbridge Road, to the east by Glynburn Road, to the south by Cooper Place and to the west by Devereux Road and a line along the back of the blocks between Hazelwood and Tusmore avenues. History. Prior to European settlement, the area that is now Hazelwood Park was part of the traditional lands of the Kaurna people, that stretched from Port Broughton to Cape Jervis. The surrounding area (including the suburbs of Leabrook and Erindale, along with portions of the current suburbs of Burnside) and Hazelwood Park, was originally known by the name Knightsbridge when a village was laid out under that name in 1848. The village was laid out in section 298 in the land between First and Second Creeks. Unlike other more brilliantly designed early villages (such as Beaumont) Knightsbridge was laid out by a Captain Hall, originally from Port Adelaide. He simply divided the land into eight blocks and ran Knightsbridge Road through them. Much of the land was sold to timber merchants, who quickly made use of the suburb's thick bushland. The first house in the suburb, which remains to this day on 12 Hazelwood Avenue, was built by George Taylor, a local grocer, in 1854. Named Knightsbridge House, it was unique in having much of the ground floor situated half-underground to cope with the fierce Australian summers. The total property owned by Taylor amounted to thirty-three acres, which included much of today's suburb. He returned to England in 1856 and leased the property out. Notably, an orphanage was established on the land by the Sisters of St. Joseph, a Catholic Organisation. They cared for forty to sixty children on the property between the years 1875 and 1887. The orphanage was known for providing much care to the children, with the Adelaide daily the "Register" noting that 'the good Sisters of St. Joseph were perfect slaves to these children'. With better accommodation provided at Woodville, the orphanage moved and the Knightsbridge farm attempted a sale, but was once again leased out. In the years 1888 to 1950 it was a large dairy farm under the Coote family. The remaining part of section 298, much of it owned by a Mr Debney and not part of Knightbridge Farm, was further subdivided in 1880 and became the village of Leabrook. The remainder of today's suburb of Hazelwood Park, south of Greenhill Road, was originally known as Linden. It lent its name to today's suburb of Linden Park, and it is notable that Linden Park's name remained so, even after Linden became part of Hazelwood Park. Linden had some of the best arable land in the area, and was a highly sought-after area. After World War II, with Adelaide rapidly expanding both in the metropolitan region and in the hills area various plans were laid out to replace the windy and dangerous Mount Barker Road. One of these proposals was the Burnside-Crafers Highway, which envisioned leaving Greenhill Road once reaching Hazelwood Park. It was then to pass through Hazelwood Park and Beaumont, wind around the hills of Waterfall Gully and then go over Eagle On The Hill to Crafers. The Burnside Council put much effort into this proposal, widening Linden Avenue (which runs NW to SE) in preparation for the highway. The proposal was eventually rejected in favour of upgrading Mount Barker Road and Linden Avenue remained a huge out-of-place road running through an otherwise peaceful suburb. After years of drivers racing down the 2 km long avenue, the Burnside Council constructed a large median strip in 2005. The actual Hazelwood Park was acquired by the State Government free of charge in July 1915, and gazetted as a 'pleasure resort'. This came from the old "Hazelwood" estate, owned by the Francis Clark family. They had acquired a residence and 50-acre estate named "Grove Cottage" from Thomas Burr in 1853 and re-named it "Hazelwood", which reflects the name of the school in Birmingham founded by Rowland Hill (postal reformer), a brother of Caroline Clark. The Burnside Council sought to acquire the park from the State Government after finding notes from a government meeting in 1944 that were to see the park sold to a private owner. The Mayor of Burnside at the time, George Bolton, had a grand vision for what the park should become; notably in the construction of an Olympic-sized swimming pool. (Bolton was Mayor from 1952 to 1954 and then from 1962 to 1967) After years of effort, the Burnside Council eventually acquired the park in May 1963 after negotiations with the Premier, Sir Thomas Playford. As part of the acquisition, the Burnside Council was to retain the name 'Hazelwood' and was to maintain the park at a level satisfactory to the State Government. The deed was transferred on 2 January 1964 for the 2.2 ha of Section 298 that is Hazelwood Park. In 1966, after much political wrangling, a 3-pool swimming center opened at Hazelwood Park. It was named after Mayor George Bolton who had been the leading voice in advocating its construction. The George Bolton Swimming Center remains open to this day, and saw renovations in 1996 which added further facilities. . The park is a State Heritage Item. The SA State Heritage Register lists its significances as follows: State Heritage Significance: "Hazelwood Park is a portion of the original Hazelwood Park Estate which was owned by the Clark family 1853-1914. During their ownership they allowed the general public to use the area for recreational purposes and it became known as Clark's Paddock. That use was formalized when the family offered to sell it to the South Australian Government provided that it remained a park and the Government purchased it in 1914. In 1915 it was dedicated as a National Pleasure Resort under the National Pleasure Resorts Act 1914, one of the first four places to be dedicated. The Park is significant for being an early National Pleasure Resort and for its association with the Clarks. The Clark family were notable for their involvement in public life. Howard was a leading figure in the Adelaide Philosophical Society and in the Institute movement. He also edited one of the Colony's major newspapers, the 'South Australian Register' 1870-78. Caroline Emily was largely responsible for introducing the system of boarding-out (as opposed to fostering) children from poor families." (HSA 2/01) Geography. Hazelwood Park's original vegetation was similar to the rest of the area. Blue and Red gum woodland existed primarily to the north of Greenhill Road, while Grey box woodland existed roughly to its south. The Grey box woodland, when still in existence at the time of settlement, was called the 'Black Forest'. The park in the suburb is a good example of the remaining Blue and Red Gum. Modern vegetation is relatively dense, but contains many introduced floral species. The Burnside Council in recent years has paid particular attention to retaining and planting native plant species when upgrading/maintaining its reserves. This is in stark comparison to past times when native vegetation was replaced by European species in keeping with the wishes of the then population. First Creek, which has its origins in the Mount Lofty Ranges and Adelaide Hills flows through both the suburb and the park. It is a seasonal creek and runs dry throughout much of the summer months. The creek winds down from Waterfall Gully, through Burnside into Hazelwood Park and then continues on to join the River Torrens near the Adelaide Botanical Gardens. Apart from Hazelwood Park, the only other notable reserve is the Ray Cooper Gardens, situated near the midpoint of Linden Avenue. Transport. For the Hazelwood Park census area, like most Australian areas, transport is primarily car based, with on average 1.56 cars per household. This is typified in that 68.5% of all residents drive to work and only 5.8% were passengers. Traffic congestion is relatively light in Hazelwood Park and only occurs during peak periods on the two main thoroughfares, Greenhill and Glynburn Roads. The city can typically be reached in ten minutes, and fifteen in peak periods using Greenhill Road. Like most Adelaide suburbs, the major roads have a 60 km/h speed limit and the side streets a 50 km/h limit. Hazelwood Park's road network (with few exceptions) follows the usual Adelaide grid pattern. Only 7.5% took the bus to work, using Adelaide Metro buses, the only public transport in the suburb. Normal routes into the CBD are by the 142 or 147 which both run into or close to the suburb. The 820/821 bus travels from the Adelaide Hills into the CBD along Greenhill Road. Buses typically run on 30-minute intervals during weekdays and one-hour intervals at other times. Unfortunately, due to the heavy emphasis on car transport in the area, the bus routes are limited and under-developed, particularly compared to the efficient public transit links to the rest of metropolitan Adelaide. Residents. According to the 2006 Census the population of the Hazelwood Park census area was 1,717 people. Approximately 52.8% of the population were female, 73.7% are Australian born and over 89.5% of residents are Australian citizens. Hazelwood Park has an educated population with over 40% of the population holding a degree or diploma. This level of education attainment is reflected in the suburb's employment patterns: the most popular industries for employment were education, health and community services (30.7%) and finance, insurance and business services (23.5%). The median weekly household income is A$1,182 or more per week, compared with $924 in Adelaide overall. Hazelwood Park has a higher than average stable family population with a large segment of both children and their mature aged parents. Most residences are family occupied but the number of older empty-nesters (whose children have left home) is growing. Retired population is relatively low, but continuing to grow. 79.2% of dwellings were detached houses but this figure is falling in favour of attached dwellings. Subdivisions are also becoming very much of a common sight in recent years. The number of development approvals has been falling since the 2001–02 financial year. Attractions. The biggest attraction in the suburb is the park and accompanying Burnside Swimming Centre. There is a lap pool, plus a 25-metre kids pool and a wading pool. There is also a sauna and steamroom, plus two playgrounds and a kiosk. This location is only open through summertime because it is an outdoor pool and is very popular on hot days in Adelaide (greater than 300C) when it is open late. First creek continues its journey from the hills through the park, the water flowing from Waterfall Gully and into Tusmore. The creek cuts through the middle of the park and is dammed at one point to create a pond. This is a popular place for children to feed the ducks and families to sit by. There is one playground in the north-east of the park and there are several sets of tables and a few barbecues dotted throughout the park. The park is relatively large by local standards and there are no playing fields. It is more strongly characterised by massive old Gum trees that can be seen from blocks away. Although it has good facilities, it is normally not as popular as the nearby smaller Tusmore Park. It is also the location of a very popular traditional carols night, held annually on the first Sunday in December. Hazelwood Park contains a number of small commercial precincts, concentrated around the Glynburn/Greenhill Road roundabout. The area was known previously as "The Feathers", and many stores have adopted this moniker into their names. The shops situated along Greenhill Road are part of the Feathers Shopping Center, and include the local fish and chip shop, an Indian restaurant and a Pizza Bar. At the western corner of Greenhill and Glynburn is a medium-sized commercial center, containing a Goodlife gym, a Fasta Pasta restaurant and a number of small offices. Opposite this complex to the north is the Feathers Hotel, the only one in the immediate area, situated in the neighbouring suburb of Burnside. A local supermarket is also situated near the Waterfall Terrace/Glynburn Road intersection. Larger shopping complexes in the area are located outside of the suburb – at nearby Burnside Village, Marryatville Shopping Center and the Norwood Parade. Politics. Hazelwood Park is part of the state electoral district of Bragg, which has been held since 2002 by Liberal MP Vickie Chapman. In federal politics, the suburb is part of the division of Sturt, and has been represented by Christopher Pyne since 1993. The results shown are from the closest polling station to Hazelwood Park — which is located outside of the suburb — at St David's Church Hall on nearby Glynburn Road (Burnside). Similar to the rest of the City of Burnside, Hazelwood Park's political leanings are overwhelmingly in favour of the Liberal Party. This could be attributed to the Liberal Party's traditional middle-upper class support base, of which Hazelwood Park easily fits the bill. The Australian Democrats vote was substantial (running at about 10%) until the party was crushed in the 2004 Elections. Minor party showings are on par with the national average and the Labor party consistently picks up only one fifth to a quarter of votes.

regional norms

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=30602690

Renewable energy in Russia mainly consists of hydroelectric energy. In 2010, the country was the sixth largest producer of renewable energy in the world, although it was 56th when hydroelectric energy was not taken into account. Some 179 TWh of Russia's energy production came from renewable energy sources, out of a total economically feasible potential of 1823 TWh. 16% of Russia's electricity was generated from hydropower, and less than 1% was generated from all other renewable energy sources combined. Roughly 68% of Russia's electricity was generated from thermal power and 16% from nuclear power. While most of the large hydropower plants in Russia date from the Soviet era, the abundance of fossil fuels in the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation has resulted in little need for the development of other renewable energy sources. In the early 21st century Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev called for renewable energy to have a larger share of Russia's energy output, and took steps to promote the development of renewable energy. But by 2020 wind and solar only amounted to 0.2% of electricity generation, compared to the world average of 10%. History. Most sources of renewable energy are new to Russia and have experienced development in recent years. However, hydroelectric power has a long history in Russia, dating back to the Soviet era. The rapid expansion of hydroelectric power in the Soviet Union began in 1930, when the total installed capacity equaled 600 MWh. The Soviet Union built its first windmill in 1941, which had a capacity of 100 kW. By the time the Soviet Union collapsed in 1990, it had a total installed capacity of . The largest dams that Russia currently has, including the Sayano-Shushenskaya Dam, were built in the 1950s and 1960s. From the 1970s to 2000, the Soviet Union and Russia focused mainly on "traditional" power sources: thermal-, hydro- and nuclear power. However, in 1986, the Soviet government announced new energy goals, which included further hydroelectric plant construction as well as the start of small-scale solar and wind use for electricity production. Overall, Soviet energy policy focused on nuclear and thermal power, although renewable energy was not completely neglected. The dissolution of the Soviet Union prevented those goals from being fulfilled. The construction of the large dams prominent in Soviet times largely ended in the 1990s with the creation of the Russian Federation. In addition, due to the post-Soviet recession, much of the country's infrastructure, including dams, fell into disrepair. Use of oil and gas for energy took priority in Russia and renewable energy was ignored. This policy lasted until 2008, when Medvedev announced reforms to Russia's energy policies in an attempt to focus more on renewable energy. Since then, there has been rapid development of new renewable energy sources. Current status. Russia is one of the world's largest producers of energy, most of which it obtains from oil, natural gas and coal. The country's focus on those resources for production and export, which constitute 80% of foreign trade earnings, means it has paid little attention to renewable energy. Out of the 203 GW of electric generation capacity that Russia has, 44 GW comes from hydroelectricity, 307 MW from geothermal, 15 MW from wind and negligible amounts from other renewable sources. In 2009, the Russian energy industry generated a total 992 TWh of electricity, 176 TWh of which was produced by hydroelectric power stations. Some of Russia's hydroelectric power plants are outdated and are in need of additional investment, as shown by the accident at the Sayano-Shushenskaya HPP in 2009. President Dmitry Medvedev announced in May 2010 that the Russian government would strongly consider purchasing electricity generated from renewable energy sources in an attempt to encourage development of renewable energy. The government has plans for 4.5% of Russia's energy output to come from non-hydroelectric renewable energy sources. Additionally, in November 2010, the government approved a US$300 billion program to make factories and buildings more energy efficient; it also announced plans to construct eight energy-efficient lamp production plants, promote recycling and support the construction of a hybrid car plant. Medvedev announced in late 2009 that he wanted to cut Russian energy consumption by 40% by 2020. , development was slowed by low investment, economic instability, low public demand and low tariffs on heat and electricity. Subsidies for natural gas are another obstacle to renewable energy development. Russia has also failed thus far to provide the necessary framework to promote renewable energy development. Hydropower. Hydropower is the most used form of renewable energy in Russia, and there is large potential in Russia for more use of hydropower. Russia has 102 hydropower plants with capacities of over 100 MW, making it fifth in the world for hydropower production. It is also second in the world for hydro potential, yet only 20% of this potential is developed. Russia is home to 9% of the world's hydro resources, mostly in Siberia and the country's far east. At the end of 2005, the generating capacity from hydroelectric sources in Russia was 45,700 MW, and an additional 5,648 MW was under construction. The World Energy Council believes that Russia has much potential for using its hydro resources, with a theoretical potential of about 2,295 TWh/yr, with 852 TWh being economically feasible. The largest dams in Russia are the Sayano-Shushenskaya Dam, which has an installed capacity of 6,400 MW; the Krasnoyarsk Dam (6,000 MW); the Bratsk Dam (4,500 MW); the Ust-Ilimsk Dam (4,320 MW) and the Zeya Dam (1,330 MW). Some of the most recent dam projects are the Bureya Dam (2010 MW) and the Irganai Dam (800 MW). The Boguchany Dam (1920 MW), Zelenchuk Dam (320 MW), Zaramag Dam (352 MW) and Nizhne-Chereksky (60 MW) are currently under construction. RusHydro is the largest hydroelectric company in Russia and the second largest hydroelectric producer in the world. In October 2010, China Yangtze Power, the largest hydropower corporation in China, and EuroSibEnergo, a Russian energy company, signed a cooperation agreement to expand hydroelectric energy production in Russia and export energy to China's northern territories. The West Siberian Generating Company has plans to start construction of eight mini-hydroelectric power plants in the Altai region before 2015. Geothermal energy. Geothermal energy is the second most used form of renewable energy in Russia but represents less than 1% of the total energy production. The first geothermal power plant in Russia was built at Pauzhetka, Kamchatka, in 1966, with a capacity of 5 MW. The total geothermal installed capacity in 2005 was 79 MW, with 50 MW coming from a plant at Verkhne-Mutnovsky. Russia is currently developing a 100 MW plant at Mutnovsky and a 50 MW plant in Kaliningrad. Most geothermal resources are currently used for heating settlements in the North Caucasus and Kamchatka. Half of the geothermal production is used to heat homes and industrial buildings, one third is used to heat greenhouses and 13% is used for industrial processes. In October 2010, Sergei Shmatko, Russia's energy minister, stated that Russia and Iceland would work together to develop Kamchatka's geothermal energy sources. Russia is also investigating foreign investment possibilities for developing geothermal energy in the Kuril Islands. Solar energy. Solar energy is virtually nonexistent in Russia, despite its large potential in the country. The first Russian solar plant was opened in Belgorod Oblast in November 2010. In 2007 it was estimated that Russia had a total theoretical potential of 2,213 TWh/yr for solar energy, with an economically feasible amount of 101 TWh. The southern parts of Russia, especially the North Caucasus, have the greatest potential for solar energy. In 2010 Russia planned to set up an overall solar capacity of 150 MW by 2020. Plans for the construction of a new solar plant on the Black Sea have been announced and the plant is expected to begin operations by 2012. This plant, which will have a capacity of 12.3 MW, is being built by Rusnano and Renova. Solar Wind LLC and Rusnano are building a plant that will produce double-sided solar panels, which will be able to collect solar energy from both sides. Construction is expected to finish in early 2011 and the plant will have an annual manufacturing capacity of 30 MW. Nitol Solar is the largest Russian company in the area of scientific development and manufacture of products used to generate solar energy. Russia and India are currently discussing the possibility of a joint venture to produce silicon wafers for the creation of photovoltaic cells. An auction in 2013 awarded contracts for 399 MW of solar, and one in 2014 an additional 505 MW. A third auction in 2015 awarded 280 MW of solar. In 2015, the Russian Solar Energy Association predicted that cumulative solar power capacity in the country would rise to 1,500 MW by 2020. Wind energy. Russia has a long history of small-scale wind energy use but has never developed large-scale commercial wind energy production. Most of its current wind production is located in agricultural areas with low population densities where connection to the main energy grid is difficult. Russia is estimated to have a total potential of 80,000 TWh/yr for wind energy, 6,218 TWh/yr of which is economically feasible. Most of this potential is found in the southern steppes and the seacoasts of Russia, although in many of these areas the population density is less than . This low population density means that there is little existing electricity infrastructure currently in place, which hinders development of these resources. In 2006, Russia had a total installed wind capacity of 15 MW. Current Russian wind energy projects have a combined capacity of over 1,700 MW. The Russian Wind Energy Association predicts that if Russia achieves its goal of having 4.5% of its energy come from renewable sources by 2020, the country will have a total wind capacity of 7 GW. In 2010, plans for the construction of a wind power plant in Yeisk, on the Sea of Azov, were announced. It is expected to initially have a capacity of 50 MW, which will become 100 MW a year later. The first batch of wind towers and nacelles were delivered in June 2020 and the facility is expected to be operational by the end of 2020. German engineering company Siemens announced in July 2010, following a visit to Russia by Chancellor Angela Merkel, that it would build wind power plants in Russia. By 2015, the company hopes to install 1,250 MW of capacity in Russia. Tidal energy. Russia has many tidal energy resources at its disposal, although they are currently underdeveloped as well. The Kola Bay and Sea of Okhotsk alone could produce 100 GW with tidal power stations, and the national energy potential from tidal energy can compete with current total energy production. The currently active Kislaya Guba Tidal Power Station is the largest tidal power facility in Russia and has the fourth largest capacity (1.7 MW) among the world's tidal power plants. Plans for constructing an 800 MW tidal power plant in the Barents Sea were announced in 2008. Possible long-term projects include the Penzhin Tidal Power Plant, which could become the largest power station in the world, with an installed capacity of up to 87 GW and an annual production of 200 TWh. Biofuel. Russia's biofuel industry is new, but it has been developing rapidly in recent years. Russia is one of the largest grain producers, has a well-developed ethyl alcohol industry and has increasing rapeseed (often used to create biodiesel) production rates. The Russian government declared in 2008 that it would play an active role in developing the biofuel industry by building 30 new biofuel plants and providing tax breaks and subsidized interest rates to biofuel energy projects. Although these plans were delayed, on 13 September 2010, Medvedev announced that construction would begin in early 2011. Biobutanol, the biofuel produced by these plants, would be produced from timber by-products, such as woodchips and sawdust. Lada, a Russian car manufacturer, produced its first biofuel-powered automobile in November 2010. Deputy Transportation Minister Valery Okulov stated that Russian companies are currently developing helicopters that run on biofuel. Russia hopes to export biofuel to the European Union; the country's Biotechnology Corporation estimates that Russia is capable of exporting of biofuel annually. Biomass. Biomass is already used in some parts of Russia to provide a total of 1%, or 9 TWh/year, of Russia's total energy. However, due to Russia's vast forest and peat reserves, it has a total biomass technical potential of 431 TWh/year, of which 285 TWh/year is economically feasible. Most of this potential is found in northwestern Russia, which has a developed pulp and paper industry that can provide wood-based waste to use as biomass energy. Use of peat for energy production was prominent during the Soviet Union, with the peak occurring in 1965 and declining from that point. In 1929, over 40% of the Soviet Union's electric energy came from peat, which dropped to 1% by 1980. Currently, Russia is responsible for 17% of the world's peat production, and 20% of the peat that it produces, , is used for energy purposes. Shatura Power Station in Moscow Oblast and Kirov Power Station in Kirov Oblast are the two largest peat power stations in the world.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2676776

The convict cichlid ("Amatitlania nigrofasciata") is a fish species from the family Cichlidae, native to Central America, also known as the zebra cichlid. Convict cichlids are popular aquarium fish and have also been the subject of numerous studies on fish behaviour. Taxonomy. Albert Günther originally described the species in 1867 after Frederick DuCane Godman and Osbert Salvin collected specimens in Central America. In 2007, the species was moved from the genus "Archocentrus" to a new genus, "Amatitlania", based on Juan Schmitter-Soto's study of "Archocentus" species. However, a 2008 study led by Oldrich Rican proposed moving the species in "Cryptoheros" and "Amatitlania", including "Amatitlania nigrofasciata" into the genus "Hypsophrys". The convict cichlid displays significant color across its range. Some of these regional variants are now considered different species. In the cichlid-keeping hobby, Rusty Wessel collected one such fish, the Honduran Red Point Cichlid ("Amatitlania" sp.) from a stream in Honduras. The Honduran Red Point Convict ranges from Atlantic Honduras south to Costa Rica. Other new species formerly included in "A. nigrofasciata" are "Amatitlania coatepeque", from Lake Coatepeque in El Salvador, and "Amatitlania kanna", from Panama's Atlantic coast. The type species, "A. nigrofasciata", which used to cover all these species, is restricted to the northern population ranging from El Salvador to Guatemala on the Pacific coast and from Honduras to Guatemala on the Atlantic coast. A number of synonyms exist for this species including: "Archocentrus nigrofasciatus", "Cichlasoma nigrofasciatum", "Cryptoheros nigrofasciatus" and "Heros nigrofasciatus". Etymology. The common name convict cichlid is, like the species name, derived from the vertical black stripes on the body which are reminiscent of the striped prison uniforms of British convicts. Similarly, the species epithet "nigrofasciatus" literally means "black-striped". Description. The wild-type of the species has 8 or 9 black vertical bars on a blue-grey body, along with a dark blotch on the operculum. Juvenile convict cichlids are monomorphic until they reach sexual maturity. The male is mostly gray with light black stripes along the body. Males are larger than females, and they have more pointed ventral, dorsal and anal fins which often extend into filaments. In addition, older males frequently develop vestigial fatty lumps on their foreheads. Unusually for fish, the female is more highly coloured. She has more intense black bands across the body, and pink to orange colouration in the ventral region and on the dorsal fin. The maximum standard length has been reported to be 10 centimeters, with total length near . The body weight of the fish is about . Selective breeding has resulted in a leucistic strain, which lacks the dark barring of the wild type. These are known commonly as white convicts, pink convicts, gold convicts, and "A. nigrofasciata" "Kongo". The leucistic colouration is caused by a mutation in an autosomal gene and is recessively inherited. Range and habitat. Convict cichlids are native to the lakes and streams of Central America. In particular, the species occurs along the eastern coast of Central America from Guatemala to Costa Rica, and on the western coast from Honduras to Panama. Convict cichlids prefer moving water, and are most frequently found in habitats with cover in the form of rocks or sunken branches. At four natural habitats of the convict cichlid in Costa Rica, the pH was found to range from 6.6–7.8, while carbonate hardness (KH) ranged from 63 to 77 ppm . The daily water temperature ranged from . Convict cichlids can be relatively tolerant of cool water, allowing them to colonise volcanic lakes at elevations of . Feral populations. The species also occurs outside its natural range, even being found in Australia, where it can be found in the warm effluent of power stations in Victoria, and in tropical Queensland. It has also been captured in Perth, Western Australia, although this initial capture also resulted in its eradication. In addition to Australia, the species has been introduced to Réunion, Japan, Mexico, Colombia, Taiwan, and the USA. Feeding. In natural habitats, the species has a diet composed of various prey, including crustaceans, small fish, insects, worms, plants and algae. The fish can protrude its jaw 4.2% of its standard length, allowing it to have a varied diet. Inferior social status and associated stress can affect digestive function in convict cichlids. Reproduction. Life cycle. The convict cichlid can reach sexual maturity as young as 16 weeks, though sexual maturity more commonly occurs at 6 months. Sexually mature convicts form monogamous pairs and spawn in small caves or crevices. In the wild, the fish excavate caves by moving earth from underneath large stones. Females adhere eggs to the walls of the cave. Like most cichlids, such as "Oreochromis mossambicus", convicts brood (exhibit parental care of) both eggs and free-swimming fry. The eggs hatch approximately 72 hours after fertilization. Until that time the parents expel intruders and potential egg predators from around the nest. They also fan the eggs, moving water with their fins over the clutch to provide oxygenation. They fan the eggs both day and night; at night they use their sense of smell to recognize the presence of the eggs in the dark, and they keep their pelvic fins in contact with the eggs to remain at the right distance for fanning. In darkness the pair recognizes each other and detect predators using their sense of smell. After hatching, the larvae spend another 72 hours absorb their yolk sacs and developing their fins before they become free-swimming fry. The fry forage during daylight in a dense school and return to the cave or crevice for the night. Like other cichlids, the parents retrieve their young just before dark, sucking up three or four at a time and delivering them into the nest. The parents anticipate night, using a sense of time; in laboratory experiments convict cichlids continued to retrieve young as night approached even in the absence of any signal, such as dimming light. During the night, the fry bunch up at the bottom of the cave or nest, where the parents fan them. Both parents remain involved in guarding the fry from brood predators and engage in behaviors to assist feeding such as moving leaves or fin digging (digging up the substrate with their fins). Brood care of eggs, larvae and free-swimming juveniles in the wild can last 4 to 6 weeks, and occurs only once per season for the majority of females. In contrast, females in aquaria are known to breed many times per year with short intervals of 12 or 13 days between broods, as long as suitable rocks or similar surfaces are available for them to lay their eggs on. Mating system. Convict cichlids are serially monogamous, so pair bonds may form first before they establish a territory together, or the male and female may each obtain a territory before pairing with each other. Because the convict cichlids are also substrate-brooding, this territory will include a breeding site for the deposition of eggs. Sexual selection. The effect of population density on sexual selection for convict cichlids has been studied. When nest density was greater, the females tended to be larger, which is more accurately explained by density-dependent mate preference and mating competition, as opposed to predation and resource competition. Moreover, as the two nest density regimes were compared, with one high and one low, there was no significant difference in brood survival between the two; however, the convict cichlids did prefer to breed farther away from each other, not in close proximity. This indicates that there are some other costs with breeding in an environment with high population density, an example being energy loss because of the resulting increased aggression when guarding territory. The female's preference for the male mate has also been examined, in accordance to the male's size and fighting ability. The female cichlid always chooses the larger of the two males if the smaller male is next to the larger male, and if the larger male defeats the smaller male in a fight. If the males are not viewed together at the same time for a comparison to be drawn by the female, the female has no particular preference. Females do benefit by mating with a larger male, as it has been shown that larger males can raise more offspring to independence, are better at chasing predators that might attack offspring, and are better at competing for breeding sites. Male size may act as a more effective indicator of aggression, which may thus repel intruders before they can come closer to the offspring. It has been shown that individuals of significantly greater size relative to their opponent often win fights without much physical contact. Parental roles. Convict cichlids are a biparental species, so the parents will usually cooperate by carrying out tasks specific to their individual parental roles when raising their offspring. This is common in cichlid fish, and studies have shown coordination between the female and male. The female tends to remain with the brood and perform activities involving the brood fanning the eggs, whereas the male tends to patrol the area to chase intruders and defend from predators. Both parents are able to carry out all of the parental care tasks to a certain extent. However, because they are biparentally custodial, each sex will still focus on a specific set of behaviors in particular, which is susceptible to change during the brood cycle. In fact, it is observed that when one of the mates is removed, either parent is still able to raise the offspring independently by having the capacity for all the parental behaviors. As the young offspring grow and become free-swimming fry, the parental activities are distributed more equally between the parents, which appears to be typical behavior in other types of cichlids as well. The different ways in which this biparental sex role specialization can be influenced was studied by manipulating the presence and absence of the mate as well as the presence and absence of an intruder. The former variable was considered because the specialization of parental roles only occurs when both parents are present, while the latter variable was considered because it is thought that biparental care in these cichlids was an evolutionary consequence of the protection of offspring from intruders. When both mates are present with no intruder, both parents may stay with the offspring by resembling single parents because each parent is addressing only the offspring and not its mate, or one parent may be concentrated on activities associated with the offspring while the other parent concentrates on patrolling and defending the area. Under these isolated conditions, a more equal sharing of parental behaviors tends to occur. However, when both mates are present and an intruder is introduced, the male spends more time chasing intruders while the female remains with the offspring more. When the intruder is present but a parent is by itself, the widowed male tends to leave the offspring unattended and instead attacks the intruder or predator. Therefore, the conclusive finding is that the male rarely remains with the offspring when the female is absent, and the female rarely confronts the intruder when the male is absent. Brood adoption. Convict cichlids may show extended biparental care and adopt unrelated young of the same species of similar or smaller body size compared to their own biological offspring. The parents may benefit by adopting smaller young by taking advantage of the dilution effect, which is when the risk of predation for an individual is reduced because the group size is larger. Another reason that has been considered is that foreign young that are larger than the biological offspring may be a direct predatory threat to them. However, it has been shown that as the biological offspring develop and become stronger swimmers, the parents are less active about rejecting larger foreign young, but when they do reject, often foreign young are rejected before they are large enough to be perceived as a direct threat to the biological offspring. Thus, it can be concluded that the brood adoption and rejection rely more heavily on the protection of the biological offspring from differential predator instead of from larger adopted cichlids. Aggressive behavior. Convict cichlids are known to be highly aggressive and territorial when breeding, possessing a variety of complex behaviors and adaptations, which have been suggested to be a result of environmental conditions, individual development, and trait variation. Due to their aggressive nature, cichlids are popularly studied to investigate the factors that may potentially cause their behavior. Convict cichlids usually demonstrate their aggressive behavior by biting and chasing, which entails bursts of high speed targeted at the intruder, and also show their aggression via their body size. It has been shown that environmental parameters like changes in temperature and prior residence may affect the cichlid's territorial aggression. The convict cichlids are more aggressive at 30 °C as opposed to 26 °C, which may be explained by the fact that convict cichlids tend to set up their breeding sites and spawn at 30 °C. Aquarium care. The aquarium should be decorated to mimic the natural environment and include rocks and artificial caves for breeding. Most experts agree that a pair of convicts should be kept in a 20-gallon aquarium or larger. The species is an unfussy omnivore and most types of prepared fish foods are readily accepted. The species also consumes aquatic plants so plastic plants or robust plants such as java fern or water sprite are recommended. Convict cichlids are aggressively territorial during breeding and pairs are best kept alone. Brood care is reduced in aquarium strains. Due to the species' tendency to dig, external filtration is superior to undergravel filter systems. Its relatively small size, along with ease of keeping and breeding, make the convict an ideal cichlid for beginners and advanced aquarists alike interested in observing pair bonds and brood care. Breeding. Breeding convicts is as simple as having a male and a female in the same tank with adequate water quality and feeding. There is no special conditioning required. Due to their prolific breeding in captivity, there is a very low demand for Convict fry, and one may easily find their aquarium overstocked with an inbreeding population of Convicts without any avenues for adoption. Tank mates. Ideal tank mates for convict cichlids consists of robust similar sized fish. Such fish include T-Bar cichlids, Honduran red points, Green Terrors, Jewel cichlids, Salvini, Jack Dempsey, (Keep in mind as Dempseys outgrow the convicts territorial issues will become a problem.) Pictus catfish, "plecostomus", as well as other convicts. Other fast moving fish such as Giant Danios can be used as dither fish. Also remember, if you have a breeding pair Convicts in a 40-gallon or smaller you will be most likely be unable to keep the convicts with any tank mates. But if your tank mates have established any type of dominance they will however breed and live together.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=12199736

The role of women in the Philippines () is explained based on the context of Filipino culture, standards, and mindsets. The Philippines is described to be a nation of strong women, who directly and indirectly run the family unit, businesses, government agencies and haciendas. Although they generally define themselves in the milieu of a male-dominated post-colonial society, Filipino women live in a culture that is focused on the community, with the family as the main unit of society, but not always as this is a stereotype. It is in this framework of Philippine hierarchical structure, class differences, religious justifications, and living in a globally developing nation wherein Filipino women struggle for respect. Compared to other parts of Southeast Asia, women in Philippine society have always enjoyed a greater share of equality. History. Archaic epoch. Some pre-colonial social structures of the Philippines gave equal importance to maternal and paternal lineage. This bilateral kinship system accorded Philippine women enormous power within a clan. They were entitled to property, engage in a trade and could exercise their right to divorce her husband. They could also become village chiefs in the absence of a male heir. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, Filipino women could also achieve status as medicine women or high-priestesses and astrologers. History. In the precolonial era of the Phlippines there are numerous women are entitled as a "Hara" and "Dayang" , the female presence in the Noble caste are prominent in the kinship system in the Philippine societies, here are the examples of notable Queens in the Philippine history: Babaylan. The "babaylan" held positions of authority as religious leaders, community doctors and healers in some pre-colonial Philippine societies. The vital functions of the "babaylan" were highly recognized and embodied in the traditional role of women in a "barangay." Cross-dressing males sometimes took on the role of the female "babaylan". The "babaylan", also called "katalonan", "bayoguin", "bayok", "agi-ngin", "asog", "bido" and "binabae" depending on the ethnic group of the region, held important positions in the community. They were the spiritual leaders of the Filipino communities, tasked with responsibilities pertaining to rituals, agriculture, science, medicine, literature and other forms of knowledge that the community needed. In a "barangay", the "babaylan" worked alongside with the "datu" on important social activities. In the absence of a "datu", the "babaylan" could take charge of the whole community. The role of the "babaylan" was mostly associated to females, but male "babaylans" also existed. Early historical accounts record the existence of male "babaylans" who wore female clothes and took the demeanor of a woman. Anatomy was not the only basis for gender. Gender was based primarily on occupation, appearance, actions and sexuality. Spanish Philippines. Although Christian values were supposed to be spread through the population, missionaries and priests soon realized that they'd be better off adapting their doctrine as much as possible to the local customs, rather than trying to impose it. Although the concept of gender equality existed in the Philippines during the pre-Hispanic era this changed when the Spaniards came and patterned the image of the Filipina to a meek and submissive individual. As it happened all over Asia, women in the Philippines were expected to become caring and nurturing mothers for their own children and take care of most household chores. Also a trait found all over Asia was the preference of most families to have male children instead of females. During the last part of the colonization of the Philippines, Isabella II of Spain, introduced the Education Decree of 1863 (10 years before Japan had a compulsory free modern public education and 40 years before the United States government started a free modern public school system in the Philippines) that provided for the establishment and for the building of at least two free primary schools, one for the boys and another school for the girls, in each town under the responsibility of the municipal government. American Philippines. When Spain lost the Spanish–American War in 1898, the Philippines was ceded to the United States of America. The U.S.A. introduced a new public education system which retained opportunity to every child regardless of gender. Through the American-patterned school system, Filipino women became professionals, although most of them and their male counterparts opted for making use of their former education roots and expressed themselves in Spanish or Tagalog. According to the Monroe Commission on Philippine Education: “Upon leaving school, more than 99% of Filipinos will not speak English in their homes. Possibly, only 10% to 15% of the next generation will be able to use this language in their occupations. In fact, it will only be the government employees, and the professionals, who might make use of English.” Contemporary roles. Modern-day Philippine women play a decisive role in Filipino families. They usually handle the money, act as religious mentors, and can also make all the important family decisions. Urban setting. In the past, firms and businesses generally hire Filipino women for less pay and secretarial functions. But at present, Filipino women are given the same opportunities as their male counterparts in the business realm. This is due to the political and economic changes at the global and national levels in urban society that have led to the growth of export-based industries and the service sector, which then created more opportunities for Filipino women. About one-third of businesses in the Philippines are operated by Filipino women. Many Filipino businesswomen in the urban sector can be found in the hospitality sector, marketing, publishing, real estate, transportation, financial consulting, trade and services, electronics and appliances, and much more. Rural and tribal clan setting. In rural areas, the Filipino woman belongs in the home. The children approach her for money and help. She is the family's treasurer. She supports the children’s educational needs. For non-family members who require support, the wife is the person to be approached. However, the wife is neither the person who makes the final decision or the person who hands out the money. Juan Flavier, a physician, an authority on community development, and a former Philippine senator, described in his book, "Doctor to the Barrios", that "whether some (Filipino) men are willing to admit it or not"... "rural women in the Philippines wield considerable authority," the housewife in particular. This is especially if the housewife, who is often referred to as the "Ilaw ng Tahanan" (Light of the Home), is convinced of the benefits that will be gained from a certain practice such as the concept of family planning in the barrios. Flavier also mentioned that "In the Philippine barrio, the one responsible for the home" and its management "is the wife... she holds the key to... household... development." Marriage and relationships. Courtship and relationships in the Philippines are conservative in nature. The man will have to court the woman and prove his love for her before he can win her heart. Sometimes the courtship period would last for years. This however, is a very old fashioned idea. In the bigger more urbanized cities, this conservative courtship idea is not so emphasized as much. Parents prefer their daughter to be courted in their home, so they can have a chance to know the man. It is during the courtship period that the man would put his best foot forward to create a good impression on the woman and her family. Generally, the man is being measured on his being a gentleman, ability to respect the woman's family, and servitude (the extent of what he was willing to do to prove his love for the woman). Usually, the woman is courted by several men and will have to choose the best from among her suitors. Courtship and relationships remain the same for rural and urban areas despite the modern western influence. Culturally in the Philippines, divorce is viewed as negative and destructive, because of a tradition that emphasizes that the family is the core social unit, especially for the Filipino wife. Divorce is not perceived as a solution to any matrimonial-related problem because it hinders the development or progress of the basic community unit. Therefore, husband and wife are obligated to fix any problems within the boundaries of the marriage. Women in the pre-colonial Philippines enjoyed nearly equal status with men . Prior to colonization, both men and women could get a divorce for the following reasons: failure to meet family obligations, childlessness, and infidelity. Children, regardless of gender, and properties were equally divided in a divorce. Since a man needed to pay a dowry to the woman's family, she was required to give it back should she be found at fault. If the man was at fault, he then lost the right to get back his dowry. In the Philippines, society valued offspring regardless of gender. Female children were as valuable as male ones, mainly because they recognized that women are as important as men. Parents provide equal opportunities to their children. Filipino daughters can also go to school, inherit property, and even become village chiefs like Filipino sons. Filipino women and work. Traditionally, rural and tribal women do all the household related chores. Heavy works that require more strength is done by the husband. Now, the chore work is evenly distributed with the men doing just as much work as the women. The scope of their functions include cooking, cleaning, teaching the children, washing clothes, repairs, budgeting, and helping in the farm. The husband is the one who makes sure the farm would yield quality crops, so he does all the maintenance work. In some cases, where the husband needs help from other men, the wife would make sure that the men are fed, so she cooks food and bring it to the farm. The Filipino women, ensures that everyone is well fed, including any workers, relatives, or visitors. In general, Filipino women find pride in their work. They do not find themselves alienated from their chores because they work with, around, and for their families. This family-oriented mindset gives them a sense of dignity and responsibility. The family and the children are the primary priority some Filipino women's life. In addition to doing housework, the contemporary role of a Filipino wife today is to provide financial support in the household by seeking employment in higher-earning occupations which then expands the Filipino female work outside the household. In the early 1900s, the female workforce in the Philippines was also a highly debated topic during workers’ conferences. In 1910, during the first Congress of Labor, the decision to enact a law that would regulate the employment of women and children was approved due to poor working conditions (“dark and ill-ventilated rooms, smoke-filled factories”, etc.) for women and children. Then, in March 1923, “An Act to Regulate the Employment of Women and Children in Agricultural and Non-Agricultural Establishments and Other Workplaces” was passed to oversee the welfare of women and children. In 1960, under the Department of Labor, the Bureau of Women and Minors was created and was responsible for the promotion, development, and the protection of the welfare of working women and minors. Since then, more acts were made to oversee the welfare of women workers, as seen in both the 1935 and 1973 constitutions. Filipino women and Philippine politics. Compared to other countries, Filipino women have gained and enjoyed equal rights with men. They have become presidents, senators, congresswomen, mayors. They have served in government offices, and have held cabinet positions for presidents. Filipino women have proven that they are capable of carrying out responsibilities and tasks as well as their male counterparts. There are 48 women Representatives elected in the 15th Congress (2010 national election). They accounted for 21.6 percent of the total 222 Representatives as members of the Lower House. In 2010 Senatorial election, there were 14 women who ran out of 61 candidates (23.0%), of which two entered the top 12 winning senators (16.7%). The number of women who engage in politics are smaller compare to their male counterparts. This was primarily because engagement in politics is considered "dirty." A recent study revealed that there is a re-emergence of the empowerment of Filipino women through the political process, just as they were prior to the arrival of conquerors from Spain. Philippine women are rediscovering their strengths. Filipino women had been successful in implementing policies by becoming executive staff members, advisers to politicians, and as advocates within non-governmental organizations. Modern-day Filipino women are making strides in electoral politics by initiating more female-oriented programs. They are performing well as leaders, although generally, Filipino women still often earn political seats by having fathers and husbands who are politically connected, a "dynasty system" that hinders other Filipino women from joining the electoral process. Other factors that prevent full-engagement of other well-qualified Filipino women from the Philippine political scene are the expense in politics and the importance of the family name. Participation of Filipino women in Philippine politics was encouraged during the Beijing Declaration in 1995 at the United Nations' Fourth World Conference on Women. In February 2005, however, a United Nations review on the progress of Philippine women and their role in politics revealed that despite "an increase in the quality of female politicians, there was not enough increase in" the number of women participants in government activities. From 1992 to 2001, Filipino women had been elected as local chief executives, functioning as mayors, governors, and captains of villages. One influential factor contributing to the increasing number of female politicians, is the elevation of Corazon Aquino and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as Philippine women Presidents. Babaylan in 21st century. The Babaylan figure has resurfaced in Filipino diasporic communities as the indigenous Filipino concept is borrowed as a tool for decolonization practices and post-colonial discourse today. The Babaylan tradition and Babaylan-inspired practices are seen as an indigenous spiritual path among Filipinos in the Philippines and in the diaspora as a means to remembering relations to their homeland and healing. Filipino women in art. In his paintings of Filipino women, the Philippine National Artist Fernando Amorsolo rejected Western ideals of beauty in favor of Filipino ideals. He said that the women he painted have ""a rounded face, not of the oval type often presented to us in newspapers and magazine illustrations. The eyes should be exceptionally lively, not the dreamy, sleepy type that characterizes the Mongolian. The nose should be of the blunt form but firm and strongly marked. ... So the ideal Filipino beauty should not necessarily be white complexioned, nor of the dark brown color of the typical Malayan, but of the clear skin or fresh colored type which we often witness when we met a blushing girl"." See also. Works:

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=51046897

Fiber to the office (FTTO) is an alternative cabling concept for local area network (LAN) network office environments. It combines passive elements (fibre optic cabling, patch panels, splice boxes, connectors and standard copper 8P8C patch cords) and active mini-switches (called FTTO switches) to provide end devices with Gigabit Ethernet. FTTO involves centralised optical fibre cabling techniques to create a combined backbone/horizontal channel; this channel is provided from the work areas to the centralised cross-connect or interconnect by allowing the use of pull-through cables or splices in the telecommunications room. History. FTTO Technology emerged in Germany at the start of the 1980s when fibre based connectivity was extensively explored. FTTO appeared as a response to the growing network complexity. The aim was to meet the following requirements: Technology. FTTO is a hybrid network involving fibre optic cabling (pre-terminated or extractable cables) and copper twisted pair patch cords with 8P8C connectors. In an FTTO environment, fibre is laid up vertically from the central distribution switch right to the office floor, where it runs horizontally to active FTTO switches at the users' workplaces. The final distance of 3–5 m to the end user desk is bridged using standard 8P8C twisted pair patch cords. There are only two network levels: the core and the access with no aggregation or distribution level in between compared to traditional structured cabling networks. The FTTO switch provides a connection between optical uplinks and electrical downlinks. Typically, the switch has up to five twisted pair ports supporting Power over Ethernet (IEEE 802.3af, 15.4W per Port) and Power over Ethernet Plus (IEEE 802.3at, 30W per Port). Modern FTTO Switches offer speeds of 1 Gbit/s per user port (Gigabit Ethernet). Link aggregation may also be supported. Thus, PCs, laptops, IP Phones, wireless access points, cameras, access control units, building automation devices (including lights control, electricity meters, cooling and HVAC units), and other devices with network interfaces may be connected to the backbone network with Gigabit speeds. FTTO should not be confused with fibre to the desk (FTTD), which is a concept for structured cabling that is found mostly in military environments as a secure communication technology. Benefits. Due to the signal transfer qualities of fibre and its electromagnetic interference (EMI) resilience, signals can be transferred over distances longer than 100 m (100 m is the channel limit in traditional structured cabling networks). Multi-mode fibre cabling covers distances of up to 550 m and single-mode of up to 10 km for Gigabit Ethernet and more. This is ideal for large, spatially distributed facilities typically found in public administration, universities, hospitals, airports, shopping malls and military. FTTO is characterized by an absence of network hierarchy which may make an installation easier to deploy and manage. In FTTO designs there is no need for floor distributors, and no investment in cooling, power supply and security equipment (i.e. access control, fire protection, sensors, UPS) for the floor distribution room is required. Floor distribution rooms hosting technical equipments (usually measuring 6–18 m2 each) are not required and the room saved can be used alternatively. Another advantage of FTTO infrastructures is their flexibility. New users, services or applications can be easily accommodated into the network. Moreover, network adjustments, upgrades and physical changes are seamlessly integrated into the existing network without operation stops. Also, FTTO installations can be realised on average by 60% quicker than their traditional counterparts. Research shows that using EEE-enabled switches can save up to 70% power consumption compared to traditional non-EEE network designs.. On top of that, most advanced FTTO infrastructures help to save up to 40% TCO. Among the more advanced features of FTTO switches are precise link diagnostics (on the uplinks and TP ports), programmable function contacts, hardened management against hacking attacks, intelligent power budget management, easy reboot with memory cards, and extended durability. Many products have a mean time between failures (MTBF) of over 60 years (based on Siemens calculation procedure) and interoperability certificates with the leading manufacturers of core equipment (i.e. Cisco, HP, Alcatel).

Last span

2994-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=60555284

The Sarco device (or Pegasos) is a euthanasia device or machine consisting of a 3D-printed detachable capsule (or coffin) mounted on a stand that contains a canister of liquid nitrogen to commit suicide through inert gas asphyxiation. "Sarco" is short for "sarcophagus". It is used in conjunction with an inert gas, nitrogen, which prevents the panic, sense of suffocation and struggling before unconsciousness, known as the hypercapnic alarm response caused by the presence of high carbon dioxide concentrations in the blood. The Sarco was invented by euthanasia campaigner Philip Nitschke in 2017. History. The Sarco is an expansion of the hypoxic death provided by a suicide bag. Many people will not consider euthanasia by suicide bag for aesthetic reasons, or feel claustrophobic inside a bag. Nitschke calls this the "plastic bag factor". The Sarco provides a solution to these objections. Mechanics. Access to the Sarco will be controlled by an online test to gauge mental fitness. If applicants pass, they receive an access code to a Sarco device that works for 24 hours. Users of the Sarco can choose either a dark or transparent view from the capsule. The transparent view would be chosen if they wish to transport the machine to a particular location to see a certain vista from the machine. The inventor feels that "where you die is certainly an important factor". The capsule of Sarco provides for a rapid decrease in oxygen level while maintaining a low level of carbon dioxide. On activation, of liquid nitrogen causes the oxygen level to drop silently to less than 5% in less than one minute. According to Nitschke, 'The occupant presses the button and the capsule is filled with nitrogen. He or she will feel a bit dizzy but will then rapidly lose consciousness and die'. Design and manufacture. The design of the device was a collaboration between Nitschke and Dutch industrial designer, Alexander Bannink. Sarco is 3D-printed in sections measuring . The design software allows for devices of different sizes to be made according to the client's dimensions. Nitschke has said that the design is intended to resemble that of a spaceship, in order to give users the feel that they are traveling to the "great beyond". Nitschke plans to release the open source plans for the Sarco by 2019. Criticism. Critics have described the device as "just a glorified gas chamber", and others have raised concerns that it is glamourising suicide.

below 60 seconds

11850-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=30793976

Pickin' Up the Pieces is the debut studio album by American band Fitz and the Tantrums, released on August 24, 2010, by Dangerbird Records. After the success of their home-recorded debut EP, "Songs for a Breakup, Vol. 1" and touring, Dangerbird signed the group, who immediately began work on "Pieces". The band drew inspiration from various musical tastes, including Motown records and soul music, and recorded the album in vocalist Michael Fitzpatrick's living room, which he dubbed Dillon Street Studios. It was produced by Fitzpatrick and Chris Seefried. Upon its release, "Pickin' Up the Pieces" charted at number one on "Billboard" Top Heatseekers and received generally positive reviews from music critics. Background. Michael Fitzpatrick, vocalist, founded the group shortly after a break-up. Having a hard time after the breakup, Fitzpatrick came to the conclusion that he needed to release the energy through creativity and get a focus and direction, for the sole purpose of distracting him from the discomfort. In late 2008, he received a call from the same ex-girlfriend, who demanded a rigid "no-talking" policy to tell him about a neighbor who needed to unload a church organ for $50. Thanks to some "shady Russian piano movers," Fitzpatrick had the organ installed in his apartment that night. By morning, he had already written "Breakin' the Chains of Love". "I immediately knew it was the best song I'd written," said Fitzpatrick in 2011. "I could astral plane out and hear myself, like, 'wow!' Not bad!" Fitzpatrick knew he wanted a horn section, and he called college friend and saxophonist James King, and the two immediately began working on early versions of the songs. Fitzpatrick envisioned a full band, in suits, with a female vocalist. King recommended vocalist Noelle Scaggs. Five phone calls later, the Tantrums were assembled, out of college contacts of Fitzpatrick and King. They played their first rehearsal a week later, and instantly clicked. "We could have played a show that same night," recalled Fitzpatrick. They performed their first show at Hollywood's Hotel Café in December 2008, which Fitzpatrick booked one week after their first rehearsal. The group recorded their debut EP, "Songs for a Breakup, Vol. 1", at Fitzpatrick's home in Los Angeles, which he dubbed Dillon Street Studios. Fitzpatrick used his technical skills he honed to engineer the EP himself. Formerly a studio engineer, Fitzpatrick spent the bulk of his professional career behind the scenes, working with producer Mickey Petralia, who produced Beck, Ladytron, Flight of the Conchords, and The Dandy Warhols. The band began to constant airplay on Los Angeles public radio station KCRW. The group had many notable early promoters. "Adam Levine from Maroon 5 was in New York to get a tattoo and his favorite tattoo artist had downloaded the record after hearing us on KCRW," explained Fitzpatrick. "He told Adam, 'you gotta hear this band.'" A week and a half later, Fitz & The Tantrums were opening for Maroon 5 on their college tour. Daryl Hall, of Hall & Oates fame, invited the band to perform on his popular web-series "Live from Daryl's House". "I walked back into the kitchen of his big old house in upstate New York and his mother was there," recalled Fitzpatrick. "She said, 'Fitz, come over here. You sound just like my son!'" The entire foundation of the band from the start was a do it yourself approach. "Nobody was really giving us the time of day in any shape or form," recalled Fitzpatrick. "We just honed our own road, started playing before we even had songs to play, and developed our own fan base organically." The ethic was running out of steam by the time they became one of the major buzz bands at 2010's SXSW, where they ran out of money and resources amid congratulations from fans. However, their last SXSW gig was a show for Dangerbird Records. The following morning, the label's president called a meeting. In April 2010, Dangerbird signed the group, who immediately announced the album title, "Pickin' Up the Pieces", and a promise that it would deliver "a burst of effervescent swingers." “The label is literally around the block from my house,” Fitzpatrick said. Recording. The band recorded the entire debut in Fitzpatrick's living room, as they couldn't afford to go into a studio. The band did not soundproof the room, instead desiring to "just go with it," which produced a sense of familiarity. "It let us have this more family, laid-back approach, and to be able to really take the time to do what we wanted in the way that we wanted," said Fitzpatrick. Focusing on strong songwriting as his influences did, Fitzpatrick desired to achieve a collective energy with the new group, and set a goal to capture "even just a little bit" of the magic of Motown and Stax recordings. He also credits the organ's esoteric properties for the band's sound. Fitzpatrick has described Motown as "the greatest period of songwriting in music ever," but used it as a jumping off point. The band's eclectic musical tastes are reflected in the music of the album. Fitzpatrick, also a fan of Radiohead and Jeff Buckley, desired not to make a "carbon copy" of the soul sound, but instead give it their own spin. "We wanted to see if we could capture the way those records sounded and at the same time push it forward," said Fitzpatrick. Many of the arrangements and instrument choices are "possibly out of the norm," and the group wanted to give some tracks hip hop feel. Also weaved into the music are 1980s influences, from The Jam to Talking Heads to The Style Council. Fitzpatrick wanted to create a juxtaposition between the fun sound of the music and angry, biting lyrics. Music and lyrics. "Pickin' Up the Pieces" features soul and pop styles. Its sound mostly comprises vintage organ, crisp drums, handclaps, saxophone, which the band used as a substitute for guitar, and aggressive vocals, including passionate exhortations by Fitzpatrick. Mark Deming of Allmusic views that the album's music gravitates toward the "refined sounds of classic-era Motown, and the East Coast and Chicago styles that informed Northern soul," writing that, "while these songs show a strong and obvious influence of classic '60s soul, there's more than a dash of contemporary pop in the way the hooks make themselves felt, the stylish layers of backing vocals, and the occasional use of drum loops." BBC Music's Paul Lester finds both the song titles and "the lyrics (with their allusions to holdin’ on and walking on by)" to be "steeped in the lexicon of classic R&B." Jay Trachtenberg of "The Austin Chronicle" characterizes Fitzpatrick as a "blue-eyed soul" singer and adds that Noelle Scaggs "provides vocal fortification up front." Critical reception. "Pickin' Up the Pieces" received generally positive reviews from music critics. At Metacritic, which assigns a normalized rating out of 100 to reviews from mainstream critics, the album received an average score of 74, based on 10 reviews. Allmusic's Mark Deming called it a "solid album" and commended the band for "cut[ting] an impressive groove without cluttering up the arrangements or depending too strongly on their influences to convincingly conjure the sound of the classic era of soul." "Q" observed "enough retro fizz to get any party started." Jonathan Donaldson of the "Boston Phoenix" commented that "Fitz[patrick] and dynamic co-vocalist Noelle Scaggs inject life and fun into the Tantrums' retro temptations". Ann Powers of the "Los Angeles Times" felt that Fitzpatrick's "punky attitude ... makes the sound fresh" and stated, "There's a certain sameness to the songs' tempos and arrangements here, but in general the hooks catch and the energy feels genuine." "Alternative Press" praised the "recording expertise" and "deceptively analog sound", writing that, "Sonically and lyrically, this is a pristine, soulful pop resurgence, without a moment of filler." In a mixed review, Michael Hann of "The Guardian" felt that the album's "expert pastiche of classic soul" lacks a "sense of passionate involvement ... the very thing that lifts retro soul beyond pastiche." Chris Martins of "The A.V. Club" found its songs formulaic and criticized the band as "bathetic and actorly". Barry Walters of "Spin" also found it "less finessed" lyrically, but praised Fitzpatrick and Scaggs' singing and stated, "what sets Michael Fitzpatrick and his L.A. crew apart is their mastery of Motown-esque melodies."

beginning place

2260-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=762618

Gender transitioning is the process of changing one's gender presentation and/or sex characteristics to accord with one's internal sense of gender identity – the idea of what it means to be a man or a woman, or to be non-binary or genderqueer. (Non-binary people's internal sense of gender identity is neither solely female nor male.) For transgender and transsexual people, this process commonly involves reassignment therapy (which may include hormone replacement therapy and sex reassignment surgery), with their gender identity being opposite that of their birth-assigned sex and gender. Transitioning might involve medical treatment, but it does not always involve it. Cross-dressers, drag queens, and drag kings tend not to transition, since their variant gender presentations are (usually) only adopted temporarily. Transition begins with a decision to transition, prompted by the feeling that one's gender identity does not match the sex that one was assigned at birth. One of the most common parts of transitioning is coming out for the first time. Transitioning is a process that can take anywhere between several months and several years. Some people, especially non-binary or genderqueer people, may spend their whole life transitioning and may redefine and re-interpret their gender as time passes. Transitioning generally begins where the person feels comfortable: for some, this begins with their family with whom they are intimate and reaches to friends later or may begin with friends first and family later. Sometimes transitioning is at different levels between different spheres of life. For example, someone may transition far with family and friends before even coming out at work. Terminology. "Transitioning" is sometimes confused with sex reassignment surgery (SRS), but that is only one possible element of transitioning. Many people who transition choose not to have SRS, or do not have the means to do so. Whereas SRS is a surgical procedure, transitioning is more holistic and usually includes physical, psychological, social, and emotional changes. Some transgender and non-binary people have little or no desire to undergo surgery to change their body but will transition in other ways. "Passing" refers to being perceived and accepted by other people in a manner consistent with one's own gender identity. This can be one aspect of transitioning, though some transgender people may choose to purposely not pass. Not passing, in this case, can bring about a variety of negative consequences, including misgendering, violence, abuse, and refusal from medical professionals to deliver appropriate services. "Going full-time" refers to a person living one's everyday life as the gender one identifies with. One's passing can be limited by safety, legal or bodily restraints. For instance, someone who has worked at a job as female may feel they cannot safely present as male and may switch jobs instead. Mental health professionals who go by the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) Standards of Care for the Health of Transsexual, Transgender, and Gender Nonconforming People do not normally require a patient to go full-time for at least a year (a period of time generally referred to as the "real-life experience" () or "real-life test" (), but mental health professionals who do not adhere to these guidelines do, before recommending surgery. "Going stealth" means to live as a gender without other people realising a person is transgender. Trans people often go stealth in public but not with family, partners, or intimate friends. There have been many cases of people who have lived and worked as a gender identity different from their gender assigned at birth. See for some examples. A "social transition" is the aspects of transition involving social, cosmetic, and legal changes, without regard to medical interventions. People who socially transition may ask others to refer to them by their preferred name and pronouns, and some may legally change their name. "Detransitioning" is the process of changing one's gender presentation and/or sex characteristics back to accord with one's assigned sex. Detransitioning has also been called "retransitioning", though retransitioning can also mean transitioning again after detransitioning. Various aspects. Transitioning is a complicated process that involves any or all of the gendered aspects of a person's life, which include aesthetics, social roles, legal status, and biological aspects of the body. People may choose elements based on their own gender identity, body image, personality, finances, and sometimes the attitudes of others. A degree of experimentation is used to know what changes best fit them. Transitioning also varies between cultures and subcultures according to differences in the societies' views of gender. Social, psychological, and aesthetic aspects. The social process of transitioning begins with coming out, that is, informing other individuals that one identifies as transgender. From there, the newly out trans person may adopt a new name, and they may ask others to refer to them using a set of pronouns different from before; for example, a trans man would ask to be referred to as "he" rather than "she", or a genderqueer/non-binary person might ask to be referred to as "they" or by "gender-bending" pronouns such as "ze". Personal relationships often take on different dynamics in accordance with gender; what was once an opposite-gender relationship is now a same-gender one, and vice versa. Gender roles and social expectations often change as the transition progresses. Aesthetics and fashion are also a common consideration for transitioning. Transitioning people often alter what types of clothing and accessories they wear, have their hair styled differently, and adopt new grooming or makeup techniques to enhance their appearance. A person's ideas about gender in general also often change, which may affect their religious, philosophical and/or political beliefs. Legal aspects. Transgender people in many parts of the world can legally change their name to something consistent with their gender identity. Some regions also allow one's legal sex marker changed on documents such as driver licenses, birth certificates, and passports. The exact requirements vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction; some require sex reassignment surgery, while many do not. In addition, some states that require sex reassignment surgery will only accept "bottom surgery", or a genital reconstruction surgery, as a valid form of sex reassignment surgery, while other states allow other forms of gender confirmation surgery to qualify individuals for changing information on their birth certificates. In some U.S. states, it is also possible for transgender individuals to legally change their gender on their drivers license without having had any form of qualifying gender confirmation surgery. Also, some U.S. states are beginning to add the option of legally changing one's gender marker to X on legal documents, an option used by some non-binary people. Grieving gender identity. Over the course of a gender transition, people who are close to the transitioning individual may experience a sense of loss, and work through a grieving process. This type of loss is an ambiguous loss, characterized by feelings of grief where the item of loss is obscure. Feelings that arise are described as a way of seeing the person who is transitioning as the same, but different, or both present and absent.

minimal to zero ambition

1116-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8337489

The Northern Ontario Resource Trail (NORD) is the designation of two mainly gravel roads in the Canadian province of Ontario. One road travels north from Pickle Lake to the northern shore of Windigo Lake. The second road travels north from Nankina to Marten Falls. Both link several winter roads and ice roads that serve communities in extreme Northern Ontario with the provincial highway system. The first of the Pickle Lake–Windigo Lake Road, as far as the Otoskwin River, also held the tertiary highway designation of Highway 808 within the provincial highway system from 1966 to 1983. Route description. Pickle Lake. Although this road is well-maintained year-round, it is extremely lightly travelled, and is in a very remote section of the province. Motorists should stock up on supplies in Pickle Lake, and be prepared for remote bush travel. It is recommended to fill up on gasoline and supplies, and check weather conditions before travelling down this road, since there are no gas stations or any other services on the Northern Ontario Resource Trail north of Pickle Lake. A spare tire is also a good idea, as it may be at least several hours before assistance can arrive. Cellular phones are useless in this area, since there are no nearby cell phone relay towers in the wilderness. Caution must be used while driving as well, as there are some steep grades on the route. Although the speed limit is 80 km/h (50 mph), there are many sections where such a speed cannot be maintained. Communities served. The Northern Ontario Resource Trail serves several communities via ice/winter roads that branch from it: History. Pickle Lake. The Trail first started out as an extension of Highway 599, north of Pickle Lake. It was extended to the Otoskwin River in 1966, and was 60 km long (excluding southern parts of Highway 599). On December 6, 1966, the northernmost 60 km portion of Highway 599 from Pickle Lake to the Otoskwin River was re-designated as Highway 808. This designation lasted until 1983, when it was decommissioned as an official Provincial Highway. The southernmost three km of the trail is paved, while the remaining length is gravel. The road is maintained year-round, due to its importance as a connection to natural resources sites and to ice/winter roads connecting remote First Nations communities in the Kenora District.

isolated area

2426-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1672889

The solderability of a substrate is a measure of the ease with which a soldered joint can be made to that material. Good solderability requires wetting (low contact angle) of the substrate by the solder. Of metals. Solderability varies depending on the type of solder alloy under discussion. The discussion that follows applies only to unspecified electronic solders (which may include solders that contain lead, now banned for use in nearly all electronic equipment made or sold in the EU). Solderability when using lead-free alloys can differ significantly from solderability when using lead based alloys. Noble metals may be easy to solder but they have brittle joints. The metals in the good category require a large amount of heat therefore oxidation is an issue. To overcome this a flux is required. For carbon steel, low alloy steel, zinc, and nickel the presence of sulfur creates a brittle joint; lower temperatures are used to minimize this problem. The oxides on the surface of aluminium cause wetting issues and special solders must be used to prevent galvanic corrosion issues. Stainless steel and high alloy steel have a low solderability because the chromium alloying element creates oxides that require aggressive fluxes. The only way that the final category of metals can be soldered is by pre-plating them in a metal that is solderable. Testing solderability. Both quantitative and qualitative tests for solderability exist. The two most common testing methods are the 'dip and look' method and wetting balance analysis. In both of these tests, the soldered pieces undergo an accelerated aging process before being tested for solderability, to take into consideration the time a component was in storage prior to mounting to final assembly. The dip and look method is a qualitative test. One form of it is specified as Mil-Std-883 Method 2003. On the other hand, the wetting balance analysis is a quantitative test that measures the wetting forces between molten solder and the test surface as a function of time.

suitable group

10305-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=13010380

Dr. Balaji Sadasivan ( or ; 11 July 1955 – 27 September 2010) was a Singaporean politician and neurosurgeon of Indian ancestry. He attended Raffles Institution, Siglap Secondary School and National Junior College, and studied medicine at the University of Singapore. After graduating in 1979, he continued his education at the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow, becoming a Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons (F.R.C.S.) in 1984. He also trained at the Henry Ford Hospital in Detroit, Michigan, from 1985 to 1989, and became a Fellow of Harvard University in 1990. He worked as a neurosurgeon until 2001, publishing over 50 book chapters and journal articles. In 2001 Balaji was elected to the Parliament of Singapore for the Cheng San–Seletar division of the Ang Mo Kio Group Representation Constituency. From then until his death he served as Minister of State for the Ministry of the Environment (2001–2003), Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Transport (2001–2004); and subsequently Senior Minister of State for the Ministry of Health (2004–2006), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2006–2010) and Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts (2004–2008). In 2007, he was appointed Chairman of the Executive Board of the World Health Organization. In March 2008, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong reshuffled his Cabinet, from which time Balaji retained only his portfolio at the Foreign Affairs Ministry until his death in 2010. Balaji also served as President of the Asian Australasian Society of Neurological Surgeons, Singapore Indian Development Association (SINDA) and the Singapore Indian Education Trust, Chairman of the Indian Heritage Centre Steering Committee and a member of the National Art Gallery Implementation Steering Committee, Chairman of the National HIV/AIDS Policy Committee, a member of the National Steering Committee on Racial and Religious Harmony, an advisor to the Tamil Language Council and the People's Association Indian Activity Executive Committee Co-ordinating Council, a member of the Singapore Industrial and Services Employees' Union Council of Advisors, and Honorary Advisor to the Singapore Furniture Industries Council. In addition, he was an honorary member of the Singapore Medical Association. Early years and education. Balaji Sadasivan was born on 11 July 1955 in Singapore, the son of Indian immigrants. A student at Raffles Institution, Siglap Secondary School (1969–1971) and National Junior College (1972–1973), he subsequently studied medicine at the University of Singapore. In his second year, he won an essay competition organised by the World Health Organization (WHO) and received the opportunity to attend a healthcare workshop in Minamata, Japan, where he learned about the devastating effects of Minamata disease, a neurological syndrome caused by severe mercury poisoning. This led him to specialise in neurosurgery later on, which was not a popular discipline at the time. In 1979, Sadasivan graduated with a Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery (M.B.B.S. ), and two years later embarked on further studies at the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow, becoming a Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons (F.R.C.S.) in 1984. He trained at the Henry Ford Hospital in Detroit, Michigan, between 1985 and 1990, obtaining a diploma from the American Board of Neurology Surgery and becoming a fellow at Harvard University in 1990. He also worked at Brigham and Women's Hospital, a teaching affiliate of Harvard, and at the Children's Hospital Boston in Boston, Massachusetts. In 1997, he obtained a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B. (Hons.)) from the University of London. Career. Balaji joined Tan Tock Seng Hospital as a consultant neurosurgeon in 1991, where he reorganised the way stroke patients were treated, arranged for the neurosurgical intensive care unit to be computerised, introduced stereotactic brachytherapy for dealing with brain tumours, and chaired the National Neuroscience Institute's planning committee. In 1994, he moved into private practice at Gleneagles Hospital, establishing the first stereotactic radiosurgical treatment system driven by a linear particle accelerator in Singapore. He also worked with medical device manufacturer Siemens to develop image-guided surgical systems. He published more than 50 scientific papers and chapters in neurology books. Balaji left the medical profession to stand as a People's Action Party (PAP) candidate in the 2001 general election for the Cheng San–Seletar division of the Ang Mo Kio Group Representation Constituency (GRC). The electoral division, helmed by the Lee Hsien Loong (who became Prime Minister on 12 August 2004), was not contested, and Balaji was declared elected to Parliament on 25 October 2001. He was regarded as one of the "Super Seven" Members of Parliament who were made officeholders upon election, and served as Minister of State for the Ministry of the Environment (23 November 2001 – 11 May 2003), Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Transport (both 23 November 2001 – 11 August 2004). He was Senior Minister of State for the Ministry of Health from 12 August 2004 to 29 May 2006, handling matters such as the extension of the Human Organ Transplant Act to Muslims and the 2003–2004 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak. He also worked to combat the spread of HIV, advocating education about the disease in schools and workplaces, and early and regular HIV testing. He brought in universal antenatal testing for HIV, and spoke out against discrimination on the ground of HIV status. For his constituents, he set up the Cheng San–Seletar Neighbourhood Club, and petitioned the Housing and Development Board for the lease of the Seletar Hills market, due to be torn down, to be extended. He also conceived an active ageing centre in Ang Mo Kio Town Garden East, which was slated to open in 2010. Ang Mo Kio GRC was contested by the Workers' Party of Singapore in the general election of 2006, and Balaji retained his seat, the PAP winning with 66.14% of the votes polled in the constituency. Sadasivan acted as Senior Minister of State for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts from 30 May 2006 to 31 March 2008. In May 2007, he was appointed Chairman of the WHO Executive Board, the first time a Singaporean had been so elected since the nation became a member of WHO. During his term, he dealt with issues such as global health development, pandemic preparedness (including the 2009 H1N1 flu pandemic), non-communicable diseases and climate change. Later years. Balaji was diagnosed with colorectal cancer and underwent surgical removal of a malignant tumour in 2008. He relinquished his Information, Communications and the Arts portfolio with effect from 1 April 2008, remaining as Senior Minister of State for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Balaji also served as President of the Singapore Indian Development Association (from March 2009) and the Singapore Indian Education Trust, Chairman of the Indian Heritage Centre Steering Committee and a member of the National Art Gallery Implementation Steering Committee, Chairman of the National HIV/AIDS Policy Committee, a member of the National Steering Committee on Racial and Religious Harmony, an advisor to the Tamil Language Council and the People's Association Indian Activity Executive Committee Co-ordinating Council, a member of the Singapore Industrial and Services Employees' Union Council of Advisors, and Honorary Advisor to the Singapore Furniture Industries Council. On 8 May 2010, he was made an honorary member of the Singapore Medical Association. Following a relapse of his cancer, Balaji died in his sleep on 27 September 2010 at 1:50 a.m. at the age of 55 years, having suffered internal bleeding the previous night. He is survived by his wife, Dr. Ma Swan Hoo, his son Dharma Yongwen and daughter Anita Jiawen, and five siblings. On 18 October 2010 during a sitting of Parliament, Abdullah Tarmugi, Speaker of the Parliament of Singapore, and Mah Bow Tan, Leader of the House, paid tribute to Balaji in the presence of his widow and children, Mah saying "We have lost a dear friend and colleague and an outstanding Singaporean." Parliament then observed a minute's silence. Sadasivan's medical school classmates set up the Balaji Sadasivan Fund for Medical Undergraduates in his honour.

prominent schooling

1901-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=45296501

The Anglo-French Survey (1784–1790) was the geodetic survey to measure the relative position of Greenwich Observatory and the Paris Observatory via triangulation. The English operations, executed by William Roy, consisted of the measurements of bases at Hounslow Heath (1784) and Romney Marsh (1787), the measurements of the angles of the triangles (1787–1788) and finally the calculation of all the triangles (1788–1790). The survey is very significant as the first precise survey within Britain, and the forerunner of the work of the Ordnance Survey which was founded in 1791, one year after Roy's death. Cassini's memoir. Late in life, when he was 57, Roy was granted the opportunity to establish his lasting reputation in the world of geodesy. The opening came from a completely unexpected direction. In 1783 Cassini de Thury addressed a memoir to the Royal Society in which he expressed grave reservations of the measurements of latitude and longitude which had been undertaken at Greenwich Observatory. He suggested that the correct values might be found by combining the Paris Observatory figures with a precise trigonometric survey between the two observatories. (The French surveys had already been carried out in the course of the preparation of the .) This criticism was roundly rejected by Nevil Maskelyne who was convinced of the accuracy of the Greenwich measurements but, at the same time, he realised that Cassini's memoir provided a means of promoting government funding for a survey which would be valuable in its own right. Approval was granted and Sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Society, proposed that Roy should lead the project. Roy gladly accepted and set matters in motion by submitting to the Crown a grossly-underestimated budget for manpower (by far the largest element) and new precision instruments to be constructed by Jesse Ramsden. The whole project is described in Roy's three large articles in the "Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London" in 1785, 1787 and 1790. There are shorter accounts of the project in the "History of the Royal Engineers" by Porter and in every history of the Ordnance Survey, particularly the book by Seymour and also that by Owen and Pilbeam. The Hounslow Heath base, 1784. The first task of any survey is to establish a baseline and, after a search by Roy and three other members of the Royal Society on 16 April, they fixed upon the heart of what was mainly still common land, the western swathe of Hounslow Heath. This was a near-uniform descent from AOD between King's Arbour (memorialised by a replica cannon outside of the Northern Perimeter Road of Heathrow airport) and a point in the fields of Hampton Poor-house, five miles and one thousand feet to the south-east. The direction was first chosen to suit the lie of the land, but it was seen to almost coincide with the telescopic view toward the steeple of All Saints' church in Banstead, about 12 miles away, and it was therefore made to coincide exactly with that direction: it is shown as a blue line on the map, inset. The ground was cleared of bushes and a preliminary measurement of the line was carried out with a 100 ft. steel chain of 100 links prepared by Jesse Ramsden. It was the intention to measure more accurately with a set of three calibrated deal rods manufactured as 20 ft. in length. Three were supported on trestles and the ends aligned to an accuracy of a thousandth part of an inch. The first rod was then carried to the end of the third, an operation to be repeated 1370 times. Unfortunately the deal rods had to be abandoned because of their susceptibility to lengthen and shorten in wet weather, and they were replaced by those one-inch-thick made of glass. The rods were not affected by humidity but it was key to correct for thermal expansion. There was also a correction to sea level since the calculation of the survey was referred to that height. The final measurement gives the length of the base as 27404.01 ft. The measurement of the baseline to such a high standard of precision was a remarkable achievement and in recognition the Royal Society awarded Roy the Copley Medal in 1785. In 1784 the ends of the baseline were marked by the central axes of two vertical wooden pipes over which the theodolite was centred for measurements from the base: the pipes could also support flagstaffs as markers when the base was sighted from other stations (or one end from another). After the resurvey in 1791 the pipes were replaced by cannons which are still in place although it is certain that the cannons have been disturbed and slightly moved over the intervening years. The modern locations of the southeast end points is in Roy Grove, Hampton. The northwest end at Heathrow Airport is situated on the northern perimeter road. Plaques adjacent to the cannons read as follows: <br>THIS TABLET WAS AFFIXED IN 1926 TO COMMEMORATE THE 200TH <br> ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF MAJOR GENERAL WILLIAM ROY F.R.S., <br> BORN 4TH MAY 1726 – DIED 1ST JULY 1790.<br> HE CONCEIVED THE IDEA OF CARRYING OUT THE TRIANGULATION OF THIS<br> COUNTRY AND OF CONSTRUCTING A COMPLETE AND ACCURATE MAP, AND <br>THEREBY LAID THE FOUNDATION OF THE ORDNANCE SURVEY.<br> THIS GUN MARKS THE S.E. TERMINAL OF THE BASE WHICH WAS MEASURED IN 1784 <br>UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF GENERAL ROY, AS PART OF THE<br> OBSERVATIONS FOR DETERMINING THE RELATIVE POSITIONS OF THE<br> GREENWICH AND PARIS OBSERVATORIES – THIS MEASUREMENT WAS<br> RENDERED POSSIBLE BY THE MUNIFICENCE OF H.M. KING GEORGE III, WHO<br> INSPECTED THE WORK ON 21ST AUGUST 1784.<br> THE BASE WAS MEASURED AGAIN IN 1791 BY CAPTAIN MUDGE, AS THE<br> COMMENCEMENT OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIANGULATION OF GREAT BRITAIN.<br> LENGTH OF BASE – REDUCED TO M.S.L.<br> • AS MEASURED BY ROY – 27404.01 FEET<br> • AS MEASURED BY MUDGE – 27404.24 FEET<br> • DETERMINED BY CLARKE IN 1858 IN TERMS OF THE ORDNANCE SURVEY<br> STANDARD 01 – 27406.19 FEET Waiting for Ramsden. Once the baseline had been measured Roy was keen to press on with the triangulation as soon as possible but he was thwarted by Ramsden's failure to produce the new theodolite. This led to a certain amount of acrimony and Roy went so far as to accuse Ramsden of being remiss and dilatory—in public and in his next report in the "Philosophical Transactions". The 1787 report is witness to how Roy occupied himself whilst waiting for the theodolite. The first section deals with the proposed route of the survey. Greater accuracy is achieved if the triangles are kept regular in shape, and the figure shows that most are close to equilateral, with departures only where the triangles step down in size toward the bases and where they have to stretch over the Channel. Typical sides are about 20 miles but the lines which cross the Channel are up to 45 miles in length. The second part of the report is a thorough examination of the results of Cassini's survey of France between Paris and Dunkirk. The third part includes a comparison of seven models for the Figure of the Earth, deduced from both meridian arcs and pendulum experiments, and he goes on to propose further meridian arcs in India and Russia, as well as an arc of longitude at the equator. Finally, he makes a plea for the continuation of the survey to the rest of Great Britain. The triangulation, 1787. Ramsden's theodolite was eventually delivered in the summer of 1787, and all haste was made to complete as much as possible before winter. The first triangles were from the ends of the base to Hanger Hill Tower in Ealing and St Ann's Hill in Chertsey, with an additional sight to Windsor Castle from the NW end only. Thus two angles were measured at the SE end of the base and four angles at the NW end. The theodolite was then moved to Hanger Hill where the ends of the base line were observed from the other direction and another three new sight lines established to Greenwich Observatory, Upper Norwood and Hundred Acres (Banstead). In this way the mesh of triangles was extended down towards the coast where sights could be made on some of the French stations that had been measured in the course of Cassini's triangulation. The figure below shows the actual triangulation, the relief making the structure more understandable. Note the second base at Romney Marsh. By comparing the measured length with the length as calculated through the triangulation mesh it was possible to assess the accuracy of the framework. The process seems deceptively simple but it demanded much in the way of perseverance and organisation. Once the theodolite was on a station, signal men were sent to all the other stations that were to be observed from that point, typically five or six stations but as many as 10 in the case of Fairlight Head. For short distances a simple flagstaff would suffice but for the longer sights it was necessary to use lights at night. The brightest lights, so called "white lights," were obtained by burning an incendiary mixture that lasted for a short time only. The cross-channel use of these lights entailed careful timing arrangements which could take into account the vagaries of the weather and pocket watches. At many stations, for the theodolite or signals, it was necessary to raise the instrument on a portable tower over 30 ft. high. The tower had two components: an inner frame supported the instrument and the outer supported the observers, thus minimising the disturbance to the instrument. The final report. The final report of 1790 presents figures for the distance between Paris and Greenwich as well as the precise latitude, longitude and height of the British triangulation stations. Throughout the survey Roy took every opportunity to fix the position of as many secondary landmarks as possible in the hope that they would be used as a basis for future topographic surveys from which new maps could be prepared for the counties of Middlesex, Surrey, Kent and Sussex. In fact these counties were re-surveyed during the course of the Principal Triangulation of Great Britain which commenced in 1791, one year after he died. At the time of his death he was correcting the final proofs of his report and the work was brought to a conclusion by Isaac Dalby, a senior civilian employee of the Board of Ordnance who had organised the calculations of the triangles.

1000 unit

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5582300

Christy Lijewski (born 1981 in Baltimore, Maryland) is an American comic book artist and illustrator who specializes in OEL manga. Life and career. Christy Lijewski was born in 1981 in Baltimore, Maryland, United States. As a young girl, she wanted to study paleontology, but decided to be a cartoonist after reading a comic during her middle-school years. A fan of American comic books, she enjoyed comics as an artistic medium, but did not feel a connection to the superhero stories. She watched a copy of the magical girl anime (Japanese animated cartoon) "Sailor Moon", and became interested in anime and manga (Japanese comics). She found manga appealing, because of the wide range of narrative genres. She graduated from Savannah College of Art and Design with a Bachelor of Fine Arts in Sequential Art. Her short story "Doors" won a runner-up place in Tokyopop's 2004 Rising Stars of Manga contest. Inspired by her "vivid dreams," "Doors" focuses on two people, twenty-two-year-old Retrab and twenty-year-old Markesh, as they search for a door in a fantasy world. They eventually find one, but it is meant only for Retrab. Upon going through the door, she awakens in a hospital from a coma while Markesh is still comatose. Although this meant that the Lijewski did not win the guaranteed contract with Tokyopop, it did bring her work into the public. "Doors" was also the genesis of Lijewski's series "Next Exit", which Slave Labor Graphics began to publish in 2004. "Next Exit" is an expanded version of the story in "Doors", the two even sharing the main characters Retrab and Markesh. She was then one of a few runner up artists to enter a deal publishing with Tokyopop, and has written "RE:Play" as an entirely new series for release.

second-best finish

7594-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18107496

True Market Value is a term commonly used for a Real Estate e-auctions or online auction, as it creates transparency for the buyers and ensure that the seller maximises the price of the property to the true market value. The transparency creates a fair deal for all parties and is auditable if any twists around the deal should arise. History. The concept is still not widely spread in the real-estate business, as it has only really been used from 2010 and onwards. From 2010 to 2014 there are some Lead User companies who have used this for their corporate real estate divestments. One example is A.P. Moller Maersk Group, who successfully have done this in North America, Latin America, and Europe. The Concept. Buyers of real-estate are often presented with a situation where multiple buyers are interested in the same property. This creates uncertainties that can be split into: By utilising a forward e-auction for the conclusion of the sales process and deal only real and approved buyers participate, so no faking another bid or bluff is needed, which removes one of the uncertainties for the buyer. During the online auction the buyer can see the lead bid and will be able to adjust it as the auction progresses, therefore the winning price will be clear for all and the buyer will not have to guess what offers is the right to win. The time spend is usually not more than a couple of hours which means that if the auction is not won, the time spend is much lower compared to the conventional negotiations. The fact that it is an online auction the bidding can be done in front of any computer which minimises travel time to and from the real estate agent. Most common approach is to use a 3rd party consultant to ensure that the real estate agent can prove that the process have been conducted fair and that ethics of the online auction is maintained.

just treatment

12432-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2925980

Roberts Cycles is a custom bicycle frame building business, originally located in Selhurst near Croydon, South London, now located in East Sussex, England. Beginning soon after World War II, Charles (Charlie) Benjamin Roberts was a frame-builder for Holdsworth, Claud Butler and Freddie Grubb. In the 1960s, he founded Roberts Cycles at the family home in Sydenham - he was joined in the workshop by his eldest son Charles, and then by his youngest son Geoff. In 1979, Charlie Roberts died unexpectedly and Charles, began managing the business (which by then had moved from Sydenham to Anerley, South London) with his brother, Geoff and Derek Bailey continuing to build frames. The shop at Gloucester Road, Croydon was closed at the end of May 2015. Charles Roberts (Chas, the eldest son) then left the business. Roberts Cycles, relocated to the Sussex coast, where Geoff Roberts continues the family business, Roberts Cycles, building and repairing frames Production was limited by capacity to 100 steel frames per year, and they were made in a bespoke manner to the dimensions, mass and equipment specification requirements of the customer. A mixture of Reynolds and Columbus tubing was used in construction, which was all completed in-house. Painting was originally done in house, but was then outsourced and completed to a high standard. The frames and completed cycles not only have a reputation for innovation and excellence, but for the quality of finish, reliability and comfort. The range includes bicycles built specifically for competition (road race,track) recreational (tandems, tricycles, mountain bikes, touring). Bicycles bearing the name Roberts, are all hand made in Sussex, by Geoff Roberts, using steel tube sets. Complete bicycles, or frames, can be built to customer specifications, can be built to the exact specific requirements of the customer. Early history. Charles (Charlie) Benjamin Roberts was born in 1920. He entered the cycle trade, at the then not unusual age of 14, working for Charlie Davey in Croydon. Davey, a successful cyclist in the 1920s, owned a shop in Addiscombe Road (Davey Cycles) and helped finance the Allin and Grubb business (South London bike builders) in 1919. Other builders that Charlie Roberts worked for, all in South London, included Claud Butler, Freddie Grubb and Holdsworth. Contemporaries of Roberts at Claud Butler and Holdsworth included Les Ephgrave, Fred Dean, Bill Hurlow, George Stratton, Pat Skeates and Bill Philbrook – most of whom, like Roberts, subsequently set up workshops of their own. During the war Roberts joined the Royal Air Force as a mechanic. Post-war he returned to frame building, primarily for Holdsworthy (the minor name change was the result of a split in Holdsworth into Holdsworthy and W.F. Holdsworth), where he became foreman and later works manager. Like many of his contemporaries in the cycle trade (including Freddie Grubb and Charlie Davey), Roberts was also a competitive racing cyclist. His specialty was time trials and, according to the records of Addiscombe Cycling Club, founded by Charlie Davey in 1906, he held the Southern Road Racing Association 12 hour record from 1940 until 1959 as well as setting the South Eastern 12 hour record in 1946. While formally registered with the club, from 1940–1947, he notched up nine first places, six second places and five third places in time trials. Roberts Cycles, 21 Trewsbury Road, Sydenham. Charlie left Holdsworthy in 1963 or 1964 to set up his own business. Initially all the work took place in the cellar of the Roberts family home in 21 Trewsbury Road, Sydenham and this address featured on the head crest of early Roberts frames. The CR monogram in the crest, which remains the firm’s trademark, was inspired (& designed by his youngest son Geoff Roberts) by the logo once used by local football club Crystal Palace. Charlie was friends with John Pratt, then owner of Geoffrey Butler Cycles of South End, Croydon, and this led to him using a shed at the back of the Geoffrey Butler shop; his son Geoff worked with him there. Roberts-built custom frames were then sold through GB Cycles, and GB branding also appeared on Roberts-built frames. Roberts also built trade frames for W.F. Holdsworth (then owned by yet another ex-Holdsworthy staffer, Roy Thame) and Condor Cycles (Gray’s Inn Road, London). Although working in GB's shed, Roberts frames still carried the original crest encircled by the same Trewsbury Road home address. Most of the frames built in the 1960s were road racing, track and touring frames. Charlie’s sons Chas and Geoff were brought into the business at an early age, and both worked on building carrier racks and lug filing and drilling for three to five years before Geoff Roberts graduated to frame building. His elder brother, Chas Roberts never built frames, he managed the business after Charlie's death in 1979, until he left the business in 2015. Geoff Roberts is the sole family member (and owner) of Roberts Cycles. He continues the family business Roberts Cycles to this day from his East Sussex workshop. East Dulwich and Forest Hill. Outgrowing the shed at Geoffrey Butler’s, the Roberts workshop moved to East Dulwich but continued to use the Trewsbury Road address on head badges. Business was evidently good because Charlie and his sons were joined in the workshop by Derek Bailey, an experienced builder from Holdsworthy. Meanwhile, Charlie Roberts’ friend John Pratt had sold Geoffrey Butler’s and decided to open a new shop in Forest Hill, South London, called Phoenix Cycles. He invited Charlie Roberts to share the rent on what had been a funeral director’s premises and Charlie agreed to move his workshop again and to sell Roberts frames via the Phoenix shop. Frames built at Phoenix had either Phoenix or Roberts transfers – John Pratt recognised that Roberts was strong brand and sold bikes under both names. This was a period when the Roberts workshop pioneered innovative frame designs. A notable change from traditional frames with narrow ‘pencil’ seat stays was the use of chunkier section seat stays, initially on track frames, a style later followed by many builders in the 70s. Another unusual Roberts design was the curved split seat tube designed to accommodate a very short wheelbase for time trial bikes. Roberts cycles prospered at Phoenix, moving to a larger workshop at the same premises, but in 1976 John Pratt sold his business and Charlie Roberts, his sons Chas, Geoff and Derek Bailey moved from Forest Hill to new premises in nearby Penge. 87 Penge Road, Anerley. The move to the new address, 87 Penge Road, Anerley, was marked by inscribing it around the head crest used on frames. When Charlie Roberts died suddenly in 1979, his eldest son (Chas) began to manage the business with his brother (Geoff Roberts) and Derek Bailey as frame builders. They were joined by Phil Maynard, formerly of Holdsworthy, and later by Neil Brice, another Holdsworthy graduate. Bailey eventually departed for Canada. Production in Penge ran at around four to five frames per week. The business grew and they were able to buy the neighbouring shop. As demand from club cyclists increased, the quantity of frames built for the trade declined. The 1979 Roberts catalogue lists eight models including several touring bikes, a track bicycle, a time trial frame, several road bikes and a mixte frame. It also records Charlie Roberts’ racing record, noting that he was runner up in the BBAR, rode London to Paris in the late 40s and had victories in the Bath Road ‘50’ and ‘100’. One of the customers at the Penge shop was Maurice Burton, Britain’s first black professional cyclist, who won the UK junior sprint title in 1973 and represented England at the Commonwealth Games in 1974. For a period in the 1980s Roberts sponsored Burton supplying him with both road and track frames. The best known rider, however, to be using a Roberts bicycle, at the time was Tony Doyle, whose Ammaco-sponsored and liveried track bikes were built in the Roberts workshop. Doyle was World Pursuit Champion in 1980 and 1986. The introduction of new tubing ranges from Reynolds and Columbus (the Italian tubing maker) enabled Roberts to design frames with combinations of tubes from different makers, to suit varying purposes and riders – a mix-and-match approach that continues to this day. Roberts gained a reputation and customer base for time trial and low profile frames, and for club riders in South London Roberts became synonymous with cutting edge custom frame design. Croydon, 89 Gloucester Road and Cycle Art Bromley. In 1983 Chas Roberts transferred the works to 89 Gloucester Road, Croydon. The team now included Winston Vaz, another ex-employee of Holdsworthy. Geoff Roberts eventually left to set up his own business actually buying Ron Cooper's and working with Ron before moving to his current workshop in East Sussex - even after leaving, Geoff continued building Roberts frames. The workshop at Gloucester Road originally had no shopfront, so in 1985 Roberts Cycles, opened a shop in Bromley named Cycle Art; this shop was successful enough for Roberts to stay there beyond the initial short lease. A showroom to receive customers was also constructed at Gloucester Road. The 21st century, notably in London, was marked not only by a cycling boom but a retro fashion that saw hand-built steel frames prized highly. This boosted orders for Roberts track frames in particular, but road and touring frames also benefited. Roberts mountain bikes. Roberts were probably the first British frame builder to construct a US-style mountain bike in the early eighties. The 1980s MTB initiative came from Jake Heilbron, the manager of West Point Cycles in Vancouver and co-founder of Canada’s Rocky Mountain Bikes and Kona Bicycle Company. Heilbron was familiar with the heavyweight mountain bikes being used in California but wanted something lighter and sprightlier so he shipped a Californian style frame to Roberts, whom he knew through Cycle Imports of Maine, and asked them to make something similar. Roberts established a name for high-end mountain bike design. Their familiarity with lugless frame building made it relatively easy for Roberts to accommodate the new dimensions of tubing from Reynolds and Columbus as well as build frames with sloping top tubes – an innovation that was not available on any of the US or Far Eastern bikes for sale in the UK at the time. UK and off-road world champions were measured up for frames: both Dave Baker and Tim Gould rode Roberts-built frames to victory, although they were badged as Peugeots (their sponsor). The first Roberts mountain bike catalogue featured the top of the range White Spider (named after the north face of the Eiger), the mid-range Black Leopard, an off-road tourer, the Rough Stuff; and the Transcontinental, a long range tourer. Short-lived off-road models included the Cobra, Stratos and Phantom. One example of the White Spider was built as a companion bike for purchasers of Aston Martin cars – sprayed in a colour to match the owner’s car. After this Roberts developed one of their most sought-after models, the D.O.G.S.B.O.L.X, which featured a hooped rear end that dealt better with the stresses of rim brakes. The frame evolved over the years but most models were produced with Columbus Max biaxial tubing. As disc brakes became popular, steel frames fell out of fashion, but more recently in 2020 the design has been revisited and the DOGSBOLX 1Evo is once again in the range of bikes that Roberts Cycles (Geoff Roberts) produces in Sussex - The "1" is a reference to the 1x chainring that the bike employs and the "Evo" refers to the modern bolt-thru axle and disc brake configuration. Another design revisited recently is the Rough Stuff - the new RS 1Evo is a bespoke off-road adventure/gravel/touring frameset, produced from Roberts Cycles owner Geoff Roberts, in East Sussex. Road, touring and track. While Roberts set the pace in mountain bikes from Croydon, low profiles, road bikes and touring frames continued to be built from the 1980s and into the new century. International tourist and writer Josie Dew chose to ride a Roberts, giving the brand an unexpected boost. A low profile Aston Martin bicycle was built in collaboration with Mike Burrows (who built the Lotus frames for world champion Chris Boardman) with streamlined tubing and a streamlined seat tube – although Roberts had built "aero" tubed frames much earlier than this. In an interview with the authors of "Made in England" It was mentioned that Roberts bikes were built for royalty, but did not identify who these aristocratic customers were. More recently Geoff Roberts of Roberts Cycles produces the bespoke RR Evo - an up-to-date road frame that features bolt-thru axles, disc brakes and the lightest Columbus tubing. Touring bikes and lugged frames are both still available, in the East Sussex workshop, of Roberts Cycles.

top plume

1788-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1208140

Go game record is a game record for a game of Go. Kifu (棋譜) is the Japanese term for abstract strategy game record. In China, people named this kind of record "qipu" (. In Korea, people named this kind of record "Gibo" (). Go records are traditionally used to record games on a grid diagram, marking the plays on the points by numbers. History. The earliest surviving Go game records are collected by the book "Wangyou Qingle Ji" (), written by Li Yimin () around 1100 AD (Song dynasty). A large corpus – many thousands of games – of kifu records from the Edo period has survived. Quite a low proportion was published in book form; strong players used to make their own copies by hand of games to study. This accounts for one feature of the records passed down: they often omit much of the endgame, since for a strong player reconstructing the smaller endgame plays is routine. This explains the survival of some games in different versions, and possible discrepancies in the final margin. The early Western Go players found the method of kifu inconvenient, probably because as chess players they were more familiar with algebraic notation, and because as new players they found it difficult to locate moves. But they quickly discovered the advantages of kifu-style notation—as much as an entire game can be visually displayed in one diagram—and now virtually all Go books and magazines use some modification of the kifu to display games, variations and problems. While a typical piece of chess literature is in algebraic notation punctuated by occasional diagrams, Go literature mostly consists of diagrams with a sequence of plays marked, and prose commentary. The pioneering European player Oskar Korschelt disliked kifus because nineteenth century kifus always used Chinese numerals, which are indeed difficult to read unless one is familiar with them. Numbering in that style continued until 1945, having been popular in the 1930s on the basis of nationalist feeling in Japan. (Hindu-Arabic numerals were also used.) In Japanese Go books, when unoccupied points of the board are mentioned in the commentary, they are usually labelled by hiragana (in iroha order) to this day. Use. The playing-through on a Go board of a game record given as a kifu on a single diagram is still a little taxing for a beginner player, because the next move has to be found. An amateur "dan" player would expect to play through a game of normal length in around 20 minutes. A player of professional level would take ten minutes, and could easily sight-read a professional game from the kifu. Stronger players can locate plays more easily because they often know where the next move is likely to be found. In most games, a small number of plays are at intersections that were previously occupied (this happens, for example, during a ko fight). Annotations by the side of the kifu give this information, usually in the form '57 at 51' or something comparable. Game records are usually completed by information on the players' ranks, the date and competition data, location, winning player and margin of victory. Many of the most important games are now available in machine-readable form, using one of a small number of Go file formats. This has great advantages in terms of ease of playing through games, and lends itself well to database storage and archival. The common opinion is that playing games through on a board (rather than computer monitor) from a printed record is a qualitatively different experience. Other formats. Other notations. There is no other universally-recognised notation comparable to algebraic chess notation for Go. There are several methods in use, including Since the Go board is symmetrical with no particular sides, it makes no difference which corner is used as the reference point from which to count coordinates. Go file format. Go file formats are used to record the moves in a game of Go or for demonstrations, game reviews, and tsumego (Go problems). The most popular file format is SGF. Many Go programs can read, edit, and write this format. Kifus are not written in a file format for computers but are a written or printed diagrammatic record of a game.

loyalist notion

8044-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=58110109

The Balmoral Bathers Pavilion is a heritage-listed former bathers' pavilion and now retail building, cafe and restaurant located at The Esplanade, Balmoral in the Mosman Council local government area of New South Wales, Australia. It was designed by Alfred H. Hale, the Mosman Council Architect and Building Surveyor and built from 1928 to 1929 by Girvan Brothers, Master Builders. The property is owned by Mosman Council. It was added to the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 2 April 1999. History. Balmoral Bathing Pavilion was the product of a surge of interest in swimming that had begun in the 1890s. An increased public interest in swimming and the establishment of swimming clubs with a focus on competitive activities had encouraged a growth in baths and club facilities around Sydney. This led to demands for better beach access and better facilities for swimmers in the harbour and beachfront municipalities. To cater for the crowds flocking to their beaches, councils endowed with good beaches had to provide the desired facilities to keep up with the competition of neighbouring councils. In response to this beach culture and the expectation of more amidst the increasing affluence of the 1920s, councils built a rash of new sea walls, tidal walls, sea pools, change rooms, kiosks and facilities which have become so much a part of the identity of their locations, including Mosman's. This culminated with the grand pavilions of the 1930s, such as those at Balmoral and Bondi, which were completed during the darker days of the Great Depression. The 1920s and 30s saw great physical change at Balmoral beach. By the end of the 1930s the foreshores of Hunters Bay had been secured in public ownership through the exercise of new local government powers by Mosman Council and council funds had been committed to extensive improvements in the facilities and setting of new beach reserves. The Bathers Pavilion was constructed during 1928 and 1929. It stood on land that had previously been surveyed and developed for private residential lots. Resumptions during the 1920s brought it back into community ownership in such a way that the building eventually stood partly on dedicated public recreation land and partly on land owned in freehold by Mosman Council. The pavilion was designed by council architect and building surveyor, Alfred H. Hale. It had to meet with public requirements as well as be an ornament to the beach. Financing of the pavilion was a serious matter. In 1927, Council had gratefully accepted a donation of twenty pounds towards the construction of a "shelter pavilion" from FLR Ford. They had hoped that by publicising this offer others would be induced to follow the example, this does not appear to have happened. Girvan Brothers, Master Builders', tender of A£10,450 for construction of the pavilion was accepted on 24 July 1928, and the foundation stone was laid on 21 August 1928 by Alderman Harry Carter. In total, the construction of the Pavilion required Council to raise a loan of A£12,000, which was secured with the Commonwealth Bank at 6 per cent interest. The pavilion was officially opened on Wednesday 20 February 1929 by Mayor Alderman A. Buckle before a large gathering of citizens and visitors. These included Sir Thomas Henley and mayors of Lane Cove and North Sydney. Council intentions for the pavilion were brisk and business-like. It decided to lease the pavilion rather than manage the complex, considering that it would be difficult to maintain proper supervision and may become a financial burden. Tenders were called for a three-year lease of the pavilion from 21 February 1929. Mr R. C. Shearer, owner of the Balmoral Swimming Baths was announced as the successful tender. Tenders were also announced for the sub-lease of a portion of the pavilion for the sale of refreshments. This met with opposition from Balmoral shopkeepers. The new structure had not been entirely completed by the occupation of Mr Shearer and his business. Five pounds was deducted from his first rent installment by way of compensation for the inconvenience. He was further compensated for loss associated with damages sustained to clothing due to leakages in the roof. It is thought this may have referred to the caretakers' quarters. In 1932 tenders were called for alterations to the pavilion but plans, specifications and particulars have not survived. Tenders were called every three years for the lease of the building. Again no specific documentation relating to this survives. A sharp decline in use of the building's changing facilities saw council invite tenders for the use of the Balmoral Bathing Pavilion that were "in a manner compatible with the Balmoral area". A tender by Mr M. Knaef for a fifteen-year lease on the building that provided for its use as a restaurant in addition to the maintenance of the changing facilities was accepted by the council in 1967. The lease contained many clauses to establish that unless written consent was given, the building was not to be used other than as the Bather's pavilion, changing rooms, kiosk, and licensed restaurant with attendant facilities. In 1969 Mr Kanaef sought a ten-year extension to the current lease to cover his financial position. Mr Knaef did not commence work on the building until November 1969, but established his well known Misha's Restaurant, which was to confirm the pavilion's new status as a different kind of landmark. There was some community concern over the 1969 remodeling proposal and it became necessary for council to issue statements to quell these concerns. In 1986 the lease was transferred to Mr I. J. Boles of the Boles Group of Companies who purchased Misha's Seafood Restaurant Pty Ltd. Subsequently, some improvements were made. In August 1988 the lease was transferred to Victoria Alexander and Andrew Joseph who established Balmoral Bathers' Pavilion Pty Ltd. Major improvements were proposed, again sparking considerable local debate and controversy over the future of the building and its context. In 1989 Balmoral Bathers' Pavilion Pty Ltd lodged a Development Application seeking approval of the conversion of the pavilion into a ground floor restaurant with a private hotel of serviced apartments and conference facilities spread over the first floor and a new partial second floor. The site's zoning as Open Space Recreation (6a) would prevent this development. A Local Environment Plan (LEP) would be required to alter this. Council would also need the consent of the Lands Department, partial owner of the site, to advertise the proposal. The Department of Lands gave its consent for exhibition of the proposal and a draft LEP was prepared and exhibited in 1990. Two submissions were received, both against the proposal. Consultation with the Department of Planning resulted in the decision that the draft plan could not proceed. In the meantime, the council had found that the division of ownership of the site might constitute a legal impediment to the Plan. Some of the site under the Department of Lands' ownership was resumed in order to bring the entire pavilion under Mosman Council's control and it was rededicated to public purposes. This was finally effected in 1993, bringing the building into complete council ownership. By this time controversy over the building's fate had increased and on 8 June 1993 a public meeting voted to enlist the Heritage Council's assistance in placing a Permanent Conservation Order (PCO) on the site. The order was made on the 27 August 1993. Description. The pavilion is a two-storey, rendered brick construction of classic Mediterranean influence employing elements and finishes common to the "Spanish Mission" style. It is a broad, shallow U-shape - effectively an indented rectangle - opening onto the Esplanade on what is now perceived to be its rear western elevation, with its base, the eastern "front" elevation towards the Promenade. Central doorways in these major facades effectively divide the building into two halves. The building appears as a massive white pavilion surrounded by trees of the reserve which tend to screen the building from the Esplanade.. The cornice line of the walls is straight except for the curved parapets which denote each corner. A low central tower roofed with orange terracotta Marseilles tiles and notable for its leaning central flagpole, is set back to the western side where it surmounts the original central entry door. The building's elevations are divided into bays by plain attached pilasters. The longer elevations, divided by the central doorways, are arrayed as two ranges of four bays each. The shorter north and south elevations are respectively four and three bays each. At the north-east corner of the building the range of east facing bays north of the central passage are set lower than the remainder of the building, where the structure is set down to a single storey over a narrower bay of the northern elevations. Externally, the solid elevations are relieved by arched and grilled openings to the principal corner bays outlined by render mouldings and a frieze of screened openings. Cement grilles encircle the entire perimeter and reappear as spaced single openings in the lesser bays of the facades. Some timber joinery features in multi-paned, double-hung and fixed roundhead windows in the bays either side of the western entrance door and in the eastern facade's lower range of bays to the northern end. The southern range of the eastern facade features two recently modified bays of timber-framed and pivoting glazed doors with banks of louvre glass at each end. These are full height opening to modified base of two continuous steps of plain concrete. The concealed roof of the building is partly modern metal decking and partly a fibreglass-reinforced membrane covered concrete slab over the two storey areas. The single storey areas are trafficable roof decks covered by gravelled bituminous membranes and surrounded by parapet walls. Internally the building has a reinforced concrete structural frame sitting on a concrete base floor. The footings of the floor are essentially unknown. Off-form concrete posts support the first floor slab which has integral primary and secondary beams, bearing upon the solid brickwork outer walls, whose inner face is exposed and painted or colourwashed. The exterior walls appear to be solid brickwork reliant on their render coating for resistance to water penetration. The soffit of the upper floor slab is exposed and now painted off-form concrete, bearing the lines of the boards employed in its formwork. The floor surfaces are variously covered with cement and bituminous or granolithic toppings and painted. Sloping floors at each level to the central courts where edge drains and sumps collected the water to convey it away deal with the problem of incoming stormwater caused by the central light courts in the change areas. The condition of the building is poor. Modifications and dates. - Boy's change area converted to shop - may relate to 1929 sub-lease for sale of refreshments. - probably first change. Changes prior to the 1970s restaurant conversion have been minor. More substantial, piecemeal changes have been made since the establishment of the restaurant. Extensive modifications have been made to the spatial arrangement of the interior of the ground floor, with partitionings of studwork and masonry, which effectively mirror the changes made to the interior over what is now more than twenty years of adaption. The upper level has been less modified. Heritage listing. The pavilion is of significance to Mosman, Sydney and NSW for its association with the development of the Mosman Municipality and in particular, the ensemble of buildings, structures and landscape which together comprise the Balmoral Beach reserve. The reserve is an important example of the community acquisition and development of beachfront lands for public recreation and amenity purposes which took place during the 1920s and 30s, sometimes as unemployment relief schemes. In its design and construction, the building is an important representative of its type, reflecting the architectural taste, construction economies and social mores of its day. Balmoral Bathers Pavilion was listed on the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 2 April 1999 having satisfied the following criteria. The place is important in demonstrating the course, or pattern, of cultural or natural history in New South Wales. The Pavilion was a modern, up-to-date building that was evidence of the young community's commitment to the enjoyment and promotion of its natural beauty and attractions for a growing, confident population. Historically it represents the community's view of itself and new challenges civic leaders were faced with when charged with the responsibility of places of natural beauty. The pavilion represents architectural fashion and the search for new architectural expressions appropriate for the climate and can be associated with the 1920s and 30s boom in sea bathing. The place is important in demonstrating aesthetic characteristics and/or a high degree of creative or technical achievement in New South Wales. Although prejudiced by its poor condition and the various unco-ordinated changes to its exterior, the Pavilion comfortably guards and dominates the northern end of the beach. It forms an emphatic reference point for the beach and the northern end of the promenade, as well as a more immediate landmark for those on the sand in front. From the harbour it is a clear landmark and a familiar shore marker and identifier of Balmoral at all hours due to its distinctive profile, scale, size, colour and night-lighting. It is part of the character and aesthetic experience of the Balmoral shoreline. The scale is reconciled with that of other nearby structures and features of the reserve through its surrounding screen of mature trees. The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group in New South Wales for social, cultural or spiritual reasons. It is probable that the Pavilion means many different things to those who know and use the reserve. The building is partly emblatic of the struggle to retain public access to the Harbour foreshores and has long been a part of Balmoral Reserve's sense of place - that local identity which residents and visitors alike venerate and wish to retain in the face of increasing visitor numbers. The place has potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales. The principal capacities of the Pavilion to contribute to history and science must reside within the historical and archaeological information that its fabric retains. Its construction technology and condition may also be of some research interest, particularly in regard to building practices such as concrete construction. Its research potential could not be said to be exhausted. The place possesses uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales. Few buildings of its type were architecturally as ambitious, large or as pleasingly sited. Many have been demolished or substantially modernised/ upgraded whereas the Balmoral pavilion retains its earlier fitout in part. The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a class of cultural or natural places/environments in New South Wales. An optimal example of its "genre", valuable for its qualities and survival in a condition indicative of its original condition, arrangement, use and setting.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26534334

Anorexia nervosa, often referred to simply as anorexia, is an eating disorder, characterized by low weight, food restriction, fear of gaining weight and an overpowering desire to be thin. Many people with anorexia see themselves as overweight although they are, in fact, underweight. They also often deny that they have a problem with low weight. They may weigh themselves frequently, eat small amounts, and/or only eat certain foods. Some exercise excessively, force themselves to vomit, or use laxatives to lose weight. Complications may include osteoporosis, infertility and heart damage, among others. Women will often stop having menstrual periods. In extreme cases, people with anorexia who continually refuse significant dietary intake and weight restoration interventions, and are declared incompetent to make decisions by a psychiatrist, may be fed by force under restraint via nasogastric tube after asking their parents or proxies to make the decision for them. The cause is currently unknown. There appear to be some genetic components with identical twins more often affected than fraternal twins. Cultural factors also appear to play a role, with societies that value thinness having higher rates of the disease. Additionally, it occurs more commonly among those involved in activities that value thinness, such as high-level athletics, modeling and dancing. Anorexia often begins following a major life-change or stress-inducing event. The diagnosis requires a significantly low weight. The severity of disease is based on body mass index (BMI) in adults with mild disease having a BMI of greater than 17, moderate a BMI of 16 to 17, severe a BMI of 15 to 16, and extreme a BMI less than 15. In children, a BMI for age percentile of less than the 5th percentile is often used. Treatment of anorexia involves restoring the patient back to a healthy weight, treating their underlying psychological problems, and addressing behaviors that promote the problem. While medications do not help with weight gain, they may be used to help with associated anxiety or depression. Different therapy methods may be useful, such as cognitive behavioral therapy or an approach where parents assume responsibility for feeding their child known as Maudsley family therapy. Sometimes people require admission to a hospital to restore weight. Evidence for benefit from nasogastric tube feeding, however is unclear; such an intervention may be highly distressing for both anorexia patients and healthcare staff when administered against the patient's will under restraint. Some people with anorexia will just have a single episode and recover while others may have recurring episodes over years. Many complications improve or resolve with regaining of weight. Globally, anorexia is estimated to affect 2.9 million people . It is estimated to occur in 0.9% to 4.3% of women and 0.2% to 0.3% of men in Western countries at some point in their life. About 0.4% of young women are affected in a given year and it is estimated to occur ten times more commonly among women than men. Rates in most of the developing world are unclear. Often it begins during the teen years or young adulthood. While anorexia became more commonly diagnosed during the 20th century it is unclear if this was due to an increase in its frequency or simply better diagnosis. In 2013 it directly resulted in about 600 deaths globally, up from 400 deaths in 1990. Eating disorders also increase a person's risk of death from a wide range of other causes, including suicide. About 5% of people with anorexia die from complications over a ten-year period, a nearly six times increased risk. The term "anorexia nervosa" was first used in 1873 by William Gull to describe this condition. Signs and symptoms. Anorexia nervosa is an eating disorder characterized by attempts to lose weight, to the point of starvation. A person with anorexia nervosa may exhibit a number of signs and symptoms, the type and severity of which may vary and may be present but not readily apparent. Anorexia nervosa, and the associated malnutrition that results from self-imposed starvation, can cause complications in every major organ system in the body. Hypokalaemia, a drop in the level of potassium in the blood, is a sign of anorexia nervosa. A significant drop in potassium can cause abnormal heart rhythms, constipation, fatigue, muscle damage and paralysis. Signs and symptoms may include: Interoceptive. Interoception involves the conscious and unconscious sense of the internal state of the body, and it has an important role in homeostasis and regulation of emotions. Aside from noticeable physiological dysfunction, interoceptive deficits also prompt individuals with anorexia to concentrate on distorted perceptions of multiple elements of their body image. This exists in both people with anorexia and in healthy individuals due to impairment in interoceptive sensitivity and interoceptive awareness. Aside from weight gain and outer appearance, people with anorexia also report abnormal bodily functions such as indistinct feelings of fullness. This provides an example of miscommunication between internal signals of the body and the brain. Due to impaired interoceptive sensitivity, powerful cues of fullness may be detected prematurely in highly sensitive individuals, which can result in decreased calorie consumption and generate anxiety surrounding food intake in anorexia patients. People with anorexia also report difficulty identifying and describing their emotional feelings and the inability to distinguish emotions from bodily sensations in general, called alexithymia. Interoceptive awareness and emotion are deeply intertwined, and could mutually impact each other in abnormalities. Anorexia patients also exhibit emotional regulation difficulties that ignite emotionally-cued eating behaviors, such as restricting food or excessive exercising. Impaired interoceptive sensitivity and interoceptive awareness can lead anorexia patients to adapt distorted interpretations of weight gain that are cued by physical sensations related to digestion (e.g., fullness). Combined, these interoceptive and emotional elements could together trigger maladaptive and negatively reinforced behavioral responses that assist in the maintenance of anorexia. In addition to metacognition, people with anorexia also have difficulty with social cognition including interpreting others’ emotions, and demonstrating empathy. Abnormal interoceptive awareness and interoceptive sensitivity shown through all of these examples have been observed so frequently in anorexia that they have become key characteristics of the illness. Associated problems. Other psychological issues may factor into anorexia nervosa; some fulfill the criteria for a separate Axis I diagnosis or a personality disorder which is coded Axis II and thus are considered comorbid to the diagnosed eating disorder. Some people have a previous disorder which may increase their vulnerability to developing an eating disorder and some develop them afterwards. The presence of Axis I or Axis II psychiatric comorbidity has been shown to affect the severity and type of anorexia nervosa symptoms in both adolescents and adults. Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) and obsessive-compulsive personality disorder (OCPD) are highly comorbid with AN. OCPD is linked with more severe symptomatology and worse prognosis. The causality between personality disorders and eating disorders has yet to be fully established. Other comorbid conditions include depression, alcoholism, borderline and other personality disorders, anxiety disorders, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and body dysmorphic disorder (BDD). Depression and anxiety are the most common comorbidities, and depression is associated with a worse outcome. Autism spectrum disorders occur more commonly among people with eating disorders than in the general population. Zucker "et al." (2007) proposed that conditions on the autism spectrum make up the cognitive endophenotype underlying anorexia nervosa and appealed for increased interdisciplinary collaboration. Causes. There is evidence for biological, psychological, developmental, and sociocultural risk factors, but the exact cause of eating disorders is unknown. Genetic. Anorexia nervosa is highly heritable. Twin studies have shown a heritability rate of between 28 and 58%. First-degree relatives of those with anorexia have roughly 12 times the risk of developing anorexia. Association studies have been performed, studying 128 different polymorphisms related to 43 genes including genes involved in regulation of eating behavior, motivation and reward mechanics, personality traits and emotion. Consistent associations have been identified for polymorphisms associated with agouti-related peptide, brain derived neurotrophic factor, catechol-o-methyl transferase, SK3 and opioid receptor delta-1. Epigenetic modifications, such as DNA methylation, may contribute to the development or maintenance of anorexia nervosa, though clinical research in this area is in its infancy. A 2019 study found a genetic relationship with mental disorders, such as schizophrenia, obsessive–compulsive disorder, anxiety disorder and depression; and metabolic functioning with a negative correlation with fat mass, type 2 diabetes and leptin. Environmental. Obstetric complications: prenatal and perinatal complications may factor into the development of anorexia nervosa, such as preterm birth, maternal anemia, diabetes mellitus, preeclampsia, placental infarction, and neonatal heart abnormalities. Neonatal complications may also have an influence on harm avoidance, one of the personality traits associated with the development of AN. Neuroendocrine dysregulation: altered signalling of peptides that facilitate communication between the gut, brain and adipose tissue, such as ghrelin, leptin, neuropeptide Y and orexin, may contribute to the pathogenesis of anorexia nervosa by disrupting regulation of hunger and satiety. Gastrointestinal diseases: people with gastrointestinal disorders may be more at risk of developing disorders of eating practices than the general population, principally restrictive eating disturbances. An association of anorexia nervosa with celiac disease has been found. The role that gastrointestinal symptoms play in the development of eating disorders seems rather complex. Some authors report that unresolved symptoms prior to gastrointestinal disease diagnosis may create a food aversion in these persons, causing alterations to their eating patterns. Other authors report that greater symptoms throughout their diagnosis led to greater risk. It has been documented that some people with celiac disease, irritable bowel syndrome or inflammatory bowel disease who are not conscious about the importance of strictly following their diet, choose to consume their trigger foods to promote weight loss. On the other hand, individuals with good dietary management may develop anxiety, food aversion and eating disorders because of concerns around cross contamination of their foods. Some authors suggest that medical professionals should evaluate the presence of an unrecognized celiac disease in all people with eating disorder, especially if they present any gastrointestinal symptom (such as decreased appetite, abdominal pain, bloating, distension, vomiting, diarrhea or constipation), weight loss, or growth failure; and also routinely ask celiac patients about weight or body shape concerns, dieting or vomiting for weight control, to evaluate the possible presence of eating disorders, especially in women. Studies have hypothesized the continuance of disordered eating patterns may be epiphenomena of starvation. The results of the Minnesota Starvation Experiment showed normal controls exhibit many of the behavioral patterns of AN when subjected to starvation. This may be due to the numerous changes in the neuroendocrine system, which results in a self-perpetuating cycle. Anorexia nervosa is more likely to occur in a person's pubertal years. Some explanatory hypotheses for the rising prevalence of eating disorders in adolescence are "increase of adipose tissue in girls, hormonal changes of puberty, societal expectations of increased independence and autonomy that are particularly difficult for anorexic adolescents to meet; [and] increased influence of the peer group and its values." Psychological. Early theories of the cause of anorexia linked it to childhood sexual abuse or dysfunctional families; evidence is conflicting, and well-designed research is needed. The fear of food is known as "sitiophobia" or "cibophobia", and is part of the differential diagnosis. Other psychological causes of anorexia include low self-esteem, feeling like there is lack of control, depression, anxiety, and loneliness. Anorexic people are, in general, highly perfectionistic and most have an obsessive compulsive personality traits which may facilitate sticking to a restricted diet. It has been suggested that anorexic patients are rigid in their thought patterns, and place a high level of importance upon being thin. Sociological. Anorexia nervosa has been increasingly diagnosed since 1950; the increase has been linked to vulnerability and internalization of body ideals. People in professions where there is a particular social pressure to be thin (such as models and dancers) were more likely to develop anorexia, and those with anorexia have much higher contact with cultural sources that promote weight loss. This trend can also be observed for people who partake in certain sports, such as jockeys and wrestlers. There is a higher incidence and prevalence of anorexia nervosa in sports with an emphasis on aesthetics, where low body fat is advantageous, and sports in which one has to make weight for competition. Family group dynamics can play a role in the cause of anorexia including negative expressed emotion in overprotective families where blame is frequently experienced among its members. When there is a constant pressure from people to be thin, teasing and bullying can cause low self-esteem and other psychological symptoms. Media effects. Persistent exposure to media that presents body ideals may constitute a risk factor for body dissatisfaction and anorexia nervosa. The cultural ideal for body shape for men versus women continues to favor slender women and athletic, V-shaped muscular men. A 2002 review found that, of the magazines most popular among people aged 18 to 24 years, those read by men, unlike those read by women, were more likely to feature ads and articles on shape than on diet. Body dissatisfaction and internalization of body ideals are risk factors for anorexia nervosa that threaten the health of both male and female populations. Websites that stress the importance of attainment of body ideals extol and promote anorexia nervosa through the use of religious metaphors, lifestyle descriptions, "thinspiration" or "fitspiration" (inspirational photo galleries and quotes that aim to serve as motivators for attainment of body ideals). Pro-anorexia websites reinforce internalization of body ideals and the importance of their attainment. The media portray a false view of what people truly look like. In magazines and movies and even on billboards most of the actors/models are digitally altered in multiple ways. People then strive to look like these "perfect" role models when in reality they are not near perfection themselves. Mechanisms. Evidence from physiological, pharmacological and neuroimaging studies suggest serotonin (also called 5-HT) may play a role in anorexia. While acutely ill, metabolic changes may produce a number of biological findings in people with anorexia that are not necessarily causative of the anorexic behavior. For example, abnormal hormonal responses to challenges with serotonergic agents have been observed during acute illness, but not recovery. Nevertheless, increased cerebrospinal fluid concentrations of 5-hydroxyindoleacetic acid (a metabolite of serotonin), and changes in anorectic behavior in response to acute tryptophan depletion (tryptophan is a metabolic precursor to serotonin) support a role in anorexia. The activity of the 5-HT2A receptors has been reported to be lower in patients with anorexia in a number of cortical regions, evidenced by lower binding potential of this receptor as measured by PET or SPECT, independent of the state of illness. While these findings may be confounded by comorbid psychiatric disorders, taken as a whole they indicate serotonin in anorexia. These alterations in serotonin have been linked to traits characteristic of anorexia such as obsessiveness, anxiety, and appetite dysregulation. Neuroimaging studies investigating the functional connectivity between brain regions have observed a number of alterations in networks related to cognitive control, introspection, and sensory function. Alterations in networks related to the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex may be related to excessive cognitive control of eating related behaviors. Similarly, altered somatosensory integration and introspection may relate to abnormal body image. A review of functional neuroimaging studies reported reduced activations in "bottom up" limbic region and increased activations in "top down" cortical regions which may play a role in restrictive eating. Compared to controls, recovered anorexics show reduced activation in the reward system in response to food, and reduced correlation between self reported liking of a sugary drink and activity in the striatum and anterior cingulate cortex. Increased binding potential of 11C radiolabelled raclopride in the striatum, interpreted as reflecting decreased endogenous dopamine due to competitive displacement, has also been observed. Structural neuroimaging studies have found global reductions in both gray matter and white matter, as well as increased cerebrospinal fluid volumes. Regional decreases in the left hypothalamus, left inferior parietal lobe, right lentiform nucleus and right caudate have also been reported in acutely ill patients. However, these alterations seem to be associated with acute malnutrition and largely reversible with weight restoration, at least in nonchronic cases in younger people. In contrast, some studies have reported increased orbitofrontal cortex volume in currently ill and  in recovered patients, although findings are inconsistent. Reduced white matter integrity in the fornix has also been reported. Diagnosis. A diagnostic assessment includes the person's current circumstances, biographical history, current symptoms, and family history. The assessment also includes a mental state examination, which is an assessment of the person's current mood and thought content, focusing on views on weight and patterns of eating. DSM-5. Anorexia nervosa is classified under the Feeding and Eating Disorders in the latest revision of the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" (DSM 5). There is no specific BMI cutoff that defines low weight required for the diagnosis of anorexia nervosa. The diagnostic criteria for anorexia nervosa (all of which needing to be met for diagnosis) include: Relative to the previous version of the DSM (DSM-IV-TR), the 2013 revision (DSM5) reflects changes in the criteria for anorexia nervosa, most notably that of the amenorrhea criterion being removed. Amenorrhea was removed for several reasons: it does not apply to males, it is not applicable for females before or after the age of menstruation or taking birth control pills, and some women who meet the other criteria for AN still report some menstrual activity. Subtypes. There are two subtypes of AN: Levels of severity. Body mass index (BMI) is used by the DSM-5 as an indicator of the level of severity of anorexia nervosa. The DSM-5 states these as follows: Investigations. Medical tests to check for signs of physical deterioration in anorexia nervosa may be performed by a general physician or psychiatrist, including: Differential diagnoses. A variety of medical and psychological conditions have been misdiagnosed as anorexia nervosa; in some cases the correct diagnosis was not made for more than ten years. The distinction between the diagnosis of anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa and eating disorder not otherwise specified (EDNOS) is often difficult to make as there is considerable overlap between people diagnosed with these conditions. Seemingly minor changes in people's overall behavior or attitude can change a diagnosis from anorexia: binge-eating type to bulimia nervosa. A main factor differentiating binge-purge anorexia from bulimia is the gap in physical weight. Someone with bulimia nervosa is ordinarily at a healthy weight, or slightly overweight. Someone with binge-purge anorexia is commonly underweight. People with the binge-purging subtype of AN may be significantly underweight and typically do not binge-eat large amounts of food, yet they purge the small amount of food they eat. In contrast, those with bulimia nervosa tend to be at normal weight or overweight and binge large amounts of food. It is not unusual for a person with an eating disorder to "move through" various diagnoses as their behavior and beliefs change over time. Treatment. There is no conclusive evidence that any particular treatment for anorexia nervosa works better than others; however, there is enough evidence to suggest that early intervention and treatment are more effective. Treatment for anorexia nervosa tries to address three main areas. Although restoring the person's weight is the primary task at hand, optimal treatment also includes and monitors behavioral change in the individual as well. There is some evidence that hospitalisation might adversely affect long term outcome. Psychotherapy for individuals with AN is challenging as they may value being thin and may seek to maintain control and resist change. Some studies demonstrate that family based therapy in adolescents with AN is superior to individual therapy. Due to the nature of the condition, treatment of people with AN can be difficult because they are afraid of gaining weight. Initially developing a desire to change is important. Diet. Diet is the most essential factor to work on in people with anorexia nervosa, and must be tailored to each person's needs. Food variety is important when establishing meal plans as well as foods that are higher in energy density. People must consume adequate calories, starting slowly, and increasing at a measured pace. Evidence of a role for zinc supplementation during refeeding is unclear. Therapy. Family-based treatment (FBT) has been shown to be more successful than individual therapy for adolescents with AN. Various forms of family-based treatment have been proven to work in the treatment of adolescent AN including conjoint family therapy (CFT), in which the parents and child are seen together by the same therapist, and separated family therapy (SFT) in which the parents and child attend therapy separately with different therapists. Proponents of family therapy for adolescents with AN assert that it is important to include parents in the adolescent's treatment. A four- to five-year follow up study of the Maudsley family therapy, an evidence-based manualized model, showed full recovery at rates up to 90%. Although this model is recommended by the NIMH, critics claim that it has the potential to create power struggles in an intimate relationship and may disrupt equal partnerships. There is tentative evidence that family therapy is as effective as treatment as usual and it is unclear if family therapy is more effective than educational interventions. Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is useful in adolescents and adults with anorexia nervosa; acceptance and commitment therapy is a type of CBT, which has shown promise in the treatment of AN. Cognitive remediation therapy (CRT) is used in treating anorexia nervosa. Medication. Pharmaceuticals have limited benefit for anorexia itself. There is a lack of good information from which to make recommendations concerning the effectiveness of antidepressants in treating anorexia. Admission to hospital. AN has a high mortality and patients admitted in a severely ill state to medical units are at particularly high risk. Diagnosis can be challenging, risk assessment may not be performed accurately, consent and the need for compulsion may not be assessed appropriately, refeeding syndrome may be missed or poorly treated and the behavioural and family problems in AN may be missed or poorly managed. Guidelines published by the Royal College of Psychiatrists recommend that medical and psychiatric experts work together in managing severely ill people with AN. Nutrition. The rate of refeeding can be difficult to establish, because the fear of refeeding syndrome (RFS) can lead to underfeeding. It is thought that RFS, with falling phosphate and potassium levels, is more likely to occur when BMI is very low, and when medical comorbidities such as infection or cardiac failure, are present. In those circumstances, it is recommended to start refeeding slowly but to build up rapidly as long as RFS does not occur. Recommendations on energy requirements vary, from 5–10 kcal/kg/day in the most medically compromised patients, who appear to have the highest risk of RFS, to 1900 kcal/day. Prognosis. AN has the highest mortality rate of any psychological disorder. The mortality rate is 11 to 12 times greater than in the general population, and the suicide risk is 56 times higher. Half of women with AN achieve a full recovery, while an additional 20–30% may partially recover. Not all people with anorexia recover completely: about 20% develop anorexia nervosa as a chronic disorder. If anorexia nervosa is not treated, serious complications such as heart conditions and kidney failure can arise and eventually lead to death. The average number of years from onset to remission of AN is seven for women and three for men. After ten to fifteen years, 70% of people no longer meet the diagnostic criteria, but many still continue to have eating-related problems. Alexithymia influences treatment outcome. Recovery is also viewed on a spectrum rather than black and white. According to the Morgan-Russell criteria, individuals can have a good, intermediate, or poor outcome. Even when a person is classified as having a "good" outcome, weight only has to be within 15% of average, and normal menstruation must be present in females. The good outcome also excludes psychological health. Recovery for people with anorexia nervosa is undeniably positive, but recovery does not mean a return to normal. Complications. Anorexia nervosa can have serious implications if its duration and severity are significant and if onset occurs before the completion of growth, pubertal maturation, or the attainment of peak bone mass. Complications specific to adolescents and children with anorexia nervosa can include the following: Growth retardation may occur, as height gain may slow and can stop completely with severe weight loss or chronic malnutrition. In such cases, provided that growth potential is preserved, height increase can resume and reach full potential after normal intake is resumed. Height potential is normally preserved if the duration and severity of illness are not significant or if the illness is accompanied by delayed bone age (especially prior to a bone age of approximately 15 years), as hypogonadism may partially counteract the effects of undernutrition on height by allowing for a longer duration of growth compared to controls. Appropriate early treatment can preserve height potential, and may even help to increase it in some post-anorexic subjects, due to factors such as long-term reduced estrogen-producing adipose tissue levels compared to premorbid levels. In some cases, especially where onset is before puberty, complications such as stunted growth and pubertal delay are usually reversible. Anorexia nervosa causes alterations in the female reproductive system; significant weight loss, as well as psychological stress and intense exercise, typically results in a cessation of menstruation in women who are past puberty. In patients with anorexia nervosa, there is a reduction of the secretion of gonadotropin releasing hormone in the central nervous system, preventing ovulation. Anorexia nervosa can also result in pubertal delay or arrest. Both height gain and pubertal development are dependent on the release of growth hormone and gonadotropins (LH and FSH) from the pituitary gland. Suppression of gonadotropins in people with anorexia nervosa has been documented. Typically, growth hormone (GH) levels are high, but levels of IGF-1, the downstream hormone that should be released in response to GH are low; this indicates a state of “resistance” to GH due to chronic starvation. IGF-1 is necessary for bone formation, and decreased levels in anorexia nervosa contribute to a loss of bone density and potentially contribute to osteopenia or osteoporosis. Anorexia nervosa can also result in reduction of peak bone mass. Buildup of bone is greatest during adolescence, and if onset of anorexia nervosa occurs during this time and stalls puberty, low bone mass may be permanent. Hepatic steatosis, or fatty infiltration of the liver, can also occur, and is an indicator of malnutrition in children. Neurological disorders that may occur as complications include seizures and tremors. Wernicke encephalopathy, which results from vitamin B1 deficiency, has been reported in patients who are extremely malnourished; symptoms include confusion, problems with the muscles responsible for eye movements and abnormalities in walking gait. The most common gastrointestinal complications of anorexia nervosa are delayed stomach emptying and constipation, but also include elevated liver function tests, diarrhea, acute pancreatitis, heartburn, difficulty swallowing, and, rarely, superior mesenteric artery syndrome. Delayed stomach emptying, or gastroparesis, often develops following food restriction and weight loss; the most common symptom is bloating with gas and abdominal distension, and often occurs after eating. Other symptoms of gastroparesis include early satiety, fullness, nausea, and vomiting. The symptoms may inhibit efforts at eating and recovery, but can be managed by limiting high-fiber foods, using liquid nutritional supplements, or using metoclopramide to increase emptying of food from the stomach. Gastroparesis generally resolves when weight is regained. Cardiac complications. Anorexia nervosa increases the risk of sudden cardiac death, though the precise cause is unknown. Cardiac complications include structural and functional changes to the heart. Some of these cardiovascular changes are mild and are reversible with treatment, while others may be life-threatening. Cardiac complications can include arrhythmias, abnormally slow heart beat, low blood pressure, decreased size of the heart muscle, reduced heart volume, mitral valve prolapse, myocardial fibrosis, and pericardial effusion. Abnormalities in conduction and repolarization of the heart that can result from anorexia nervosa include QT prolongation, increased QT dispersion, conduction delays, and junctional escape rhythms. Electrolyte abnormalities, particularly hypokalemia and hypomagnesemia, can cause anomalies in the electrical activity of the heart, and result in life-threatening arrhythmias. Hypokalemia most commonly results in anorexic patients when restricting is accompanied by purging (induced vomiting or laxative use). Hypotension (low blood pressure) is common, and symptoms include fatigue and weakness. Orthostatic hypotension, a marked decrease in blood pressure when standing from a supine position, may also occur. Symptoms include lightheadedness upon standing, weakness, and cognitive impairment, and may result in fainting or near-fainting. Orthostasis in anorexia nervosa indicates worsening cardiac function and may indicate a need for hospitalization. Hypotension and orthostasis generally resolve upon recovery to a normal weight. The weight loss in anorexia nervosa also causes atrophy of cardiac muscle. This leads to decreased ability to pump blood, a reduction in the ability to sustain exercise, a diminished ability to increase blood pressure in response to exercise, and a subjective feeling of fatigue. Some individuals may also have a decrease in cardiac contractility. Cardiac complications can be life-threatening, but the heart muscle generally improves with weight gain, and the heart normalizes in size over weeks to months, with recovery. Atrophy of the heart muscle is a marker of the severity of the disease, and while it is reversible with treatment and refeeding, it is possible that it may cause permanent, microscopic changes to the heart muscle that increase the risk of sudden cardiac death. Individuals with anorexia nervosa may experience chest pain or palpitations; these can be a result of mitral valve prolapse. Mitral valve prolapse occurs because the size of the heart muscle decreases while the tissue of the mitral valve remains the same size. Studies have shown rates of mitral valve prolapse of around 20 percent in those with anorexia nervosa, while the rate in the general population is estimated at 2–4 percent. It has been suggested that there is an association between mitral valve prolapse and sudden cardiac death, but it has not been proven to be causative, either in patients with anorexia nervosa or in the general population. Relapse. Rates of relapse after treatment range from 9–52% with many studies reporting a relapse rate of at least 25%. Relapse occurs in approximately a third of people in hospital, and is greatest in the first six to eighteen months after release from an institution. Epidemiology. Anorexia is estimated to occur in 0.9% to 4.3% of women and 0.2% to 0.3% of men in Western countries at some point in their life. About 0.4% of young females are affected in a given year and it is estimated to occur three to ten times less commonly in males. Rates in most of the developing world are unclear. Often it begins during the teen years or young adulthood. The lifetime rate of atypical anorexia nervosa, a form of ED-NOS in which the person loses a significant amount of weight and is at risk for serious medical complications despite having a higher body-mass index, is much higher, at 5–12%. While anorexia became more commonly diagnosed during the 20th century it is unclear if this was due to an increase in its frequency or simply better diagnosis. Most studies show that since at least 1970 the incidence of AN in adult women is fairly constant, while there is some indication that the incidence may have been increasing for girls aged between 14 and 20. According to researcher Ben Radford who wrote in "Skeptical Inquirer" "I found many examples of flawed, misleading, and sometimes completely wrong information and data being copied and widely disseminated among eating disorder organizations and educators without anyone bothering to consult the original research to verify its accuracy". Radford states that misleading statistics and data have been ignored by organizations like the National Eating Disorder Association who has not released data for "incidence of anorexia from 1984–2017" he states that each agency continues to report incorrect numbers assuming that someone else has checked the accuracy. Underrepresentation. Eating disorders are less reported in preindustrial, non-westernized countries than in Western countries. In Africa, not including South Africa, the only data presenting information about eating disorders occurs in case reports and isolated studies, not studies investigating prevalence. Data shows in research that in westernized civilizations, ethnic minorities have very similar rates of eating disorders, contrary to the belief that eating disorders predominantly occur in white people. Men (and women) who might otherwise be diagnosed with anorexia may not meet the DSM IV criteria for BMI since they have muscle weight, but have very little fat. Male and female athletes are often overlooked as anorexic. Research emphasizes the importance to take athletes' diet, weight and symptoms into account when diagnosing anorexia, instead of just looking at weight and BMI. For athletes, ritualized activities such as weigh-ins place emphasis on gaining and losing large amounts of weight, which may promote the development of eating disorders among them. While women use diet pills, which is an indicator of unhealthy behavior and an eating disorder, men use steroids, which contextualizes the beauty ideals for genders. In a Canadian study, 4% of boys in grade nine used anabolic steroids. Anorexic men are sometimes referred to as "manorexic". History. The term "anorexia nervosa" was coined in 1873 by Sir William Gull, one of Queen Victoria's personal physicians. The history of anorexia nervosa begins with descriptions of religious fasting dating from the Hellenistic era and continuing into the medieval period. The medieval practice of self-starvation by women, including some young women, in the name of religious piety and purity also concerns anorexia nervosa; it is sometimes referred to as "anorexia mirabilis." The earliest medical descriptions of anorexic illnesses are generally credited to English physician Richard Morton in 1689. Case descriptions fitting anorexic illnesses continued throughout the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. In the late 19th century anorexia nervosa became widely accepted by the medical profession as a recognized condition. In 1873, Sir William Gull, one of Queen Victoria's personal physicians, published a seminal paper which coined the term "anorexia nervosa" and provided a number of detailed case descriptions and treatments. In the same year, French physician Ernest-Charles Lasègue similarly published details of a number of cases in a paper entitled "De l'Anorexie hystérique". Awareness of the condition was largely limited to the medical profession until the latter part of the 20th century, when German-American psychoanalyst Hilde Bruch published "The Golden Cage: the Enigma of Anorexia Nervosa" in 1978. Despite major advances in neuroscience, Bruch's theories tend to dominate popular thinking. A further important event was the death of the popular singer and drummer Karen Carpenter in 1983, which prompted widespread ongoing media coverage of eating disorders. Etymology. The term is of Greek origin: "an-" (ἀν-, prefix denoting negation) and "orexis" (ὄρεξις, "appetite"), translating literally to a nervous loss of appetite.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3266402

The common goldfish is a breed of goldfish with no other differences from its living ancestor, the Prussian carp, other than its color and shape. Goldfish are a form of domesticated wild carp and are a close relative of koi. Most varieties of fancy goldfish were derived from this simple breed. Common goldfish come in a variety of colors including red, orange, red/white, white/black, yellow/white, blue, grey/brown/, olive green, yellow, white, and black, with the most common variation being orange, hence the name. Sometimes, the brightness, duration, and the vividness of the color may be an indication of the fish's health status. Temperament. Common goldfish are social animals who prefer living in groups. They are able to interact with any fish belonging to the same species. With provision of adequate care and attention, common goldfish can become tame. Once familiar with the face of its owner, swimming towards the fish keeper during feeding time can be observed, and hand-feeding becomes possible. Small goldfish will normally avoid any form of human contact. However, this fear ceases in a middle-sized and mature goldfish. A full-grown goldfish is more likely to eat directly from the hands of its owner without evident hesitation. While this behavior is welcomed by goldfish owners, it proved problematic in outdoor ponds where predators may eat such friendly prey. Mature goldfish will also explore their surroundings through nibbling or grazing behaviour. If transferred into a tank of other goldfish, a common goldfish would normally try to communicate and familiarize itself with its new tank mates by rubbing up against the body of other fish. The most common introductory gesture would be by swimming side by side with another goldfish with its head facing forward, or by swimming side by side with another goldfish with its head facing the opposite direction, or even by swimming above another goldfish in a perpendicular fashion. Schooling is a common behavior when there is a new fish in the tank. After some time, this schooling behavior eventually ceases, and soon every individual fish will again be swimming and exploring the aquarium on its own. Aggressive behavior is uncommon when a new specimen is introduced into a settled school of goldfish. Hierarchy during feeding is commonly observed in which the larger goldfish receives most of the food. However, small goldfish may also become aggressive or competitive feeders despite the presence of larger fish which is, in general terms, considered a good sign, as a willingness to feed is indicative of a healthy goldfish. Housing. It is a common practice to keep common goldfish in a small bowl, but this allows waste in the water to build up to toxic levels and does not provide enough oxygen. For every small/young goldfish, there should ideally be at least of water. A good filter, with no heater, is recommended because these fish can get larger than . Tank recommendations range up to . It is possible to keep small goldfish in smaller tanks, but such an arrangement will be very difficult to maintain once the fish grows older. If there is concern about the fish not getting enough oxygen, particularly when it is warm, a water pump, such as a fountain pump, mini pond pump will pull the water from the bottom, expel it, and the surface action will oxygenate the tank or pond. Contrary to popular belief, air pumps and air stones do not oxygenate directly and rely on bubbles breaking the surface to transfer oxygen to the fish's environment. Ideally, the water pump should push 10x the volume of the tank or pond plus an extra 100lph or gph. Goldfish will die without sufficient dissolved oxygen in the water. A filter that can do at least 10x filtration is best, which means that for every 10 gallons or liters of water, the filter should be able to cycle 100 gallons or liters per hour. If the oxygen in the water runs out then the fish may die or become unconscious. It is advised to move the fish to a basin of water full of fresh water. Goldfish are curious fish that will quickly become bored without items or other fish to interact with. If placed in a bare aquarium, goldfish will settle to the bottom and only move when fed or frightened by sudden jolts. However, if put in a tank with sufficient gravel, aquarium accessories or plants (real or fake) they will make themselves at home. Goldfish are not very territorial. However, if an aquarium is already too small for one goldfish, it will certainly be too small for two or more. Stress is not healthy for any goldfish. In a worst-case scenario, one or two fish will bully the rest to starvation. Cannibalism is usually rare (occurring maybe when a fish is dying or dead) but in cramped, stressful situations, goldfish may behave unpredictably. A disease is possible any time fish are stuck in small homes. When adding goldfish to a new tank it is important to place no more than two at a time. This allows helpful bacteria (which turns ammonia to nitrite and finally to nitrate) to grow. If introduced in too great a number before these bacteria grow, the goldfish will die from breathing in too much of their own untreated excrement. Even after the development of the biological filter, it is necessary to change about 20% of the water at least one time a week, or as necessary to prevent a build-up of harmful nitrate. The addition of live aquatic plants may reduce the number of times per month one will have to perform water changes, but only if the plants are growing (they will uptake nitrate as a source of nitrogen). But it is also recommended if the needs are required, To never remove all of the water out of an established tank. Never do a water change over 90%, the remaining 10% of water will help maintain the waters cycle and the remaining good bacteria will soon reestablish in the tank. A good tip when doing a water changes is not to clean the filters at the same time (filters also hold a good amount of the good stuff as well), instead to wait 2 days after a water change to clean the filters out to keep a healthy constant balance. Common goldfish can be kept in water gardens or outdoor ponds throughout the year. Outdoor ponds have similar care requirement as indoor tanks with some notable exceptions such as amount of sunlight, natural and artificial environment pollution (i.e. dead leaves, debris, runoff), algae, selection of pond mates (i.e. algae eaters, frogs, etc.). Outdoor ponds tend to become miniature aquatic ecosystems, attracting various animals and plants (see water gardens for more information). In hot climates, it is important that pond temperatures do not rise to dangerously high levels which will kill the fish. In the winter, fish may become sluggish and stop feeding. This does not mean they are sick, but rather that their metabolism has slowed. The pond must not freeze solid and there should be an open spot in the surface ice to allow oxygenation of water. The ice should also not be struck, as this sends shock waves of sound pressure through the water scaring the fish. Basic common goldfish care. The size of the tank should be large enough because goldfish can reach up to 10 inches. There should be enough room for the goldfish to swim around; having a large tank will ensure the bacteria does not pollute the water quickly and allow the fish to grow to its potential size. Using a small bowl also makes the water dirty easier and increases the levels of toxins, slowly suffocating the fish. Not all water is clean and safe for goldfish. Tap water, for example, has chlorine and other chemicals that will kill the fish. The extra chemicals and bacteria in the water cause the water to be unbreathable for the goldfish and remove the good bacteria that is produced by the fish. Buying a water conditioner will dechlorinate and remove heavy metals to make the water breathable for the fish. Goldfish diets can be a range of pellets, flakes, boiled soft vegetables, and blood worms. Overfeeding can result in throwing off their biological balance, increasing the risks of diseases. The common goldfish should be fed "what they are able to consume in 2-3 minutes, once or twice a day" to prevent extraneous amounts of food dirtying the water; this will also depend on the size of the fish of knowing to feed the fish more or less to keep healthy. Filtration will help prevent the bowl from getting dirty more quickly. A filtration system also helps produce good bacteria for the fish to make the water at safe levels. There are different types of filtration systems, ranging from the store bought external or internal filters or the use of aquatic plants. The reason a filtration system becomes helpful is due to keeping the nitrate levels low; ammonia is introduced in the water when the fish excretes which develops into nitrite into nitrate, leading into possible nitrate poisoning. Changing the water for the goldfish is one way to keep the water safe from harmful levels of nitrates and keep the tank clean. When making a water change, a third of the water should be taken out of the tank to keep the good bacteria in the tank water. Squeeze the filter sponges gently in the tank water to clean, if applicable. Using a vacuum will help clean the gravel at the bottom and remove any rotten food that has settled towards the bottom. The water should be filled with treated tap water with the same temperature as the water in the tank to ensure the water does not shock the fish. Tap water should be not used to clean the decorations, filters, and the equipment due to the tap water killing the good bacteria for the fish. The sun is important to introduce to the goldfish frequently; due to the fish living in well-lit conditions in the normal wild environment, it is necessary to keep a similar environment for the fish. The light will also help the goldfish with its sleeping cycle, giving the goldfish a healthy sleeping schedule to stay healthy. The goldfish should not be kept all day in the hot sun, as this could possibly kill the fish and make the environment hostile. A tank light is available as an alternative but not necessary. Breeding. Breeding common goldfish is relatively easy. In breeding condition the male will develop small white spots on his gill covers and the female will become plump. The male will chase the female until she releases her eggs, then the male will release milt and they will become fertilized. The eggs will then stick to any available surface. It is then best to remove the eggs to a separate aquarium as the adults are likely to eat them. When the eggs hatch into fry, they will need to be fed very small food such as hatched brine shrimp or a ready made fry food. As they grow bigger, they can eat finely crumbled fishfood. Eventually, the pieces of fish food can get bigger. Diseases. Common goldfish are usually hardy but can also contract diseases. These can be caused by poor water quality, overfeeding and overstocking. Goldfish are notoriously dirty, producing much waste, and continually stir up the substrate in their infinite search for food. In small aquariums, illnesses in common goldfish can quickly become fatal requiring quick and prompt treatment. Several symptoms can indicate sick fish such as cuts on any of the fins, a change in scale or eye coloration, excretions from the nostrils, scales falling off or the fish frequently rising towards the water surface. Many specialty treatments are available in the market to manage specific diseases. Some of the main diseases frequently picked up by common goldfish are: "Swim Bladder Disease" is developed when the fish has buoyancy problems due to internal gas build up. The problem may be developed when the fish has had less than sufficient amount of fiber, poor water quality, or has been overfed. The fish "may also look physically swollen or bloated..."; the fish may also be swimming sideways or upside down. Treatment starts with testing the water to ensure the cleanliness, then the goldfish should fast for three days if no improvements are made; if the fish is still having trouble then the fish should be fed low protein foods and vegetables. "Fin Rot" is developed from bacteria eating/ deteriorating the fins of the goldfish. The disease starts from "poor water quality, overcrowding, sudden temperature changes, fin nipping, or aggressive fish"; this will lead to torn and shredded fins that could possibly deteriorate the body tissue to prevent the regrowth of their fins. Fin rot is known to be treated early to prevent further damage to the body tissue to the fish so the disease does not spread. Treatments start with clean water, adding aquarium salt to clean the water; if the following does not work then commercial products should be used along with weekly water changes. "White Spot Disease" is when ich parasites in the water attack goldfish with weak immune systems and high levels of stress, resulting in white spots developing all over the goldfish. The goldfish develop the disease mainly when the fish is introduced into a new environment, creating stress upon the fish. One method, the salt and heat method, is a way to cure the goldfish with the white spots that can be fatal if not treated immediately. The water should be set to 86 °F, doing this in small increments so the fish does not receive a shock from the immediate water temperature change. Increase the amount of oxygen due to the heat— increasing will limit the oxygen—then add one tablespoon for every five gallons of water. Use this treatment for ten days and return to the normal temperature slowly along with a water change; if this treatment is ineffective, use a commercial treatment for the goldfish. "Fungal Infection" is the growth of fungus which could lead to problems regarding parasitic infections, ulcers, or open wounds; the fungus symptoms could worsen and lead to a secondary fungal infection. There are "cotton-like growths along the body and fins" which is caused by dirty water. Treatments start from moving the goldfish to a hospital tank and then clearing the environment with Methylene Blue if the condition is serious, however, the goldfish can just have a cleaner tank and the fungal infection should clear up over time. "Ammonia poisoning" is caused by a high level of ammonia in the tank. Add ammonia reduction chemicals to the tank, or for an emergency release of ammonia, change the water 25 percent daily for one week until the symptoms die down. Ammonia reduction chemicals must not be added as soon as the ammonia levels drop (as ammonia removers can starve the biological filter and cause the cycling process to start over) Fish lice is a parasite. Fish lice move on the body of fish. They are the only visible parasites. They look like white see-through splodges. These lice can have nasty health side effects to the fish. Try to avoid removing the lice manually; use anti-parasite medicine. "Bacterial diseases" can be deadly but treatments are available at local fish stores. Lifespan. Goldfish can live for long periods of time if they are fed a varied diet and housed in proper water conditions. The average lifetime of a goldfish is ten to fifteen years. The longest lived goldfish on record lived to age 43. The oldest living goldfish was Tish, won by a UK family at a funfair. Tish was recognized into the Guinness Book of World Records as the longest living fish. Improper care or life in a bowl greatly reduces the typical lifespan of a goldfish. Common goldfish as feeder fish. Common goldfish are often used as live prey for freshwater turtles, notably red-ear sliders and other carnivorous fish, such as the oscar. When fed exclusively, feeder goldfish are not a good source of nutrients. Confusions with comet goldfish. The common goldfish are often confused with comet goldfish, a distinct breed. The two breeds are often mixed together with in many pet stores and aquarium stores. The two breeds differ in relative size of the body and fins. The comet goldfish for instance has longer finnage but shorter and slender body size, thus resembles tracing comets. The most recognizable difference is their tails. Usually a common goldfish has short stubby tail and the comet's tail would extend over half of the body length. The common goldfish usually resembles the wild carp more closely than the comet goldfish. Comets are sometimes said to display a wider variety of colors, but common goldfish also display many of the same types of colors, including red/white, blue, red, orange, yellow, and other two toned colors like black/orange.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=19286349

Masrour Barzani (Kurdish: مه‌سروور بارزانی / Mesrûr Barzanî) (born 2 March 1969) is a Kurdish politician and serving as prime minister of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq since June 2019. He is also the chancellor of the Kurdistan Region Security Council and a member of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. He was sworn in as prime minister of the KRG’s ninth cabinet on 10 July 2019, after receiving 87 votes out of 97 legislators in the Kurdistan parliament. Early life and education. He joined the Kurdish resistance fighters, known as Peshmerga or “those who face death", in 1985 at the age of 16. He was an active participant in the Battle of Khwakurk against Saddam Hussein’s army in 1988. He also participated in the 1991 uprising against Saddam Hussein after the first Gulf War and filmed both events. Despite this irregular childhood given the tumultuous nature of the Kurdish resistance, Barzani was able to complete his high school education in Iran. After seeing peace restored to the region in 1992, he went to London for a year-long course in English. Having successfully completed this, he continued on to receive a bachelor's degree with honors in International Studies from the American University in Washington, D.C. He continued studying Peace and Conflict Resolutions for his post graduate studies. During his time in Washington, Barzani was actively involved in improving understanding of the Kurdish plight in America. He also established a Barzani Scholar-in-Residence program at American University in order to continue these efforts into the future. Political career. In 1998, he returned to Kurdistan Region and was elected by the KDP's 12th Congress to the Central Committee. Later that same year he became part of the Kurdistan Democratic Party Leadership before being appointed as General Director of the Protection and Intelligence Agency. In 2010, he received the highest votes of the 13th Congress, was reelected to the Leadership Council and then selected as one of the Politburo members of the KDP. In 2012, he was appointed by his father Kurdistan Region President Masoud Barzani as Chancellor of the Kurdistan Region Security Council to oversee security, military intelligence and existing intelligence services. Under his stewardship, women have been officially added to the Kurdish security services and many can now be seen publicly serving as guards outside government buildings. He was a vocal critic of many of the proposals found in the Iraq Study Group, authoring a Washington Post op-ed on the subject. Barzani has also been credited with working to ensure that veterans of the Kurdish struggle who are members of his father's political party receive their pensions. In a January 2010 interview with the Jamestown Foundation, Masrour Barzani said that the Iraqi Constitution has laid out a clear solution for the status of the city of Kirkuk and other disputed areas. In May 2016, Barzani authored a second op-ed in the Washington Post advocating an 'amicable' separation of Iraqi Kurdistan from the rest of Iraq. He called Iraq 'a conceptual failure, compelling peoples with little in common to share an uncertain future,' and announced the beginning of talks with the Iraqi Government in the lead up to a referendum. Barzani Charity Foundation (BCF). In 2005, he founded the Barzani Charity Foundation in Iraqi Kurdistan. The non-profit charity organization provides aid to the internally displaced, refugees as well as vulnerable locals, and is modeled on the life, struggle and principles of his Grandfather Mustafa Barzani. Its Orphan Sponsorship Program provides a monthly stipend to cover living expenses, health care and education to orphans. Fight against ISIS. Masrour Barzani is one of the most important figures in the international coalition against Daesh. His Security Council, and its elite special forces is attached to the Counter-Terrorism Department (CTD), which has led targeted airstrikes against senior Daesh figures in Iraq and Syria, and rescue missions of hostages. The American University of Kurdistan (AUK). Masrour Barzani is the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of The American University of Kurdistan (AUK). He laid the cornerstone of the project during a ceremony in Duhok province in December 2013. Kurdistan Region Premiership. Following a KDP leadership meeting on 3 December 2018, the party's spokesperson Mahmoud Mohammed named Masrour Barzani for the post of the region's Prime Minister position.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=6597926

Cankili I () (died 1565), also known as Segarasasekaram, is the most remembered Jaffna kingdom king in the Sri Lankan Tamil history. He was very active in resisting Portuguese colonial inroads into Sri Lanka. He also inherited his throne via palace intrigues in which number of heirs apparent died under mysterious circumstances. At the end, he was removed from power by a local uprising that led to his son Puviraja Pandaram taking nominal power from him. Biography. His father, Singai Pararasasegaram, had two principal wives and a number of concubines. His first wife, Rajalaksmi, had two sons, Singhabahu and Pandaram. Singai Pararasasegaram second wife was Valliammal, she bore him Paranirupasingham. Cankili's mother had Cankili and a daughter named "Paravai". As part of palace intrigues, Cankili was able to ascend the throne. Rule. According to a letter by "Andre de Souza", ordered Cankili I on November 1544 the murder of his eldest son for converting to Catholicism. The son was buried on the spot he was killed, where a chapel was built that later on served as the foundation for the construction of the present St. Mary's Cathedral at Jaffna. Cankili I resisted all contacts with the Portuguese and even massacred 600 – 700 Parava Catholics in the island of Mannar who were brought from India to Mannar by the Portuguese to take over the lucrative pearl fisheries from the Jaffna kings. He was removed from power due to a local uprising that led his son Puviraja Pandaram take nominal power. He wielded real power behind the throne until his death in 1565.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31662519

The 2015 Canadian federal election (formally the 42nd Canadian general election), held on October 19, 2015, saw the Liberal Party, led by Justin Trudeau, win 184 seats, allowing it to form a majority government with Trudeau becoming the next prime minister. The election was held to elect members to the House of Commons of the 42nd Canadian Parliament. The writs of election for the 2015 election were issued by Governor General David Johnston on August 4. The ensuing campaign was one of the longest in Canadian history. It was also the first time since the 1979 election that a prime minister attempted to remain in office into a fourth consecutive Parliament and the first time since the 1980 election that someone attempted to win a fourth term of any kind as prime minister. The Liberal Party, led by Justin Trudeau, won 184 seats, allowing it to form a majority government with Trudeau becoming the next prime minister. Trudeau and the rest of his cabinet were sworn in on November 4, 2015. The Conservative Party, led by incumbent Prime Minister Stephen Harper, won 99 seats, becoming the Official Opposition after nine years on the government benches. The New Democratic Party, led by Thomas Mulcair, won 44 seats, becoming the third-largest party in the House of Commons, after having formed the Official Opposition following the 2011 election. The Bloc Québécois won 10 seats, the Green Party won 1 seat, and Strength in Democracy lost all its seats. The Liberal Party's increase of 148 seats from the previous election was the largest-ever numerical increase by a party in a Canadian election. Prior to the campaign, the Liberals had held only 36 seats—the fewest seats ever held at dissolution by any federal party that won the following election. The Liberals also became the first federal party in Canadian history to win a majority of seats without having been either the governing party or the Official Opposition in the previous parliament, and this was only the second time a party went from having the third-most seats to the most seats (the first being in 1925). It was the second largest number of seats won in a federal election for the Liberals, the best being 191 in 1949. The election also had the highest voter turnout since 1993. Every party represented in the House of Commons except the Liberal Party recorded a decrease in its popular vote share. Following the election, Harper conceded defeat to Trudeau and resigned as leader of the Conservative Party. Gilles Duceppe resigned as leader of the Bloc Québécois shortly after the election on October 22, 2015. Thomas Mulcair announced his intention to remain leader of the NDP, but was forced to step down in October 2017, after losing a party vote on his leadership in the spring of 2016. Background. The 2011 federal election resulted in the continuation of the incumbent Conservative government headed by Stephen Harper, while the New Democratic Party (NDP) became Official Opposition and the Liberal Party became the third party. The Bloc Québécois won four seats and the Green Party won one seat. Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff and Bloc leader Gilles Duceppe resigned shortly after failing to win their own ridings. The Bloc Québécois lost official party status by failing to attain the minimum seats needed (12). Bob Rae was chosen as interim leader of the Liberal Party. In July 2011 Jack Layton, suffering from cancer, temporarily stepped down as leader of the NDP because of illness, indicating his intention to return for the reconvening of Parliament in September. Weeks later Layton died of cancer and was given a state funeral. In March 2012 Tom Mulcair was elected leader of the New Democratic Party. In April 2013 Justin Trudeau was elected leader of the Liberal Party. Bloc Québécois leader Daniel Paillé stepped down in December 2013 and was eventually replaced in June 2014 by Mario Beaulieu, who in turn was later replaced in June 2015 by Duceppe. In late 2014, MPs Jean-François Larose of the NDP and Jean-François Fortin of the Bloc formed the new political party Strength in Democracy. As set forth in the "Fair Representation Act", the number of seats in the House of Commons to be contested in the 42nd Canadian federal election was 338, an increase of 30 seats from the 308 seats comprising the House of Commons of Canada of the 41st Parliament of Canada, at its dissolution. Prime Minister Stephen Harper requested writs of election for a federal general election from Governor General David Johnston on August 2. The official proclamations were issued on August 4. The date of the vote is determined by the fixed-date Canada Elections Act. At 11 weeks, the campaign was the longest in modern Canadian history. As a result of the 2012 federal electoral redistribution, the number of electoral districts was increased to 338, with additional seats based on population assigned to Alberta (6), British Columbia (6), Ontario (15), and Quebec (3). Election campaign. Leaders' debates. Traditionally, party leaders participated in at least two nationally televised debates during the federal election – at least one each in English and French. These debates were produced by a consortium of Canada's major television networks. In May 2015, the Conservatives said they would not participate in the consortium debates and instead would take part in as many as five independently staged debates in the run-up to the fall federal election. Ultimately, the Conservatives agreed to participate in a French-language debate organized by the consortium of broadcasters as one of their five debates. The New Democratic Party confirmed that Tom Mulcair would accept every debate where the prime minister was present. The NDP had previously confirmed its intention to participate in both of the consortium debates before Stephen Harper withdrew but ultimately only participated in the French language consortium debate which included the Conservatives. Liberal leader Justin Trudeau attended the "Maclean's", "Globe and Mail", and French consortium debates; and the Liberals confirmed he would attend the other debates. The Bloc Québécois attended the French language consortium debate and confirmed its attendance at the French-language TVA debate. The Green Party attended the "Maclean's" and French language consortium debates, and confirmed its intention to participate in the English language consortium debate. Strength in Democracy, which had the same number of seats in the House of Commons at dissolution as the Greens and Bloc Québécois, were not invited to participate in any of the televised debates. The leaders of the party objected to their exclusion and launched a petition demanding that all parties represented in Parliament be invited to the debates. Other minor parties without representation in the House of Commons were not invited to participate in any of the televised debates. Controversies. The second Canadian federal election to significantly incorporate social media, the 2015 campaign was notable for the rise of new avenues of scrutiny for potential candidates. A number of damaging revelations for each of the major political parties late in the campaign led to calls for increased vetting amongst political strategists, academics and outside observers. Opinion polls. Evolution of voting intentions during the campaign leading up to the 2015 Canadian federal election to be held on October 19, 2015. Points represent results of individual polls. Election spending. Before the campaign, there were no limits to what a political party, candidate, or third party (corporations, unions, special interest groups, etc.) can spend: spending rules are only in force after the writs have been dropped and the campaign has begun. Because the election period is set longer than the standard 37-day election period, spending limits are increased in proportion to the length of the period. Reimbursements for political parties and candidates. Political parties receive a reimbursement for 50 per cent of their election expenses during the writ period. Similarly, candidates (through their official agents) receive a reimbursement of 60 per cent of their election expenses during the writ period. Both reimbursements are publicly funded. Fundraising. Elections Canada reports that during the financial quarter preceding the writ period, the Conservatives received $7.4 million in contributions, the NDP received $4.5 million, and the Liberals received $4.0 million. The NDP had the most individual donors at 48,314, followed by the Conservatives at 45,532 and then the Liberals at 32,789. The New Democratic Party stated that it collected greater than $9 million in the third quarter of 2015, the most it ever received from donors, and greater than the quarterly record established by the Conservative Party in 2011. At the riding level, financial reports in each of the 338 constituencies showed that in Conservative electoral district associations ended 2014 with net assets totalling more than $19 million, Liberal riding associations reported a total of about $8 million in net assets, and NDP associations more than $4.4 million. Individuals are able to give up to $1,500 to each political party and an additional $1,500 to all the registered associations, nomination contestants and candidates of each registered party combined. Registered third parties. A person or group must register as a third party immediately after incurring election advertising expenses totalling $500 or more. There are strict limits on advertising expenses, and specific limits that can be incurred to promote or oppose the election of one or more candidates in a particular electoral district. There were 112 registered third parties in the 2015 election. There was a $150,000 election advertising expenses limit. Of that amount, no more than $8,788 could be incurred to promote or oppose the election of one or more candidates in a particular electoral district. Election aftermath. Hours after conceding defeat on election night, incumbent Prime Minister Stephen Harper resigned as leader of the Conservative Party, though he announced his intention to remain in the new parliament as a backbencher after being elected in the riding of Calgary Heritage. The Conservative caucus met on November 5, 2015, and elected former health minister and Alberta MP Rona Ambrose as interim leader of the party, and hence, interim Leader of the Official Opposition. The next Conservative Party of Canada leadership election was held on May 27, 2017. Following his swearing in on November 4, 2015, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced that parliament would reconvene on December 3, 2015, with the Speech from the Throne to follow on December 4. Cabinet appointments. On November 4, 2015, the following individuals were sworn in as cabinet ministers of the 29th Canadian Ministry, in addition to Justin Trudeau as prime minister and minister of Intergovernmental Affairs and Youth:

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5337318

IT portfolio management is the application of systematic management to the investments, projects and activities of enterprise Information Technology (IT) departments. Examples of IT portfolios would be planned initiatives, projects, and ongoing IT services (such as application support). The promise of IT portfolio management is the quantification of previously informal IT efforts, enabling measurement and objective evaluation of investment scenarios. Overview. Debates exist on the best way to measure value of IT investment. As pointed out by Jeffery and Leliveld, companies have spent billions of dollars on IT investments and yet the headlines of mis-spent money are not uncommon. Nicholas Carr (2003) has caused significant controversy in IT industry and academia by positioning IT as an expense similar to utilities such as electricity. IT portfolio management started with a project-centric bias, but is evolving to include steady-state portfolio entries such as infrastructure and application maintenance. IT budgets tend not to track these efforts at a sufficient level of granularity for effective financial tracking. The concept is analogous to financial portfolio management, but there are significant differences. Financial portfolio assets typically have consistent measurement information (enabling accurate and objective comparisons), and this is at the base of the concept’s usefulness in application to IT. However, achieving such universality of measurement is going to take considerable effort in the IT industry (see, for example, Val IT). IT investments are not liquid, like stocks and bonds (although investment portfolios may also include illiquid assets), and are measured using both financial and non-financial yardsticks (for example, a balanced scorecard approach); a purely financial view is not sufficient. Finally, assets in an IT portfolio have a functional relationship to the organization, such as an inventory management system for logistics or a human resources system for tracking employees' time. This is analogous to a vertically integrated company which may own an oil field, a refinery, and retail gas stations. IT portfolio management is distinct from IT financial management in that it has an explicitly directive, strategic goal in determining what to continue investing in versus what to divest from. At its most mature, IT portfolio management is accomplished through the creation of three portfolios: Information Technology portfolio management as a systematic discipline is more applicable to larger IT organizations; in smaller organizations its concerns might be generalized into IT planning and governance as a whole. Benefits of using IT portfolio management. Jeffery and Leliveld (2004) have listed several benefits of applying IT portfolio management approach for IT investments. They argue that agility of portfolio management is its biggest advantage over investment approaches and methods. Other benefits include central oversight of budget, risk management, strategic alignment of IT investments, demand and investment management along with standardization of investment procedure, rules and plans. Implementing IT portfolio management. Jeffery and Leliveld (2004) have pointed out a number of hurdles and success factors that CIOs might face while attempting to implement IT portfolio management approach. To overcome these hurdles, simple methods such as proposed by Pisello (2001) can be used. Other implementation methods include (1) risk profile analysis (figure out what needs to be measured and what risks are associated with it), (2) Decide on the Diversification of projects, infrastructure and technologies (it is an important tool that IT portfolio management provides to judge the level of investments on the basis of how investments should be made in various elements of the portfolio), (3) Continuous Alignment with business goals (highest levels of organizations should have a buy-in in the portfolio) and (4) Continuous Improvement (lessons learned and investment adjustments). There is no single best way to implement IT portfolio approach and therefore variety of approaches can applied. Obviously the methods are not set in stone and will need altering depending upon the individual circumstances of different organizations. IT portfolio management vs. balanced scorecard. The biggest advantage of IT portfolio management is the agility of the investment adjustments. While balanced scorecards also emphasize the use of vision and strategy in any investment decision, oversight and control of operation budgets is not the goal. IT portfolio management allows organizations to adjust the investments based upon the feedback mechanism built into the IT portfolio management. History. The first mention of the portfolio concept as related to IT was from Richard Nolan in 1973: "investments in developing computer applications can be thought of as a portfolio of computer applications." Further mention is found in Gibson and Nolan's Managing the Four Stages of EDP Growth in 1973. Gibson and Nolan proposed that IT advances in observable stages driven by four "growth processes" of which the Applications Portfolio was key. Their concepts were operationalized at Nolan, Norton & Co. with measures of application coverage of business functions, applications functional and technical qualities, applications age and spending. McFarlan proposed a different portfolio management approach to IT assets and investments. Further contributions have been made by Weill and Broadbent, Aitken, Kaplan, and Benson, Bugnitz, and Walton. The ITIL version 2 Business Perspective and Application Management volumes and the ITIL v3 Service Strategy volume also cover it in depth. Various vendors have offerings explicitly branded as "IT Portfolio Management" solutions. ISACA's Val IT framework is perhaps the first attempt at standardization of IT portfolio management principles. In peer-reviewed research, Christopher Verhoef has found that IT portfolios statistically behave more akin to biological populations than financial portfolios. Verhoef was general chair of the first convening of the new IEEE conference, "IEEE Equity," March 2007, which focuses on "quantitative methods for measuring, predicting, and understanding the relationship between IT and value." Freeware and open source tools. MappIT is a free tool used to map and analyze IT SEC Portfolio assets (systems, business processes, infrastructure, people, skills, roles, organization, spending...) and their lifecycle. It was launched in its first version in February 2012. Relationship to other IT disciplines. IT portfolio management is an enabling technique for the objectives of IT Governance. It is related to both IT Service Management and Enterprise Architecture, and is seen as a bridge between the two. ITIL v3 calls for Service Portfolio Management which appears to be functionally equivalent. Difference between projects, programs and portfolios. A project is managed with a clear end date in mind, and according to a set scope and budget. It has a single easily definable tangible output. E.g. a list of deliverables, a new system or an improved process. The Management of Portfolios (MoP) standard of AXELOS defines a project as "... a temporary organization, usually existing for a much shorter time than a programme, which will deliver one or more outputs in accordance with a specific business case. A particular project may or may not be part of a programme." A program is a collection of two or more projects sharing a common goal. Program managers control dependencies and allocate resources across projects. The MoP and Management of Successful Programmes (MSP) standards define a programme as "... a temporary, flexible organization created to coordinate, direct and oversee the implementation of a set of related projects and activities in order to deliver outcomes and benefits related to the organizations's strategic objectives. A programme is likely to have a life that spans several years." A portfolio is a group of related initiatives, projects and/or programs that attain wide reaching benefits and impact. MoP definition: "An organization's portfolio is the totality of its investment (or segment therof) in the changes required to achieve its strategic objectives. ...focus is on the change initiatives that are delivered via formalized project and programme management methodologies."

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=49392871

Nima is a portable food sensor designed to enable individuals with food allergies and sensitivities to test their food for specific proteins. Nima created and leads the category of consumer food testers. The first product, a gluten sensor, was released in for general availability in February 2017. The second product, a peanut sensor, was released for general availability in September 2018. Nima caters to the millions of people who have food sensitivities and food allergies, and require additional data before making a decision at mealtime. The company's mission to enables people to be their healthiest selves by giving them the power to know what's in their food. The founders of Nima met at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and have severe food sensitivities and family members with extreme food allergies. They were personally motivated to find a solution to help improve the chances of staying healthy and social when eating outside of the home for themselves, their families and the millions of people who are actively avoiding certain foods to stay healthy. Nima was born out of MIT in 2013. Nima was acquired by an unknown company in 2020, referred to as a major supplier of medical products in a note to Nima customers. Although not officially confirmed by a press release, it appears that many believe that Medline Industries acquired Nima. Whether by decision or Covid19 impact, testing capsules for the testing units were immediately unavailable for purchase on Amazon after the acquisition announcement. Testers are still available to purchase on Amazon but do not include testing capsules. How to use. A food sample is placed in a one-time-use capsule, which is inserted into the Nima sensor. Once the test begins, the food is mixed with proprietary antibodies and analyzed by the sensor in under 5 minutes. Nima delivers a binary result for the sample tested for gluten and peanut. The gluten sensor is tuned to 20 parts per million for gluten and 10 parts per million for peanut. If the sample contains 20 ppm or more of gluten, Nima is designed to deliver a gluten found indication, to indicate gluten was found. If the sample contained 10 ppm or more of peanut, Nima is designed to deliver a peanut found for the sample. If there is no detectable gluten or peanut, Nima will display a smiley face to indicate that there was no detectable target protein in the sampled food. The device has not been approved by the FDA, and the developers contest that such approval is not necessary because they "are not using it to diagnose or manage disease." Nima has also developed a companion application for iOS and Android, connected through Bluetooth, that allows users to connect with other Nima owners and find allergen information for specific restaurants and packaged foods. The company plans to eventually expand its technology to detect other allergens, such as dairy and tree nuts. They are also exploring detection methods for additives, GMOs, preservatives and possible causes of food poisoning. Science, accuracy and validation. Nima uses antibody based chemistry to detect proteins in food at the parts per million level for both gluten and peanut. The Nima science has been third-party validated and published in peer reviewed journals. Nima reports accuracy as the ability to detect gluten in samples of food at 20ppm and above, and to detect peanut in samples of food at 10ppm and above. Nima reports above 97% accuracy when comparing the performance of gluten and peanut detection to the leading food diagnostic lab ELISA tests for traces of gluten at the range of 20ppm and above in food samples and peanut at the range of 10ppm and above. Dr. Stephen Taylor, founder and director of the Food Allergy Research and Resource program, concludes on behalf of the validation study for Nima gluten, "We conclude that the portable, handheld Nima gluten sensor functions reliably detect gluten residues at appropriate levels in a range of different foods. The foods were deliberately chosen to represent the wide range of products that might be available as gluten-free options. In our opinion, use of the Nima device will protect the health of gluten-sensitive consumers, if properly used on foods with reasonably uniform gluten distribution." Nima also has published third-party validation for the Nima peanut sensor. In addition to the third-party validation, Nima's validation studies have been published in peer-reviewed journals, including "Food Chemistry", "The Journal of Food Protection". Studies of Nima's food testing data has also been published in The American Journal of Gastroenterology A clinical study by researchers and clinicians at the Columbia University Celiac Disease Center found that Nima improved the quality of life of adult Celiacs. Limitations. Nima Labs, Inc, the company behind Nima, communicates that Nima is a supplement and extra data point to what users are already doing to try and avoid gluten and peanut when eating out. As quoted on the Nima packaging, "Nima test results are only representative of the sample and are not a guarantee of the entire dish. Use of this product should not replace education, medical advice, compliance with food labeling and adherence to avoidance strategies. Failure to use this product in accordance with the instruction could result in serious injury or death. Neither the Nima device or individual capsules are designed to be ingested or eaten." While Nima works on most food types, Nima's sensing technology has a few limitations, including detection of proteins in hydrolyzed and fermented foods for gluten. This is most challenging for gluten detection in the case of soy sauce and alcohol - Nima cannot detect gluten in soy sauce or alcohol. The peanut sensor also has limitations for some high concentrations of ingredients. The full list of limitations are published and linked on the Nima FAQs website. Gluten in unexpected places – one out of 3 dishes labelled gluten-free at restaurants found to have gluten. The majority of Nima users use Nima when eating out at restaurants and testing samples of food that may be higher risk for cross contamination, such as shared friers, gluten-free pizzas cooked in pizza ovens with non-gluten items, sauces, marinades, grill marks. When testing at home, Nima users typically test packaged foods with unclear ingredients or no gluten or peanut ingredients but not labelled gluten-free or peanut-free. Nima users can share their test results on the Nima app and see what other people are testing. A study by the Columbia Celiac Disease Center analyzed thousands of Nima user test results and found that gluten was present in one out of three gluten-free labelled dishes in restaurants. Reception. Generally, Nima has been positively received in the market place, with recognition by top publications, including:"Time" magazine's best Inventions and Popular Science 12 Most Important Health Innovations of the Year An investigative reporter as part of the Rossen Reports put the Nima peanut sensor to the test on The Today Show with positive results. Nima has also been reviewed by the following publications:

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=17710687

Prosocial behavior, or intent to benefit others, is a social behavior that "benefit[s] other people or society as a whole", "such as helping, sharing, donating, co-operating, and volunteering". Obeying the rules and conforming to socially accepted behaviors (such as stopping at a "Stop" sign or paying for groceries) are also regarded as prosocial behaviors. These actions may be motivated by empathy and by concern about the welfare and rights of others, as well as for egoistic or practical concerns, such as one's social status or reputation, hope for direct or indirect reciprocity, or adherence to one's perceived system of fairness. It may also be motivated by altruism, though the existence of pure altruism is somewhat disputed, and some have argued that this falls into philosophical rather than psychological realm of debate. Evidence suggests that pro sociality is central to the well-being of social groups across a range of scales, including schools. Prosocial behavior in the classroom can have a significant impact on a student's motivation for learning and contributions to the classroom and larger community. In the workplace, prosocial behaviour can have a significant impact on team psychological safety, as well as positive indirect effects on employee's helping behaviors and task performance. Empathy is a strong motive in eliciting prosocial behavior, and has deep evolutionary roots. Prosocial behavior fosters positive traits that are beneficial for children and society. It helps many beneficial functions by bettering production of any league and its organizational scale. Evolutionary psychologists use theories such as kin-selection theory and inclusive fitness as an explanation for why prosocial behavioral tendencies are passed down generationally, according to the evolutionary fitness displayed by those who engaged in prosocial acts. Encouraging prosocial behavior may also require decreasing or eliminating undesirable social behaviors. Although the term "prosocial behavior" is often associated with developing desirable traits in children, the literature on the topic has grown since the late 1980s to include adult behaviors as well. The term "prosocial" has grown into a world-wide movement, using evolutionary science to create real-world pro-social changes from working groups to our whole culture. Origin of the term. According to the psychology researcher C. Daniel Batson, the term "was created by social scientists as an antonym for antisocial." Reciprocity vs. altruism in motivation. The purest forms of prosocial behavior are motivated by altruism, an unselfish interest in helping another person. According to Santrock, the circumstances most likely to evoke altruism are empathy for an individual in need, or a close relationship between the benefactor and the recipient. However, many prosocial behaviors that appear altruistic are in fact motivated by the norm of reciprocity, which is the obligation to return a favor with a favor. People feel guilty when they do not reciprocate and they may feel angry when someone else does not reciprocate. Reciprocal altruism suggests that "such helping is driven by a genetic tendency". Thus some professionals argue that altruism may not exist, and is completely motivated by reciprocity. Either reciprocity or altruism may motivate many important prosocial behaviors, including sharing. Situational and individual factors. Prosocial behavior is mediated by both situational and individual factors. Situational factors. One of the most common situation factors is the occurrence of the bystander effect. The bystander effect is the phenomenon that an individual's likelihood of helping decreases when passive bystanders are present in a critical situation. For example, when someone drops a stack of papers on a crowded sidewalk, most people are likely to continue passing him/her by. This example can be extended to even more urgent situations, such as a car crash or natural disaster. The decision model of bystander intervention noted that whether or not an individual gives aid in a situation depends upon their analysis of the situation. An individual will consider whether or not the situation requires their assistance, if the assistance is the responsibility of the individual, and how to help. This model, proposed by Latane and Darley, describes five things that must occur in order for a person to intervene: The number of individuals present in the situation requiring help is also a mediating factor in one's decision to give aid, where the more individuals are present, the less likely it is for one particular individual to give aid due to a reduction in perceived personal responsibility. This is known as diffusion of responsibility, where the responsibility one feels for the person(s) in need is divided by the number of bystanders. Another factor that comes into play is evaluation apprehension, which simply refers to the fear of being judged by other bystanders. Finally, pluralistic ignorance may also lead to someone not intervening. This refers to relying on the reaction of others, before reacting yourself. Additionally, Piliavin et al., (1981) noted that individuals are likely to maximize their rewards and minimize their costs when determining whether or not to give aid in a situation – that is, that people are rationally self-motivated. Prosocial behavior is more likely to occur if the cost of helping is low (i.e. minimal time, or minimal effort), if helping would actually benefit the individual providing the help in some way, and if the rewards of providing the help are large. If it is in an individual's interest to help, they will most likely do so, especially if the cost of not providing the help is great. People are also more likely to help those in their social group, or their "in group". With a sense of shared identity with the individual requiring assistance, the altruist is more likely to provide help, on the basis that one allocates more time and energy towards helping behavior within individuals of their own group. The labeling of another individual as a member of one's "in-group" leads to greater feelings of closeness, emotional arousal, and a heightened sense of personal responsibility for the other's welfare, all of which increase the motivation to act prosocially. Researchers have also found that social exclusion decreases the likelihood of prosocial behavior occurring. In a series of seven experiments conducted by Twenge et al., (2007) researchers manipulated social inclusion or exclusion by telling research participants that other participants had purposefully excluded them, or that they would probably end up alone later in life. They found that this preliminary social exclusion caused prosocial behavior to drop significantly, noting that "Socially excluded people donated less money to a student fund, were unwilling to volunteer for further lab experiments, were less helpful after a mishap, and cooperated less in a mixed-motive game with another student." This effect is thought to be due to the fact that prosocial behavior, again, is motivated by a sense of responsibility in caring for and sharing resources with members of one's own group. Individual factors. Individuals can be compelled to act prosocially based on learning and socialization during childhood. Operant conditioning and social learning positively reinforces discrete instances of prosocial behaviors. Cognitive capacities like intelligence for example, are almost always related to prosocial likings. Helping skills and a habitual motivation to help others is therefore socialized, and reinforced as children understand why helping skills should be used to help others around them. Social and individual standards and ideals also motivate individuals to engage in prosocial behavior. Social responsibility norms, and social reciprocity norms reinforce those who act prosocially. As an example, consider the child who is positively reinforced for "sharing" during their early childhood years. When acting prosocially, individuals reinforce and maintain their positive self-images or personal ideals, as well as help to fulfill their own personal needs. The correlation between a helper's state and helping tendencies are greatly restricted to the relationship between whomever takes part in the situation. Emotional arousal is an additional important motivator for prosocial behavior in general. Batson's (1987) empathy-altruism model examines the emotional and motivational component of prosocial behavior. Feeling empathy towards the individual needing aid increases the likelihood that the aid will be given. This empathy is called "empathetic concern" for the other individual, and is characterized by feelings of tenderness, compassion, and sympathy. Agreeableness is thought to be the personality trait most associated with inherent prosocial motivation. Prosocial thoughts and feelings may be defined as a sense of responsibility for other individuals, and a higher likelihood of experiencing empathy ("other-oriented empathy") both affectively (emotionally) and cognitively. These prosocial thoughts and feelings correlate with dispositional empathy and dispositional agreeableness. Other factors. In addition to situational and individualistic factors, there are some categorical characteristics that can impact prosocial behavior. Several studies have indicated a positive relationship between prosocial behavior and religion. In addition, there may be sex differences in prosocial behavior, particularly as youths move into adolescence. Research suggests that while women and men both engage in prosocial behaviors, women tend to engage in more communal and relational prosocial behaviors whereas men tend to engage in more agentic prosocial behaviors. A recent study examining workplace charitable giving looked at the role of both sex and ethnicity. Results showed that women gave significantly more than men, and Caucasians gave significantly more than minority groups. However, the percent of minority individuals in the workplace was positively associated with workplace charitable giving by minorities. Culture, sex, and religion are important factors to consider in understanding prosocial behavior on an individual and group level. In childhood through early adolescence. Prosocial behavior in childhood often begins with questions of sharing and fairness. From age 12–18 months, children begin to display prosocial behavior in presenting and giving their toys to their parents, without promoting or being reinforced by praise. The development of prosocial behavior continues throughout the second year of life, as children begin to gain a moral understanding of the world. As obedience to societal standards becomes important, children's ability to exhibit prosocial behavior strengthens, with occurrence and diversity of these behaviors increasing with age and cognitive maturity. What is important developmentally is that the child has developed a belief that sharing is an obligatory part of a social relationship and involves a question of right and wrong. So, as children move through childhood, their reasoning changes from being hedonistic and needs-oriented to becoming more concerned with approval and more involved in complex cognitive forms of perspective taking and reciprocity reasoning. Additionally, children's prosocial behavior is typically more centered around interest in friends and concern for approval, whereas adolescents begin to develop reasoning that is more concerned with abstract principles such as guilt and positive affect. Parents can set examples that children carry into their interactions and communication with peers, but parents are not present during all of their children's peer exchanges. The day-to-day constructions of fairness standards is done by children in collaboration and negotiation with each other. Recent research demonstrates that invoking the self using subtle linguistic cues (e.g. identifying someone as a "helper" versus labeling the action, "helping") fosters the perception that a behavior reflects identity, and increases helping, or prosocial, behaviors in children significantly across tasks. Another study by Nantel-Vivier et al. used a multi-informant model to investigate the development of prosocial behaviour in both Canadian and Italian adolescents aged 10–15. Their findings have indicated that, in early adolescence, although empathy and moral reasoning continue to advance, the development of prosocial behaviors reaches a plateau. Theories for this change in development suggest that it is the result of more individualized and selective prosocial behaviors. During adolescence, youth begin to focus these behaviors toward their peer groups and/or affiliations. Consistent with previous analyses, this study also found a tendency toward higher prosocial behaviors in young adolescent girls compared to their male classmates. The earlier maturation in females may be a possible explanation for this disparity. A more recent study that focused on the effects of pubertal timing found that early maturation in adolescents has a positive impact on prosocial behaviors. While their findings apply to both genders, this study found a much more pronounced effect in males. This suggests that earlier onset of puberty has a positive correlation with the development of prosocial behaviors. In many Indigenous American communities, prosocial behavior is a valued means of learning and child rearing. Such behaviors are seen as contributing in an eagerly collaborative and flexible environment, aimed at teaching consideration, responsibility, and skills with the guidance and support of adults. Culturally valued developmental goals are integrally tied to children's participation in these contexts. It is also helpful for children to learn cultural mores in addition to individual personality development. Children learn functional life skills through real-time observation of adults and interactive participation of these learned skills within their community. Prosocial development in school. Prosocial behavior can act as a strong motivator in education, for it provides students with a purpose beyond themselves and the classroom. This purpose beyond the self, or self-transcendence, is an innate human need to be a part of something bigger than themselves. When learning in isolation, the way Western academics are traditionally designed, students struggle to make connections to the material and its greater overarching purpose. This disconnection harms student learning, motivation, and attitudes about education. If teachers make space for prosocial behavior in education and social learning, then they can illustrate that what students are learning will have a direct impact on the world that they live in. This would be considered a mutually constituting relationship, or a relationship in which both individuals and culture develop interdependently. In other words, what students are learning in a classroom could be intimately connected with a purpose towards a greater cause, deepening the learning itself. Studies by Yeager et al. test the effects of having a self-transcendent purpose for learning, with the results showing that such a purpose for learning led to fewer future college dropouts, increased high school math and science GPAs, and persistence on boring tasks. This self transcendent purpose may not only encourage persistence on boring tasks, but may help to make boring tasks more meaningful and engaging. A person's ideas and opinions are largely shaped by the world that they grow up in, which in turn determines what sort of change they want to instill in the world. For example: a girl who grew up in poverty becoming a social worker. The environment she grew up in gave her an awareness of the workings of poverty, motivating her to instill change in either the institutions that cause it, or help those affected by poverty. There aren't many opportunities to make prosocial contributions in school; which makes school feel isolated and irrelevant. By encouraging students to find a self-transcendent purpose in their learning, we enable them to enjoy their learning and make connections to community contributions. Influence of media programming and video games on children. Studies have shown that different types of media programming may evoke prosocial behaviors in children. The channels aimed at younger viewers like Nickelodeon and Disney Channel had significantly more acts of altruism than the general-audience demographic channels like A&E and or TNT, according to one large-scale study. This study examined the programming of 18 different channels, including more than 2,000 entertainment shows, during a randomly selected week on television. The study revealed that nearly three quarters (73 percent) of programs contained at least one act of altruism and on average viewers saw around three acts of altruism an hour. Around one-third of those behaviors were explicitly rewarded in the plot, potentially sending the message that these acts of prosocial behavior can come with positive consequences. Another study on the topic was conducted by University at Buffalo, Iowa State University and University of Minnesota professors. They studied children for two years for the purpose of investigating the role of media exposure on prosocial behavior for young boys and girls. The study concluded that media exposure could possibly predict outcomes related to prosocial behavior. Other experimental research has suggested that prosocial video games may increase prosocial behavior in players although some of this work has proven difficult to replicate. However other scholars have been critical of this work for tending to falsely dichotomize video games into prosocial/violent categories despite significant overlap as well as methodological flaws in the experimental studies . For instance a study by Ferguson and Garza found that exposure to violent video games was associated with increased prosocial behavior, both on-line as well as volunteering in the real world. The authors speculated this may be due to the prosocial themes common in many violent games, as well as team oriented play in many games. Legislation. In the United States, in an effort to get stations to air education and prosocial programming for children, the Children's Television Act was adopted in 1990. It states that channels must produce and air programming developed specifically for children as a condition to renew broadcast licenses. After discussions as to what the definition of "specifically designed for children" really means, in 1996 guidelines were passed to correct this ambiguity. Influence of observation. People are generally much more likely to act pro-socially in a public setting rather than in a private setting. One explanation for this finding has to do with perceived status, being publicly recognized as a pro-social individual often enhance one's self-image and desirability to be considered for inclusion in social groups. Other research has shown that merely given people the "illusion" that they are being observed (e.g., by hanging up posters of "staring" human eyes) can generate significant changes in pro-social acts such as charitable giving and less littering. Pictures of human eyes trigger an involuntary neural gaze detection mechanism, which primes people to act pro-socially. There are two different forms of prosocial behaviors. Ordinary prosocial behavior requires, "situational and sociocultural demands." Extraordinary prosocial behavior doesn't include as much. This indicates that one form is used for a more selfish result while the other is not. Influence of perception of responsibility and guilt. Guilt has long been regarded as a motivator for prosocial behavior. Extensive data from a 2012 study conducted by de Hooge, demonstrates that when a secondary individual repairs a transgressors’ damage caused to victims, the transgressors’ guilt feelings, reparative intentions, and prosocial behavior drastically diminish. Thus, reduction of guilt may have more to do with reparative actions broadly, rather than necessarily prosocial behaviors taken on by oneself. Social media in natural disasters. Social media can also be a catalyst for prosocial behavior. One example occurred during the relief efforts in the wake of the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami off the coast of Japan, when users turned to Facebook and Twitter to provide financial and emotional support via their social networks. Direct donations to Japanese relief were possible on The Red Cross fan page on Facebook, and via online discount sites like Groupon and LivingSocial. Relation to mood and emotion. Mood and prosocial behavior are closely linked. People often experience the "feel good-do good" phenomena, where being in a good mood increases helping behaviors. Being in a good mood helps us to see the "good" in other people, and prolongs our own good mood. For example, mood and work behaviors have frequently been examined in research; studies show that positive mood at work is associated with more positive work-related behaviors (e.g., helping co-workers). Similarly, prosocial behaviors increase positive mood. Several studies have shown the benefits of volunteering and other prosocial behaviors on self-esteem, life satisfaction, and overall mental health. Additionally, negative mood can also impact prosocial behavior. Research has shown that guilt often leads to prosocial behaviors, whereas other negative mood states, such as fear, do not lead to the same prosocial behaviors. A recent pilot study examined whether an intervention increasing prosocial behavior (kind acts) in young adults with social anxiety would both increase positive affect and decrease social anxiety in participants. Participants randomly assigned to a 4-week Kind Acts intervention, where individuals were instructed to engage in three kind acts each day twice a week over the 4 week period, showed both higher self-reported positive mood and increased satisfaction with relationships at the end of the intervention. This intervention demonstrates ways in which prosocial behavior may be beneficial in improving mood and mental health. Other research suggests that cultivating positive emotions, such as gratitude, may also facilitate prosocial behavior. A study by Bartlett & DeSteno examined the ability of gratitude to shape costly prosocial behavior, demonstrating that gratitude increases efforts to assist a benefactor even when such efforts are costly (i.e., hedonically negative), and that this increase is qualitatively different from efforts given from just general positive affective state. They also show that gratitude can increase assistance provided to strangers, not just close social ties. Awe is another positive emotional state that has been closely linked to inspiring generosity and prosocial behavior. Piff et al. studied this phenomenon through experiments using economic and ethical-decision making games and explain, "When people experience awe they really want to share that experience with other people, suggesting that it has this particularly viral component to it... awe binds people together—by causing people to want to share their positive experiences collectively with one another." Psychopathy and lack of prosocial behavior. In 1941, Hervey Cleckley described psychopathy as a disorder in which individuals often initially appear intelligent, charming, and even kind but are in fact egocentric, grandiose and impulsive. He described individuals who would, on a whim, leave their families to cross the country gambling, drinking and fighting, only to return and act as if nothing was out of the ordinary. Today, psychopathy is described as a personality disorder that is characterized by decreased anxiety, fear, and social closeness as well as increased impulsivity, manipulativeness, interpersonal dominance and aggression. These traits lead to numerous types of antisocial behavior including high rates of substance abuse, serial short term relationships, and various forms of criminal behavior. One common misconception about psychopathy though is that all psychopaths are serial killers or other vicious criminals. In reality, many researchers do not consider criminal behavior to be a criterion for the disorder although the role of criminality in the disorder is strongly debated. Additionally, psychopathy is being researched as a dimensional construct that is one extreme of normal range personality traits instead of a categorical disorder. In regards to the lack of prosocial behavior in psychopathy, there are several theories that have been proposed in the literature. One theory suggests that psychopaths engage in less prosocial behavior (and conversely more antisocial behavior) because of a deficit in their ability to recognize fear in others, particularly fearful facial expressions. Because they are unable to recognize that their actions are causing another distress, they continue that behavior in order to obtain some goal that benefits them. A second theory proposes that psychopaths have a sense of "altruistic punishment" where they are willing to punish other individuals even if it means they will be harmed in some way. There has also been an evolutionary theory proposed stating that psychopaths lack of prosocial behavior is an adaptive mating strategy in that it allows them to spread more of their genes while taking less responsibility for their offspring. Finally, there is some evidence that in some situations psychopaths behavior may not be antisocial but instead it may be more utilitarian than other individuals. In a recent study, Bartels & Pizarro (2011) found that when making decisions about traditional moral dilemmas such as the trolley problem, individuals high in psychopathic traits actually make more utilitarian (and therefore more moral in some views) choices. This finding is particularly interesting because it suggests that psychopaths, who are often considered immoral or even evil, may actually make better moral decisions than non-psychopaths. The authors of this study conclude that individuals high in psychopathic traits are less influenced by their emotions and therefore make more "mathematical" decisions and choose the option that leads to the lowest number of deaths. The theories discussed above are not intended to be a comprehensive list but instead to provide a sense of how psychopaths differ in their approach to social interactions. As with most psychological/social phenomena, it is likely a combination of these factors that leads to psychopaths' lack of prosocial behavior. Further research is needed to determine the causal nature of any one of these individual deficits as well as if there is any way to help these individuals develop more prosocial patterns of behavior. Helper's high. Psychologists have shown that helping others can produce "feel-good" neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and that, similar to any other pleasurable activity, the act of volunteering, giving and behaving pro-socially can become addictive. Some work has been done on utilizing this principle through the concept of helper therapy, in which therapeutic benefits are gleaned from assisting others. Community health workers have been found to gain helper benefits that include positive feelings about self, a sense of belonging, valuable work experience, and access to health information and skills through their prosocial vocation, which may buffer against the various stressors inherent in this line of work. In addition, Helper therapy may also be highly beneficial for distressed adolescents experiencing suicidal thoughts. Studies indicate that when help-seeking youth use online community forums, the help-seekers often begin to provide support for other help seekers, and develop a reciprocal prosocial community battling depression together. Prosocial dissidence. Stefano Passini and Davide Morselli argue that groups will obey authority so long as its system, basis, and demands are viewed as legitimate. Passini and Morselli distinguish between anti-social disobedience, which they see as destructive, and prosocial disobedience, which they see as constructive. "Disobedience becomes prosocial when it is enacted for the sake of the whole society, including all its different levels and groups. In contrast, anti-social disobedience is enacted mainly in favour of one's own group, in order to attain individual rights." A main difference between anti-social and pro-social dissidence is the way that they relate to authority; anti-social dissidents reject authority and disobey its norms and laws, while pro-social dissidents understand the important roles that societal laws play in maintaining order, but also recognize and address the flaws in authoritative reasoning. Pro-social protests, if viewed in a positive manner, can increase freedoms and equality for the general public, and improve democratic institutions. Labor market outcomes. Recent scientific research shows that individuals who volunteer have better labor market outcomes in terms of hiring opportunities and wages.

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Superman, a fictional comic book character, has spanned several decades and become a defining superhero archetype. Creation. Jerry Siegel and Joe Shuster met at Cleveland's Glenville High School. Both shared an affection for science fiction and pulp magazines and soon contributed to the student newspaper, "The Glenville Torch". Soon, Siegel and Shuster produced their own science fiction magazine, "Science Fiction", a stapled, mimeographed pamphlet containing drawings by Shuster and stories by Siegel under various pseudonyms. Only five issues were produced and they are very rare: one copy sold decades later for $50,000. Siegel's short story "The Reign of the Superman" (with an illustration by Shuster) concerned a bald-headed villain, vaguely reminiscent of Flash Gordon's Ming the Merciless, bent on dominating the world. Looking to comics as a vehicle for their ideas, they formulated a different take on the concept of the superman, with the character being a physically powerful hero. They pitched this unsuccessfully to newspaper syndicates as a comic strip. Siegel sent it to National Comics in New York where it languished in a drawer. When a publisher had difficulty deciding on an appropriate cover for a new magazine called "Action Comics", someone pulled out the Superman proposal, showing him lifting a car with his hands. The publisher allegedly called it "ridiculous", but still decided to later put it on the cover. He wrote Siegel and Shuster and asked them if they could put together a 13-page story for "Action Comics" #1. Siegel and Shuster hurriedly cut and pasted their newspaper strip into comic book form and sent it off. In the summer, "Action Comics" hit the newsstands. Sales figures were not as immediate as today, but when "Action Comics" #4 hit the stands, sales were off the charts. Astounded by this, the publisher is reported to have gone down to his local newsstand and asked a kid, "Why are you reading this one?" pointing to "Action Comics". "Because it's the one that has Superman in it, mister." Early years. The revised Superman first appeared in "Action Comics" #1 (June 1938). Siegel and Shuster sold the rights to the company for $130 and a contract to supply the publisher with material. The "Saturday Evening Post" reported in 1960 that the pair was being paid $75,000 each per year, still a fraction of DC's Superman profits. In 1964, when Siegel and Shuster sued for more money, DC fired them, prompting a legal battle that ended in 1967, when they accepted $200,000 and signed away any further claim to Superman or any character created from him. DC soon took Siegel's and Shuster's names off the byline. Following the huge financial success of "Superman" in 1978 and news reports of their pauper-like existences, Warner Communications gave Siegel and Shuster lifetime pensions of $35,000 per year and health care benefits. In addition, any media production which includes the Superman character must include the credit "Superman created by Jerry Siegel and Joe Shuster". Throughout the decade of Superman's existence, DC sued several competing comic book publishers for introducing superheroes with similar powers. Among these companies were Fox Feature Syndicate for its character Wonderman, and Fawcett Comics for its character Master Man. In 1941, DC filed a lawsuit against Fawcett over the top-selling character of the time whom DC perceived as a Superman clone, Captain Marvel. During the "National Comics Publications v. Fawcett Publications" case, Fawcett fought the lawsuit, and continued publishing Captain Marvel, who surpassed Superman and the other superheroes in sales in the mid-1940s. By 1953, the case had been in litigation for 12 years and in court for five. The case was decided in DC's favor. Fawcett paid DC a fine and ceased publication of all Captain Marvel-related comics. DC would acquire the rights to Captain Marvel in the 1970s and the former rival characters would be presented as allies, with Captain Marvel often serving as the Kryptonian's substitute in emergencies. Golden Age. By the time the United States had entered World War II, Superman had inspired a boom in the comic book industry and had engendered the new genre of the "superheroes" (although, controversy still exists over whether Superman can be considered the first superhero), which by then had included Batman, Captain America, Namor the Sub-Mariner, Captain Marvel, Robin, the Flash, Green Lantern, and Wonder Woman. By this time, the character had also leaped from the comics into other media. In 1939, Superman's adventures were seen in newspaper strips, although they were often reprints of what was already appearing in the comics. Also, "The Adventures of Superman" radio program was broadcast to the nation with millions of listeners. And while Captain Marvel beat him to live action cinema in "The Adventures of Captain Marvel" (in a serial originally intended for Superman), a series of lavishly budgeted animated cartoons produced by Max Fleischer hit theaters and continue to astound viewers today. After the war though, many of Superman's contemporaries found themselves slowly being forgotten after the boom became a bust. Throughout the late 1940s and the duration of the 1950s, Superman was by far the most popular character in comics. By the mid-1950s, there were few characters able to challenge him. Only Batman, Wonder Woman and a few other Golden-Agers remained. During this time, Superman's powers became more and more grandiose. They would expand to include heat vision (heat rays emitting from his eyes), the ability to breathe in space, and the power to travel through time. Superman's adversaries also grew more fantastic and mighty, but more and more issues of the comics involved "imaginary stories" which could result in any number of scenarios (either as a cause or an effect) and did not affect the continuity of future issues. These grander powers would be replicated within the Silver Age Superman. It was also established shortly after World War II that Superman had begun his career years earlier in the town of Smallville, under the name of Superboy. Stories about Superboy tended to be illustrated in an idyllic fashion and has been compared to the "Saturday Evening Post". Superman also became a hit in live action. The 1948 self-titled serial and its sequel "Atom Man vs. Superman" with Kirk Alyn as Clark Kent/Superman were both box-office smashes—the former being the biggest of all time—and his television show "The Adventures of Superman" starring George Reeves, was an integral part of the so-called "Golden Age of Television". As shown in the original Golden Age comics — including "Action Comics" #1 (1938), "Superman" #1 (1939), and "Superman" #61 (1949), as well as in later stories such as "Secret Origins" (vol. 2) #1 (1986) — noted scientist Jor-L discovers that Krypton is about to explode, yet he cannot convince his fellow Kryptonians to save themselves. However, he manages to construct a spaceship to save his infant son, Kal-L. The ship launches just as the planet explodes, with Kal-L landing on Earth in a farm country town (later identified as Smallville) around the time of World War I. In this version, John and Mary Kent (passing motorists who witness the spaceship landing) take the infant to an orphanage and soon return to adopt the child, naming him Clark. In his 1942 novel, George Lowther changes the names Jor-L, Kal-L and Lora (Superman's birth mother) to the more modern Jor-El. Kal-El and Lara. According to an interview with Joe Shuster shortly before his death, the name "Clark Kent" was chosen as a combination of the names of two movie stars, Clark Gable and Kent Taylor. Clark grows up on the Kent family farm, slowly discovering that he possesses various superpowers, but at first unaware of his Kryptonian origins. After the deaths of his adoptive parents, Clark decides to use his powers for the benefit of humanity, constructing a stylized costume and moving to the nearby city of Metropolis. Clark begins work as a reporter at the "Daily Star" newspaper and soon makes his debut as the world's first superhero, Superman. The earliest Superman stories were written by Siegel, and drawn by Shuster in a style heavily influenced by comic strip artist Roy Crane. According to Jules Feiffer, "Shuster represented the best of old-style comic book drawing. His work was direct, unprettied - crude and vigorous; as easy to read as a diagram... Slickness, thank God, was beyond his means" (Feiffer,The Great Comic Book Heroes, 1965). In the last interview Shuster gave before his death, he explained that he had modeled the visual appearance of Clark Kent on himself and movie star Harold Lloyd, and that of Superman on Douglas Fairbanks Senior. Lois Lane was modeled after Joanne Carter, who would later marry Jerry Siegel after the comic became a success. The skyscape of Metropolis was inspired by that of the city of Toronto, where Shuster had spent most of his childhood, and the newspaper employing Clark Kent, originally the "Daily Star", was named after the "Toronto Star" for which Shuster had been a paperboy. (Mietkewicz, above) With Superman's quick success, the demand for Superman stories exceeded the creator's ability to produce them. Although the stories continued to carry the Siegel and Shuster byline, progressively more of the work was done by assistants in the Siegel and Shuster studio (Les Daniels, "Comix: A History of Comic Books in America" (1971)). But the use of assistants was not always successful. According to Jules Feiffer, Shuster "could not draw well, but he drew single-mindedly -- no one could ghost that style. It was the man. When assistants began 'improving' the appearance of the strip it went downhill. It looked as though it was being drawn in a bank" (Feiffer, above). One story in which Superman encountered a fictional cartoonist provided a tongue-in-cheek look at how such work was delegated. The story, which purported on the title page to tell "how comic strips are written and drawn", showed a studio filled with "artists -- stacks of them -- figure men, background specialists, inkers, letterers" as well as script-writers, all devoted to the production of stories about a Superman-like character, while the original creator of the strip was, to Superman's consternation, kept busy answering his fan mail ("King of the Comic Books", "Superman" #25, 1943). In the early stories, Superman is the only science-fiction element. He is described as the champion of the helpless and the oppressed, and he combats real-world social evils: munitions manufacturers, dangerous conditions in mines and a hit-and-run drunk driver (in "Superman" #1), rigged prize fights and corrupt businessmen (in "Superman" #2), child abusers and wife beaters (in "Superman" #3) and crooked cops and politicians (in "Superman" #7). By 1940, more extraordinary antagonists began to appear in the stories, including giants, mad scientists and dinosaurs. Superman's powers also developed during the 1940s, including vast increases in strength and acquiring the ability to fly — the earliest comics depict Superman able to leap only an eighth of a mile at a time. In "Superman" #61 (1949), Superman finally learns of the existence of Krypton. Superman becomes an honorary member of the Justice Society of America, though he only participates in two capers in the original Golden Age stories ("All-Star Comics" #8 and 36). In his earliest adventures, Superman is depicted as being grim, strong-willed, and not afraid to take the life of an evildoer. These include examples of beating a robber to death after the thief tries to shoot him. Like the Batman of that era, he prompted a small controversy over comic characters killing. While Batman was toned down in terms of violence, Superman imposed a moral code that he would never take a life of any adversary he faced. During World War II, Superman was used as a figure of hope for readers in America and soldiers. This was evident in many of the "Superman" Fleischer Studios animated shorts of the era, in which Superman is helping the Allies win the war and often shown at odds with Japanese spies and German espionage agents. Beginning in the 1940s, Superman's life as a boy is gradually fleshed out. The first Superboy story appears in "More Fun Comics" #101 (February 1945), but the locale is still not clearly specified, though it appears to be a Metropolis neighborhood, and the Kents still do not have names. Superboy is not established as a Smallville resident until "Superboy" #2 (May 1949) and his parents' names, Jonathan and Martha Kent, are not mentioned until "Superboy" #12 in January 1951, 12 years after his debut in "Action Comics" #1. Other developments in the Superman mythos appear as a result of appearances in other media, including radio and newspaper strips. The "Daily Star" becomes the "Daily Planet" — possibly because newspapers called "The Daily Star" already existed — and Perry White replaces original editor George Taylor in the first episode of the radio serial; a young office boy named Jimmy Olsen joins the cast soon afterward. The Silver Age. Early in the Silver Age of Comic Books, as DC was introducing new versions of old heroes, they explained that the old versions lived in a parallel dimension they called "Earth-Two". Although Superman had remained in continuous publication and was not explicitly revised for the Silver Age, the various inconsistencies between his original appearance (see Kal-L) and the version depicted in the 1960s were explained in the same way. The Superman presented during this period was the Superman of "Earth-One". Under the editorship of Mort Weisinger, the 1950s and early 1960s oversaw a major expansion of the character's mythos with such memorable foes as Brainiac and Bizarro appearing, as well as the arrival of his cousin Kara—also known as Supergirl—and the formation of the Justice League of America. Despite this, the 1960s would be a gloomy decade for Superman. Foreshadowing this, in 1959, George Reeves, the actor who had embodied the Man of Steel in the 1950s "Adventures of Superman" television series, allegedly took his own life. Two Superman-related pilots, "The Adventures of Superpup" (1958) and "The Adventures of Superboy" (1961), failed. In 1966, a lavish Broadway musical entitled "It's a Bird...It's a Plane...It's Superman" premiered with actor Bob Holiday in the title role. Despite generally positive reviews from critics, the musical was a financial failure and ended its run after only 129 performances. In contrast to this, 1966 also saw the arrival of a successful Saturday morning animated series entitled "The New Adventures of Superman". Meanwhile, in the comics, by the mid-1960s, Superman was facing more competition for consumer appeal than ever before. Batman had become a marketing bonanza, thanks in part to his own television series, which had much higher production values than the "Adventures of Superman" television series. Also, a rival company called Marvel Comics had unleashed a myriad of new characters including the Hulk, the Fantastic Four and Spider-Man, whose more sophisticated characterization encouraged more compelling storytelling. Superman remained popular and viable, but he was no longer alone. During the 1940s and 1950s, the Superman mythos gradually added familiar elements firmly established by the late 1950s, such as greater emphasis on the science fiction elements of Superman's world, including his Kryptonian origins as well as an updated version of his origins. In the version that became established by the early 1960s (and memorably summarized at the start of each episode of the 1950s "Adventures of Superman" television series), Superman is born on Krypton as Kal-El, the son of Jor-El (a leader-scientist) and Lara. When Kal-El is two or three years-old, Jor-El learns that Krypton is doomed to explode. He brings this warning to the Science Council, Krypton's rulers. The Science Council refuses to warn their fellow Kryptonians and forbids Jor-El to do so. Jor-El immediately begins work on a rocket that will allow the whole family to escape the coming disaster; however, events move too quickly, and only a small model is completed by the time of the final quakes. Lara stays by her husband's side rather than accompany Kal-El to Earth so that his ship will have a better chance of surviving the trip. Knowing that Earth's lower gravity and yellow sun will give the boy extraordinary powers, Jor-El launches Kal-El's rocketship toward Earth moments before Krypton explodes. Kal-El's ship lands in a field near the town of Smallville and is discovered by Jonathan and Martha Kent. They name the child Clark after Martha's maiden name. After formally adopting him, the Kents raise him. The Kents discover his amazing powers and train their adopted son to use his powers constructively. At the age of eight, Clark adopts the superhero identity "Superboy" and fights crime, both in the present and in the far future as a member of the Legion of Super-Heroes. After his graduation from high school and the death of his adoptive parents, Clark moves to Metropolis to attend Metropolis University. During his junior year, Clark changes his superhero name to "Superman". After graduating with a degree in journalism, Clark is hired by the "Daily Planet". The Bronze Age. Despite a changing market, Superman's stories remained similar to those which defined the Silver Age for quite a while. However, by the 1970s, it became apparent that even the Man of Steel needed some polishing. Superman entered the 1970s under famed artist and writer Jack Kirby. Kirby chose to revamp the spin-off title "Superman's Pal, Jimmy Olsen", using it as a platform for his Fourth World concept. Among the creations first appearing therein was Darkseid, an alien warlord powerful enough to pose a great threat to even Superman himself. During this same time period, editor Mort Weisinger was replaced by Julius Schwartz, who wanted to transition Superman to a more modern and realistic form. To this end, Schwartz recruited up-and-coming talents such as writers Dennis O'Neil, Elliot S. Maggin, Cary Bates, and cover artist Neal Adams, as well as veteran Superman artists Curt Swan and Murphy Anderson. This shift was marked by a major storyline entitled "Kryptonite Nevermore", written by O'Neil, that significantly lowered Superman's power level and eliminated most of the kryptonite on Earth. However, soon after the storyline ended, O'Neil stepped down as writer and both of these changes were eventually reversed. Also Superman's Earth-2 counterpart married the Lois Lane of his world, and new rivals such as Terra-Man and the Parasite appeared. In 1978, the film "Superman" was released. The film featured groundbreaking special effects and stars such as Marlon Brando and Gene Hackman, but it was the performance of newcomer Christopher Reeve under the direction of Richard Donner that made the film come alive in the eyes of many critics. The film engendered a series of sequels throughout the 1980s. However, the later three sequels proved to be less successful than the first. In 1970, the Galaxy Broadcasting System and its president, Morgan Edge, purchased the "Daily Planet", Edge subsequently naming Clark as the lead anchorman for its Metropolis television station, WGBS-TV. Later in the 1970s, childhood friend Lana Lang joins Clark in his newscasts as his fellow co-anchor. After the establishment of DC Comics' Multiverse in the 1960s, it is established retroactively that the Golden Age version of Superman lives on the parallel world of Earth-Two and is named "Kal-L", while his Silver Age/Bronze Age counterpart lives on Earth-One and is named "Kal-El". While the Multiverse allowed for DC Comics to bring the Golden Age stories back into continuity, it also created problems. There had been no break in Superman stories between the Golden and Silver Ages; the character had been published in one ongoing story since his debut. Additionally, DC had dropped the name "Kal-L" in favor of "Kal-El" before the end of the Golden Age. A series of stories in the 1970s establish that the Earth-Two Superman had married his version of Lois Lane in the 1950s ("Action Comics" #484 (1978)) and had become the editor-in-chief of "The Daily Star". In the early 1970s, Kal-L discovers a Kryptonian rocket that contains his cousin, Kara Zor-L. After acclimating to Earth, Kara becomes the superheroine Power Girl. Kal-L also continues to serve with the revived Justice Society; he is revealed as a founding member of the group in the team's origin story in "DC Special" #29. In the early 1980s, Kal-L is also shown as a member of the All-Star Squadron during World War II. While the comics continued to sell, in 1986, DC Comics decided that Superman and all of their properties needed a vast overhaul. The Modern Age. In a 12-issue 1985 miniseries entitled "Crisis on Infinite Earths" all of the DC heroes battled an evil being called the Anti-Monitor, resulting in the destruction of most of DC's alternate dimensions. Following this series, the backstories of all of DC's characters were altered and updated. Even Superman got an overhaul in 1986's John Byrne's" The Man of Steel". This 1986 reboot brought substantial changes to the character and met huge success at the time, being one of the top-selling books. During "Crisis", the various parallel Earths are combined into one, retroactively eliminating some of Earth-Two's heroes from existence. Kal-L, the Earth-Two Superman, his wife Lois Lane of Earth-Two, the Superboy of Earth-Prime and Alexander Luthor, Jr. of Earth-Three, have no reality to call their own, and they enter a "paradise dimension" at the end of the series. Kal-L is not seen again until the miniseries "The Kingdom", in which it is revealed that he has found a means of exiting his dimension, but chooses not to do so yet. DC Comics retired the Silver Age version of Superman in 1986, after the publication of "Crisis on Infinite Earths". Just before the character's revamp, the Silver Age Superman was given a sendoff in the two-part story ' published in "Superman" #423 and "Action Comics" #583, written by Alan Moore with art by Curt Swan. Although the new Modern Age version of Superman is said to have already been active for many years, most previous Superman appearances and elements were rendered out of continuity by John Byrne's "The Man of Steel". Later stories such as ' bring many of the Silver Age elements back into continuity. In Byrne's version, Superman came from the planet Krypton which was re-imagined as a cold, sterile world in deep contrast to the wonderworld of the past 48 years. Once Kal-El's rocketship (containing genetic materials and a birthing-matrix which resulted in him being "born" on Earth) reached Earth he was adopted by Martha and Jonathan Kent. Instead of bringing him to an orphanage only to adopt him later, the Kents pretended that he was their own son. In the new version, Clark's powers developed gradually and he never assumed the identity of Superboy, and unlike most pre-existing versions, Ma and Pa Kent survived throughout Clark's adult years and remain important supporting characters in the comics to this day. Also, Superman's powers were scaled down, removing several of his more fantastic abilities in an attempt to make the stories more exciting. Superman's strength and speed were still immense, but there was a feeling of limits to them. In Metropolis, he faced a revised rogues gallery, including a new version of Lex Luthor who was recreated as an evil billionaire and philanthropist. Due perhaps to the elder Kents surviving into Clark's adulthood, another Byrne change was the relationship between Superman and his "normal" alter-ego. In line with the majority of superheroes Byrne put the emphasis on Superman being a disguise for Clark Kent. Previously the theme had been that Kent was a "secret identity" for Superman: in an adventure published in the 1960s, Kent finds himself at a loose end when staff at the "Daily Planet" go on strike and seriously considers it a chance to try out a new identity in case he has "to abandon [his] Clark Kent role permanently". His options include becoming a full-time policeman or even a mere tramp "whom no one would ever suspect of being the Man of Steel." There was also his relationships with other heroes, most notably Batman. From the 1940s to the 1970s, they had always been depicted as close friends and allies: the "World's Finest". From the 1980s, however, it was depicted it as an edgy and uneasy one: grudging respect and uneasy friendship due to their vast differences. After their first, tension-filled meeting, Batman considers that in "another reality" he and Superman may have been friends. Byrne quit the books a few years later, though his changes became the template for Superman's origin and characterization for almost two decades, most notably, his alterations to Lex Luthor, altering him from a mad scientist to an evil businessman, and having Ma and Pa Kent kept alive as supporting characters. One of the most notable revisions was the elimination of the Superboy persona from Superman's life, though a new live action television series starring Superboy premiered in 1988. Despite its following, the series has not been seen in North America and most of Europe since 1992, but its first season was released on DVD in 2006. A subsequent live action television show, "", focused on the relationship between Lois Lane and Clark Kent. Superman exiles himself to space for a number of issues after he is forced to execute some Kryptonian criminals from a different dimension. The repercussions of Superman's use of lethal force have been dealt with in several stories by subsequent writers. Clark Kent proposes to Lois Lane and reveals his secret identity; Lane accepts. In 1992, DC Comics published the storyline "The Death of Superman", in which Superman battles a monster of then-unknown origins called Doomsday. Both Superman and Doomsday are killed, taking each other down with their final blows. "Funeral for a Friend" follows "The Death of Superman", chronicling Superman's funeral and examines other characters' reactions to the death of the hero. Next, DC published the "Reign of the Supermen" storyline, during which four different characters — a new Superboy, the cyborg Man of Tomorrow, the brutal Last Son of Krypton and Steel — are introduced as Superman, although none of them actually are. A de-powered Kal-El later surfaces in a Kryptonian battle-suit near the end of "Reign of the Supermen". After Steel and Supergirl destroy the battle-suit, Kal-El is revealed as the pilot, wearing a black costume with a silver 'S' shield and long hair. The cyborg allies with Mongul and destroys Coast City. Superman, Superboy, Supergirl, Steel, Hal Jordan and the Eradicator attack the "Engine City" built on top of Coast City, and the united Supermen defeat the Man of Tomorrow, who is exposed as scientist Hank Henshaw. After the "Reign of the Supermen" storyline, Lois and Clark are reunited. When they eventually marry in the 1996 special ', it coincided with the marriage of the two characters in the television series '. The real hero returned; however, the story's aftermath lead to fellow superhero Green Lantern losing his mind and becoming a villain called Parallax. This led to the 1994 limited series "Zero Hour" which was a sequel-of-sorts to "Crisis on Infinite Earths". For a few months after his return from the grave, Superman sported shoulder-length hair, and thus Clark Kent wore a ponytail. Exactly how he was able to grow his hair was never explained. In 1996, Superman (or rather, Clark Kent) finally married Lois Lane, and while they have had their ups and downs as a couple, they are happily married. That same year, Superman returned to animation in the animated series ' which was produced by Bruce Timm and Paul Dini of ' fame. The series combined elements of both the Pre-and-Post-Crisis versions of the character and featured an all-star cast including Tim Daly as Superman, Dana Delany as Lois Lane, and Clancy Brown as Lex Luthor. Amidst much controversy, in the "Superman" comics of the late 1990s, Superman loses his traditional powers and transforms into a being of electromagnetic energy (see Superman Red/Superman Blue). In this form, Superman can phase through solid objects, see frequencies of energy, and draw power from electrical sources. In order to maintain physical cohesion in this form, he needs to wear a containment suit. During this time, he is able to transform into the corporeal form of Clark Kent but has no special powers in his human guise. In 2004, DC published an updated version of Superman's origin in the 12-issue limited series '. Written by Mark Waid, ' restores some of the Pre-"Crisis" elements eliminated by John Byrne, including an emphasis on alien heritage. The "birthing matrix" is replaced by the more well-known rocketship, with Kal-El leaving Krypton as an infant rather than a fetus. Clark now possesses the ability to see a living being's "aura", and becomes a vegetarian. His 'S' shield is a symbol of hope from his homeworld, and his costume is made from fabrics put in his spaceship during his journey. Lex Luthor is also now a childhood friend in this version. However, due to the effects of "Infinite Crisis", this origin is no longer valid. In the 2005-2006 "Infinite Crisis" miniseries (the sequel to "Crisis on Infinite Earths"), the Earth-Two Superman (Kal-L) escapes from the "paradise" dimension with Alexander Luthor, Jr. and Superboy-Prime. Kal-L wants to recreate the universe, which he believes is corrupt, making aspects of Earth-Two predominant, rather than those of Earth-One. He believes this will also save the dying Lois Lane of Earth-Two. Alexander Luthor, Jr. builds a machine which re-creates Earth-Two, transporting Kal-L and Lois there where Lois revives briefly before collapsing and dying. In grief, Kal-L lashes out at the Earth-One Superman, and the two fight until Wonder Woman arrives and ends their battle. The two Supermen team up to confront Luthor, Jr. and Superboy-Prime, whose plan to restore the Multiverse will kill billions of people. The pair willingly deplete their powers as they drag Superboy-Prime into Rao, Krypton's red sun, and use the last of their strength to defeat him on Mogo, the sentient Green Lantern planet. Fatally wounded in the battle, Kal-L dies in his cousin Power Girl's arms. He and Lois are buried next to the deceased Superboy. "Infinite Crisis Secret Files and Origins 2006" shows that Superboy-Prime is to blame for many continuity errors in the DC Universe. In his attempt to escape reality, his assault on the barrier wall of the paradise dimension alters history, causing revisions of events to occur, especially the "" origin. Alexander Luthor, Jr.'s attempts to manipulate the Multiverse result in New Earth, affecting Superman's history further. During the publication of the "Infinite Crisis" limited series, the majority of DC Comics' superhero line advanced one year. One year later, Superman remains powerless, and Supergirl defends Metropolis. Unburdened by his responsibility to the world, Clark Kent has re-solidified his reputation as a star reporter. Although he manages to weasel his way out of prison, Lex Luthor's reputation is damaged irreparably (partially due to Clark's writing) and so are his fortune and power over LexCorp, now run by Lana Lang. Under attack, Clark's powers gradually return, and he returns to action. He finds that his sensory powers are enhanced, as are his computational abilities and memory. The Post-Modern Age. "Birthright". In 2003, DC Comics released a 12-issue miniseries called "", written by Mark Waid and penciled by Leinil Francis Yu; this series was a retcon of Superman's Post-"Crisis" origin, replacing Byrne's version, yet using some elements from that version; it also reintroduced various Pre-"Crisis" elements discarded in Byrne's revamp, along with elements that subtly tie into the "Smallville" television show. Due to the effects of "Infinite Crisis", both "Birthright" and "The Man of Steel" were removed from canon. New Earth. "Action Comics" #850 (2007) presents the latest revision of Superman's origin, since the history of the DC Universe was reset in "Infinite Crisis". The new timeline is indicated to revise the complicated web of origins in a panel which shows a progression of four to five successive versions of Superman that are viewed by Kara Zor-El, clearly aping the art styles of Joe Shuster, Curt Swan, John Byrne, Dan Jurgens and Leinil Francis Yu. Written collaboratively by Kurt Busiek, Fabian Nicieza and Geoff Johns, the new version includes details such as Krypto's presence on Krypton, Jor-El's frustrations with the Council of Krypton refusing to evacuate the planet, Clark's awareness of his adopted status from a younger age, having interacted with Lex Luthor at a younger age, Clark not being the direct cause of Lex's baldness, his wearing glasses as far back as his early teens in Smallville, and using his powers to help others at a younger age. The new version also supports the portrayal and aesthetic design of Jor-El, now similar to Marlon Brando's portrayal of the role, and Krypton, as featured in the ongoing Richard Donner co-authored arcs of "Action Comics" (essentially rendering Krypton closer in style to his and Bryan Singer's shared film continuity), as well as the fitting in with the discovery in "The Lightning Saga" that Clark was a member of the Legion of Super-Heroes during his adolescence and still retains possession of a Legion flight ring. Superman is established as a founding member of the Justice League in "Justice League of America" (vol. 2) #0. Ongoing titles. "All-Star Superman", launched in 2005, is a limited series under DC's All-Star imprint, written by Grant Morrison and drawn by Frank Quitely. DC claims that this series will "strip down the Man of Steel to his timeless, essential elements". However, the version presented is clearly almost wholly based on the Pre-"Crisis" Silver Age version of the character, and Morrison has stated this, claiming it to be the Superman that still exists despite being retconned 20 years earlier. The All-Star imprint attempts to retell some of the history of DC's iconic characters, but outside of the strict DC universe continuity. Following the events of "Infinite Crisis" and the "" storyline, the two major Superman titles have followed two major story arcs. "Action Comics" deals with Superman and wife Lois adopting a Kryptonian child who is revealed to be the child of General Zod. After resolving this arc, Superman has dealt with the return of one of his most dangerous villains, Brainiac, which resulted in the arrival of thousands of Kryptonians on Earth and sadly the death of his adoptive father. In "New Krypton", the Kryptonians create a new planet, New Krypton, and raise it opposite Earth's place in the solar system. In ', Superman decides to leave Earth to live among the Kryptonians, hoping to establish peace between humanity and the Kryptonians. The events of "Last Stand of New Krypton" and "War of the Supermen" devastate New Krypton and cause Superman to battle General Zod. He returns Zod to the Phantom Zone and then returns to Earth. In the current ', Superman walks across the United States of America with the goal of reconnecting with the everyday people he is committed to protect. In the "Reign of Doomsday" storyline, Superman and his closest allies must defeat the Doomslayer, a mysterious being that seeks to destroy Doomsday and all life on Earth. "The New 52". In 2011, DC Comics rebooted its continuity and relaunched its publications with new #1 issues. Changes to Superman includes making him a single man and the deaths of his parents, Jonathan and Martha Kent, which occurred years prior. Superman also wears a ceremonial battle armor that pays tribute to his Kryptonian legacy. The new armor is visually similar to his classic outfit, with the only difference is the lack of the traditional red briefs. In addition, real-life astrophysicist Neil deGrasse Tyson assisted DC Comics in determining that Krypton orbited the red dwarf LHS 2520 in the constellation Corvus 27.1 lightyears from Earth. This version of Superman also began a relationship with Wonder Woman, a move which attracted media attention due to Superman's long-standing relationship with Lois Lane in all previous incarnations of the character, with the exception of non-canon stories, which took place in DC's "Elseworlds" imprint. Superman is also depicted as a founding member of the Justice League. DC released the "Superman/Wonder Woman" comic book series in 2013, which focused on them as a couple. Geoff Johns revealed that Superman and Wonder Woman's relationship will end badly. Later on during the "Truth" storyline, Superman ended the relationship out of frustration with the loss of his powers and doubts about the two's compatibility. A third Superman book, "Superman Unchained", was released in June 2013 to coincide with the release of the new Superman movie, "Man of Steel". It is written by Scott Snyder and drawn by Jim Lee. The book concluded publication in November 2014. In February 2015, due to Clark exposing to the world his secret identity, Superman will receive a new power and a new outfit, starting in "Superman" #38, by Geoff Johns and John Romita, Jr. This version of Superman is eventually killed in "Superman" #52. "Convergence". In the miniseries "Convergence", which featured the Pre-"Flashpoint" Superman and Lois Lane, with the couple expecting a baby. "Convergence" also shows the birth of their son, Jonathan Samuel Kent. Following the events, in the miniseries "Superman: Lois & Clark", they settled into the "New 52" reality under the aliases of Clark and Lois White, and witnessed the events revolving the alternate versions of themselves and the former's enemies. They would later appear as part of the final issues for the "New 52" "Action Comics" and "Superman" series, where in the end the "New 52" Superman would pass the torch to his predecessor just before he died. "DC Rebirth". In June 2016, DC Comics relaunched its entire line of comic books series with "DC Rebirth", including both the "Action Comics" and "Superman" series. The Superman of the "New 52" reality lives with his wife Lois Lane of his reality and their biological son Jonathan Kent. This Superman wears a costume similar in style to the Superman outfit in the film "" (2016). The story arc "Superman Reborn" smooths over the discrepancies between the two versions of the character. According to Mr. Mxyzptlk, the creation of the "New 52" caused Superman to be separated into two people: the "New 52" character that served as the protagonist of the "Superman" books in 2011-2015 and the Pre-"Flashpoint" character that took part in the "Convergence" event and sired Jon. Thanks to Jon, the new Superboy, the two Supermen merge into one complete version of Superman, rearranging their shared histories and accommodating them into the restored DC Universe. This complete Superman features a new suit that combines elements from the two eras. To celebrate the release of issue #1,000 for "Action Comics" which was released on April 18, 2018, Superman was returned to his original Pre-"New 52" costume.

mortal version

4061-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25514374

The Piedmontese regional election of 2010 took place on 28–29 March 2010, as part of Italy's round of regional elections. The incumbent President of the Region, Mercedes Bresso of the centre-left Democratic Party, lost her seat to Roberto Cota, leader of Lega Piemont and floor leader of Lega Nord in the Italian Chamber of Deputies, who was backed also by The People of Freedom. Cota's lead of Bresso was of only 0.4%, in one of the Region's narrowest elections ever. The League thus secured a second region, after having conquered the presidency of Veneto with Luca Zaia with a much more convincing margin. Background. Bresso was one of the last bulwarks of the centre-left in Central Italy and thus all the Democratic Party endorsed her in a key test of the coalition's strength after two years in opposition in Rome. For his part, Cota's choice was a little bit surprising as Piedmont is not really a stronghold for his party, which is much stronger in Veneto and Lombardy. The day after his bid was announced, Cota explained that it is time to rewrite the history of Italian unification, that was led by the Kingdom of Sardinia under the House of Savoy. Cota underlined that Piedmont was once an independent state and told that even Camillo Benso di Cavour did not intend to unify the whole Italian Peninsula and later favoured a federal reform of the new Kingdom of Italy. For these reasons Cota, who is a republican and has no nostalgia of the House of Savoy, says his message will do well in Piedmont and that he will overcome the weakness of Lega Piemont (that usually gets far fewer votes than Liga Veneta in Veneto and Lega Lombarda in Lombardy). In Cota's view, most of his support will come from industrial workers, including those of Southern descent, and Catholics, embarrassed by Bresso's secularism. However, the Union of the Centre, whose main aim in the election was to fight back Lega Nord, chose to support Bresso, turning down the chance of running its own candidate (Michele Vietti was the most likely). Most Catholic voters disagreed.

subsequent territory

11569-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=62383533

The 1991–92 Lake Superior State Lakers men's ice hockey team represented the Lake Superior State University in college ice hockey. In its 2nd year under head coach Jeff Jackson the team compiled a 30–9–4 record and reached the NCAA tournament for the sixth time. The Lakers defeated Wisconsin 5–3 to win the championship game at the Knickerbocker Arena in Albany, New York. Season. After two consecutive 30+ win seasons Lake Superior was expected to take a step back. Losing its top five scorers from 1990–91, the formerly high-scoring Lakers would need to find a sway to get over the postseason hump that had seem them bow out in the national quarterfinals two years in a row. Stepping into the breach was freshman Brian Rolston, the 11th overall pick in the 1991 NHL Entry Draft and probably the most heralded prospect ever to appear in a Laker uniform. Also returning was the nations' top goaltender from the previous season, Darrin Madeley. Good Start. In their first five games Lake Superior looked to be just as impressive as they had been over the past two seasons, winning each game by an average of five goals. In those games, however, they weren't playing good teams. When the team took on defending national champion Northern Michigan in early November they earned a split in the home-and-home series. While they did acquit themselves well, losing the road game was the start of a pattern that would continue throughout the entire season. The next weekend, at perennial power Michigan State, Madeley demonstrated that he was going to have another strong season by limiting the Spartans to a single goal in each game but LSSU could only manage a split after being shut out in the first game. Even when facing lowly Illinois–Chicago on the road, Lake Superior could only keep the weekends even. While their defensive game was strong, None of their players were particularly strong on offense; no Laker finished the season in the top 40 in scoring and the best points per game for Lake State was Sandy Moger's 1.21 ppg, good for 88th in the country. Home Dominance. While the Lakers struggled to win on the road they were absolutely deadly at home. When eventual CCHA champion Michigan came to town in early December the Lakers earned a sweep in the series but did so with a 10–0 demolition of the Wolverines. Unfortunately, Lake Superior immediately surrendered that advantage with only 1 point against Miami the week after. Lake Superior was able to balance out their adequate road swings with stifling defense at home; only twice did the Lakers give up more than three goals at the Norris Center but timely offense allowed them to win both games. The only blemish on their otherwise impeccable home record came from Michigan State. The Spartans took three points from LSSU in early February, the only two games in Sault Ste. Marie that the Lakers did not win. That poor home series also could not have come at a worse time; having lost both games at Michigan the week before Lake State was in a dogfight with their southern rivals for the top spot in the CCHA. With all three teams separated by just 3 points, the conference would be determined by how the final month of the season played out. Down to the wire. While Lake Superior and Michigan swept their respective weekends in mid-February, Michigan State could only manage a single point against lowly Bowling Green. The Lakers then earned a much-needed 3 points on the road against Western Michigan while the Wolverines all but ended the Spartans hopes with a sweep at the Joe Louis Arena. Michigan was now ahead of Lake State by 1 point with four games to play. With their next series against bottom-feeding Ohio State the Lakers had hopes that they could end their road woes but instead the team produced its worst defense efforts of the season, surrendering 15 goals in the two games and dropping five points behind the Wolverines, guaranteeing Michigan the CCHA championship. MSU, meanwhile, had recovered after their debacle at 'The Joe' and crept up into a tie with Lake State for second place. Not wanting to drop even further back, Lake Superior showed their mettle by taking both games against Western Michigan to finish one point ahead of the Spartans (who held the tie breaker) and lock up the second seed in the CCHA Tournament. CCHA Tournament. In their final home games of the year, Lake Superior easily defeated Illinois–Chicago in the conference quarterfinals, winning twice before heading to Detroit. The semifinals saw them pitted against the Spartans but again, MSU failed in the Red Wings' building and the Lakers won the game 5–3. Michigan met them in the finals and were looking to avenge the championship loss from 1991. Tournament MVP Darrin Madeley stole the show, holding the conference's top offensive team to a single goal en route to the Laker's championship. NCAA Tournament. While the CCHA crown guaranteed Lake Superior a spot in the NCAA Tournament, it was not enough to earn them a bye into the quarterfinals. Lake Superior was given the third western seed, which would have allowed them to play at home in years past, but the NCAA Tournament format had been changed for 1992. The first two rounds were now single-game elimination, like the championship rounds. With that came the ability create regional brackets with a single venue used as host. All games played by teams in the western regional were held at the Joe Louis Arena, a distinct advantage for CCHA teams. Lake Superior used that advantage and trounced Alaska–Anchorage in the quarterfinal. Two nights later they took on Minnesota, the team that led the nation in wins, and again dominated the competition with an 8–3 victory. Showing just how strong they were that year, Michigan, Michigan State and Lake Superior State all made the Frozen Four, the most the CCHA has ever produced. At least one of those teams would make the finals when MSU took on Lake State. The two squads battled to a 2–2 tie after two periods before Mark Astley scored the game winner midway through the third. LSSU's defense held the Spartans to six shots in the final frame and gave the Lakers their second championship appearance. Controversial Finish. With only a surprising Wisconsin team standing in their way, the Lakers started the game well but soon found themselves down a goal. Wisconsin added a power play marker before the end of the first and Lake Superior, who had had trouble scoring at times during the season, were hoping that the game wasn't already out of hand. Rather than the game being remembered for performances by players, however, referee Tim McConaghy called an inordinate amount of penalties in the game. Many in attendance had difficulty in understanding the calls and things went from bad to worse when the Badgers' captain Doug MacDonald was given a 10-minute misconduct for questioning the calls. While the Lakers were hit for 10 penalties in the game, Wisconsin players headed to the box 15 times and Lake Superior managed to use the disproportionate advantages to even the game after 40 minutes. Michael Smith scored early in the third to give the Lakers their first lead of the game but a power play goal by Jason Zent tied the game at 3-all. Just after the fifteen-minute mark Brian Rolston scored to put Lake State up 4–3 and Wisconsin began a furious attempt to come back. With three minutes to play Blaine Moore was charged with elbowing to the obvious frustration of the Badgers. Wisconsin was forced to pull their goaltender but an empty-net goal by Jay Ness salted away the game and gave Lake Superior their second National Championship. The Lakers had outshot Wisconsin 37–27 in the game while both teams scored twice on the power play, but the enduring legacy from the match was a confrontation between McConaghy and Wisconsin team members after the game. The ugly incident would eventually lead to three separate suspensions, a sour finish for what should have been a Lake Superior triumph. To make matters worse, Wisconsin's participation was later vacated for unrelated violations by team members leaving the 1992 championship one of the most mired in controversy in NCAA history. Awards and Honors. Regardless of Wisconsin's response, Paul Constantin, who had started the laker's comeback in the second period, was named the tournament MOP and joined Darrin Madeley, Mark Astley and Brian Rolston on the All-Tournament team. For the second year in a row Madeley possessed the best goals against average in the nation, posting the best numbers for any qualifying goalie in seven years. His stellar play earn him an AHCA First-Team All-American spot along with Astley. Both Madeley and Astley were on the All-CCHA First Team while Steve Barnes and Sandy Moger made the second team. Astley was also named as the Best Offensive Defenseman in the CCHA. Schedule. !colspan=12 style=";" | Regular Season !colspan=12 style=";" | !colspan=12 style=";" | Players drafted into the NHL. 1992 NHL Entry Draft. No Lakers were selected in the 1992 NHL Draft.

last quarter

1969-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10826361

Chantry Flat is a designated "Recreation Area" within the Angeles National Forest, about three miles (5 km) into Big Santa Anita Canyon, and is closely associated with the towns of Arcadia and Sierra Madre, CA. The flat itself houses a large public picnic area, and is the starting point for several historic trails of the San Gabriel Mountains, including the Gabrielino Trail. The US Forest Service estimates the road to Chantry as the third busiest entry into the Angeles, next to CA State Highways 2 and 39. Significance. Chantry Flat is home to the last pack station in Southern California. It is also the trailhead to Sturtevant's Camp, the oldest resort in the San Gabriels and one of a handful that still exist. The Chantry Flat/Big Santa Anita Canyon area boasts the last magneto-type crank phone system in the United States. The entire watershed is a living museum to the great hiking era in the first half of the twentieth century. History. In 1905 Iowa-born Charley Chantry arrived in Sierra Madre, CA. He prospected his way there from the Black Hills of the Dakotas by way of the San Gabriel back country. He erected a sturdy tent cabin in Little Santa Anita Canyon from which he rented riding donkeys to kids staying at nearby Carter's Camp. Soon his stock was packing into all of the area's mountain resorts from his Mount Wilson Stables. While packing to Sturtevant's Camp, Charley passed through an oak-studded bench above Big Santa Anita Canyon's bottom at the San Olene Gap. With a reliable spring in adjoining San Olene Canyon (a corruption of the original Santa Oline) and the relatively flat land of an ancient slide, Chantry imagined this to be an ideal site for a small ranch. The details of his official occupation of the flat are unclear, even from John Robinson's "The San Gabriels". The 1977 edition suggests that his plans for a home and orchard were thwarted by enactment of the Forest Homestead Act (1906), which forbade such development. The 1991 edition reports that he was granted a permit for in 1907, that he failed to act on his plans and that he allowed the permit to lapse, returning control to the Forest Service. Glen Owens, author of "The Heritage of the Big Santa Anita" believes the latter to be true and substantiates his claim with the witness of a Forest Service agricultural permit in Charley's name. In any event, Charley and his dog, Patch, did occasionally occupy a tent here, graze his stock here, and spend enough time here to have his name permanently attached to the area now known as Chantry Flat (formerly Poison Oak Flat). Charley died in 1936, one year after Los Angeles County paved a road to his old stomping grounds from the top of Santa Anita Ave. The road in was originally planned as a highway to join the Angeles Crest Highway (State Hwy 2) at Shortcut Canyon. The Forest Service never allowed it. It would have been a largely unwelcome introduction of modern civilization and would have obliterated the charm and beauty of both the Big Santa Anita and the West Fork of the San Gabriel River. The county was permitted, however, to build a road into Winter Creek. They stopped short with a less intrusive terminus at Chantry Flat. The Civilian Conservation Corps built a campground here that was later remodeled by the Forest Service in 1958 and designated a picnic area. Also in 1958, the USFS built the existing firehouse with barracks and information center, the two 3-bedroom houses to house employees, and a water system ( capacity) drawn from a lateral well. The lateral well was later replaced by the vertical well now in use. The Picnic Area. The picnic grounds of Chantry Flat, known to locals as The Picnic Grove, are authorized for day use only. A full renovation was completed in August 2006. The site offers 35 tables, each with a charcoal barbecue; most are wheelchair accessible. Water spigots are installed throughout, and there are two flush toilet restrooms. Trails. Several hiking and mountain biking trails are accessible from Chantry Flat. They include the Upper Winter Creek and Lower Winter Creek trail loop as well as the Sturtevant Falls trail along Santa Anita Creek, which is also the East end of the Gabrielino Trail. These trails connect with a broad network of trails throughout the San Gabriel Mountains. Most of these trails are heavily forested, as they did not burn during the Station Fire in 2009. Pack station. Adams' Pack Station is a permitted outfitter and general store that has operated at Chantry Flat since 1936. It sells the National Forest Adventure Pass, and also offers food and gear as well as additional parking for visitors. The Pack Station General Store is open to the public on weekends and holidays until 5:00 PM. Parking fee. The road to Chantry Flat is open daily from 6:00 AM to 8:00 PM. Car parking at Chantry Flats, and many places in the Angeles National Forest, requires a National Forest Adventure Pass. National Forest Adventure Passes may be obtained online or from forest visitor centers and local sporting good merchants. The fee is $5.00 a day or $30 for a yearly pass. The parking lot fills quickly in the morning on the weekends. Driving Directions. From the Foothill Freeway (I-210) take the Santa Anita Avenue exit north. Follow Santa Anita Ave. through the residential neighborhood until it ends at the foot of the mountains. Pass the yellow pipe gate and continue into the mountains to the end of Santa Anita Canyon Road.

precise job

7863-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=65917500

Reza Rashidpour (born 10 August 1978, Tabriz, Iran) is an Iranian presenter, producer, director and actor. Personal life. Rashidpour was born on August 10, 1978. He has only one younger sister who is an architect. His mother was a housewife and his father was an electrical and electronics engineer, and when he was sent to Dezful to collect equipment for the Ashura Division, he had his spinal cord amputated while on duty and died in 1997. During his school years, he studied as a graduate in mathematics and physics with a grade point average of 19.86 and at the same time graduated from two universities in two fields of civil engineering and directing. And in recent years, he has been working as a lecturer in the news school. Artistic life. In addition to acting, Rashidpour also directs and constructs. He has starred in Superstar, Penniless, Six and Besh, Along the city and Domestic killer. He has hosted several television programs on IRIB TV5, some of which have been banned. In 2012, he made critical videos and posted them on Facebook or YouTube. On June 22, 2013, Mohammad Royanian, CEO of Persepolis, announced that Persepolis World Television, hosted by Reza Rashidpour, would be inaugurated. He is the director of the Tehran Multimedia Center. His "Night Vision" program was released through the Aparat system. Night Vision was a talk-based program in which Rashidpour, by inviting celebrities, asked a challenging conversation about the important aspects of their lives. Mohammad Javad Zarif, Akbar Abdi, Shila Khodadad, Amir Tataloo, Hamid Rasaee, Shahram Jazayeri, Reza Kianian, Mostafa Kavakebian, Hossein Pakdel, Sadegh Kharazi, Sahar Ghoreishi, Bahareh Afshari, Sirvan Khosravi were among the guests of this program. Ali Akbar Javanfekr, Ahmadinejad's adviser, was also among the guests of the program, but the video of the program was not allowed to be released due to the opposition of the relevant authorities. Iranian Network. He was the host of the program "Good Night" on the Iranian satellite network. At the same time, news sites claimed that he intended to cause unrest by abusing the art of a 70-year-old artist and that he had been arrested, which was later denied. Attending Hassan Rouhani's election campaign. Until June 2013, he appeared less as a presenter in programs, until on June 8, 2013, he attended Hassan Rouhani's election conference and took over the program. More than 50,000 people attended the conference. Rashidpour also accompanied Hassan Rouhani during his trip to Mashhad and Isfahan and performed the ceremony. Presence in IRIB. On May 4, 2008, a program called "Glass Triangle" was performed by Rashidpour on the IRIB TV5. While the last 35 episodes of the Glass Triangle program was on the air, the program suddenly stopped broadcasting, at the same time the reason for this was considered to be the symbol of the Glass Triangle program and its resemblance to the symbol of the Freemasons. Of course, a series of conversations between the guests of the program on the live antenna caused more and caused him to say goodbye to the IRIB. After a five-year ban on IRIB, in June 2013, he took over the programs of Hassan Rouhani, the then presidential candidate. After the victory of Hassan Rouhani, on April 30, 2014, Rashidpour officially entered the IRIB and started the sunglasses comedy program on IRIB Nasim. His return provoked reactions. In May 2014, the pro-government Kayhan newspaper wrote: The program "Sunglasses", which has been aired by a marginal presenter on IRIB Nasim since last week, has tried to promote the culture and character of millionaires in a thought-provoking move contrary to the custom of society! In the fall of 2014, the production of this program was stopped. In early May 2016, Rashidpour officially re-entered the IRIB and began broadcasting the program "Hala Khorshid" on IRIB TV3. On June 16, 2016, he appeared as a guest in the "Dorehami" program performed by Mehran Modiri. In response to Mehran Modiri's question about not working in the previous government, he said: "I have no will and will not have any will for the previous government, but I am proud to have spent part of my life in the current government in the media." Interview. Sirous Gorjestani was recounting a memory from one of the clips of American singer Michael Jackson, which was interrupted by host Rashidpour, who said: "We will put an end to this memory and use your presence in future programs." Anesthesia in the live program. On the morning of Wednesday, January 25, 2017, while performing the live program "Hala Khorshid", he lost consciousness and fell to the ground. He was not in a good mood from the beginning of the program. رضا رشیدپور برای مداوا به بیمارستان بقیةالله منتقل شد. According to the doctors, the nervous attack resulting from work activity was the main cause of anesthesia. Also, the public relations of Hala Khorshid program said: Interview with Hassan Rouhani. Reza Rashidpour's interview with Hassan Rouhani in January 2018 was considered a deconstruction of television, given that the television gave most of the important and live interviews to presenters who had been performing political programs for years. This conversation was met with many positive and negative criticisms. Seven cinema program. After a lot of margins on choosing the host of the seven program Reza Rashidpour became the host of the most important cinema program in the country during the 36th Fajr International Film Festival, which aired every night for 10 nights on the IRIB TV3. The show received some critical acclaim in the early days, but in the midst of a positive wave of support from critics and major film writers. Entering the field of cinema producer. Reza Rashidpour announced his entry into the field of film production in June 2019 with a film called Stay on the Radar. Rashidpour said of the film, "It tells the story of the pilot of a passenger plane who is forced to tell his passengers the terrible news that happened on the ground at an altitude of 33,000 feet." Pre-production of this project will start after Eid al-Fitr. Many of the actors in this film are young and the director of this film is young and the first film. "The role of the pilot, which is one of the most important roles in the story, is entrusted to a foreign actor." Awards. In March 2019, Rashidpour, along with Ehsan Alikhani, Mohammad Delavari and Rambod Javan, were selected as the top presenters of Jaame Jam.

business functions

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48319

Andrew Marvell (; 31 March 1621 – 16 August 1678) was an English metaphysical poet, satirist and politician who sat in the House of Commons at various times between 1659 and 1678. During the Commonwealth period he was a colleague and friend of John Milton. His poems range from the love-song "To His Coy Mistress", to evocations of an aristocratic country house and garden in "Upon Appleton House" and "The Garden", the political address "An Horatian Ode upon Cromwell's Return from Ireland", and the later personal and political satires "Flecknoe" and "The Character of Holland". Early life. Marvell was born in Winestead-in-Holderness, East Riding of Yorkshire, near the city of Kingston upon Hull, the son of a Church of England clergyman also named Andrew Marvell. The family moved to Hull when his father was appointed Lecturer at Holy Trinity Church there, and Marvell was educated at Hull Grammar School. A secondary school in the city, the Andrew Marvell Business and Enterprise College, is named after him. At the age of 13, Marvell attended Trinity College, Cambridge and eventually received a BA degree. A portrait of Marvell attributed to Godfrey Kneller hangs in Trinity College's collection. Afterwards, from the middle of 1642 onwards, Marvell probably travelled in continental Europe. He may well have served as a tutor for an aristocrat on the Grand Tour, but the facts are not clear on this point. While England was embroiled in the civil war, Marvell seems to have remained on the continent until 1647. In Rome in 1645 he probably met the Villiers brothers, Lord Francis and the 2nd Duke of Buckingham, as well as Richard Flecknoe, about whom he would later on write a satirical poem. It is not known exactly where his travels took him except that Milton later reported that Marvell had mastered four languages, including French, Italian and Spanish. First poems and Marvell's time at Nun Appleton. Marvell's first poems, which were written in Latin and Greek and published when he was still at Cambridge, lamented a visitation of the plague and celebrated the birth of a child to King Charles I and Queen Henrietta Maria. He only belatedly became sympathetic to the successive regimes during the Interregnum after Charles I's execution on 30 January 1649. His "Horatian Ode", a political poem dated to early 1650, responds with lament to the regicide even as it praises Oliver Cromwell's return from Ireland. Circa 1650–52, Marvell served as tutor to the daughter of the Lord General Thomas Fairfax, who had recently relinquished command of the Parliamentary army to Cromwell. He lived during that time at Nun Appleton Hall, near York, where he continued to write poetry. One poem, "Upon Appleton House, To My Lord Fairfax", uses a description of the estate as a way of exploring Fairfax's and Marvell's own situation in a time of war and political change. Probably the best-known poem he wrote at this time is "To His Coy Mistress". Anglo-Dutch War and employment as Latin secretary. During the period of increasing tensions leading up to the First Anglo-Dutch War of 1652, Marvell wrote the satirical "Character of Holland," repeating the then-current stereotype of the Dutch as "drunken and profane": "This indigested vomit of the Sea,/ Fell to the Dutch by Just Propriety." He became a tutor to Cromwell's ward, William Dutton, in 1653, and moved to live with his pupil at the house of John Oxenbridge in Eton. Oxenbridge had made two trips to Bermuda, and it is thought that this inspired Marvell to write his poem "Bermudas". He also wrote several poems in praise of Cromwell, who was by this time Lord Protector of England. In 1656 Marvell and Dutton travelled to France, to visit the Protestant Academy of Saumur. In 1657, Marvell joined Milton, who by that time had lost his sight, in service as Latin secretary to Cromwell's Council of State at a salary of £200 a year, which represented financial security at that time. Oliver Cromwell died in 1658. He was succeeded as Lord Protector by his son Richard. In 1659 Marvell was elected Member of Parliament for Kingston upon Hull in the Third Protectorate Parliament. He was paid a rate of 6 shillings, 8 pence per day during sittings of parliament, a financial support derived from the contributions of his constituency. He was re-elected MP for Hull in 1660 for the Convention Parliament. After the Restoration. The monarchy was restored to Charles II in 1660. Marvell avoided punishment for his own co-operation with republicanism, and he helped convince the government of Charles II not to execute John Milton for his antimonarchical writings and revolutionary activities. The closeness of the relationship between the two former colleagues is indicated by the fact that Marvell contributed an eloquent prefatory poem, entitled "On Mr. Milton's Paradise Lost", to the second edition of Milton's epic "Paradise Lost". According to a biographer: "Skilled in the arts of self-preservation, he was not a toady." In 1661 Marvell was re-elected MP for Hull in the Cavalier Parliament. He eventually came to write several long and bitterly satirical verses against the corruption of the court. Although circulated in manuscript form, some finding anonymous publication in print, they were too politically sensitive and thus dangerous to be published under his name until well after his death. Marvell took up opposition to the 'court party', and satirised them anonymously. In his longest verse satire, "Last Instructions to a Painter", written in 1667, Marvell responded to the political corruption that had contributed to English failures during the Second Anglo-Dutch War. The poem did not find print publication until after the Revolution of 1688–9. The poem instructs an imaginary painter how to picture the state without a proper navy to defend them, led by men without intelligence or courage, a corrupt and dissolute court, and dishonest officials. Of another such satire, Samuel Pepys, himself a government official, commented in his diary, "Here I met with a fourth Advice to a Painter upon the coming in of the Dutch and the End of the War, that made my heart ake to read, it being too sharp and so true." From 1659 until his death in 1678, Marvell was serving as London agent for the Hull Trinity House, a shipmasters' guild. He went on two missions to the continent, one to the Dutch Republic and the other encompassing Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. He spent some time living in a cottage on Highgate Hill in north London, where his time in the area is recorded by a bronze plaque that bears the following inscription:Four feet below this spot is the stone step, formerly the entrance to the cottage in which lived Andrew Marvell, poet, wit, and satirist; colleague with John Milton in the foreign or Latin secretaryship during the Commonwealth; and for about twenty years M.P. for Hull. Born at Winestead, Yorkshire, 31st March, 1621, died in London, 18th August, 1678, and buried in the church of St. Giles-in-the-Fields. This memorial is placed here by the London County Council, December, 1898. A floral sundial in the nearby Lauderdale House bears an inscription quoting lines from his poem "The Garden". He died suddenly in 1678, while in attendance at a popular meeting of his old constituents at Hull. His health had previously been remarkably good; and it was supposed by many that he was poisoned by some of his political or clerical enemies. Marvell was buried in the church of St Giles in the Fields in central London. His monument, erected by his grateful constituency, bears the following inscription:Near this place lyeth the body of Andrew Marvell, Esq., a man so endowed by Nature, so improved by Education, Study, and Travel, so consummated by Experience, that, joining the peculiar graces of Wit and Learning, with a singular penetration and strength of judgment; and exercising all these in the whole course of his life, with an unutterable steadiness in the ways of Virtue, he became the ornament and example of his age, beloved by good men, feared by bad, admired by all, though imitated by few; and scarce paralleled by any. But a Tombstone can neither contain his character, nor is Marble necessary to transmit it to posterity; it is engraved in the minds of this generation, and will be always legible in his inimitable writings, nevertheless. He having served twenty years successfully in Parliament, and that with such Wisdom, Dexterity, and Courage, as becomes a true Patriot, the town of Kingston-upon-Hull, from whence he was deputed to that Assembly, lamenting in his death the public loss, have erected this Monument of their Grief and their Gratitude, 1688. Prose works. Marvell also wrote anonymous prose satires criticizing the monarchy and Roman Catholicism, defending Puritan dissenters, and denouncing censorship. "The Rehearsal Transpros'd", an attack on Samuel Parker, was published in two parts in 1672 and 1673. In 1676, "Mr. Smirke; or The Divine in Mode", a work critical of intolerance within the Church of England, was published together with a "Short Historical Essay, concerning General Councils, Creeds, and Impositions, in matters of Religion." Marvell's pamphlet "An Account of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government in England", published in late 1677, alleged that: "There has now for diverse Years, a design been carried on, to change the Lawfull Government of "England" into an Absolute Tyranny, and to convert the established Protestant Religion into down-right Popery". John Kenyon described it as "one of the most influential pamphlets of the decade" and G. M. Trevelyan called it: "A fine pamphlet, which throws light on causes provocative of the formation of the Whig party". A 1678 work published anonymously ("by a Protestant") in defense of John Howe against the attack of his fellow-dissenter, the severe Calvinist Thomas Danson, is also probably by Marvell. Its full title is "Remarks upon a late disingenuous discourse, writ by one T.D. under the pretence de causa Dei, and of answering Mr. John Howe's letter and postscript of God's prescience, &c., affirming, as the Protestant doctrine, that God doth by efficacious influence universally move and determine men to all their actions, even to those that are most wicked". Views. Although Marvell became a Parliamentarian and was opposed to episcopacy, he was not a Puritan. Later in life especially, he seems to have been a conforming Anglican. Marvell positively identifies himself as "a Protestant" in pamphlets. He had flirted briefly with Catholicism as a youth, and was described in his thirties (on the Saumur visit) as "a notable English Italo-Machiavellian". His strong Biblical influence is clear in poems such as "The Garden", the "Coronet" and "The Bermudas". Vincent Palmieri noted that Marvell is sometimes known as the "British Aristides" for his incorruptible integrity in life and poverty at death. Many of his poems were not published until 1681, three years after his death, from a collection owned by Mary Palmer, his housekeeper. After Marvell's death she laid dubious claim to having been his wife, from the time of a secret marriage in 1667. Marvell's poetic style. Marvell is said to have adhered to the established stylized forms of his contemporary neoclassical tradition. These include the carpe diem lyric tradition which also forms the basis of his famous lyric "To His Coy Mistress". He adopted familiar forms and infused them with his unique conceits, analogies, reflections and preoccupations with larger questions about life and death T.S. Eliot wrote of Marvell's style that "It is more than a technical accomplishment, or the vocabulary and syntax of an epoch; it is, what we have designated tentatively as wit, a tough reasonableness beneath the slight lyric grace". He also identified Marvell and the metaphysical school with the "dissociation of sensibility" that occurred in 17th-century English literature; Eliot described this trend as "something which...happened to the mind of England...it is the difference between the intellectual poet and the reflective poet". Poets increasingly developed a self-conscious relationship to tradition, which took the form of a new emphasis on craftsmanship of expression and an idiosyncratic freedom in allusions to Classical and Biblical sources. "To His Coy Mistress", Marvell's most celebrated poem, combines an old poetic conceit (the persuasion of the speaker's lover by means of a carpe diem philosophy) with Marvell's typically vibrant imagery and easy command of rhyming couplets. Other works incorporate topical satire and religious themes. Legacy. A secondary school in Hull, the Andrew Marvell Business and Enterprise College, is named after him.

prominent assembly

1758-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=29777986

The Battle of Nam River was an engagement between United Nations Command (UN) and North Korean forces early in the Korean War from August 31 to September 19, 1950, in the vicinity of the Nam River and the Naktong River in South Korea. It was a part of the Battle of Pusan Perimeter, and was one of several large engagements fought simultaneously. The battle ended in a victory for the United Nations after large numbers of United States Army (US) troops were able to repel a Korean People's Army (KPA) attack across the river. Positioned in defense of Masan during the Battle of Masan, the US 35th Infantry Regiment, 25th Infantry Division took up positions along the Nam River, one of the many tributaries of the Naktong River on the southern flank of the Pusan Perimeter. The KPA 7th Division effected a crossing of the river on August 31, and though the 35th Infantry was able to stem the KPA advance, thousands of KPA troops were able to exploit a hole in the line and surround the regiment. What followed was an intense battle in which the US and KPA units were heavily engaged all along and behind the Kum River line. Eventually, though, the KPA force was routed and defeated by the US troops. During the battle, the 35th Infantry was instrumental in forcing back the KPA division and preventing it from advancing to capture Pusan. The 35th Infantry's performance in the battle earned the regiment a Presidential Unit Citation. Background. Pusan Perimeter. From the outbreak of the Korean War and the invasion of South Korea by the North, the KPA had enjoyed superiority in both manpower and equipment over both the Republic of Korea Army (ROK) and the UN forces dispatched to South Korea to prevent it from collapsing. The KPA tactics were to aggressively pursue UN forces on all avenues of approach south and to engage them aggressively, attacking from the front and initiating a double envelopment of both flanks of the unit, which allowed the KPA to surround and cut off the opposing force, which would then be forced to retreat in disarray, often leaving behind much of its equipment. From their initial June 25 offensive to fights in July and early August, the KPA used these tactics to effectively defeat any UN force and push it south. However, when the UN forces, under the Eighth United States Army, established the Pusan Perimeter in August, the UN troops held a continuous line along the peninsula which KPA troops could not flank, and their advantages in numbers decreased daily as the superior UN logistical system brought in more troops and supplies to the UN forces. When the KPA approached the Pusan Perimeter on August 5, they attempted the same frontal assault technique on the four main avenues of approach into the perimeter. Throughout August, the KPA 6th Division, and later the KPA 7th Division, engaged the US 25th Infantry Division at the Battle of Masan, initially repelling a UN counteroffensive before countering with battles at Komam-ni and Battle Mountain. These attacks stalled as UN forces, well equipped and with plenty of reserves, repeatedly repelled KPA attacks. North of Masan, the KPA 4th Division and the US 24th Infantry Division sparred in the Naktong Bulge area. In the First Battle of Naktong Bulge, the KPA division was unable to hold its bridgehead across the river as large numbers of US reserve forces were brought in to repel it, and on August 19, the KPA 4th Division was forced back across the river with 50 percent casualties. In the Taegu region, five KPA divisions were repulsed by three UN divisions in several attempts to attack the city during the Battle of Taegu. Particularly heavy fighting took place at the Battle of the Bowling Alley where the KPA 13th Division was almost completely destroyed in the attack. On the east coast, three more KPA divisions were repulsed by the ROK at P'ohang-dong during the Battle of P'ohang-dong. All along the front, the KPA troops were reeling from these defeats, the first time in the war their tactics were not working. September push. In planning its new offensive, the KPA command decided any attempt to flank the UN force was impossible thanks to the support of the UN naval forces. Instead, they opted to use frontal attack to breach the perimeter and collapse it; this was considered to be the only hope of achieving success in the battle. Fed by intelligence from the Soviet Union, the North Koreans were aware of the UN forces building up along the Pusan Perimeter and that they must conduct an offensive soon or they could not win the battle. A secondary objective was to surround Taegu and destroy the UN units in that city. As part of this mission, the KPA would first cut the supply lines to Taegu. On August 20, the KPA commands distributed operations orders to their subordinate units. The plan called for a simultaneous five-prong attack against the UN lines. These attacks would overwhelm the UN defenders and allow the KPA to break through the lines in at least one place to force the UN forces back. Five battle groupings were ordered. In the southern part of its sector, where the US 25th Infantry Division held the UN line, KPA I Corps planned a strong attack, coordinating it with an attack against the US 2nd Infantry Division to the north. The KPA 6th and 7th Divisions received their attack orders on August 20. The plan called for KPA I Corps to assault all along the line at 22:00 on August 31. The 6th Division, farthest south on the right flank, was to attack through Haman, Masan, and Chinhae and then capture Kumhae, on the west side of the Naktong River delta from Pusan, by September 3. The division zone of attack was to be south of the highway from Chinju to Komam-ni to Masan. The 7th Division, next in line north of the 6th Division, was to attack north of the Masan highway, wheel left to the Naktong, and wait for the 6th Division on its right and the KPA 9th Division on its left to join it. Part of the 7th Division was concentrated in the Uiryong area west of the Nam River. This plan pitted the 6th Division against the US 24th Infantry Regiment and the 7th Division against the US 35th Infantry Regiment. As a part of this plan, the KPA 6th Division had been engaging the 24th Infantry at Battle Mountain for several weeks prior, with no gains for either side. Battle. North Korean crossing. The KPA 7th Division troops committed all of their effort into attacking the US 35th Infantry line. At 23:30 on August 31, a KPA SU-76 self-propelled high-velocity gun from across the Nam fired shells into the position of G Company, 35th Infantry, overlooking the river. Within a few minutes, KPA artillery was attacking all front-line rifle companies of the regiment from the Namji-ri bridge west. Under cover of this fire a reinforced regiment of the KPA 7th Division crossed the Nam River and attacked F and G Companies, 35th Infantry. Other KPA soldiers crossed the Nam on an underwater bridge in front of the paddy ground north of Komam-ni and near the boundary between the 2nd Battalion, led by Lieutenant Colonel John L. Wilkins, Jr., holding the river front and Lieutenant Colonel Bernard G. Teeter's 1st Battalion holding the hill line that stretched from the Nam River to Sibidang-san and the Chinju-Masan highway. The 35th Infantry, facing shortages of materiel and reinforcements, was under-equipped but nonetheless prepared for an attack. At the river ferry crossing site in the low ground between these two battalions, the regimental commander placed 300 ROK National Police, expecting them to hold there long enough to serve as a warning for the rest of the forces. Guns from the flanking hills there could cover the low ground with fire. Back at Komam-ni he held the 3rd Battalion ready for use in counterattack to stop a KPA penetration should it occur. Unexpectedly, the National Police companies near the ferry scattered at the first KPA fire. At 00:30, KPA troops streamed through this hole in the line, some turning left to take G Company in its flank and rear, and others turned right to attack C Company, which was on a spur of ground west of the Komam-ni road. Elements of C and D Companies formed a defense line along the dike at the north edge of Komam-ni where US tanks joined them at dawn. The KPA, however, did not drive for the Komam-ni road fork south of the river as the US commander, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Fisher had expected; instead, they turned east into the hills behind 2nd Battalion. The position of B Company, 35th Infantry, on the Sibidang-san, flanked the Masan road west of Komam-ni and gave the company a commanding view over the surrounding countryside. It was a key position in the 25th Division line, and25th Division commander General William B. Kean was aware the KPA would consider it important ground to target for attack. The KPA preparatory barrage there lasted from 11:30 to midnight. Under this cover, two battalions of the KPA 13th Regiment, 6th Division, moved up within of the American foxholes. At the same time, KPA T-34 tanks, SU-76 self-propelled guns, and antitank guns moved toward Komam-ni on the road at the foot of Sibidang-san. A US M4A3 Sherman tank there destroyed a T-34 just after midnight, and a 3.5-inch Bazooka team destroyed a self-propelled gun and several 45 mm antitank guns. On the crest of Sibidang-san, an antipersonnel minefield stopped the first KPA infantry assault. More attacks followed in quick succession, all of which were repulsed by the US troops' superior firepower. By 02:30 the B Company riflemen were so depleted of ammunition that they began stripping machine-gun bullets from the ammunition belts and using them in their rifles. The 1st Platoon of C Company, at the base of the mountain behind B Company, climbed Sibidang-san in 45 minutes with an ammunition resupply for the company. Just before dawn the KPA attack subsided. Daylight revealed a vast amount of abandoned KPA equipment scattered on the slope just below the crest, including 33 machine-guns. Among the KPA dead was the commanding officer of the 13th Regiment. At daybreak on September 1, a relief force of C Company headquarters troops, led by US tanks, cleared the road to Sibidang-san and resupplied the 2nd Platoon, B Company, with ammunition just in time for it to repel another KPA assault. This failed assault resulted in the killing of 77 and capturing of 21 KPA. Although the 35th Infantry held all its original positions, except that of the forward platoon of G Company, 3,000 KPA soldiers were behind its lines. The farthest eastern penetration reached the high ground just south of Chirwon overlooking the north–south road there. In the meantime, the KPA 6th Division had made breakthroughs in the US 24th Infantry sector to the south, overwhelming the regiment and forcing it back. The 2nd Battalion, 24th Infantry, on the ridges overlooking Haman, was pushed back as its soldiers retreated without orders. Survivors from the 24th Infantry's 1st and 2nd battalions later appeared in the 35th's lines, and the regimental commanders found that the entire regiment had crumbled under KPA attack. Kean ordered the 1st Battalion, 27th Infantry to move in and help restore the 24th's position. North Korean infiltration. In a counterattack after daylight, K Company and tanks had partially regained control of the ridges overlooking Haman, but not completely. Large numbers of KPA were behind the battle positions of the 35th Infantry as far as the Chirwon-ni and Chung-ni areas, east of Komam-ni and the front positions. The KPA continued to cross the Nam River after daylight on September 1 in the general area of the gap between the 1st and 2nd Battalions. UN observation aircraft spotted an estimated four companies crossing there and directed fire of the 64th Field Artillery Battalion on the crossing force, which destroyed an estimated three-fourths of it. Fighter planes then strafed the survivors. Another large group of KPA were spotted in the open at the river later in the day and American aircraft directed artillery fire on the column, with an estimated 200 KPA casualties. The KPA I Corps plan of attack below the Nam River was for its 6th Division to push east along the main Chinju-Komam-ni-Masan highway through the 1st Battalion, 35th Infantry, and at the same time for major elements of its 7th Division to swing southeast behind the 2nd Battalion, 35th Infantry, and cut the Chirwon road. This road crossed the Naktong River over the cantilever steel bridge at Namji-ri from the US 2nd Infantry Division zone and ran south through Chirwon to join the main Masan highway east of Komam-ni near the village of Chung-ni, northwest of Masan. These two avenues of approach, the Komam-ni-Masan highway and the Chirwon road converging at Chung-ni, formed the axes of their attack plan. US Engineer troops counterattacking up the secondary road toward Chirwon during September 1 made slow progress, and the KPA stopped them in the early afternoon. The 35th Infantry was now surrounded by forces of the KPA 6th and 7th Divisions, with an estimated three battalions of them behind its lines. Speaking later of the situation, Fisher said, "I never intended to withdraw. There was no place to go. I planned to go into a regimental perimeter and hold." US 2-27th Infantry counterattack. By mid-afternoon, Kean felt that the situation was a severe threat to the integrity of the division's line. He ordered the 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry Regiment, to attack behind the 35th Infantry, because a large part of the division's artillery there was under direct KPA infantry attack. During the morning hours of September 1, when the KPA 7th Division troops had attacked, the first American unit they encountered was G Company, 35th Infantry, at the north shoulder of the gap. While some KPA units peeled off to attack G Company, others continued on and engaged E Company, downstream from it, and still others attacked scattered units of F Company all the way to its 1st Platoon, which guarded the Namji-ri bridge. There, at the extreme right flank of the 25th Division, this platoon drove off a KPA force after a fierce fight. By September 2, E Company had destroyed most of a KPA battalion in heavy fighting. Of all the 2nd Battalion units, G Company received the hardest blows. Before dawn of September 1, KPA troops had G Company platoons on separate hills under heavy assault. Shortly after 03:00 they overran the 3rd Platoon, Heavy Mortar Company, and drove it from its position. These mortarmen climbed Hill 179 and on its crest joined the 2nd Platoon of G Company. Meanwhile, the 3rd Platoon of G Company, on a low hill along the Nam River from its juncture with the Naktong River, was also under close quarters attack. After daylight, Captain LeRoy E. Majeske, G Company commander, requested artillery concentrations and air strikes, but they were slow to come. At 11:45, the KPA had almost reached the crest of the hill, and only a narrow space separated the two forces. A few minutes later Majeske was killed, and Second Lieutenant George Roach, commanding the 3rd Platoon, again reported the situation and asked for an air strike. The US Air Force delivered the strike on the KPA held side of the hill, and this checked the assaults. By this time many KPA troops had captured and occupied foxholes in the platoon position and from there threw grenades into other parts of the position. One of the grenades killed Roach early in the afternoon. Sergeant First Class Junius Poovey, a squad leader, now assumed command. By 18:00, Poovey had only 12 effective troops left in the platoon, 17 of the 29 men still living were wounded. With ammunition almost gone, Poovey requested and received authority to withdraw into the main G Company position. After dark, the 29 men, three of them carried on stretchers, withdrew, covered by the arrival of US tanks. The group reached the G Company position on Hill 179 at 23:30. Stalemate. While G Company held its positions on Hill 179 on September 2 against KPA attack, 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry started an attack northwest toward it at 17:00 from the Chung-ni area. The battalion made slow progress against formidable KPA forces. The night was extremely dark and the terrain along the Kuhe-ri ferry road was mountainous. After fighting throughout the night, the battalion reached a position south of the original defensive positions of G Company, 35th Infantry the next day at 15:00. A coordinated attack by US armor, artillery, air, and infantry got under way and by 18:00 the battalion had re-established the battle line. In this attack the 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry, killed 275 KPA and recovered a large part of the equipment G Company had lost earlier. The 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry remained on the regained positions during the night of September 3. At 08:00 the next morning, G Company, 35th Infantry, relieved it on the regained positions and the 2-27th Infantry started its attack back up the supply road. While this was in progress, word came that the KPA had again driven G Company from its newly reestablished position. The 2-27th Infantry turned around, attacked, and once more restored the G Company positions. By 12:00 September 4, the 2-27th Infantry again turned over these positions to G Company and resumed its attack to the rear along the road in the gap between the 1st and 2nd Battalions, 35th Infantry. Almost immediately it was in contact with KPA forces. Soon KPA machine-guns were firing on the US troops from three directions. Torrential rains fell and observation became poor. By this time, the 2-27th Infantry was running short of ammunition. The commander ordered the battalion to withdraw to favorable terrain so that it could resupply. Resupply proved to be a difficult task. The battalion had cleared the supply route two days previously in its attack to the G Company position but now it was closed again. The battalion commander requested air supply and the next morning, September 5, eight transport planes accomplished the resupply and the 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry, was ready to resume its attack to the rear. By evening it had cleared the supply road and adjacent terrain of KPA penetration for a distance of to the rear of G Company's front-line positions. There the 2-27th Infantry received orders to halt and prepare to attack northeast to link up with the 1st Battalion, 27th Infantry. US 3-27th Infantry moves up. After 2-27th Infantry had left the Chung-ni area on September 2 in its attack toward G Company, the KPA attacked the 24th Infantry command post and several artillery positions. To meet this new situation, General Kean ordered the remaining battalion of the 27th Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel George H. DeChow, to attack and destroy the KPA operating there. After an early morning struggle on September 3 against several hundred KPA in the vicinity of the artillery positions, DeChow's battalion launched its attack at 15:00 over the high, rugged terrain west of the "Horseshoe," as the deep curve in the Masan road was called, east of Komam-ni. Its mission was to seize and secure the high ground dominating the Horseshoe, and then relieve the pressure on the 24th Infantry's rear. Initially only one artillery piece was in position to support the attack. After the battalion advanced some distance, a KPA force, estimated to number more than 1,000 men, counterattacked it and inflicted heavy casualties, which included 13 officers. Additional US tanks moved up to help secure the exposed right flank and rear, and air strikes helped to contain the KPA force. The battalion finally succeeded in taking the high ground. The next morning, September 4, instead of continuing the attack toward the 24th Infantry command post, 3rd Battalion, 27th Infantry was ordered to attack into the Komam-ni area where KPA troops were fighting in the US artillery positions. This attack got under way at 09:00 in the face of heavy small arms fire. In the afternoon, heavy rains slowed the attack, but after an all-day battle, I and K Companies, with the help of numerous air strikes, captured the high ground dominating the Komam-ni crossroads. Numerous casualties in the battalion had led Kean to attach C Company, 65th Engineer Combat Battalion, to it. The next day, September 5, the 3rd Battalion, 27th Infantry turned its attack across rugged terrain toward Haman and drove through to the vicinity of the 24th Infantry command post. In its attack, the 3rd Battalion counted more than 300 KPA dead in the area it traversed. Artillery attacked. The series of events that caused Kean to change the direction of DeChow's attack toward Komam-ni began at 01:00, September 3. The 1st Battalion, 35th Infantry, protruded farther westward at this time than any other unit of the UN forces in Korea. Behind its positions on Sibidang-san the main supply route and rear areas were in KPA hands, and only in daylight and under escort could vehicles travel the road. On Sibidang-san the battalion had held its original positions after the heavy fighting of September 1, completely surrounded by barbed wire, booby traps, and flares, with all supporting weapons inside its tight perimeters. The battalion had the advantage of calling for protective artillery fire covering all approaches. An hour after midnight a KPA assault struck the battalion. The fight there continued until dawn September 3, when the 1st Battalion, 35th Infantry, counted 143 KPA dead in front of its positions, and on that basis estimated that the total KPA casualties must have been about 500 men. The 35th units also had the advantage of well-constructed strong points throughout the battle which the KPA could not penetrate. In this night battle the 64th Field Artillery Battalion, supporting the 1st Battalion, became directly involved in the fighting. About 50 KPA infiltrated before dawn to A Battery's position and assaulted it. KPA employing submachine guns overran two artillery-machine-gun perimeter positions, penetrating to the artillery pieces at 03:00. There, Captain Andrew C. Anderson and his men fought in hand-to-hand combat with the KPA. Some of the guns fell temporarily into KPA hands but the artillerymen repulsed the attack, aided by the concentrations of fire from C Battery, 90th Field Artillery Battalion nearby, which cut off the KPA from reinforcements. In defending its guns in this night battle, A Battery lost seven men killed and 12 wounded. Fighting in support of the Nam River front in the northern part of the 25th Division sector were five batteries of the 159th and 64th Field Artillery Battalions, firing 105 mm howitzers, and one battery of the 90th Field Artillery Battalion which fired 155 mm howitzers, for a total of 36 guns. One 155 mm howitzer fired from Komam-ni to the area north of Chungam-ni, the route for the KPA 6th Division's supplies. Another forward artillery piece kept the Iryong-ni bridge over the Nam under fire. The 25th Division artillery estimated it killed approximately 1,825 KPA soldiers during the first three days of September. In this critical time, the US Fifth Air Force added its firepower to that of the division artillery in support of the ground force. Eighth Army commander General Walton S. Walker attributed the UN victory in this sector directly to the extensive air support his division received in the battle. North Koreans repulsed. Bitter, confused fighting continued behind the 35th Infantry's line for the next week. Battalions, companies, and platoons, cut off and isolated, fought independently of higher control and help except for airdrops which supplied many of them. Airdrops also supplied relief forces trying to reach the front-line units. Tanks and armored cars drove to the isolated units with supplies of food and ammunition and carried back critically wounded on the return trips. In general, the 35th Infantry fought in its original battle line positions, while at first one battalion, and later two battalions, of the 27th Infantry fought toward it through the estimated 3,000 KPA operating to its rear. Although the 25th Division generally was under less pressure from KPA units after September 5, there were still severe local attacks. On September 6, 1st Battalion, 27th Infantry, moved north from the Haman area to join 2nd Battalion in the cleanup of KPA troops behind the 35th Infantry and below the Nam River. Caught between the 35th Infantry on its hill positions along the river and the attacking 27th Infantry units, large numbers of KPA were killed. Sixteen different groups reportedly were dispersed with heavy casualties during the day. By morning of September 7 there was clear evidence that survivors of the KPA 7th Division were trying to escape across the Nam River. However the KPA launched another attack against the 35th Infantry, which it quickly repulsed. The 25th Infantry Division buried more than 2,000 KPA dead, killed between September 1 and 7 behind its lines. This number did not include those killed in front of its positions. Heavy rains caused the Nam and Naktong Rivers to rise on September 8 and 9, reducing the danger of new crossings. On September 8, after the 35th Infantry had been guarding it for a week, USAF F-82 Twin Mustangs mistakenly bombed the Namji-ri bridge over the Naktong and with one bomb destroyed the center span. Only the bridges north of the junction of the Nam with the Naktong were supposed to be under aerial attack at this time. Some of the local commanders thought that had the KPA bypassed this bridge and crossed the Naktong farther east there would have been nothing between them and Pusan. However, KPA attacks against 2nd Battalion, 35th Infantry occurred nightly. The approaches to the bridge on the north side were mined. At one time there were about 100 KPA dead lying in that area. From September 9 to 16, there were limited attacks on the 35th Infantry's front but most of the KPA's momentum had been broken and they could not muster strong attacks against the regiment again. North Korean withdrawal. The UN counterattack at Inchon outflanked the KPA and cut off all their main supply and reinforcement routes. On 16 September when the Eighth Army began its breakout from the Pusan Perimeter 25th Infantry Division was still fighting KPA forces behind its lines, and KPA strong points existed on the heights of Battle Mountain, P'il-bong, and Sobuk-san. Kean felt that the division could advance along the roads toward Chinju only when the mountainous center of the division front was clear. He therefore believed that the key to the advance of the 25th Division lay in its center where the KPA held the heights and kept the 24th Infantry Regiment under daily attack. The 27th Infantry on the left and the 35th Infantry on the right, astride the roads between Chinju and Masan held their positions and could not advance until the situation in front of the 24th Infantry improved. On September 19 the UN discovered the KPA had abandoned of Battle Mountain during the night, and the 1st Battalion, 24th Infantry, moved up and occupied it. On the right, the 35th Infantry began moving forward. There was only light resistance until it reached the high ground in front of Chungam-ni where hidden KPA soldiers in spider holes shot at 1st Battalion soldiers from the rear. The next day the 1st Battalion captured Chungam-ni, and the 2nd Battalion captured the long ridge line running northwest from it to the Nam River. Meanwhile, the KPA still held strongly against the division left where the 27th Infantry had heavy fighting in trying to move forward. The KPA withdrew from the Masan area the night of September 18–19. The KPA 7th Division withdrew from south of the Nam River while the 6th Division sideslipped elements to cover the entire front. Covered by the 6th Division, the 7th had crossed to the north side of the Nam River by the morning of September 19. Then the KPA 6th Division had withdrawn from its positions on Sobuk-san. The US units rapidly pursued them north, passing over the Battle Mountain positions, which were no longer of strategic importance. Aftermath. The 35th Infantry suffered 154 killed, 381 wounded, and two missing during the battle. The 27th Infantry lost a total of 118 killed, 382 wounded, and one captured during the Battle of Pusan Perimeter, however this included five killed and 54 wounded at the Battle of the Bowling Alley and around 150 casualties at the First Battle of Naktong Bulge. In support of the Nam River operations, the 64th Field Artillery Battalion suffered 16 killed, 27 wounded, one captured and five missing, the 159th Field Artillery Battalion lost 18 killed and 41 wounded, and the 90th Field Artillery Battalion 15 killed, 54 wounded and one missing. The regiment had performed so well in repulsing the KPA that Kean nominated it for a Presidential Unit Citation. The KPA suffered heavily in the fight, most becoming casualties in the attack. By mid-September, the KPA 7th Division was reduced to just 4,000 men, a loss of 6,000 from when it was committed to the perimeter. Only 2,000 from the KPA 6th Division returned to North Korea, a loss of 80 percent of its strength. Large groups of troops from the divisions were captured as they attempted to return to North Korea, including up to 3,000 troops. The attacking force of over 20,000 had been reduced to only 6,000 by the end of the fights at Masan. The fight at Masan remained a bitter stalemate during the entire six weeks of the Battle of Pusan Perimeter. Each side attempted several offensives on the other in an attempt to force a withdrawal, but the KPA were unable to pierce the UN perimeter, and the UN troops were unable to overwhelm the KPA to the point they were forced to withdraw. The battle itself was a tactical tie, since neither side could decisively defeat the other, however the UN units achieved their strategic goal of preventing the KPA from advancing further east and threatening Pusan. Instead, they were able to hold the line against repeated attacks until the Inchon attack and Pusan breakout, and were thus successful in defeating the KPA in subsequent engagements.

more advanced command

9738-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=42339880

"Ugly Heart" is the second single by American-British-Canadian girl group G.R.L. from their self-titled EP. The song features songwriting credits from Ryan Baharloo, Ester Dean, Lukasz Gottwald, John Charles Monds and Henry Walter, with production credits from Gottwald and Walter under their production monikers, Dr. Luke and Cirkut. The song was released on June 3, 2014 as the lead single from the EP. "Ugly Heart" is a guitar-driven pop song that also incorporates a ukulele. The track centers on a man who initially appears beautiful on the outside, but later displays his ugly side. The group thought a lot of women would be able to relate to the song and hoped it would inspire them to find someone who would treat them well. The song was met with general acclaim from critics. The song's accompanying music video was directed by Chris Marrs Piliero. It depicts the girls being arrested by the police, after they tattoo the word "ugly" on a man's face. It was watched 2.5 million times in less than a week following its release. "Ugly Heart" was the last single to be released by the group before band member Simone Battle's death on September 5, 2014. The song received renewed interest in October 2016 when British girl group Little Mix released their latest single "Shout Out to My Ex," from their fourth studio album "Glory Days". Some people said that the choruses of the two songs had similarities. Background and release. Group member Paula Van Oppen explained that "Ugly Heart" was about ending a relationship with a guy who initially appeared to be nice on the outside, but once you got to know him well, the ugly side to his personality came out. Van Oppen said the inspiration for the song "was giving that message of strength and confidence and being a good person, inside and out. Not just having the exterior surface be all that you are." Natasha Slayton hoped the track would inspire people to date someone who treated them well, instead of dating someone because of their beauty. Simone Battle commented that the track felt personal to her, as it reminded her of a time when she had crush on a guy in high school, who pretended to like her back and embarrassed her. Battle also thought there would be a lot of women who could relate to the song. While Van Oppen added that the group's songs were empowering. The song leaked in March 2014, before it was officially released on June 3, 2014. It was sent to mainstream radio on June 24, 2014. The single's artwork was unveiled the day before the single was released. Composition. "Ugly Heart" was written by Ryan Baharloo, Ester Dean, Lukasz "Dr. Luke" Gottwald, John Charles Monds and Henry "Cirkut" Walter. It was produced by Dr. Luke and Cirkut, with Max Martin as executive producer. "Ugly Heart" is a guitar-driven pop song, with electronic influences. The song also makes use of a ukulele, which gives it a "country vibe". Battle described "Ugly Heart" as being "really eclectic", while Slayton branded it "a Hawaiian hoedown". During the bridge, Van Oppen talks over strumming guitars, followed by Battle who sings a high note, before the song goes back into the chorus. Alex Kritselis from Bustle.com said the chorus had "a chant-like quality to it" that made it easy sing along with. Critical reception. "Ugly Heart" received general acclaim from contemporary music critics. A writer from Popjustice branded it a "really quite brilliant song about hot wankers" and gave it a 9 out of 10 rating. The writer believed the song was better than the group's debut and improved their chances of a successful career. Jamieson Cox from "Time" described the song as "moonlit, guitar-oriented pop" and a "sneering kiss-off" with many "undeniable" features of a Dr. Luke production. He also praised the band members chemistry on the song. Mike Wass from Idolator thought the track was an "irresistible anthem" that left him "hooked" after one listen. He particularly liked the "guitar-pop direction" because it differed from the more dominant charting electro-pop songs. Perez Hilton described the song as infectious, great and awesome. He likened the beginning of "Ugly Heart" to a signature Jason Mraz track and praised the lead vocals. Homorazzi.com reporter Donovan Pagtakhan named it the group's best song to date and a "catchy pop track with a folk vibe", while Maximum Pop! said the track "feels like a tune you'd pump in your car when riding with your girlfriends. Brad Stern from MTV labeled it a "certifiable, Dr. Luke-produced smash" packed with "chant-along-friendly hooks". Jason Lipshutz from "Billboard" quipped "the group uncovers the winning pop formula that previous single 'Vacation' failed to unlock." Melissa Redman from Renowned for Sound gave "Ugly Heart" three and a half stars out of five. She called the tune "cliche", but thought it had a "catchy appeal" and was a "nice effort from G.R.L" overall. Sugarscape.com's Carl Smith dubbed it an "insanely sassy single". Igee Okafor writing for magazine "The Source" likened "Ugly Heart" to "up-tempo and high-energy" releases by Ke$ha. They described the ukulele as "infectious" and the vocals as "powerful and impeccable". "Billboard" named the song #50 on their list of 100 Greatest Girl Group Songs of All Time. Commercial performance. For the week commencing July 14, 2014, "Ugly Heart" debuted at number 41 on the ARIA Singles Chart in Australia. It reached a peak position of number 2. Ugly Heart also landed at No. 10 on The Australian 2014 Year End charts. The track reached a peak position of number 3 on the Official New Zealand Music Chart. In the United Kingdom, on the week after Battle's death, "Ugly Heart" debuted at number eleven on the UK Singles Chart due to lack of streaming and despite being at number 6 on the sales-only based version of the chart. Although the song did not chart on the "Billboard" Hot 100, it reached number 7 on the Bubbling Under Hot 100 Singles and has sold over 113,000 copies in the United States. Music video. Filming for the accompanying music video began on June 9, 2014. The video was directed by Chris Marrs Piliero and shot in downtown Los Angeles. The video opens with each of the girls being escorted from a tattoo parlour by male police officers. While they are getting booked at the police station, the girls begin dancing on the tables and in a cell. They are then taken into a line-up room, where they continue to dance. The focus then turns to a man on the other side of the glass, with tattoos spelling out "ugly" all over his face. As the video ends, Battle says "Now your face is like your heart. Ugly." The video attracted over 2.5 million views in less than a week following its release. As of January 2021, the music video has been viewed over 96 million times on YouTube. Lucas Villa of ticket merchant AXS branded it a cute video in which "even bad girls just want to have fun". Track list. Digital download Other version Live performances. The group first performed the song at the iTunes Festival SXSW on March 14, 2014. On May 10, 2014 they performed it at KIIS-FM's Wango Tango. They performed the track at the 2014 Dinah Shore Weekend in Las Vegas. They later performed at the 103.3 AMP Radio "Birthday Bash" in Boston on June 15, 2014. On July 29, 2014 G.R.L. performed an acoustic version of the song for Perez TV. The group's first televised performance of the single was on "Sunrise", while they also performed the song on the second live decider of "X Factor Australia" on August 18, 2014. They performed on "Good Morning America" on August 20, 2014.

song focuses

5419-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14195532

The Badr-B (; also known as Badr-II, meaning "Full Moon-2") is the second spacecraft and the first earth observation satellite launched into Earth orbit on 10 December 2001 at 09:15 by the SUPARCO — Pakistan's national space agency. "Badr-B" is a microsatellite, with a mass of ~70 kg, and contained the computerized system to conduct the studies on the gravity gradient. "Badr-B" is a research satellite to explore the upper atmosphere and the near space, and carried a large array of instruments for geophysical research. The "Badr-B" payload was equipped with several CCD cameras, compact dosimeter, a telemetry system, charge detector and a temperature control unit. It is intended to complete and update the Islamabad Mission Control Center (IMCC), and to test the remote sensing CCD instruments. Launch history. The "Badr-B" project was launched by Suparco in 1992, following the success of the "Badr-I" in 1990. The programme was funded by Science Ministry and the construction of the programme was completed in Instrumentation Laboratories in Karachi. The United Kingdom's Space Innovations Limited, plc (SIL) also joined this programme in 1993 as it had constructed the instrumentation of this satellite. The "Badr-B" was slightly bigger than the "Badr-I" as compared to weight and mass. Most of the equipment was developed at the DESTO and the spacecraft designing took place in Instrumentation Laboratories in Karachi. Space Innovations Limited took contributed technical assistance required for assembling the "Badr-B". A Mission control center was established at Islamabad where several supercomputers and its systems were installed by Space Innovations Limited. In 1995, a computer system and the system software was designed and installed by Pakistan Software Export Systems (PSES) while COMSATS helped installing the large computer screen at the Islamabad mission control center. Overall, the work on "Badr-B" was completed in 1996 by Suparco and it was originally planned to launch from Tilla Launch Complex but it was objected as the country had no launch facility at that time. The CCD cameras were developed by the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory (RAL) who took the interest in the development of the "Badr-B" in 1995. "Badr-B" was developed in 1996 but the delay of Russian space-rocket put the satellite on hold for more than 4 years. Abdul Qadeer Khan unsuccessfully attempted to launch the satellite from the Sonmiani Launch Complex using Ghauri-1 as the transportation vehicle which was denied by the government at that time. In 2001, the Air Force Strategic Command flew the "Badr-B" to Kazakhstan where it was launched from Baikonur Cosmodrome on 10 December 2001 abroad a Ukrainian Zenit-2 rocket. Design. The economic cost of the "Badr-B" is not publicly known but it is estimated to be more costly than the first satellite, "Badr-I". For its design, the "Badar-B" is far more complex and sophisticated than the first satellite. The external body of the "Badr-B" is made of Space grade Aluminium alloy with a total mass of 70 kg. "Badr-B" was launched in a sun-synchronous orbit of 1050 km with an earth orbital period of 106 minutes. "Badr-B" is a cube with side dimensions of 510 mm x 510 mm x 465 mm and a gravity gradient vector system to stabilize the satellite to its mission control centre. A typical orbital and terminal pass over to country's space orbit entry would last between 10 and 15 minutes. "Badr-B" internal structure was made of space qualified aluminium T-6 alloy. The gallium arsenide (GaAs) solar arrays were used to provide and generate the electronic power during the sunlit periods. The nickel cadmium (NiCd) batteries stored power for use during the eclipse periods. Earth pointing single axis stabilization was achieved by the use of a 6 m gravity gradient boom with a trip mass of 4 kg. Launch plans and site selections. The Suparco set its deadline to launch the satellite in 1994 but, due to the satellite being upgraded time passed and Suparco lost the space orbital entry slot. Suparco then planned to "Badr-B" in 1995 or as early of 1996 but did not materialize the plan. By 1996, "Badr-B" was completed and was ready to launch but due to upcoming elections in 1997, the plan was put on hold. Since Suparco has no launch complex, it began to hold talks with China and Russia at the lowest rate. In 1998, following the restrictions applied on Pakistan after it had conducted atomic tests (See "Chagai-I" and "Chagai-II"), Suparco was unable to launch the satellite, therefore putting the satellite in storage. Delaying of the satellite's launch programme further frustrated the scientific community, therefore, Government of Pakistan launched the work on "Shaheen-III" and "Ghauri-III" expendable rockets in 1998. In 2001, senior scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan approached the Pakistan Government to receive permission to launch the satellite from either Tilla Launch Complex or Sonmiani Launch Complex. However, then-CMLA General Pervez Musharraf denied the request of Khan. In 2001, the Pakistan Academy of Sciences held the physics and mathematics conference on astrophysics in Pakistan where scientists from all over the country were invited to come to Nathiagali. In a media interview given at Nathiagali, Abdul Qadeer Khan maintained that, "Pakistan has very robust nuclear I.R.B.M. system which can launch geostationary orbiting satellites. All Pakistan has to do is to erase Delhi or Calcutta from the target and point it towards the sky. Instead of Hydrogen bombs and Atomic bombs, the missiles can easily carry a payload of an 80 kg satellite into the sky...". Astrophysicist Shahid Kureshi also argued that [IRBM] missiles have very robust and effective electronics and computer system, the [SLV]s used the similar technology. Taking part in this discussion, Nuclear physicist Pervez Hoodbhoy believed that "If we [Pakistan] can launch a missile up to a range of 1,500 km, why not build an [SLV] that can launch low-atmosphere satellites?". Abdul Majid, an astrophysicist, countered the pressure in a media interview in 1999 given to "Dawn Newspapers", and in his own words, Majid summed up that, "with Meteor-3M (a Soviet satellite), other four satellites one each from [Pakistan], Malaysia, Morocco and the United States are to be mounted on the bigger Russian rocket. It was only the Pakistan's "Badr-B" satellite which had met the deadline set by the Russians. The deadline was in April. All the other satellites failed to meet the deadline". Launch and mission. After receiving criticism from the scientific society, the Suparco succeeded in a talks held with Russian Federal Space Agency on a possible low rates. The PAF's Air Force Strategic Command flew the satellite via "C-130 Hercules" to Kazakhstan. The "Badr-B" was taken to Baikonur Cosmodrome along with Russian satellites which were also stored for the final assembly. The "Badr-B", along with Soviet built Meteor-3M, was installed at the Zenit-2 expandable rocket. A high level delegation of Suparco headed by Major-General Raza Hussain arrived at the Baikonour Cosmodrome to witness the launch. At 17:18UTC, the "Badr-B" was launched along with "Meteor-3M" with an ascending node time of about 09:15 Experiments. The "Badr-B" conduct four major ob-board experiments, including taking the snap shots of Earth images, and data storage and forwarding to its mission control center. The "Badr-B" also used the radiation dosimeter to measure the exposure of Sun's ionizing radiation and, also used to study the electromagnetic field of Earth. The "Badr-B" also conduct studies on charge battery when it is exposed to Solar flare and forwarded Solar winds. Expected results were sent to its mission control center in Islamabad. Achievements. Overall, the "Badr-B" was an ambitious project that was intended to learn and developed the low-cost EOS satellites, and to build the infrastructure for larger satellites. The "Badr-B" also gave the scientists to understand the usage of technology for earth imaging by using the CCD sensors; it also gave provided the scientists to enhance their studies conducted on how the solar flare effected the environment of Earth. The "Badr-B" stimulated the research on astrophysics and astroparticle physics that encourage the scientific community to continue their research on peaceful uses of space. However, its achievements was undermined after Suparco had lost the orbital slot in four consecutive years The onward criticism also undermined Suparco's effort who built this satellite, and due to its long wait, the negative reception was perceived by scientific community. Careful analysis of launch facilities and capabilities doubted if the space programme is on track. With all criticism, in 2002, Suparco began to conduct further studies and launched the more ambitious and complex project which formed the basis derivatives of Press system, later this programme was integrated with Space programme 2040. Under the Space programme 2040, the "Badr-B" will be replaced with more complex and technologically advanced high-resolution satellite PRSS-O1, which has been launched in 2018.

exterior makeup

11808-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37463902

Al Jazeera Media Network, endowed by the Government of Qatar, is one of the world's largest news organizations. It provides extensive news coverage through 80 bureaus on a variety of media platforms in several languages, including Arabic and English. Al Jazeera has a large audience, but the organization (particularly its original Arabic channel) has been criticized for its alleged involvement in controversies ranging from slanted journalism to anti-Israel bias. Allegations of antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment. Antisemitism. An article by Sherry Ricchiardi in the "American Journalism Review" (AJR) noted that critics of Al Jazeera have "assailed what they see as anti-Semitic, anti-American bias in the channel's news content." Ricchiardi had earlier criticized an Al Jazeera report that Jewish employees of 9/11 targets were informed of the attacks beforehand, a report which was also criticized in an October 2001 "New York Times" editorial. She cited the former Al Jazeera weekly show "Sharia and Life", hosted by Yusuf Qaradawi (an Egyptian cleric who "argues clearly and consistently that hatred of Israel and Jews is Islamically sanctioned"). The organization held a 2008 on-air birthday party for Samir Kuntar, a Lebanese terrorist convicted of killing four Israelis who was released in July of that year, later admitting that its coverage of Kuntar's release violated its code of ethics. The organization's Beirut bureau chief said, "Brother Samir, we wish to celebrate your birthday with you" and called him a "pan-Arab hero." Former Fox News commentator Bill O'Reilly has called Al Jazeera "anti-Semitic" and "anti-American." Dave Marash, a veteran correspondent for ABC's "Nightline" who resigned from his position as Washington anchor for Al Jazeera English in 2008 due to his perception of anti-American bias there, appeared on "The O'Reilly Factor" and said: "They certainly aren't anti-Semitic, but they are anti-Netanyahu and anti-Lieberman and anti-Israeli, right ..." On May 30, 2017, a tweet from Al Jazeera's English-language account was accompanied by an antithetical but improperly cited antisemitic meme which was later removed. The network tweeted an apology after the incident, calling it a "mistake." Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Due to Al Jazeera's position as a major Middle Eastern news outlet, its editorial positions often receive increased scrutiny. During the Second Intifada, Palestinians killed by Israelis were referred to as "martyrs"; Israelis killed by Palestinians were not. Israel announced a "boycott" of the Arabic broadcaster on 13 March 2008, accusing it of bias in its coverage of the Gaza Strip conflict and toward Hamas. Israeli government employees declined interviews and denied visa applications for the organization's staff. Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Majalli Wahabi accused it of focusing on Palestinian suffering and ignoring that of Israel: "We have seen that Al-Jazeera has become part of Hamas ... [sic] taking sides and cooperating with people who are enemies of the state of Israel." According to Israeli officials, Al-Jazeera covered the Gaza incursion but not Palestinian rocket attacks against the Israeli city of Ashkelon. Wahabi said that the Israeli Foreign Ministry would send letters of complaint to the organization and the Qatari government. Officials of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' Fatah party has accused Al-Jazeera of bias toward Hamas (with which it is at political loggerheads), and Fatah official Mohammed Dahlan sued the broadcaster. Al-Jazeera agreed to discuss its coverage of Mideast conflict, and the issue has apparently been settled. In February 2009, Israel again imposed sanctions on Al Jazeera after Qatar closed the Israeli trade office in Doha in protest against the Gaza War. Israel had considered declaring Al Jazeera a hostile entity and shutting its Israeli offices, but after a legal review the Israeli government decided to impose limited measures restricting the organization's activities in the country. All Al Jazeera employees would not have their visas renewed, and the Israeli government would issue no new visas. Al Jazeera staff would not be allowed to attend government briefings; its access to government and military offices was reduced, and it could not interview Knesset members. The organization would only have access to three agencies: representatives of the Prime Minister's Office, the Foreign Ministry, and the IDF Spokesperson's Unit. On 15 July of that year, the Palestinian National Authority (PA) closed down Al Jazeera's offices in the West Bank in an apparent response to claims made on the channel by Farouk Kaddoumi that PA president Mahmoud Abbas had been involved in the death of Yasser Arafat. The Palestinian Information Ministry called the organization's coverage "unbalanced" and accused it of incitement against the PLO and the PA. Four days later, Abbas rescinded the ban and allowed Al Jazeera to resume operations. In August 2011, Afghan bureau chief Samer Allawi was arrested by Israeli authorities and charged with being a member of Hamas. Walied Al-Omary, Al Jazeera bureau chief in Israel and the Palestinian territories, said that a military court accused Allawi of making contact with members of Hamas' armed wing. The Committee to Protect Journalists Middle East and North Africa program coordinator Mohamed Abdel Dayem stated that "Israel must clarify why it continues to hold Samer Allawi." Allawi was imprisoned for over a month and fined $1,400 after pleading guilty to meeting with Hamas, a militant group viewed as terrorist by Israel and most of the West. In 2013, UN researcher Nicola Perugini was accused by UN Watch of fabricating a United Nations Human Rights Council session in his Al Jazeera article about the latest UNHRC report on Israeli settlements. Alleged pro-Qatar bias. Al Jazeera has been criticized for being Qatari state media. In 2010, U.S. State Department internal communications released by WikiLeaks as part of the 2010 diplomatic cables leak said that the Qatari government manipulates Al Jazeera coverage to suit the country's political interests. Al Jazeera has lost reporters and anchors in London, Paris, Moscow, Beirut and Cairo. Ali Hashem, the organization's Shia Beirut correspondent, resigned after leaked emails publicized his discontent with Al Jazeera's "unprofessional" and biased coverage of the Syrian civil war at the expense of the Bahraini protests of 2011. Since the Bahrain government was supported by the Gulf Cooperation Council (of which Qatar is a member), the protests were given less prominence than the Syrian conflict on the network. Longtime Berlin correspondent Aktham Suliman left in late 2012, saying that he felt he was no longer allowed to work as an independent journalist: Before the beginning of the Arab Spring, we were a voice for change, a platform for critics and political activists throughout the region. Now, Al-Jazeera has become a propaganda broadcaster... Al-Jazeera takes a clear position in every country from which it reports—not based on journalistic priorities, but rather on the interests of the Foreign Ministry of Qatar. In order to maintain my integrity as a reporter, I had to quit. He added, "The news channel Al Jazeera was committed to the truth. Now it is bent. It's about politics, not journalism. For the reporter that means: time to go ... The decline [in] 2004–2011 was insidious, subliminal, and very slow, but with a disastrous end." According to Walid Phares, Al Jazeera became the "primary ideological and communication network" for the Muslim Brotherhood during the 2011 Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria. Phares noted that after democratic forces had begun the rebellions, Al Jazeera played a "tremendous role" in supporting Islamist elements of the revolution. One of the organization's largest resignations was that of 22 members of Al Jazeera's Egyptian bureau. The group announced their resignation on 8 July 2013, citing biased coverage of Egyptian power redistribution favoring the Muslim Brotherhood. During the visit of the Qatari delegation to the 2017 UN General Assembly, anonymous critics commissioned what ostensibly appeared to be a news website, authoring a variety of articles calling Al Jazeera a "state-run propaganda arm", criticizing the Gulf state's link to terror groups or to Iran, and promoting a dark view of the Qatari economy in response to the diplomatic crisis that year. The organization commissioned to launch this website was later identified as a conservative-leaning PR firm, Definers Public Affairs, which was also hired by Facebook to attack the social network's opponents, including Apple, Google, and the philanthropist George Soros. Satellite disruption. During the 2010 FIFA World Cup opening game, Al Jazeera Sports' transmission to the Arab world went down without explanation in the first half; second-half transmission was patchy. Al Jazeera and FIFA said that they were working to figure out the cause of the disruption of Al Jazeera's broadcast rights. According to a report in "The Guardian", evidence indicated jamming by the Jordanian government. 2018 cricket pitch fixing exposé. The organization was instrumental in exposing pitch-fixing and -tampering controversies in Sri Lanka and India by covering pitch-fixing, primarily at Sri Lanka's Galle International Stadium. The Al Jazeera documentary "Cricket's Match-Fixers" revealed secret plans to fix the first match, scheduled at Galle during the November 2018 test series between England and Sri Lanka. According to Al Jazeera's Investigative Unit, the groundsman at Galle helped bookmakers fix test matches at the stadium by changing the condition of the pitch. Al Jazeera reported that the last two test matches (Sri Lanka v Australia in 2016 and India v Sri Lanka in 2017) played at Galle were fixed by bookmakers who were seen bribing the groundsman at Galle. The report said that the bookmakers identified as suspects, including former Indian professional domestic cricketer Robin Morris, former Pakistani domestic cricketer Hasan Raza and former Sri Lankan cricketer Tharindu Mendis, were filmed secretly by an Al Jazeera reporter in the United Arab Emirates as they discussed past and future match-fixing. By country. Algeria. Several Algerian cities lost power on 27 January 1999, reportedly to keep residents from watching a program in which Algerian dissidents implicated the Algerian military in a series of massacres. On 4 July 2004, the Algerian government froze the activities of Al Jazeera's Algerian correspondent. The official reason was that a reorganization of the work of foreign correspondents was in progress. According to Reporters Without Borders, however, the measure was a reprisal for a broadcast the previous week of another "Al-Itijah al-Mouakiss" debate on the political situation in Algeria. Bangladesh. In 2012, Al Jazeera faced criticism from Bangladeshi human rights activists and relatives of those killed in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. The news channel is often accused of downplaying the 1971 Bangladesh genocide, in which Islamist militias assisted the Pakistan Army in targeting Bengalis who sought independence from Pakistan. In response to the Al Jazeera Investigates documentary "All the Prime Minister's Men", the Government of Bangladesh described it as "a misleading series of innuendos and insinuations in what is apparently a politically motivated “smear campaign” by notorious individuals associated with the Jamaat-i-Islami extremist group, which has been opposing the progressive and secular principles of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh since its very birth as an independent nation in 1971". The foreign ministry stated that the Bangladeshi government "regrets that Al Jazeera has allowed itself to become an instrument for their malicious political designs aimed at destabilizing the secular democratic Government of Bangladesh with a proven track record of extraordinary socio-economic development and progress". The ministry also stated that "the fact that the report’s historical account fails to even mention the horrific genocide in 1971 in which Jamaat perpetrators killed millions of Bengali civilians" was "one reflection of the political bias in Al Jazeera’s coverage". The Bangladesh Army called the documentary a "concocted and ill-intended report by a vested group in the news channel Al-Jazeera", according to a statement by ISPR. Responding to allegations by Al Jazeera that Israeli surveillance equipment is used by Bangladesh UN Peacekeeping Forces, United Nations spokesman Stéphane Dujarric said that UN agreements with Bangladesh on peacekeeping deployments did not include the "operation of electronic equipment in the nature described by Al Jazeera in its documentary, and such equipment has not been deployed with Bangladeshi contingents in UN peacekeeping operations". The UN called for an investigation into allegations of corruption among senior Bangladeshi officials. The Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists demanded a ban on Al Jazeera transmission within Bangladesh citing similar bans in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan and the UAE. Lamenting the censorship of Bangladeshi media, Mahfuz Anam, Editor of the "The Daily Star", wrote "Besides the government, the Al Jazeera report has also put us, the Bangladeshi media, on the dock, which is the main focus of my piece. Thousands of our readers want to know how come we are publishing the government and military's condemnation of Al Jazeera without ever telling our readers what Al Jazeera said or reported. A normal journalistic practice, and one that we follow at The Daily Star, is that unless we carry the original story, in this case the Al Jazeera report, we do not publish any rejoinder, in this case the condemnatory statements of our foreign office and the military. They want to know, what prevented us from carrying the said report in the first place? If we were a free media today, we would have delved deeper into the widely-talked-about Al Jazeera report and analysed it, point by point, and exposed it for what it really is — not a top-class work of investigative journalism". Bahrain. Bahrain Information Minister Nabeel bin Yaqub Al-Hamar banned Al Jazeera correspondents from reporting from inside the country on 10 May 2002, saying that the station was biased towards Israel and against Bahrain. After improvements in relations between Bahrain and Qatar in 2004, Al Jazeera correspondents returned to Bahrain. In 2010, however, the Information Ministry again banned Al Jazeera correspondents from reporting inside the country. The ministry accused the network of "flouting [Bahrain's] laws regulating the press and publishing" after Al Jazeera aired a report on poverty in Bahrain. During his visit to Egypt in November 2011, Bahrain Centre for Human Rights president Nabeel Rajab criticized Al Jazeera's coverage of the 2011 protests and said that it represents an Arabic double standard. Rajab said, "Al Jazeera's intentional ignoring  ... coverage of Bahrain protests makes me strongly believe that we need channels that are sponsored by people rather than by regimes." In the run-up to the Qatar diplomatic crisis, Bahrain blocked Al Jazeera within its borders. Egypt. Al Jazeera has been criticized by an Egyptian newspaper for its allegedly-biased coverage of news related to Egypt and its government, arguing that these "continuous attacks against Egypt is to destroy Egypt’s image in the region." The organization filed a lawsuit against the Egyptian "Al-Ahram" newspaper for "Jazeerat al-Taharoush" ("Al Jazeera: An Island of Harassment"), a 9 June 2010 article which Al Jazeera found "wholly deceptive and journalistically unprofessional" with an aim to "damage the reputation of the Al Jazeera Network." The Egyptian regime later collapsed as a result of the Arab Spring. A Cairo court ordered Al Jazeera to stop broadcasting in Egypt in September 2013, saying that it was "inciting violence that led to the deaths of Egyptians." On December 29 of that year, three journalists working for Al Jazeera English (Australian Peter Greste, Egyptian-Canadian Mohamed Fahmy and Egyptian Baher Mohammed) were taken into custody by Egyptian security forces at the Cairo Marriott Hotel. On June 23, 2014, after a four-month trial, they were found guilty of spreading false news and collaborating with the Muslim Brotherhood and sentenced to seven to 10 years' imprisonment. They were released on bail shortly afterwards, and Mohamed Fahmy sued Al Jazeera on 5 May 2015 for 100 million (83m; £53m) in punitive and remedial damages for negligence and breach of contract. He accused the network of "negligence" by misinforming him about its legal status and their safety in Egypt. The three were pardoned on September 23, 2015, and released. Egypt blocked 21 websites, including Al-Jazeera and Masr AlArabiya, in May 2017, for allegedly supporting terrorism and spreading fake news by supporting the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood. India. Columnist Seema Sirohi has accused Al Jazeera of spreading an ignorant anti-India narrative in its coverage of the country. The Indian government banned the Al Jazeera TV channel in April 2015 for five days for repeatedly broadcasting disputed maps of India. According to the Surveyor General (SGI) had observed that in some of the maps displayed by Al Jazeera, "a portion of the Indian territory of Jammu and Kashmir (i.e. PoK and Aksai Chin) has not been shown as a part of Indian territory" on some Al Jazeera maps; Lakshadweep and the Andaman Islands were also not shown as Indian territories on some of the maps. In its reply to an order to show cause, Al Jazeera said that all its maps are generated by internationally known software used by Global News Providers. Iraq. During the Iraq War, Al Jazeera and other news-gathering organizations experienced reporting and movement restrictions. Reporter Tayseer Allouni was expelled from the country and Diyar Al-Omari, another reporter, was stripped of his journalistic credentials by the US. On 2 April 2003, the organization announced that it would "temporarily freeze all coverage" of Iraq in protest of what Al Jazeera called unreasonable interference by Iraqi officials. Contrary to allegations, including those by Donald Rumsfeld on 4 June 2005, Al Jazeera has never shown beheadings; beheadings have appeared on a number of other websites, and have sometimes been misattributed to the organization. When the allegations were reported in other media, Al Jazeera pressed for retractions; "The Guardian" later corrected its report that the organization "had shown videos of masked terrorists beheading western hostages". The allegation was repeated on Fox News, however, when Al Jazeera's English service was launched on 15 November 2006. The Iraqi Allawi government closed Al Jazeera's Iraq office on 7 August 2004, calling the network responsible for a negative image of Iraq and charging it with fueling anti-Coalition hostilities. Al Jazeera spokesman Jihad Ballout said, "It's regrettable and we believe it's not justifiable. This latest decision runs contrary to all the promises made by Iraqi authorities concerning freedom of expression and freedom of the press," and Al Jazeera vowed to continue reporting from inside Iraq. Photographs showed United States and Iraqi military personnel closing the office. The initial one-month shutdown was extended indefinitely in September 2004 and the offices were sealed, drawing condemnation from international journalists. In April 2013, Iraq banned Al Jazeera and nine other TV channels for "sectarian bias". In a statement, the Iraqi Communication and Media Commission said that the satellite channels had "exaggerated things, given misinformation and called for breaking the law and attacking Iraqi security forces". The commission noted a "sectarian tone" in the TV coverage and "undisciplined media messages exceeded all reasonable limits", threatening to "jeopardize the democratic process". Israel. Al Jazeera TV covered welcome-home festivities for Samir Kuntar, a Lebanese terrorist imprisoned in Israel for killing several people in a Palestine Liberation Front raid from Lebanon into that country, on 19 July 2008. On the program, Al Jazeera Beirut office head Ghassan bin Jiddo called Kuntar a "pan-Arab hero" and organized a birthday party for him. Israel's Government Press Office (GPO) announced a boycott of the channel, including a refusal by Israeli officials to be interviewed and a ban of its correspondents entering government offices in Jerusalem. Several days later, Al Jazeera director-general Wadah Khanfar issued a letter admitting that the program violated the channel's code of ethics and saying that he ordered its programming director to take steps to ensure that such an incident would not recur. The channel was also criticized for allegedly-biased coverage of events in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, including the 2002 Bat Mitzvah massacre where the network omitted the facts that the victims were attending a bat mitzvah at a crowded banquet hall. When Palestinian militant Raed Karmi was killed by the Israeli Army, Al Jazeera was criticized for failing to provide sufficient context in its story. Israel again accused Al Jazeera of bias in 2008. Deputy Foreign Minister Majalli Wahabi accused the organization of focusing on Palestinian suffering and downplaying that of Israel, referring to Israeli residents of the western Negev who had been the target of rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip. "We have seen that Al-Jazeera has become part of Hamas ... taking sides and cooperating with people who are enemies of the state of Israel," said Wahabi, a Druze. "The moment a station like Al-Jazeera gives unreliable reports, represents only one side, and doesn't present the positions of the other side, why should we cooperate?" According to Israeli officials, Al Jazeera covered the Gaza incursion but not Palestinian rocket attacks on the Israeli city of Ashkelon. Wahabi said that the Israeli Foreign Ministry would send letters of complaint to the government of Qatar and Al Jazeera. In February 2015, Al Jazeera posted an article on its online edition alleging that the Israeli government had opened dams in its southern region to intentionally flood parts of the Gaza Strip. The article was replaced on 25 February with a statement that there were no dams in southern Israel and the original article was false. During the June 2017 Jerusalem attack, Israeli media accused Al-Jazeera of not identifying it as a terrorist attack and ignoring an attack by three Palestinians on the Temple Mount in Old Jerusalem (focusing instead on the killing of a Palestinian by Israeli forces during Friday prayers). Kuwait. The Al Jazeera office in Kuwait City was closed by government officials after the organization aired a story on police crackdowns. The story included interviews with members of the Kuwaiti opposition and a video of police beating activists. Four National Assembly members were injured in the crackdown. Kuwait's Minister of Information described Al Jazeera's coverage as "intervention in a Kuwaiti domestic issue." Libya. According to Libyan media, Al Jazeera worked on behalf of the Western world and the Gulf Cooperation Council to promote anti-Libyan policies and "disseminate falsehoods and lies to incite international public opinion." The Emir of Qatar Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani opposed the government of Libya and supported the 2011 Libyan Civil War. The emir ordered Al Jazeera to emphasize the Libyan conflict, contributing to the insurgency's spread and influencing the Arab world's view of Libya. Within a week of the start of the rebellion, Al Jazeera began using the rebels' tricolor flag to identify its coverage. The emir appeared on Al Jazeera, saying that military intervention in Libya was necessary, and the organization's journalists were criticized for not challenging his position. The organization reported that Muammar Gaddafi was ordering troops to use rape as a weapon of war and issuing Viagra to his troops. Amnesty International investigated the claims and found them groundless. Malaysia. Al Jazeera aired "Locked Up in Malaysia's Lockdown", a "101 East" documentary alleging that the government of Malaysia mistreated illegal migrants and foreign workers during the country's COVID-19 lockdown, on 3 July 2020. The documentary was called "misleading" and "inaccurate" by the Malaysian government; Senior Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob demanded an apology from the organization for "false reporting." The Royal Malaysia Police began an investigation of the documentary, and the Immigration Department sought to question the Al Jazeera journalists and a Bangladeshi migrant whom they interviewed. Several non-governmental organizations, including the Centre for Investigative Journalism (CIJ), issued a statement defending Al Jazeera and calling on the Malaysian government to end its "intimidatory measures" against Al Jazeera and migrant workers. On 4 August, a team of Malaysian police officers and personnel from the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission raided Al Jazeera's office near the Petronas Towers and seized several devices as part of their investigation of the documentary. Al Jazeera English managing director Giles Trendle condemned the raid as a "crackdown on media freedom", and called on Malaysian authorities to end the criminal investigation of its journalists. Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia banned Al-Jazeera and another Qatari website in early 2017 after Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani said that he recognized Iran as an Islamic regional power and criticized Saudi Arabia and Donald Trump's policy toward Iran. He praised the Lebanese organization Hezbollah and the Palestinian group Hamas. Qatar denied the allegations, saying that its QNA website had been hacked and it was investigating the incident. Somalia. Al Jazeera aired "The Toxic Truth", a two-part documentary on toxic waste dumped in Somalia, in January 2009. A Somali journalist who studied the documentary concluded that the organization failed to rigorously research the story. Another criticism of the documentary was that Al Jazeera did not allow former Somali interim president Ali Mahdi Muhammad to exercise his right of reply to accusations that he authorized Italy-based companies to dump in Somalia. Spain. Reporter Tayseer Allouni was arrested in Spain on 5 September 2003 and charged with providing support to members of al-Qaeda. Judge Baltasar Garzón, who issued the arrest warrant, ordered Allouni held without bail. Al Jazeera wrote to Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar in protest: "On several occasions, Western journalists met secretly with secret organizations and they were not subjected to any legal action because they were doing their job, so why is Allouni being excluded?" Allouni was later released on bail for health reasons, but was prohibited from leaving the country. On 19 September, a Spanish court issued an arrest warrant for Allouni before the expected verdict. Allouni had asked the court for permission to attend his mother's funeral in Syria, but authorities denied his request and ordered him back to jail. After pleading not guilty, Allouni was sentenced on 26 September 2005 to seven years in prison for being a financial courier for al-Qaeda. Allouni insisted that he merely interviewed Osama bin Laden after the 11 September 2001 attack on the United States. Al Jazeera has supported Allouni, insisting that he is innocent. Reporters Without Borders) condemned Allouni's rearrest, and called on the Spanish court to free him. In January 2012, The European Court of Human Rights ruled on 17 January 2012 that the Spanish sentence was illegal, and Allouni was freed in March. Sudan. In May 2019, Sudan closed Al Jazeera's office. Sudan summoned its envoy in Qatar for consultation the following month, saying that the envoy would soon return to Qatar. Qatar was seen as a close ally of ousted Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir. Syria. Al Jazeera has been criticized for its coverage of the Syrian civil war, largely supporting the rebels and demonizing the Syrian government. The Lebanese newspaper "As-Safir" cited outtakes of interviews in which the channel's staff coached Syrian eyewitnesses and fabricated reports of government oppression and leaked internal emails suggesting that the organization has become a tool of the Qatari emir's foreign policy supporting Syria's rebels and advocating military intervention in the country. Ahmad Ibrahim, in charge of Al Jazeera's coverage of Syria, is the brother of a leading member of the rebel Syrian National Council. Al Jazeera reportedly pressured its journalists to use the term "martyr" for slain Syrian rebels, but not pro-government forces. A former Al Jazeera news editor from Syria who had worked at the organization for "nearly a decade" was fired without cause in January 2013. In an interview, they said that it was linked to their resistance to pressure to provide biased coverage of the civil war. The According to the editor, the Muslim Brotherhood was "controlling the Syrian file at Al-Jazeera"; both organizations slanted news coverage in favor of the Brotherhood ousting the Syrian government by force, and warned the then-editor that "the majority [in Syria] is with the Muslim Brotherhood and [taking power] is within our grasp ... thank your god if you get a pardon when we become the government." The source named several other employees who resigned in protest, including Berlin bureau director Aktham Sleiman (a Syrian "who was, in the beginning, with the [Syrian] opposition" but resisted what the editor called the "lies and despicable [political and ethnic] sectarianism"). "Al-Jazeera has lied and is still lying" about Syria, favoring armed insurrection and the Muslim Brotherhood. United Arab Emirates. In 2015, Al Jazeera was condemned by UAE Minister of Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash for twisting a statement by UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan about the Russian Sukhoi Su-24 downed by Turkey. During a press conference with a Russian official in Abu Dhabi, Al Nahyan said that the UAE "offers its deepest condolences to our Russian friends on the incident of the military plane that crashed recently in Syria" and called the crash of a Russian civilian plane in Egypt "a terrorist act." Al Jazeera reported that he "describes the Turkish shooting of the Russian fight jet a terrorist act," which Gargash said ignored the fact that he was referring to the Russian passenger plane which crashed in Egypt. The Al Jazeera statement was reported more than once, and was tweeted by the channel on its main Twitter account. According to Gargash, "The way Al Jazeera channel has dealt with the statement of Shaikh Abdullah Bin Zayed was not a professional blunder; It was part of a smear campaign [by the media] against the UAE." The UAE blocked Al Jazeera in the emirates on 5 June 2017 (after the onset of the Qatar diplomatic crisis) because the organization was a state-endowed entity of the Qatari government and Qatar is "a major sponsor of hate speech through Al Jazeera’s Arabic-language network and its other state-controlled media entities." In the International Court of Justice case filed by Qatar against the United Arab Emirates about the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination ("Qatar v. United Arab Emirates"), Qatar requested that the court order the UAE to suspend its block of Al Jazeera. The court ruled, "both parties shall refrain from any action which might aggravate or extend the dispute before the court or make it more difficult to resolve." In June 2017, hacked emails from UAE ambassador to the US Yousef Al Otaiba were reported as "embarrassing" by HuffPost because they indicated links between the UAE and the US-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies. According to a number of observers, the extensive media coverage of the alleged email hack was seen as exacerbatiing the Qatar diplomatic crisis and orchestrated by Qatar. After the 2017 Qatar diplomatic crisis and in 2018, Al Jazeera reported apparent new details about a 1996 Qatari coup d'état attempt which accused the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Egypt of plotting to overthrow Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani. According to the organization, former French National Gendarmerie commander Paul Barril was contracted and supplied with weapons by the UAE to carry out the coup in Qatar. UAE Minister of Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash said that Barril was a security guard for Qatari emir Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani during the emir's visit to Abu Dhabi; had no connection to the UAE, and the report was an attempt to involve the UAE in the coup attempt. In 2019, Al Jazeera Arabic tweeted that a photograph of a Buddhist sculpture in Abu Dhabi which was part of a Louvre Abu Dhabi cultural initiative led to "commentators saying there is a return of idol worship to the Arabian Peninsula." "The National" called the insinuation that the sculpture contradicted Islam fake news. United Kingdom. UK officials, like their US counterparts, protested against Al Jazeera's coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. According to the organization, coalition leaders objected because its reporting made it more difficult for both countries to manage the reporting of the war. Several pro-Israel British activists and a former Israeli embassy employee filed complaints with UK media regulator Ofcom in 2017 that "The Lobby", an Al Jazeera four-part documentary series, was antisemitic. The complaints also accused the organization of bias, unfair editing, and infringement of privacy, because "The Lobby" used hidden cameras and undercover journalism to investigate alleged efforts by Israeli diplomats and UK pro-Israel advocacy groups to influence British foreign policy to favor Israel. On 9 October 2017, Ofcom issued a 60-page ruling rejecting the complaints which was welcomed by an Al Jazeera source as vindicating the organization's journalism. United States. Since the September 11 attacks, US officials have accused Al Jazeera's news coverage of anti-American bias. The organization first received widespread attention in the West after 9/11, when it broadcast videos in which Osama bin Laden and Sulaiman Abu Ghaith defended the attacks. This led to accusations by the United States government that Al Jazeera was broadcasting propaganda on behalf of terrorists. The organization countered that it was making information available without comment, and several Western television channels later broadcast portions of the tapes. At a 3 October 2001 press conference, Colin Powell tried to persuade the emir of Qatar to close Al Jazeera. On 13 November 2001, during the war in Afghanistan, a US missile destroyed Al Jazeera's office in Kabul. There were no casualties. When Al Jazeera reported events with graphic footage from inside Iraq, the organization was described as anti-American and inciting violence because it reported on issues of national security. In 2003, Washington bureau chief Hafez al-Mirazi resigned to protest the organization's "Islamist drift." On 24 March 2003, two Al Jazeera reporters covering the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) had their credentials revoked. The NYSE banned Al Jazeera and several other undisclosed news organizations from its trading floor indefinitely. According to NYSE spokesman Ray Pellechia, the ban was for "security reasons" and the exchange had decided to allow access only to networks focusing "on responsible business coverage". Pellechia denied that the revocation of credentials was connected to Al Jazeera's Iraq War coverage. However, NYSE executive vice president for communications Robert Zito indicated that Al Jazeera's 22 March 2003 broadcast of US POWs and dead American soldiers led him to ban the organization. The move was quickly mirrored by NASDAQ stock-market officials. The NYSE ban was lifted several months later. Akamai Technologies, a US company whose founder was killed in the 11 September World Trade Center attacks, canceled a contract to provide web services for Al Jazeera's English-language website. On 12 October 2008, Al Jazeera broadcast interviews with attendees of a Sarah Palin rally in St. Clairsville, Ohio. The interviewees made racist remarks about Barack Obama, such as "he regards white people as trash" and "I'm afraid if he wins, the blacks will take over". The report received over 2 million views on YouTube and, according to Colin Powell, "Those kind of images going out on Al Jazeera are killing us." "The Washington Post" then ran an op-ed saying that Al Jazeera was deliberately encouraging "anti-American sentiment overseas". The organization called the column "a gratuitous and uninformed shot at Al Jazeera's motives", and its report was only one of "hundreds of hours of diverse coverage." Al Jazeera has reportedly censored criticism of the United States in response to US pressure. Al Jazeera English director Wadah Khanfar resigned in September 2011 after WikiLeaks documents asserted that he had close ties to the US and agreed to remove content if Washington objected. Some of Al Jazeera's competitors have said that the organization is pro-American. Iran's Press TV has posted articles criticizing Al Jazeera, saying that the organization has a pro-American bias and serves Israeli interests. The network also criticized Qatar's government and reported anti-government rallies. On 28 April 28 2015, Al Jazeera America supervisor of media and archive management Matthew Luke filed a US$15 million lawsuit against the organization for unfair dismissal. Luke alleged that he had been unfairly dismissed after he had raised concerns with Al Jazeera's human-resource division that senior vice-president of broadcast operations and technology Osman Mahmud (his boss) discriminated against female employees and made antisemitic remarks. Al Jazeera America head Ehab Al Shihabi announced that the organization would contest the lawsuit in court. Mahmud denied Luke's charges, calling him a difficult employee. In an unrelated development, two female Al Jazeera America employees (executive vice-president for human resources Diana Lee and executive vice-president for communications Dawn Bridges) had resigned that week. On 4 May, senior Al Jazeera America executive and former CBS news anchor Marcy McGinnis resigned from the organization for undisclosed reasons. The following day, Al Jazeera Media Network demoted Al Shihabi from CEO to chief operations officer (COO) of Al Jazeera America after "The New York Times" reported that he had attempted to fire and sue popular host Ali Velshi. Shihabi was replaced by former Al Jazeera English managing director Al Anstey. Anstey announced on 13 January 2016 that Al Jazeera America would cease operations in April; the "decision by Al Jazeera America’s board is driven by the fact that our business model is simply not sustainable in light of the economic challenges in the U.S. media marketplace". Death of Tareq Ayyoub. Al Jazeera's Baghdad office was hit by a missile fired by an American ground-attack aircraft on 8 April 2003, killing reporter Tareq Ayyoub and wounding another person. Al Jazeera reported that it had mailed the coordinates of its office to the US State Department six weeks earlier. Dima Tareq Tahboub, Ayyoub's widow, denounced her husband's death; she has written for "The Guardian" and participated in an Al Jazeera English documentary. "The New York Times" reported on 30 January 2005 that the Qatari government, under pressure from the Bush administration, was planning to sell Al Jazeera. Bombing memo. The UK tabloid "Daily Mirror" reported on 22 November 2005 that it had obtained a leaked memo from 10 Downing Street that US President George W. Bush had considered bombing Al Jazeera's Doha headquarters in April 2004, when United States Marines were conducting a contentious assault on Fallujah. Omar Abdel-Rahman. Oren Kessler accused Al Jazeera of defending Omar Abdel-Rahman for the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. Arabs and Westerners received differing messages from news organizations in the Gulf states. Al Jazeera reportedly praised Abdel-Rahman, saying that he "defended human rights" and "rejected tyranny". Detention of Sami al-Hajj. Al Jazeera cameraman Sami al-Hajj, a Sudanese national, was detained en route to Afghanistan in December 2001 and held without charge as an enemy combatant in Camp Delta of the Guantanamo Bay detention camp until May 2008. The reasons for his detention remain unknown, although the official US position on all detainees is that they are security threats. Reporters Without Borders repeatedly expressed concern about al-Hajj's detention, mentioning him in its annual Press Freedom Index and circulating a petition for his release. Clive Stafford Smith, al-Hajj's lawyer, reported on 23 November 2005 that US officials had asked his client in 125 of 130 interviews if Al Jazeera was a front for al-Qaeda. After his release, al-Hajj expressed plans to sue US President George W. Bush for his treatment at Guantanamo. According to Stafford Smith, his accusations include beatings and sexual assault. Al-Hajj was released on 1 May 2008 from Guantanamo Bay and flown to Sudan, arriving in Khartoum on a US military plane early on 2 May. Al Jazeera broadcast video in which he was carried into a hospital on a stretcher, looking frail but smiling and surrounded by well-wishers. The Dark Side: Secrets of the Sports Dopers. Al Jazeera English and Al Jazeera America broadcast "", an episode of "Al Jazeera Investigates" examining professional athletes' possible use of performance-enhancing drugs (PEDs), on 27 December 2015. Peyton Manning and other prominent athletes were identified as having received drugs from Charles Sly, a pharmacist who had worked at the Guyer Anti-Aging Clinic in Indianapolis in the fall of 2011. "The Huffington Post" leaked the episode a day before Al Jazeera's broadcast. In a "Sunday NFL Countdown" interview with ESPN's Lisa Salters on the morning of 27 December, Manning called the documentary "completely fabricated" and "garbage" and expressed anger about his wife was mentioned. When Salters noted that other athletes had first denied and then admitted allegations, Manning said that he could not speak for others. He said that he had visited the Guyer clinic 35 times in 2011 and received medication and treatment. Sly recanted his story and requested that the report not be aired via a YouTube video. Although Sly later said that he had never seen the Mannings and told ESPN's Chris Mortensen that he is not a pharmacist and was not at the Guyer institute in 2011 (as Al Jazeera reported), state licensing records indicate that a Charles David Sly was licensed as a pharmacy intern in Indiana from April 2010 to 1 May 2013. Manning hired former George W. Bush press secretary Ari Fleischer to manage the issue, and threatened to sue Al Jazeera. On 5 January 2016, it was announced that Ryan Howard and Ryan Zimmerman were suing Al Jazeera for defamation after the documentary aired. "The Lobby". Journalist Armin Rosen of the American Jewish magazine "Tablet" published an article on 20 January 2017 saying that pro-Palestinian filmmaker and undercover Al Jazeera reporter James Anthony Kleinfeld had infiltrated several pro-Israel advocacy organizations in Washington, D.C., including StandWithUs, the Israel Project, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, the Israel on Campus Coalition, and the Zionist Organization of America's (ZOA) Fuel For Truth. According to the article, Kleinfeld had also infiltrated pro-Israel organizations and circles in the United Kingdom (the subject of an Al Jazeera documentary that month). As an undercover journalist, Kleinfield had reportedly obtained work at several pro-Israel organizations, interviewed dozens of Jewish pro-Israel activists, had access to donors, hosted Israeli embassy officials at his home, and filmed dozens of hours of video. Kleinfield left Washington suddenly in January 2017, around the time that Al Jazeera broadcast "The Lobby": a four-part documentary series which used undercover journalism to infiltrate several pro-Israel advocacy groups in the United Kingdom. On 11 October 2017, Al Jazeera admitted that it had installed an undercover journalist in several Washington-based pro-Israel organizations the previous year and was planning to air a documentary film based on the reporter's work. The announcement followed a ruling by the British media regulator Ofcom which rejected complaints about "The Lobby"; the documentary led to the resignation of an Israeli diplomat and sparked accusations of antisemitism from UK pro-Israel advocacy groups and representatives of the Jewish community. Clayton Swisher, Al Jazeera's director of investigative reporting, acknowledged that the network had stationed an undercover journalist in the UK and the US at the same time. On 8 February 2018, it was reported that Qatari leaders had reassured the leaders of American Jewish organizations that Al Jazeera would not air its companion documentary series on the Israel lobby in the United States. According to "Haaretz", the Qatari government had hired Republican Senator Ted Cruz's former aide Nicolas Muzin to open communications channels with Jewish American organizations. Al Jazeera had earlier sent letters to several American pro-Israel organizations informing them that their employees would appear in the documentary. The letters generated speculation that the Qatari government had reneged on its promise to prevent Al Jazeera from screening the documentary, which (like the British series) had used clandestine footage and recordings of pro-Israel activists. Al Jazeera's decision not to screen the documentary was criticized by Swisher, who defended the investigation unit's use of undercover journalism, accused the organization of bowing to outside pressure, and took a sabbatical to express his displeasure. In March, a bipartisan group of US lawmakers which included Democratic Congressman Josh Gottheimer, Republican Congressman Lee Zeldin, and Ted Cruz wrote a letter urging United States Attorney General Jeff Sessions to investigate whether Al Jazeera should register as a foreign agent under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. They also urged the Justice Department to investigate reports that the organization had infiltrated nonprofit organizations and accused Al Jazeera of broadcasting "anti-American, anti-Semitic, and anti-Israel" content. The Zionist Organization of America said on 10 April 2018 that Morton Klein, its president, lobbied the Qatari government not to screen the companion documentary series focusing on the American pro-Israel lobby. Portions of the series were leaked in late August and early September by several outlets, including the Electronic Intifada. The Electronic Intifada, French media outlet Orient XXI and Lebanon's "Al Akhbar" newspaper released the four episodes of "The Lobby—USA" in early November.

exchange ground

122-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=16431416

Cupimus imprimis (January 18, 1952) is an apostolic letter of Pope Pius XII to all the faithful in China regarding their persecutions and the persecution of the Catholic Church. Cupimus Imprimis expresses the great admiration and love of the Chinese people. Religion was established in this country in full recognition of the local customs and greatness of the Chinese culture and society. Therefore, the Pope is saddened to learn that the Catholic Church is accused as an enemy of the people. Church teaching fits all societies, which respect justice, freedom and brotherly love. The Pope expresses his admiration for the courage of the Chinese Christians, who are admired throughout the world. At stake is God, may he listen to all the prayers, and in his goodness provide consolation, giving China and the Church peace and tranquillity again. May he convince those who attack her today, that the Church has no earthly but heavenly goals. Referring to recent Chinese conquests, Pope Pius continues, there are people whose main aim is to conquer power and expand it every day. The Church on the other hand is teaching every day the truth of Jesus Christ, which converts the hearts towards brotherly love and social engagement for the poor and needy in society. The Church does not obey any earthly power, she does not prefer one society or race over others but loves all equally. The missionaries which came from foreign lands into China, are not agents of foreign powers but messengers for the time being. Pope Pius continues to enumerate the measures taken by him and the Holy See to create Chinese hierarchies and points to the first Cardinal from China. All fair minded people realize, that the female religious, working every day in the numerous kindergartens, schools, hospitals and orphanages are not agents but follow the calling of God. The Church engages in all these social activities, faithful to the teachings of its founder. All she needs is freedom. False accusations should be taken with a grain of salt and courage. Christ himself proclaimed that the gates of hell will never defeat his Church. "I am with you all days to the end of the world". For centuries, the Church had to undergo terrible persecutions in China. Chinese earth is red with the blood of Christian martyrs. Everything human, joy, pain, suffering, helplessness and power will fade away. The Church will continue through all earthly trials to the end of time. She will always be under attack, but never be defeated. Therefore, the Chinese faithful should be brave and confident. Peace and freedom will come too to the people of China. May the great Chinese saints and martyrs and the most blessed Virgin Mary, the Queen of China, provide for strength, courage and assistance. The Pope concludes with warm greetings and the Apostolic Blessing.

who make it their purpose

12653-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=33984325

In computer science, dynamic software updating (DSU) is a field of research pertaining to upgrading programs while they are running. DSU is not currently widely used in industry. However, researchers have developed a wide variety of systems and techniques for implementing DSU. These systems are commonly tested on real-world programs. Current operating systems and programming languages are typically not designed with DSU in mind. As such, DSU implementations commonly either utilize existing tools, or implement specialty compilers. These compilers preserve the semantics of the original program, but instrument either the source code or object code to produce a dynamically updateable program. Researchers compare DSU-capable variants of programs to the original program to assess safety and performance overhead. Introduction. Any running program can be thought of a tuple formula_1, where formula_2 is the current program state and formula_3 is the current program code. Dynamic software updating systems transform a running program formula_1 to a new version formula_5. In order to do this, the state must be transformed into the representation formula_6 expects. This requires a "state transformer" function. Thus, DSU transforms a program formula_1 to formula_8. An update is considered valid if and only if the running program formula_8 can be reduced to a point tuple formula_10 that is reachable from the starting point of the new version of the program, formula_11. The location in a program where a dynamic update occurs is referred to as an update point. Existing DSU implementations vary widely in their treatment of update points. In some systems, such as UpStare and PoLUS, an update can occur at any time during execution. Ginseng's compiler will attempt to infer good locations for update points, but can also use programmer-specified update points. Kitsune and Ekiden require developers to manually specify and name all update points. Updating systems differ in the types of program changes that they support. For example, Ksplice only supports code changes in functions, and does not support changes to state representation. This is because Ksplice primarily targets security changes, rather than general updates. In contrast, Ekiden can update a program to any other program capable of being executed, even one written in a different programming language. Systems designers can extract valuable performance or safety assurances by limiting the scope of updates. For example, any update safety check limits the scope of updates to updates which pass that safety check. The mechanism used to transform code and state influences what kinds of updates a system will support. DSU systems, as tools, can also be evaluated on their ease-of-use and clarity to developers. Many DSU systems, such as Ginseng, require programs to pass various static analyses. While these analyses prove properties of programs that are valuable for DSU, they are by nature sophisticated and difficult to understand. DSU systems that do not use a static analysis might require use of a specialized compiler. Some DSU systems require neither static analysis nor specialty compilers. Programs that are updated by a DSU system are referred to as target programs. Academic publications of DSU systems commonly include several target programs as case studies. vsftpd, OpenSSH, PostgreSQL, Tor, Apache, GNU Zebra, memcached, and Redis are all dynamic updating targets for various systems. Since few programs are written with support for dynamic updating in mind, retrofitting existing programs is a valuable means of evaluating a DSU system for practical use. Related fields. The problem space addressed by dynamic updating can be thought of as an intersection of several others. Examples include checkpointing, dynamic linking, and persistence. As an example, a database that must be backward-compatible with previous versions of its on-disk file format, must accomplish the same type of state transformation expected of a dynamic updating system. Likewise, a program that has a plugin architecture, must be able to load and execute new code at runtime. Similar techniques are sometimes also employed for the purpose of dynamic dead-code elimination to remove conditionally dead or unreachable code at load or runtime, and recombine the remaining code to minimize its memory footprint or improve speed. History. The earliest precursor to dynamic software updating is redundant systems. In a redundant environment, spare systems exist ready to take control of active computations in the event of a failure of the main system. These systems contain a main machine and a "hot spare". The hot spare would be periodically seeded with a checkpoint of the primary system. In the event of a failure, the hot spare would take over, and the main machine would become the new hot spare. This pattern can be generalized to updating. In the event of an update, the hot spare would activate, the main system would update, and then the updated system would resume control. The earliest true Dynamic Software Updating system is DYMOS ("Dy"namic "Mo"dification "S"ystem). Presented in 1983 in the PhD dissertation of Insup Lee, DYMOS was a fully integrated system that had access to an interactive user interface, a compiler and runtime for a Modula variant, and source code. This enabled DYMOS to type-check updates against the existing program. Implementation. DSU systems must load new code into a running program, and transform existing state into a format that is understood by the new code. Since many motivational use-cases of DSU are time-critical (for example, deploying a security fix on a live and vulnerable system), DSU systems must provide adequate update availability. Some DSU systems also attempt to ensure that updates are safe before applying them. There is no one canonical solution to any of these problems. Typically, a DSU system that performs well in one problem area does so at a trade-off to others. For example, empirical testing of dynamic updates indicates that increasing the number of update points results in an increased number of unsafe updates. Code transformation. Most DSU systems use subroutines as the unit of code for updates; however, newer DSU systems implement whole-program updates. If the target program is implemented in a virtual machine language, the VM can use existing infrastructure to load new code, since modern virtual machines support runtime loading for other use cases besides DSU (mainly debugging). The HotSpot JVM supports runtime code loading, and DSU systems targeting Java (programming language) can utilize this feature. In native languages such as C or C++, DSU systems can use specialized compilers that insert indirection into the program. At update time, this indirection is updated to point to the newest version. If a DSU system does not use a compiler to insert these indirections statically, it insert them at runtime with binary rewriting. Binary rewriting is the process of writing low-level code into the memory image of a running native program to re-direct functions. While this requires no static analysis of a program, it is highly platform-dependent. Ekiden and Kitsune load new program code via starting an entirely new program, either through fork-exec or dynamic loading. The existing program state is then transferred to the new program space. State transformation. During an update, program state must be transformed from the original representation to the new version's representation. This is referred to as state transformation. A function which transforms a state object or group of objects is referred to as a "transformer function" or "state transformer". DSU systems can either attempt to synthesize transformer functions, or require that the developer manually supply them. Some systems mix these approaches, inferring some elements of transformers while requiring developer input on others. These transformer functions can either be applied to program state lazily, as each piece of old-version state is accessed, or eagerly, transforming all state at update time. Lazy transformation ensures that the update will complete in constant time, but also incurs steady-state overhead on object access. Eager transformation incurs more expense at the time of update, requiring the system to stop the world while all transformers run. However, eager transformation allows compilers to fully optimize state access, avoiding the steady-state overhead involved with lazy transformation. Update safety. Most DSU systems attempt to show some safety properties for updates. The most common variant of safety checking is type safety, where an update is considered safe if it does not result in any new code operating on an old state representation, or vice versa. Type safety is typically checked by showing one of two properties, activeness safety or cons-freeness safety. A program is considered activeness-safe if no updated function exists on the call stack at update time. This proves safety because control can never return to old code that would access new representations of data. "Cons-Freeness" is another way to prove type safety, where a section of code is considered safe if it does not access state of a given type in a way that requires knowledge of the type representation. This code can be said to not access the state "concretely", while it may access the state "abstractly". It is possible to prove or disprove "cons-freeness" for all types in any section of code, and the DSU system Ginseng uses this to prove type safety. If a function is proven "cons-free", it can be updated even if it is live on the stack, since it will not cause a type error by accessing state using the old representation. Empirical analysis of "cons-freeness" and activeness safety by Hayden et all show that both techniques permit most correct updates and deny most erroneous updates. However, manually selecting update points results in zero update errors, and still allows frequent update availability. Existing systems. DYMOS. DYMOS is notable in that it was the earliest proposed DSU system. DYMOS consists of a fully integrated environment for programs written in a derivative of Modula, giving the system access to a command interpreter, source code, compiler, and runtime environment, similar to a REPL. In DYMOS, updates are initiated by a user executing a command in the interactive environment. This command includes directives specifying when an update can occur, called "when-conditions". The information available to DYMOS enables it to enforce type-safety of updates with respect to the running target program. Ksplice, kpatch and kGraft. Ksplice is a DSU system that targets only the Linux kernel, making itself one of the specialized DSU systems that support an operating system kernel as the target program. Ksplice uses source-level diffs to determine changes between current and updated versions of the Linux kernel, and then uses binary rewriting to insert the changes into the running kernel. Ksplice was maintained by a commercial venture founded by its original authors, Ksplice Inc., which was acquired by Oracle Corporation in July 2011. Ksplice is used on a commercial basis and exclusively in the Oracle Linux distribution. SUSE developed kGraft as an open-source alternative for live kernel patching, and Red Hat did likewise with kpatch. They both allow function-level changes to be applied to a running Linux kernel, while relying on live patching mechanisms established by ftrace. The primary difference between kGraft and kpatch is the way they ensure runtime consistency of the updated code sections while hot patches are applied. kGraft and kpatch were submitted for inclusion into the Linux kernel mainline in April 2014 and May 2014, respectively, and the minimalistic foundations for live patching were merged into the Linux kernel mainline in kernel version 4.0, which was released on April 12, 2015. Since April 2015, there is ongoing work on porting kpatch and kGraft to the common live patching core provided by the Linux kernel mainline. However, implementation of the function-level consistency mechanisms, required for safe transitions between the original and patched versions of functions, has been delayed because the call stacks provided by the Linux kernel may be unreliable in situations that involve assembly code without proper stack frames; as a result, the porting work remains in progress . In an attempt to improve the reliability of kernel's call stacks, a specialized sanity-check userspace utility has also been developed with the purpose of checking kernel's compile-time object files and ensuring that the call stack is always maintained; it also opens up a possibility for achieving more reliable call stacks as part of the kernel oops messages. Ginseng. Ginseng is a general-purpose DSU system. It is the only DSU system to use the "cons-freeness" safety technique, allowing it to update functions that are live on the stack as long as they do not make concrete accesses to updated types. Ginseng is implemented as a source-to-source compiler written using the C Intermediate Language framework in OCaml. This compiler inserts indirection to all function calls and type accesses, enabling Ginseng to lazily transform state at the cost of imposing a constant-time overhead for the entirety of the program execution. Ginseng's compiler proves the "cons-freeness" properties of the entire initial program and of dynamic patches. Later versions of Ginseng also support a notion of transactional safety. This allows developers to annotate a sequence of function calls as a logical unit, preventing updates from violating program semantics in ways that are not detectable by either activeness safety or "cons-freeness" safety. For example, in two versions of OpenSSH examined by Ginseng's authors, important user verification code was moved between two functions called in sequence. If the first version of the first function executed, an update occurred, and the new version of the second function was executed, then the verification would never be performed. Marking this section as a transaction ensures that an update will not prevent the verification from occurring. UpStare. UpStare is a DSU system that uses a unique updating mechanism, stack reconstruction. To update a program with UpStare, a developer specifies a mapping between any possible stack frames. UpStare is able to use this mapping to immediately update the program at any point, with any number of threads, and with any functions live on the stack. PoLUS. PoLUS is a binary-rewriting DSU system for C. It is able to update unmodified programs at any point in their execution. To update functions, it rewrites the prelude to a target function to redirect to a new function, chaining these redirections over multiple versions. This avoids steady-state overhead in functions that have not been updated. Katana. Katana is a research system that provides limited dynamic updating (similar to Ksplice and its forks) for user-mode ELF binaries. The Katana patching model operates on the level of ELF objects, and thus has the capacity to be language-agnostic as long as the compilation target is ELF. Kitsune and Ekiden. Ekiden and Kitsune are two variants of a single DSU system that implements the state-transfer style of DSU for programs written in C. Rather than updating functions within a single program, Ekiden and Kitsune perform updates over whole programs, transferring necessary state between the two executions. While Ekiden accomplishes this by starting a new program using the UNIX idiom of fork-exec, serializing the target program's state, and transferring it, Kitsune uses dynamic linking to perform "in-place" state transfer. Kitsune is derived from Ekiden's codebase, and can be considered a later version of Ekiden. Ekiden and Kitsune are also notable in that they are implemented primarily as application-level libraries, rather than specialized runtimes or compilers. As such, to use Ekiden or Kitsune, an application developer must manually mark state that is to be transferred, and manually select points in the program where an update can occur. To ease this process, Kitsune includes a specialized compiler that implements a domain-specific language for writing state transformers. Erlang. Erlang supports Dynamic Software Updating, though this is commonly referred to as "hot code loading". Erlang requires no safety guarantees on updates, but Erlang culture suggests that developers write in a defensive style that will gracefully handle type errors generated by updating. Pymoult. Pymoult is a prototyping platform for dynamic update written in Python. It gathers many techniques from other systems, allowing their combination and configuration. The objective of this platform is to let developers chose the update techniques they find more appropriate for their needs. For example, one can combine lazy update of the state as in Ginseng while changing the whole code of the application as in Kitsune or Ekiden. Microsoft Visual C++. Microsoft is utilizing internal patching technology for Microsoft Visual C++ that supports patching individual C++ functions while maintaining functional correctness of patches. Currently known applications is SQL Server in Azure SQL Database.

absolutely fresh structure

10074-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3232610

In late May and early June 1942, during World War II, submarines belonging to the Imperial Japanese Navy made a series of attacks on the cities of Sydney and Newcastle in New South Wales, Australia. On the night of 31 May – 1 June, three "Ko-hyoteki"-class midget submarines, (M-14, M-21 and M-24) each with a two-member crew, entered Sydney Harbour, avoided the partially constructed Sydney Harbour anti-submarine boom net, and attempted to sink Allied warships. Two of the midget submarines were detected and attacked before they could engage any Allied vessels. The crew of M-14 scuttled their submarine, whilst M-21 was successfully attacked and sunk. The crew of M-21 killed themselves. These submarines were later recovered by the Allies. The third submarine attempted to torpedo the heavy cruiser , but instead sank the converted ferry , killing 21 sailors. This midget submarine's fate was unknown until 2006, when amateur scuba divers discovered the wreck off Sydney's northern beaches. Immediately following the raid, the five Japanese fleet submarines that carried the midget submarines to Australia embarked on a campaign to disrupt merchant shipping in eastern Australian waters. Over the next month, the submarines attacked at least seven merchant vessels, sinking three ships and killing 50 sailors. During this period, between midnight and 02:30 on 8 June, two of the submarines bombarded the ports of Sydney and Newcastle. The midget submarine attacks and subsequent bombardments are among the best-known examples of Axis naval activity in Australian waters during World War II, and are the only occasion in history when either city has come under attack. The physical effects were slight: the Japanese had intended to destroy several major warships, but sank only an unarmed depot ship and failed to damage any significant targets during the bombardments. The main impact was psychological; creating popular fear of an impending Japanese invasion and forcing the Australian military to upgrade defences, including the commencement of convoy operations to protect merchant shipping. Forces. Japanese. The Imperial Japanese Navy originally intended to use six submarines in the attack on Sydney Harbour: B1-type submarines , , , and , and C1-type submarines and . The six submarines made up the Eastern Attack Group of the 8th Submarine Squadron, under the command of Captain Hankyu Sasaki. On 8 June 1942, "I-21" and "I-29"—each carrying a Yokosuka E14Y1 "Glen" floatplane for aerial reconnaissance—scouted various Australasian harbours to select the ones most vulnerable to attack by midget submarines. "I-21" scouted Nouméa in New Caledonia, Suva in Fiji, then Auckland in New Zealand, while "I-29" went to Sydney, Australia. On 11 May, "I-22", "I-24", "I-27", and "I-28" were ordered to proceed to the Japanese naval base at Truk Lagoon, in the Caroline Islands, to each receive a "Ko-hyoteki"-class midget submarine. "I-28" failed to reach Truk; she was torpedoed on the surface by the US submarine on 17 May. The three remaining submarines left Truk around 20 May for a point south of the Solomon Islands. "I-24" was forced to return a day later when an explosion in her midget submarine's battery compartment killed the midget's navigator and injured the commander. The midget submarine intended for "I-28" replaced the damaged midget. Allies. The naval officer-in-charge of Sydney Harbour at the time of the attack was Rear Admiral Gerard Muirhead-Gould of the Royal Navy. On the night of the attack, three major vessels were present in Sydney Harbour; the heavy cruisers and , and the light cruiser . Other warships in the harbour included: destroyer tender , auxiliary minelayer , corvettes , , and , armed merchant cruisers and , and Dutch submarine "K-IX". A converted ferry—HMAS "Kuttabul"—was alongside at Garden Island where she served as a temporary barracks for sailors transferring between ships. The hospital ship "Oranje" had also been in the harbour, but departed an hour before the attack. Harbour defences. At the time of the attack, the static Sydney Harbour defences consisted of eight anti-submarine indicator loops—six outside the harbour, one between North Head and South Head, and one between South Head and Middle Head, as well as the partially constructed Sydney Harbour anti-submarine boom net between George's Head on Middle Head and Laing Point (formerly known as Green Point) on Inner South Head. The central section of the net was complete and support piles were in place to the west, but wide gaps remained on either side. Material shortages prevented the completion of the boom net prior to the attack. On the day of the attack, the six outer indicator loops were inactive; two were not functioning and there were not enough trained personnel to man both the inner and outer loop monitoring stations. The North Head – South Head indicator loop had been giving faulty signals since early 1940, and as civilian traffic regularly passed over the loop, readings were often ignored. Harbour defence craft included the anti-submarine vessels and "Bingera"; the auxiliary minesweepers HMAS "Goonambee" and ; pleasure launches converted to channel patrol boats (and armed with depth charges), namely , "Lolita", "Steady Hour", , "Marlean", and ; and four unarmed Naval Auxiliary Patrol boats. Prelude. The Japanese Navy used five "Ko-hyoteki"-class midget submarines in an unsuccessful operation against US battleships during the attack on Pearl Harbor. The navy hoped that upgrades to the submarines, intensified crew training, and the selection of a less well defended target would lead to better results and an increased chance of the crews of the midgets to return alive from their mission. Therefore, on 16 December 1941, the navy initiated plans for a second midget submarine operation. The plans called for two simultaneous attacks against Allied naval vessels in the Indian and South Pacific oceans. These attacks were intended as diversions ahead of the attack on Midway Island in the North Pacific, with the Japanese hoping to convince the Allies that they intended to attack to the south or west of their conquests. Eleven submarines of the 8th Submarine Squadron were to carry out the two attacks, the five submarines of the Western Attack Group in the Indian Ocean, and the six submarines of the Eastern Attack Group in the Pacific Ocean. The submarine groups were to select a suitable port of attack, based on their own reconnaissance. The Western Attack Group selected the port of Diégo-Suarez in Madagascar. This attack—which occurred at nightfall on 30 May and resulted in the damaging of the battleship and the sinking of the tanker "British Loyalty"—came 22 days after the British captured the port from Vichy France at the beginning of the Battle of Madagascar. The four potential targets for the Eastern Attack Group were Nouméa, Suva, Auckland, and Sydney. Identified by reconnaissance flights conducted by Warrant Flying Officer Nobuo Fujita of the Imperial Japanese Navy flying from "I-25"; commencing 17 February over Sydney Harbour, and the eastern Australian harbours of Melbourne and Hobart (1 March), followed by the New Zealand harbours of Wellington (8 March) and Auckland (13 March). "I-21" and "I-29" were sent to select the final target, with "I-29" sailing to Sydney. On the evening of 16 May, "I-29" fired on the Soviet merchant vessel "Wellen", from Newcastle, New South Wales. Although "Wellen" escaped with minimal damage, shipping between Sydney and Newcastle was halted for 24 hours while aircraft and all available anti-submarine ships from Sydney, including Dutch light cruiser HNLMS "Tromp", Australian destroyer and US destroyer , searched unsuccessfully for the submarine. Muirhead-Gould concluded that the submarine had operated alone and had left the area immediately after the attack. "I-29"s floatplane made a reconnaissance flight over Sydney on 23 May. A secret radar unit set up in Iron Cove detected the flight, but authorities dismissed its report as a glitch, as there were no Allied aircraft operating over Sydney. The aircraft was damaged or destroyed on landing, although its two crew survived. They reported the presence of several capital ships, including two battleships or large cruisers, five other large warships, several minor war vessels and patrol boats, and prolific merchant shipping. The report, which the Allied FRUMEL signals intelligence network partially intercepted, resulted in the Japanese Navy selecting Sydney as the target. The three midget-carrying submarines rendezvoused with "I-29" and "I-21" approximately north-east of Sydney Heads, with all five submarines in position by 29 May. Midget submarine operation. Final reconnaissance. Before dawn on 29 May, "I-21"s floatplane, piloted by Ito Susumu, performed a final reconnaissance flight over Sydney Harbour, with the mission of mapping the locations of the major vessels and of the anti-submarine net. Multiple observers spotted the floatplane but assumed it was a US Navy Curtiss Seagull. No alarm was raised until 05:07, when it was realised that the only ship in the area carrying Seagulls was the U.S. cruiser "Chicago", and all four of her aircraft were on board. Richmond Air Force Base launched RAAF Wirraway fighters, which failed to locate "I-21" or the floatplane. Therefore, the reconnaissance flight did not result in the authorities in Sydney taking any special defence measures. The floatplane was seriously damaged on landing and had to be scuttled, but both aircrew survived. Plan of attack. The Japanese planned to launch the midgets one after the other between 17:20 and 17:40, from points outside Sydney Harbour. The first midget was to pass through the Heads just after 18:30, but heavy seas delayed her by over an hour. The other two midgets followed at twenty-minute intervals and were similarly delayed. The choice of targets was left up to the midget commanders, with advice that they should primarily target aircraft carriers or battleships, with cruisers as secondary targets. The midgets were to operate to the east of the Harbour Bridge, although if no suitable targets were to be found in this area they were to move under the Bridge and attack a battleship and large cruiser believed to be in the inner harbour. When the second reconnaissance flyover revealed that the expected British battleship——was nowhere to be found, USS "Chicago" became the priority target. After completing their mission, the midgets were to depart Sydney Harbour and head south for to the recovery point off Port Hacking. Four of the mother submarines would be waiting in an east–west line long, with the fifth waiting further south. Attack. Midget submarine "M-14"—launched from "I-27"—was the first to enter Sydney Harbour. The Middle Head – South Head loop detected it at 20:01, but dismissed the reading due to heavy civilian traffic. At 20:15, a Maritime Services Board watchman spotted the midget after it passed through the western gap, collided with the Pile Light, then reversed and trapped its stern in the net. The submarine's bow broke the surface; the watchman rowed toward it to determine what it was and then rowed to the nearby patrol boat to report his finding. Despite efforts by "Yarroma" to pass on this information, Sydney Naval Headquarters did not receive the report until 21:52. HMAS "Yarroma" and were dispatched to investigate. Upon confirming that the object in the net was a "baby submarine", "Lolita" dropped two depth charges while "Yarroma"s commander requested permission from Sydney Naval Headquarters to open fire. The depth charges failed to detonate, as the water was too shallow for the hydrostatic fuse setting. At 22:35, while "Yarroma" was waiting for permission to fire, and "Lolita" was setting up to deploy a third depth charge, the two crewmen on "M-14" activated one of the submarine's scuttling charges, killing themselves and destroying the submarine's forward section. Muirhead-Gould gave the general alarm, along with orders for ships to take anti-submarine measures, at 22:27; the alarm was repeated at 22:36 with advice for ships to take precautions against attack, as an enemy submarine might be in the harbour. At the time of the first alarm, Sydney Harbour was closed to external traffic, but Muirhead-Gould ordered ferries and other internal traffic to continue, as he believed that having multiple ships travelling around at speed would help force any submarines to remain submerged. Midget submarine "M-24" was the second to enter the harbour. HMAS "Falie" grazed "M-24"s hull and reported the contact to command. The report was not followed up. "M-24" crossed the indicator loop undetected at 21:48, and at approximately 22:00 followed a Manly ferry through the anti-submarine net. At 22:52, "M-24" was spotted by a "Chicago" searchlight operator less than to the moored cruiser's starboard, and on a course roughly parallel to the ship's facing. "Chicago" opened fire with a gun and a quadruple machinegun mount, but inflicted minimal damage as the weapons could not depress far enough. Some of the shells skipped off the water and hit Fort Denison's Martello tower, while fragments were later found in the suburbs of Cremorne and Mosman. The senior officer present aboard "Chicago" ordered the crew to begin preparing for departure, and for USS "Perkins" to begin an anti-submarine screening patrol around the cruiser, orders that were revoked by the sceptical Captain Howard Bode when he arrived on board at around 23:30. and also fired upon "M-24" as it fled west toward the Sydney Harbour Bridge, before the midget was able to submerge and escape. When it returned to periscope depth, the midget found itself west of Fort Denison. It turned and sailed east for about , then took up a firing position south-west of Bradley's Head, from where its commander could see "Chicago"s stern silhouetted against the construction floodlights at Garden Island's new Captain Cook Graving Dock. Midget submarine "M-21"—from "I-22"—probably entered the harbour at the same time that USS "Chicago" opened fire on "M-24". The unarmed Naval Auxiliary Patrol boat "Lauriana" (later commissioned HMAS "Lauriana") spotted "M-21" and illuminated the submarine's conning tower, while sending an alert signal to the Port War Signal Station at South Head, and the nearby anti-submarine vessel HMAS "Yandra". "Yandra" attempted to ram the submarine, lost contact, regained contact at 23:03, and fired a full pattern of six depth charges. At the time of the attack, it was assumed that the depth charges had destroyed or disabled the midget, but "M-21" survived. Historians believe that the midget took refuge on the harbour floor and waited until the Allied vessels had moved away before it resumed the attack. At 23:14, Muirhead-Gould ordered all ships to observe blackout conditions. Just after 23:30, he set off on a barge towards the boom net, to make a personal inspection. The Admiral reached "Lolita" at about midnight and indicated to her crew that he did not take the reports of enemy submarines seriously, reportedly saying: "What are you all playing at, running up and down the harbour dropping depth charges and talking about enemy subs in the harbour? There's not one to be seen." The crew reiterated that a submarine had been seen, but Muirhead-Gould remained unconvinced and before he left, added sarcastically: "If you see another sub, see if the captain has a black beard. I'd like to meet him." Despite the blackout order, the Garden Island floodlights remained on until 00:25. About five minutes later, "M-24" fired the first of its two torpedoes; it delayed firing the second torpedo for several minutes as the midget submarines would lose longitudinal stability immediately after firing a torpedo. Historians are divided as to the exact paths of the torpedoes relative to "Chicago", although all agree that the US cruiser was the intended target. Both torpedoes missed "Chicago", while one torpedo may have also passed close to "Perkins"' starboard bow. One of the torpedoes continued underneath the Dutch submarine "K-IX" and HMAS "Kuttabul", then hit the breakwater "Kuttabul" was tied up against. The explosion broke "Kuttabul" in two and sank her, and damaged "K-IX". The attack killed 19 Royal Australian Navy and two Royal Navy sailors, and wounded another 10. The explosion shook residences in the area and damaged Garden Island's lights and telecommunications. The other torpedo ran aground on the eastern shore of Garden Island without exploding. "M-24" then dived and moved to leave the harbour. A crossing over the indicator loop that was recorded at 01:58 was initially believed to be another midget submarine entering the harbour, although later analysis showed that the reading indicated an outbound vessel and was therefore most likely represented "M-24"s exit. "M-24" did not return to its mother submarine, and its fate remained unknown until 2006. Ships were ordered to make for the open ocean. "Chicago" left her anchorage at 02:14, leaving a sailor behind on the mooring buoy in her haste to depart. "Bombay", "Whyalla", "Canberra", and "Perkins" began their preparations to depart. Just before 03:00, as "Chicago" was leaving the harbour, the lookouts spotted a submarine periscope passing alongside the cruiser. At 03:01, the indicator loop registered an inbound signal; "M-21" was re-entering Sydney Harbour after recovering from the attack four hours previously. fired on "M-21" in Neutral Bay at 03:50, and at 05:00, three auxiliary patrol boats—HMAS "Steady Hour", "Sea Mist", and "Yarroma"—spotted the submarine's conning tower in Taylors Bay. The patrol boats had set their depth charge fuses to , and when "Sea Mist" passed over where the submarine had just submerged and dropped a depth charge, she had only five seconds to clear the area. The blast damaged "M-21", which inverted and rose to the surface before sinking again. "Sea Mist" dropped a second depth charge, which damaged one of her two engines in the process and prevented her from making further attacks. "Steady Hour" and "Yarroma" continued the attack, dropping seventeen depth charges on believed visual sightings and instrument contacts of the midget over the next three and a half hours. At some point during the night, the crew of "M-21" killed themselves. At 04:40, HMAS "Canberra" recorded that the Japanese may have fired torpedoes at her. This may have been one of many false alarms throughout the night. However, "M-21" had attempted to fire its two torpedoes, but failed because of damage to the bow either from HMAS "Yandra"s ramming or depth charges, or a possible collision with USS "Chicago", making it possible that "M-21" attempted to attack the cruiser. The observer aboard "Canberra" may have seen bubbles from the compressed air released to fire the torpedoes. Secondary missions. As per the operation plan, the five mother submarines waited off Port Hacking on the nights of 1 and 2 June for the midget submarines to return. FRUMEL picked up wireless traffic between the five submarines, leading the RAAF to task three Lockheed Hudsons and two Bristol Beauforts with finding the source of the communications. They were unsuccessful. On 3 June, Sasaki abandoned hope of recovering the midget submarines, and the submarines dispersed on their secondary missions. Attacks on Allied merchant shipping. Four of the submarines began operations against Allied merchant shipping. "I-21" patrolled north of Sydney, while "I-24" patrolled south of Sydney. "I-27" began searching off Gabo Island for ships departing Melbourne, and "I-29" travelled to Brisbane. "I-22" left the group to conduct reconnaissance operations, first at Wellington and Auckland in New Zealand, and then at Suva in Fiji. Between 1 and 25 June, when the four submarines arrived at Kwajalein Atoll in the Marshall Islands to re-supply before proceeding to Japanese shipyards for maintenance, the four submarines attacked at least seven Allied merchant vessels. Three of these were sunk: "Iron Chieftain" by "I-24" on 3 June, "Iron Crown" by "I-27" on 4 June, and "Guatemala" by "I-21" on 12 June. The first two attacks resulted in 12 and 37 fatalities respectively, though the third attack killed no one. The attacks forced the authorities to institute changes in merchant traffic; travel north of Melbourne was restricted until a system of escorted convoys was established. "I-21" was the only submarine to return to Australian waters, where she sank three ships and damaged two others during January and February 1943. During her two deployments, "I-21" sank of Allied shipping, which made her the most successful Japanese submarine to operate in Australian waters. Bombardment. On the morning of 8 June, "I-24" and "I-21" briefly bombarded Sydney and Newcastle. Just after midnight, "I-24" surfaced south-south-east of Macquarie Lighthouse. The submarine's commander ordered the gun crew to target the Sydney Harbour Bridge. They fired 10 shells over a four-minute period; nine landed in the Eastern Suburbs and one landed in water. "I-24" then crash dived to prevent successful retaliation by coastal artillery batteries. Only one shell detonated, and the only injuries inflicted were cuts and fractures from falling bricks or broken glass when the unexploded shells hit buildings. A United States Army Air Forces pilot, 1st Lieutenant George Cantello, based at Bankstown Airport disobeyed orders and took off to try and locate the source of the shelling, but was killed when engine failure caused his Airacobra to crash in a paddock at Hammondville. In 1988, following efforts by residents and the US Consulate in Sydney, the City of Liverpool established a memorial park, the Lt. Cantello Reserve, with a monument in his honour. At 02:15, "I-21" shelled Newcastle, from north-east of Stockton Beach. She fired 34 shells over a 16-minute period, including eight star shells. The target of the attack was the BHP steelworks in the city. However, the shells landed over a large area, causing minimal damage and no fatalities: the only shell to detonate damaged a house on Parnell Place, while an unexploded shell hit a tram terminus. Fort Scratchley returned fire, the only time an Australian land fortification has fired on an enemy warship during wartime, but the submarine escaped unscathed. Analysis. The attack on Sydney Harbour ended in failure on both sides, and revealed flaws in both the Allied defences and the Japanese tactics. During the primary attack, the Japanese lost all three midget submarines in exchange for the sinking of a single barracks ship. The subsequent operations were no more successful as the five large Japanese submarines sank only three merchant ships and caused minimal property damage during the two bombardments. The performance of the Allied defenders was equally poor. However, one historian states that the lack of damage in Sydney Harbour was due to "a combination of good luck and aggressive counter-attack". The main impact of the midget submarine attack and subsequent operations was psychological; dispelling any belief that Sydney was immune to Japanese attack and highlighting Australia's proximity to the Pacific War. There was no official inquiry into the attacks, despite demand from some sections of the media, as there was concern that an inquiry would lead to defeatism and reduce faith in John Curtin's government, particularly after the damaging inquiry into Australian defences that had followed the Japanese aerial attack on Darwin three months earlier. Failures in Allied defences. The Allies failed to respond adequately to several warnings of Japanese activity off the east coast of Australia prior to the attack; they simply ignored the warnings or explained them away. They attributed the unsuccessful attack on the freighter "Wellen" on 16 May to a single submarine, and assumed it had departed Australian waters immediately after the attack. The first reconnaissance flight went unnoticed, and although FRUMEL intercepted the report and distributed it to Allied commanders on 30 May, Muirhead-Gould apparently did not react. New Zealand naval authorities detected radio chatter between the Japanese submarines on 26 and 29 May, and although they could not decrypt the transmissions, radio direction finding indicated that a submarine or submarines were approaching Sydney. The Allies considered dispatching an anti-submarine patrol in response to the 29 May fix, but were unable to do so as all anti-submarine craft were already committed to protecting a northbound troop convoy. The only response to the second reconnaissance flight on 29 May was the launching of search planes. No other defence measures were put into place. Although the midget attack on Diego Suarez in Madagascar occurred on the morning of 31 May (Sydney time), the Allies sent no alert to other command regions, as they believed that Vichy French forces had launched the attack. Historians have questioned the competence of the senior Allied officers. Muirhead-Gould had been hosting a dinner party on the night of the attack, and one of the main guests was the senior United States Navy officer in Sydney Harbour, Captain Howard Bode of USS "Chicago". Both officers were sceptical that any attack was taking place. Muirhead-Gould arrived aboard HMAS "Lolita" at approximately midnight, an action he described as attempting to learn about the situation. But members of "Lolita"'s crew later recounted that when Muirhead-Gould came aboard he immediately chastised the patrol boat's skipper and crew, and quickly dismissed their report. Junior officers on "Chicago" provided similar descriptions of Bode's return on board, and members of both crews later claimed that Muirhead-Gould and Bode were intoxicated. It was only after the destruction of HMAS "Kuttabul" that both officers began to take the attack seriously. During the attack, there were several delays between events and responses to them. Over two hours passed between the observation of "M-14" in the boom net and Muirhead-Gould's first order for ships to commence anti-submarine actions. It took another two hours to mobilise the auxiliary patrol boats, which did not leave their anchorage for a further hour. Part of these delays was due to a lack of effective communications. None of the auxiliary patrol craft in the harbour had radio communications, so all instructions and reports came from signal lights via the Port War Signal Station or Garden Island, or by physical communication via launches. In Muirhead-Gould's preliminary report on the attack, he stated that the Port War Signal Station was not designed for the volume of communications traffic the attack caused. Telephone communications with Garden Island were unreliable during the early part of the attack, and then the first torpedo explosion disabled them completely. The need to keep information secret may also have contributed to the delays and the defenders' scepticism. As the auxiliary patrol boat crews, the indicator loop staff, and other personnel manning defensive positions would have been outside 'need to know' and would not have been informed about any of the incidents prior to the attack, they would not have been alert, contributing to the disbelief demonstrated in the early hours of the attack. Flaws in Japanese tactics. The main flaw in the Japanese plans was the use of midget submarines for the primary attack. Midget submarines were originally intended to operate during fleet actions: they would be released from modified seaplane carriers to run amok through the enemy fleet. This concept went out of favour as changing Japanese naval thinking and experience led to recognition that naval warfare would centre around carrier-supported aerial combat. As a result, the midget program's focus changed to the infiltration of enemy harbours, where they would attack vessels at anchor. This concept failed completely during the attack on Pearl Harbor, where the midgets had no effect, and tying up 11 large submarines for six weeks in support of further midget submarine attacks on Sydney and Diego Suarez proved a waste of resources. Moreover, the failures at Sydney Harbour and Diego Suarez demonstrated that the improvements to the midget submarines made after Pearl Harbor had not increased the overall impact of the midget program. The modifications had various effects. The ability to man and deploy the midgets while the mother ships were submerged prevented the Army coastal radars from detecting the mother submarines. However, the midgets were still difficult to control, unstable, and prone to surfacing or diving uncontrollably. These manoeuvrability issues contributed to "M-14"s entanglement in the anti-submarine net, and the repeated detection of "M-21" and "M-24". Beyond the use of the unreliable midgets, historians have identified areas in the plan of attack where the Japanese could have done significantly more damage. If the Japanese midget submarines had conducted a simultaneous, co-ordinated attack, they would have overwhelmed the defences. A chance for more damage came following the destruction of "Kuttabul", when several naval vessels headed to sea, including USS "Chicago", USS "Perkins", Dutch submarine "K-IX", HMAS "Whyalla", and HMIS "Bombay". The five mother submarines were already en route to the Port Hacking recovery position, and although Sasaki's plan at Pearl Harbor had been to leave some submarines at the harbour mouth to pick off fleeing vessels, he did not repeat this tactic. USS "Chicago"s survival. Several factors beyond the control of any of the combatants contributed to the survival of USS "Chicago". At the time of "M-24"s attack on "Chicago", the latter had spent some time preparing to depart from Sydney Harbour, and although still moored and stationary, was producing large volumes of white smoke as the boilers warmed up. This smoke, streaming aft under the influence of the wind, and contrasting against the dark, low-lying cloud, may have given the impression that "Chicago" was moving, causing "M-24" to lead the target when firing its torpedoes, and consequently sending its torpedoes across the bow. Another factor that may have influenced "Chicago"s survival was the extinguishing of Garden Island's floodlights minutes before "M-24" fired its first torpedo, impeding targeting. Bombardment impact. The bombardments failed to cause significant physical damage, but had a major psychological impact on the residents of Sydney and Newcastle. Due to the inaccuracy of the submarines' range-finding equipment, coupled with the unstable firing platform of a submarine at sea, specific targeting was impossible. The intention of the submarine bombardment was to frighten the population of the target area. The failure of the majority of the shells to detonate may have had various causes. As the submarines fired armour-piercing shells, intended for use against steel ship hulls, the relatively softer brick walls may have failed to trigger the impact fuses. Sea water may have degraded the shells, which the Japanese had stored in deck lockers for several weeks. The age of the shells may also have been a factor; some of the shells recovered from the Newcastle bombardment were found to be of English manufacture: surplus munitions from World War I. In Sydney, fear of an impending Japanese invasion caused people to move west; housing prices in the Eastern Suburbs dropped, while those beyond the Blue Mountains rose significantly. The attack also led to a significant increase in the membership of volunteer defence organisations, and strengthening of defences in Sydney Harbour and Port Newcastle. Aftermath. The papers did not publish news of the submarine attack until 2 June, as most of the attack occurred after the newspapers went to press on the morning of 1 June. Instead, on the morning after the attack, the front pages carried news of Operation Millennium, the Royal Air Force's first 1,000-bomber raid, although several newspapers included a small interior article mentioning the final reconnaissance flyover. The Federal Censor ordered total censorship of the events, issuing an official statement on the afternoon of 1 June which reported that the Allies had destroyed three submarines in Sydney Harbour, and described the loss of "Kuttabul" and the 21 deaths as the loss of "one small harbour vessel of no military value". "Smith's Weekly" finally released the real story on 6 June, and follow-up material in 13 June issue caused more political damage, prompting the Royal Australian Navy to attempt to charge the newspaper with releasing defence information. It was several days before the 21 dead sailors aboard "Kuttabul" could all be recovered. On 3 June, Muirhead-Gould and over 200 Navy personnel attended a burial ceremony for these sailors. On 1 January 1943, the Navy base at Garden Island was commissioned as in commemoration of the ferry and the lives lost. The Australians recovered the bodies of the four Japanese crew of the two midget submarines sunk in Sydney Harbour and had them cremated at Eastern Suburbs Crematorium. For the cremation, the Allies draped the Japanese flag over each coffin and rendered full naval honours. Muirhead-Gould was criticised for this, but defended his actions as respecting the courage of the four submariners, regardless of their origin. Australian politicians also hoped that the Japanese Government would notice the respect paid to the sailors and improve the conditions Australian prisoners-of-war were experiencing in Japanese internment camps. Japanese authorities noted the funeral service, but this did not lead to any major improvement in conditions for Australian POWs. Following the use of the midget submariners' funeral by the Japanese for propaganda purposes, the Australian High Command forbade similar funerals for enemy personnel in the future. An exchange of Japanese and Allied diplomatic personnel stranded in the opposing nations occurred in August 1942, which allowed Tatsuo Kawai, the Japanese ambassador to Australia, to return home with the ashes of the four Japanese submariners. When the exchange ship "Kamakura Maru" arrived in Yokohama, several thousand people were present to honour the four men. The two main targets of the attack, USS "Chicago" and HMAS "Canberra", were both lost within the next year: "Canberra" sinking on 9 August 1942 during the Battle of Savo Island, and "Chicago" on 30 January 1943 following the Battle of Rennell Island. None of the Japanese submarines involved in the attack survived the war. and sank "I-21" on 5 February 1944 off the Marshall Islands. An American torpedo boat sank "I-22" on 25 December 1942 off New Guinea. An American patrol craft sank "I-24" on 10 June 1943 near the Aleutian Islands. and sank "I-27" on 12 February 1943 off the Maldives. Lastly, sank "I-29" on 26 July 1944 in the Philippines. "M-14" and "M-21". The Allies located and recovered "M-21" on 3 June and "M-14" on 8 June. Although both were damaged during the attack, it was possible to assemble a complete submarine from the two vessels. The centre section of the rebuilt submarine was mounted on a trailer and taken on a tour throughout southern New South Wales, Victoria, and western South Australia. The purpose of the tour was twofold; it allowed Australians to see a Japanese midget submarine up close, and was used to raise A£28,000 for the Naval Relief Fund and other charities. The submarine arrived at the Australian War Memorial in Canberra on 28 April 1943, flying the White Ensign and a paying-off pennant. The submarine was originally displayed outside the museum in three separate pieces, but was moved inside in the 1980s due to heavy vandalism; on one occasion in 1966, a group of university students painted it bright yellow in response to The Beatles' song "Yellow Submarine." The composite submarine was restored and remains on display inside the Memorial as part of a permanent exhibition on the attack, next to the recovered wheelhouse of HMAS "Kuttabul".' The conning tower from "M-21" is on display at the Royal Australian Navy Heritage Centre on Garden Island. Leftover material from "M-21" was melted down and made into souvenirs following the construction of the combined vessel. "M-24". Over the 64 years following the disappearance of "M-24" after the attacks, more than 50 people approached the Royal Australian Navy claiming to have found the submarine. All of these claims were found to be false. One early theory about the midget's fate was that it was damaged or destroyed, along with "M-21", in or around Taylors Bay, which would account for reports from "Steady Hour" and "Yarroma" of multiple submarines during their three-hour attack against "M-21". A second theory was that the midget attempted to return to the mother submarines but exhausted its battery power before reaching the Port Hacking recovery point and would therefore be outside and to the south of Sydney Heads. The third theory was that the midget's crew decided to avoid endangering the five larger submarines during the recovery process, and either ran straight out to sea or headed north. A group of seven amateur scuba divers solved the mystery in November 2006, when they found a small submarine sitting upright on the seabed, below sea level and approximately from Bungan Head, off Sydney's Northern Beaches. Commander Shane Moore, the officer responsible for the Royal Australian Navy's heritage collection, confirmed that the wreck was "M-24" after viewing footage from multiple dives, along with measurements the group had taken. The wreck had several bullet holes in it, most likely from "Chicago"s quadruple machine-gun mount. The location of the wreck was kept secret by both the divers and the navy, with Defence Minister Brendan Nelson promising to have the wreck protected as a war grave. The wreck was gazetted on 1 December 2006 as a heritage site. A exclusion zone was established around the wreck site, and any vessel entering the zone is liable to a fine under New South Wales law of up to A$1.1 million, with additional fines and confiscation of equipment under Commonwealth law. Shore- and buoy-mounted surveillance cameras and a sonar listening device further protect the site. On 7 February 2007, during JMSDF Admiral Eiji Yoshikawa's visit to Australia, Yoshikawa and RAN Vice Admiral Russ Shalders presided over a ceremony held aboard to honour "M-24"s crew. Relatives of the midget submarines' crews, one of the survivors from "Kuttabul", and dignitaries and military personnel from Australia and Japan attended another ceremony on 6 August 2007 at HMAS "Kuttabul". then carried relatives of "M-24"s crew to the wreck site, where they poured sake into the sea before being presented with sand taken from the seabed around the submarine. In May 2012, the NSW state government announced that, with the approval of the Japanese government and the submariners' families, divers would be allowed to observe the "M-24" wreck for a short period of time. Divers would enter a ballot for places on controlled dives run on several days. If successful, opening the site would become an annual event to commemorate the attack.

greater amount of destruction

5707-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=759653

Distress is a 1995 science fiction novel by Australian writer Greg Egan. Plot summary. "Distress" describes the political intrigue surrounding a mid-twenty-first century physics conference, at which is to be presented a unified Theory of Everything. In the background of the story is an epidemic mental illness, related in some way to the imminent discovery of the TOE. The action takes place on an artificial island called "Stateless", which has earned the wrath of the world's large biotech companies for its pilfering of their intellectual property. The narrator is a journalist for a science channel called SeeNet named Andrew Worth who carries video recording software in an intestinal implant. He is offered a story on a new illness called Distress, but declines. He journeys to Stateless through a series of convoluted flights to cover a presentation by 27-year-old South African physicist Violet Mosala, supplanting the preproduction by a colleague, Sarah Knight. When he arrives, he is informed by an asex anthrocosmologist named Akili that Violet's life is in danger. Violet is finishing her Theory of Everything, which she intends to present on the conference's last day. Through interfacing with a talkative local, Worth learns that Violet plans to emigrate to Stateless after the conference to use her celebrity to provide an opportunity for South Africa and other nations to end their support for the United Nations boycott of Stateless. He also witnesses the islands' physical underpinnings: it is basically held up by the activity of millions of micro-organisms. After meeting with a faction of anthrocosmologists, he learns that they believe in the concept that the universe is created by one person's Theory of Everything. That person is called the Keystone. Worth becomes deathly ill and believes he has been infected with cholera by a faction of anthrocosmologists who wanted him to transmit the disease to Violet Mosala. He recovers and is kidnapped by this group, who are led by a rival physicist Worth saw with Violet at the conference. Worth and Akili are held on a tanker where it is explained that these cultists believe Violet's TOE will destroy the world. Worth signals for help by connecting his implant to a port on the ship. He and Akili are rescued by citizens of Stateless. Worth returns to the conference and learns that a biotech conglomerate sent a militia to Stateless, angry at the technology they have appropriated. He negotiates with the militia to let a suddenly ill Violet return to South Africa, where she dies. Before her illness, however, she tasked an AI to synthesize her final theory. The militia moves to take over the main city of Stateless, brutalizing the citizens as they evacuate to the outskirts. While seemingly helpless to do anything at first, they soon strike back at the invaders by having triggered microorganisms consume the cities structural underpinning, sinking it into the ocean. Worth is fired from SeeNet and Sarah Knight replaces him, covering the war. Worth discovers that Sarah was working with the cultists, and that AIs are exhibiting symptoms of the titular mental illness as well. Believing that the AI that wrote the paper became the Keystone and that Distress will continue until a human reads it, Worth downloads and reads the paper, and realizes that all minds, together, collaborate in being "the" Keystone, giving all of humanity an intuitive connection with the universe. Themes. The novel contains a great deal of commentary on gender identities, multinational capitalism, and postmodern thought. It also features Egan's usual playful exploration of physical, metaphysical, and epistemological theories. Gender roles. Egan uses his hypothetical future to postulate the existence of not just one but "five" new genders, and introduces a set of new pronouns for gender neutral people. One of the central characters of the novel, Akili Kuwale, provides a demonstration of this change and its implications. As an asexual human, Akili has had all reproductive organs removed entirely. Within the scope of the novel, Egan uses the pronouns 've', 'ver', and 'vis' to represent Akili's definitive gender neutrality. Anarchism. Egan also uses the hypothetical technological advances in "Distress" to explore ideas about anarchism, especially when its protagonist, Andrew Worth, a journalist, travels to the anarchistic man-made island named Stateless. Andrew meets some minor characters on Stateless who explain to him the relationship between anarchistic principles and various ideas such as quantum physics, information theory and independent spirituality. Worth also meets a painter, Munroe, who attempts to explain how anarchy functions on Stateless. Munroe is an Australian as are Andrew Worth and Greg Egan himself. Egan uses Munroe to deliver a critique of Australian culture. A major theme running through Egan's presentation of a futuristic anarchism is something called "'Technolibération"', which is to do with the liberation of technology and information from corporate control as well as the idea of using advanced technology to enable liberatory social movements.

ultimate thesis

6310-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9248276

The Lovers (; ) is a Socratic dialogue included in the traditional corpus of Plato's works, though its authenticity has been doubted. Title. The Greek title "Erastai" is the plural form of the term "erastēs", which refers to the older partner in a pederastic relationship. Since in Classical Greek terms such a relationship consists of an "erastēs" and an "erōmenos", the title "Lovers", sometimes used for this dialogue, makes sense only if understood in the technical sense of "lover" versus "beloved" but is misleading if taken to refer to two people in a love relationship. Ancient manuscript marginalia suggest that the title might have been "Anterastai" (), which specifically means "Rival "erastai"." This term, used in the dialogue itself (132c5, 133b3), is mentioned as the dialogue's title (together with a subtitle, "On Philosophy") in Diogenes Laërtius' listing of the Thrasyllan tetralogies (3.59). The Latin translations "Amatores" and "Rivales" have also been used as the dialogue's title. Synopsis. The rival lovers ("erastai") of the title are an athlete, and a young man devoted to the humanities, "mousikē" (music) in the original text, a term that in ancient times included music, poetry, and philosophy. The dialogue opens with Socrates entering a grammar school, as a couple of young boys were quarrelling about something related to learning. Socrates asks the person next to him, who happened to be one of the boys lover, to tell him whether their quarrel was about an important issue in philosophy. Judging by his reply, Socrates gets the impression that this man is rather dismissive of philosophy altogether, a view that is immediately reinforced by the second interlocutor who interrupts to explain that his rival specialises in "chokeholds" ("τραχηλιζόμενος"), rather than philosophy. Socrates decides to interrogate both over the question whether philosophising is noble and admirable ("kalon"). The cultivated man replies that it is, and Socrates proceeds to ask him whether he actually knows what philosophy is in the first place (133c). He claims to know and answers that philosophy is essentially polymathy. With the help of his athletic rival, who knows that the good of exercise depends on being done in the right amount, not the maximum amount (134b-c), Socrates points out that the same is true of most good things, and turns to asking what kind of things the one who philosophizes (loves wisdom) ought to learn, if the object is not simply to know all or many things (135a). The cultivated rival suggests that the philosopher, while not needing to bother himself with the hands-on practicalities ("cheirourgia", 135b), should aspire to a level of understanding in all the arts ("technai") such that he is second only to the expert in that particular field—still a kind of polymathy. Socrates challenges this suggestion by forcing him to admit that, in any conceivable particular circumstance, the philosopher would be useless in comparison to a true expert on the matter. For example, a doctor would always be preferable to the philosopher in case of sickness, as would a pilot when in need to stir a ship. Socrates then proceeds by developing an alternative account of the philosopher's proper interest, based on the premise that goodness (which the interlocutors have agreed in ascribing to philosophy) depends critically on the knowledge of how to tell good men from bad, and train the bad to become better, which is also the knowledge needed to deal out punishments. This knowledge, the cultivated lover agrees, is the knowledge of the one who serves as judge ("hē dikastikē epistēmē", 137d). Socrates goes on to argue that this knowledge can be identified with justice, self-control, and self-knowledge, and with the arts practiced by the statesman, the king (or tyrant), and the head of a household (or master). The conclusion is that these are all in fact just one art (138c), one of paramount importance, in which the philosopher must be supreme. When Socrates first met the rival lovers, he put little hope in conversation with the athletics enthusiast, who professed experience "in deeds ("erga") and not in words ("logoi")" (132d). But at the end he wins the crowd's applause by having shut up the "wiser" young man, so that it is the athletic rival who agrees with Socrates' conclusions (139a). The entire story of the discussion is told in the first person by Socrates, without any interruption or indication what audience he addresses. At just over seven Stephanus pages, "Lovers" is one of the shortest dialogues in the Thrasyllan canon of Plato's works (about the same length as "Hipparchus", with only "Clitophon" being shorter). Criticism. Question of authenticity. It is generally agreed that the dialogue was written in the second half of the fourth century BC and expresses the philosophical views, if not of Plato, then at least of an Academic writer of this period. Stallbaum's verdict is typical of a long-held scholarly consensus: the language and style are irreproachable and worthy of Plato or Xenophon, but the material is not developed in a way worthy of Plato's philosophical mind. Gerard Ledger's stylometric analysis of Plato's works did not find the expected statistical similarities between the Greek of "Lovers" and that of Plato's acknowledged works, instead showing a closer statistical match between this dialogue (as also "Hippias Minor") and the works of Xenophon. If the dialogue is post-Platonic, then perhaps it argues against Aristotle's insistence that the kinds of authority wielded by a king, a politician, and a master are multiple and essentially separate from each other. (On the other hand, it is possible that Aristotle refers in his works to "Lovers"). Rehabilitation. In a 1985 article, Julia Annas made a notable defense of the dialogue's possible value as an authentically Platonic production. Annas disagrees that the burden of proof need be on the proponent of the work's authenticity and proceeds from the premise that "Lovers" "contain[s] no decisive indications either for or against authenticity" and that the most any investigation can accomplish is to "make it plausible that the "Lovers" is an early work by Plato." Her several arguments that this is plausible center on the claim that, if "Lovers" and "First Alcibiades" are genuine, they provide an otherwise missing background in Plato's thinking against which to understand his treatment of self-knowledge in "Charmides".

solid justification

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26777264

The Family Giving Tree is a charitable organization that strives to alleviate the consequences of poverty in the California Bay Area. The organization is based on the principle of helping those in need and inspiring philanthropy in the community. The Family Giving Tree runs two seasonal programs each year, a backpack drive during the summer, and a holiday wish program during December. Overview. The Family Giving Tree was founded in 1990 as a San Jose State University MBA class project. Jennifer Cullenbine and Todd Yoshida were asked to "create a program that adds value to someone else's life." They created the Family Giving Tree with the hope of providing holiday gifts to 300 children in East Palo Alto. Encouraged by the success of the first year, Jennifer decided to continue and expand the organization. As of 2010, the Family Giving Tree has fulfilled the specific wish of 718,488 individuals in need, and provided 91,028 backpacks filled with much needed supplies to low-income students. The organization partners with local social service agencies, schools, and corporations to fulfill the "wishes" of underprivileged children that would otherwise go without. These children are prequalified by the social service agencies to determine their specific need. The social service agencies and teachers from local schools pick up the gifts and backpacks to distribute throughout the San Francisco Bay Area. During each program the Family Giving Tree must find approximately of donated warehouse space in which the thousands of volunteers can process the donated gifts and backpacks. Family Giving Tree is one of very few non-profits in the San Francisco Bay Area to receive Charity Navigator's 4-star rating. The Holiday Wish Drive. This program works by selecting families, and/or individuals who have registered with recipient social service agencies and schools. These individuals are interviewed to ascertain their current needs. Their requests are printed on cards and distributed to host companies throughout the San Francisco Bay Area. Hosts place these wish cards on trees in break areas or cafeterias for their employees. Other hosts place their cards in more public locations such as building lobbies or sales floors for customers. Employees and/or customers pick one or more wish cards, purchase the gift, then return it with the wish card attached. Volunteers then collect, sort and distribute the gifts to the recipient agencies. Back-to-School Drive. The Back-to-School Drive identifies children in need through the Federal Free and Reduced Lunch Program (Title I). Much like the Holiday Wish Drive, employees and/or customers of registered host companies, select a wish card, purchase a backpack, and fill it with much needed school supplies such as pencils and paper. Backpacks are distributed to schools, who then in turn distribute the supplies to children enrolled in the Federal Free and Reduced Lunch Program (Title I).

an individual's livelihood

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37265058

Chronic hunger has affected a sizable proportion of the UK's population throughout its history. Following improved economic conditions that followed World War II, hunger became a less pressing issue. Yet since the lasting global inflation in the price of food that began in late 2006 and especially since the financial crisis of 2008, long term hunger began to return as a prominent social problem. Albeit only affecting a small minority of the UK's population. By December 2013, according to a group of doctors and academics writing in the "British Medical Journal", hunger in the UK had reached the level of a "public health emergency". In the run-up to the 2015 general election, the issue of hunger in the UK became somewhat politicised, with right wing commentators expressing scepticism about figures presented by church groups and left-leaning activists. An All-Party MP group focusing on hunger in the UK has called for activists to be cautious in how they discuss the problem of domestic hunger, as exaggerated claims and political point scoring risk reducing public support for tackling the issue. In a 2016 report, the All-Party group stated it is not possible to accurately quantify the number of people suffering from hunger in the UK, and called for better collection of data. The UK government began the official measurement of food insecurity in 2019, and is set to begin reporting on this from March 2021. Hunger in the UK was worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic with some food banks reporting that demand had more than doubled. August 2020 saw the United Nations agency UNICEF begin funding charities helping to feed hungry UK children for the first time in its history. Current issues. Size and growth of the problem. Since about 2012, the return of hunger to the UK has featured prominently in British media. Despite the extensive coverage, as of 2016 it was still not possible to say exactly how many Britons were experiencing chronic hunger, due to insufficient data. Numerous reports, studies and estimates have been published however, with many but not all suggesting that for some sub sections of the population, the problem may have been growing worse since the 2008 financial crises. Research published by the OECD in 2014 had indicated hunger in the UK may be decreasing. The number of people answering yes to the question ‘Have there been times in the past 12 months when you did not have enough money to buy food that you or your family needed?’ decreased from 9.8% in 2007 to 8.1% in 2012. According to a 2016 report by "The Food foundation" based on a telephone survey of 1,000 people, over eight million Britons experienced either moderate or severe food insecurity in 2014; over four million faced severe food insecurity. The report was based on UN data; in February 2019 the Guardian reported it remains the best recent estimate of the extent of hunger in the UK. Due to the relatively small survey size however, its results should only be considered indicative. Also, facing even severe food insecurity doesn't necessarily mean one is experiencing chronic hunger. The rapid rise in the number of UK food banks since 2009 has often been used as evidence of growing hunger. Critics have argued that the rising food bank use does not prove this; it could just mean unscrupulous people are becoming more aware of food banks, and using their services not to save themselves from hunger, but to have more money free to spend on luxuries. Regression analysis published by Oxford University in 2015 found that it is largely need and not simply awareness of foodbanks that is causing the growth in usage. However the academics conducting the research agree that foodbank usage is not the best measure of hunger, saying that studies in other countries have suggested that most people suffering from food poverty don't use food banks. Further indications of rising hunger include a growing number of infants and pregnant mothers suffering from anaemia; an increasing number of people diagnosed with malnutrition in UK hospitals; a rising number of children starting their first and primary year of primary school underweight. In 2015 for example, 6,367 children started reception class underweight, which is up 16% on 2012 figures. Official figures published in November 2016 indicated that the number of hospital beds assigned to folk suffering from malnutrition had nearly tripled in the last decade. Again though there is a need for caution on the extent to which such figures really reflect a rise in hunger – an NHS spokesperson said the rise may be partly explained by the health service getting better at identifying malnutrition. Malnutrition has been found to affect three quarters of women aged 16–49 indicated by them having less folic acid than the WHO recommended levels The UK government began collecting data related to hunger in the UK in 2019, with the first public reporting of this data due in March 2021. The 2020 UK COVID-19 outbreak and its associated lockdown had a "devastating impact" on people's ability to get needed food, with an April 2020 report finding as many as 1.5 million Brits had recently gone a whole day without eating. Among children. A 2012 study undertaken by Netmums found that one in five mothers would regularly miss out on meals so as to be able to save their children from going hungry. Also in 2012, London charity Kids Company named five inner London schools where 70% to 80% of pupils do not always have food at home or do not know how they will get their next meal. Children are sometimes visibly malnourished and some lose their adult teeth due to unhealthy diet. According to a March 2013 report, teachers in London schools said that at least five children per class turned up without having had breakfast, with 41% of teachers saying they believed the children's hunger led to symptoms such as fainting. The UK Government responded to hunger in schools by re-introducing free school meals for infants up to Year 2; this was announced in autumn 2013, and became effective from the term starting September 2014. Subsequent small scale studies however have found some children are still suffering from hunger in UK schools, with a few even complaining of "persistent hunger". According to an April 2017 report by the All Party MP group on hunger, about three million UK children were at increased risk from hunger during holidays, where they no longer benefit from free meals, and other anti hunger measures available at school. A UNICEF report publicised in June 2017, found one in three UK children are in "multi-dimensional poverty", with one in five UK children suffering from food insecurity. In April 2018, head teachers said children come into school malnourished and hungry. A head teacher said, "My children have grey skin, poor teeth, poor hair; they are thinner." Another head said, "Monday morning is the worst. There are a number of families that we target that we know are going to be coming into school hungry. By the time it's 9.30am they are tired." A Cardiff head teacher said children often brought just a slice of bread and margarine for lunch. All the heads said conditions were worsening as social and emotional support services were being closed. Over four fifths of heads said they saw evidence children were hungry, and roughly the same proportion said they saw children with evidence of poor health. Alison Garnham of the Child Poverty Action Group said, "With nine children in every classroom of 30 falling below the official poverty line, it is time to rebuild the safety net for struggling families." Hunger can be an even more pressing problem for children during holidays. Children from low income families get free school meals during term time. During school holidays their parents cannot afford to feed them nutritious meals. After the long summer holiday these children return to school less healthy and less able to learn. This makes it harder for the children to get the type of education that could enable them to escape poverty as adults. In 2018, both the Child Poverty Action Group and the charity "Feeding Britain" estimates three million UK children are at risk of going hungry during school holidays. A May 2020 report suggested that the number of British children experiencing hunger had approximately doubled since the lockdown was imposed for the COVID-19 pandemic. In August 2020, for the first time in its history, UNICEF began funding charities working to feed British children, distributing over £700,000 to various UK NGOs. 2020 saw footballer Marcus Rashford become prominent among those working to alleviate child hunger in the UK. By July he had raised over £20 million for the charity FareShare. His campaign has twice led to government action to address child hunger. In November, this included causing the government to reverse a decision made in October not to extend access to free school meals during school holidays. The footballer committed to "fight for the rest of my life" to end child hunger in the UK. Politicisation. In the run up to the 2015 general election, the issue of hunger in the UK became politicised. While the increase in hunger appears to have begun while Labour was in power, church groups and left wing commentators began to attack the coalition for aggravating hunger with austerity. Right wing commentators and politicians rebutted such arguments for misrepresenting the extent and causes of UK hunger. For example, in December 2012, Trussell Trust chairman Chris Mould spoke out against the coalition's welfare reforms, accusing the UK government of lacking empathy for those faced with poverty and hunger. In January 2013, a Conservative councillor argued there is no starvation in the UK and no need for food banks, saying they enabled recipients to spend money on alcohol instead of budgeting for food, and are an insult to the billion people in the developing world who "go to bed hungry every day". A spokeswoman for Trussell responded by suggesting that while low earners in the UK avoid starvation most of the time, they can face periods of severe hunger when hit by personal crisis, which for economically vulnerable people can be something as simple as a spell of cold weather, forcing them to choose between staying warm or going hungry. However, the government countered that the proportion of benefits paid on time has risen from 88-89% under Labour, to 96-97% in 2014. OECD reported that people answering yes to the question "Have there been times in the past 12 months when you did not have enough money to buy food that you or your family needed?" decreased from 9.8% in 2007/2008 to 8.1% in 2011/2012, leading Toby Young to say that the rise was due to both more awareness of food banks, and the government allowing Jobcentres to refer people to food banks when they were hungry (the previous Labour government had not allowed this). In 2016, the All-Party MP group on hunger has called for an end to political fighting over the issue, to avoid the risk of undermining public support. History. Pre-19th century. Like the rest of the world, the UK has suffered intermittently from famine throughout most of its known history. The traditional view held that food was relatively abundant in the UK, or at least in "Merry England" with its "miraculous fertility". Even as early as the 19th century this view was challenged, with medical historians such as Charles Creighton arguing that the effect of hunger in checking population growth was roughly equivalent on both Britain and continental Europe. Creighton lists dozens of famines which affected Britain, though does not attempt to catalogue them comprehensively. One 21st century estimate suggests Britain suffered from 95 famines during the Middle Ages. Creighton does, however, write that sometimes a generation or more would go by between famines, and that evidence suggests that in normal times, the standard of living was higher for peasants in Britain compared with their counterparts on the continent. It was only in the late 18th century that Britain, as the world's first country to industrialize, was apparently able to overcome the risk of famine, at least on the mainland. Hunger continued to afflict a sizable minority of the population, however, specifically those who lived on incomes well below average. 19th and 20th century. Improvements in agricultural technology, transportation, and the wider economy meant that for most of the 19th and 20th centuries, severe hunger receded as a problem within the United Kingdom. An exception occurred in the 1840s. Known as the Hungry Forties, various problems affecting food production resulted in millions suffering from hunger all over Europe. In the early 1840s the UK was relatively less affected than the rest of Europe. Yet thousands of working-class people still starved to death, including in England, Scotland and Wales, in part as it had become illegal to give poor people aid. In Ireland, which was part of the UK at the time, the Great Famine struck in 1845, and close to a million died of hunger and related disease. From the late 1850s, the availability of food and the ability of even the poorest to pay for it generally improved. The 1920s and 30s were an exception to this. There was no famine, yet mass unemployment became a problem in several parts of the UK. While the "New Poor Law" had been relaxed, workhouses were still in existence, and without a well-paying job, it was often difficult for working-class people to feed themselves and their families. The UK saw a number of hunger marches in the 1920s and 30s, with the biggest being the National Hunger March 1932 and perhaps the most famous being the Jarrow crusade. From the outbreak of World War II, unemployment swiftly vanished, and remained very low in the UK for decades afterwards. Food was often limited during the war and the first few years after, but a rationing system generally ensured no individual would overly suffer from hunger. With a relatively generous and inclusive welfare state established after the war, and with food prices often falling in real terms, hunger within the UK was no longer a pressing problem for the second half of the 20th century. 21st century. Until about 2009, severe hunger was rarely considered a problem which afflicted people living within the borders of the United Kingdom. There were a few exceptions - a tiny minority of people might "fall through the cracks" in the welfare system. While some hunger relief efforts were undertaken by civil society, this was generally just provided on a local and mostly informal basis. This began to change in 2004 when The Trussell Trust established a franchise model for UK food banks, though they only had two establishments. This attracted little media attention at the time – before the financial crisis of 2008 even the concept of "food banks" was virtually unknown in the UK. Like most of the rest of the world, economic conditions in the UK were adversely affected by the lasting global inflation in the price of food that began in late-2006 and especially by the 2008 financial crisis. For the first couple of years after the crisis, the rise in hunger was checked in part by the UK government's fiscal stimulus, which boosted public spending to head off the threat of depression. Yet by 2010, stimulus policies began to be replaced with an austerity programme. Low earners would increasingly see their incomes fall further due to enforced cuts in working hours and sometimes even to rates of pay. People who had suffered lasting falls to their income began to draw down savings and run out of friends of whom they were willing to ask for help, leading to increases in the numbers suffering from hunger. In 2006, Trussell food banks operated in six local authorities, by 2009 this number had rose to 29. The pace of growth accelerated sharply from 2009: by 2013 Trussell was operating food banks in 251 local authorities. In a September 2012 report for "Newsnight", economics editor Paul Mason asserted that hunger had returned to Britain as a substantial problem for the first time since the 1930s. He noted that about 43% of those needing emergency food assistance from food banks have been affected by benefit disruption – this can take various forms – for example, sometimes when there is a change of circumstance, such as a new resident coming to live at the family home, delays can arise in the payments of further benefits. Mason also reported that a reason even people in work or on full benefits are often needing emergency food is debt; in particular due to the sophisticated tactics now being used by door-to-door lenders, where borrowers come to think of the credit company agent as a personal friend and so will make sacrifices in order to make repayments. In October 2012, as part of the BBC documentary "Britain's hidden hunger", director David Modell highlighted the way in which internet-based loan providers can also cause people to go hungry. Their contracts sometimes allow them to take out the entire balance from their debtor's accounts, at a time of their choosing. Sometimes this happens just after a benefit payment had gone in, meaning the recipient may not have any money to buy food for at least a week. In late-2012, a Muslim-run charity Sufra was launched to raise awareness and fight food poverty in the United Kingdom. In February 2013, Olivier De Schutter, a senior UN official warned the UK's government against leaving too much responsibility for aiding Britain's hungry to the voluntary sector. Later in 2013, DEFRA, a government department, commissioned research into the growing dependence on food banks, breakfast clubs and soup kitchens. In October 2013, the Red Cross announced it will start providing hunger relief in Britain for the first time since World War II. Also in October, an all-party parliamentary group was established to investigate and raise awareness of hunger in Britain. In December 2013, an e-petition by hunger relief campaigner Jack Monroe led to a parliamentary debate on hunger in the UK. Also in December, a group of doctors and academics wrote to the peer-reviewed "British Medical Journal", noting recent developments such as a doubling in the number of malnutrition cases received by hospitals, and asserting that hunger in the UK had reached the level of a "public health emergency". The letter argued that those who are not actually starving are frequently forced to buy and eat cheaper, less healthy food. The BMJ published in 2015: The BMJ argued that "a national surveillance system of emergency food aid in the UK, of who is at risk of food poverty, and of malnutrition is needed." Health Minister Dan Poulter argued that the rise in malnutrition could be partly due to better diagnosis and detection by health professionals of people at risk. In February 2014, the report on food aid commissioned by DEFRA was published, finding that people generally turn to food banks only in desperation, refuting claims that food aid users commonly accept free food just so as to have extra money for other purchases. Also in February, a cross denominational group of bishops and other church leaders criticised the UK government's welfare reforms for worsening the hunger crisis. Church leaders launched the "End Hunger Fast" campaign, with a national fast planned for 4 April to help further raise awareness of hunger in the UK. Just prior to the release of the all-party parliamentary report in December 2014, archbishop Justin Welby stated that hunger "stalks large parts of the country" and that it shocked him more than the suffering he witnessed in Africa because in the UK it was so unexpected. According to the report, key reasons for the rise of hunger in the UK include delays in paying benefits and welfare sanctions. The report also stated that in contrast to the first few decades after World War II, poor people's incomes stopped rising in line with increased costs for housing, utility bills and food. The Trussell Trust reports that numbers receiving help from food banks is steadily rising and claimed that reached 1.1 million in 2015. However the Trust was forced to admit that this number represented the number of visits to food banks, not the number of different people receiving help, which it estimated at 500,000. There is a further hidden problem of people who remain hungry because nobody in a position to refer them to a food bank recognises their need. According to the Human Rights Watch May 2019 report, due to government cuts in welfare in the past years, ten thousands of families in the UK do not have enough food for survival and turn towards sources of non-state charitable aid each year. "The way the UK government has handled its reduction in welfare spending has left parents unable to feed their children in the fifth-largest economy in the world. The UK government should ensure everyone’s right to food rather than expecting charities to step in and fill the gap," Kartik Raj, Western Europe researcher at Human Rights Watch, said. Comparison to other countries. A 2012 survey by the OECD found that 8.1% of Britons answered yes to the question ‘Have there been times in the past 12 months when you did not have enough money to buy food that you or your family needed?’, which is less than neighbouring France (10%) and the EU (11.5%) and OECD (13.2%) average, as well as the United States (22%). However it is more than Germany. Analyses by the Food Foundation thinktank published in 2016, ranked the UK in the bottom half of European countries for food insecurity. In summer 2017 Unicef published a set of related reports looking at progress at meeting the Sustainable Development Goals in relation to children, including the reduction of hunger, across the globe, and in some cases with a focus on high income countries. On a metric for the % of children under 15 living in a severely food insecure household, the UK was the worst performing member of the EU. In an indicator looking at overall progress to "end hunger, achieve food security and improve nutrition", the UK was the 8th worst performer out of 41 high income countries. Attitudes towards hunger relief. Liberal economists, like Adam Smith, took the view that government intervention would be counterproductive; that in the long run only the free market could produce sustained plenty for all. Other very different but allied views for opposing hunger relief which arose in the late 18th century included Malthus's position that starvation was the only reliable way to check runaway population growth, and Townsend's view that hunger was a useful motivational condition, which taught "decency and civility, obedience and subjection, to the most brutish, the most obstinate, and the most perverse." The growing movement against hunger relief was supported even by some evangelical Christians, who had come to view hunger as evidence of punishment for sin, with the hungry best left to redeem themselves through their own hard work. Until the early 1830s, Lord Pitt and others who favoured government intervention largely retained control over policy, even if they had to compromise with those who opposed generous relief measures. But in 1834, most forms of aid to the poor were abolished, and this was done with almost universal support from the intellectual classes, even from the progressive wing. Karl Polanyi writes that the reason for the broad support was that the leading form of aid in the early 19th century, the Speenhamland system had become detested even by the working class themselves. Speehamland involved supplementary payments to top up wages. Previously, levels of pay were often linked to the quality of the workman's work. With Speehamland, workers would receive a guaranteed amount; it would sometimes vary, but only with the price of food. With the guaranteed payment, workers would usually find themselves dropping their standards, even if they had previously taken great pride in their workmanship. In some areas, only a small number of the very best workers were able to avoid applying for Speehamland assistance. A saying arose among the working class that "Once on the rates, always on the rates", and the system became increasingly disliked as it was blamed for causing dependency, discouraging good work and was widely perceived to be more helpful to landowners than to workers. For this reason, by the 1830s even progressive intellectuals and opinion formers had switched their views in favour of free-market thinking. Polyanyi records that apart from a few aristocrats whose continued support of Speehamland could be dismissed as self-interested (the system helped workers pay high prices for food from the agricultural lands they controlled), the only well known Briton to remain prominently opposed to the free market in the early 1830s was the socialist Robert Owen. In 1832, free-market supporters seized political power, and two years later Speehamland was abolished with the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834. Other forms of aid for the poor, even soup kitchens and handouts of food from concerned nobles and clerics, were made illegal. With a few exceptions, the only legally available form of aid was the workhouse. Workhouses became far more common after 1834, and conditions were made much harsher. The principle of "less eligibility" was established; it held that less food should be available to inmates than they could get outside even with the lowest paid available jobs, and in practice this sometimes meant they were starved. James Vernon, in his "Hunger: A Modern History" (2007), wrote that while the idea that hunger relief is undesirable first became prominent in Britain, it was also here that the view was first successfully challenged. The "1834 New Poor Law" became unpopular with the working class as soon as it came into force, and to a degree they formed an alliance with some of the paternalistic members of the upper class, against the free market favouring middle classes. From as early as 1834, "The Times" labelled "The New Poor Law" the "starvation law", and they ran frequent articles over the following years showing the number of British people who starved to death because of it (which happened both in the workhouses themselves and outside, because workhouses had such a dark reputation that many would prefer either to become prostitutes or to starve to death rather than enter one). Vernon writes that by the 1840s, new journalistic techniques were beginning to make emotive appeals to readers which drove home the pain experienced by those suffering from severe hunger. The new journalism began to dispel the older late 18th-century view that hunger is a sign of moral failing, instead convincing the public of sufferers "moral innocence as victims of forces beyond their control". The new journalism in part led to a resurgence of the view that society should try to assist those suffering from hunger. Whereas older hunger relief had generally been undertook locally and on a personal level, now new efforts began to arise to tackle hunger on a national and international scale. However, it was not until the end of the 19th century that this new view became dominant - the free market view remained ascendant among Britain's governing classes for most of the 19th century, resulting in part in the refusal to send adequate food aid to mitigate the Great Famine in Ireland and to famines in India. Lord Clarendon, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, wrote, "I don't think there is another legislature in Europe that would disregard such suffering." On the other hand, free-market supporters had campaigned against the Corn Laws – measures which protected mostly upper-class landlords against competition from cheaper foreign imports, but which made food more expensive, contributing to the famine in Ireland. The Corn Laws were repealed in 1846, but this was too late to make much difference to the famine, in part as its abolition did not become fully effective for several years. By the early 20th century, the stigma of hunger had been almost entirely dispelled. The public had become much more sympathetic to those suffering from the condition, in part due to the high impact journalism of people like Vaughan Nash, Henry Nevinson and Henry Brailsford. In 1905, the UK saw its first "hunger march", and also in the early 20th century people even began to deliberately make themselves hungry in order to attract attention to their political causes, such as early suffragettes who pioneered the practice of hunger strikes within the UK. In August 2012, Marxist writer Richard Seymour wrote that while it never became mainstream, the old 18th-century view that the hungry are morally responsible for their plight returned to influence in the US during the early 1980s, and that in the UK it influenced the policy of the Conservative-Liberal coalition from 2010.

One more person

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1376814

Referrer spam (also known as referral spam, log spam or referrer bombing) is a kind of spamdexing (spamming aimed at search engines). The technique involves making repeated web site requests using a fake referrer URL to the site the spammer wishes to advertise. Sites that publish their access logs, including referrer statistics, will then inadvertently link back to the spammer's site. These links will be indexed by search engines as they crawl the access logs, improving the spammer's search engine ranking. Except for polluting their statistics, the technique does not harm the affected sites. At least since 2014, a new variation of this form of spam occurs on Google Analytics. Spammers send fake visits to Google Analytics, often without ever accessing the affected site. The technique is used to have the spammers' URLs appear in the site statistics, inducing the site owner to visit the spam URLs. When it is the case that the spammer has never visited the affected site, the fake visits are also called Ghost Spam. Technical solutions. As with e-mail spam, referrer spam may be filtered or blocked. A website operator may mitigate referrer spam by preventing search engine spiders from crawling the site logs by moving them to a non-public area such as a password-protected area, by using a robot exclusion file, or by appending the nofollow value to the links. Spammers that target third party analytics directly can pollute statistics, but do not consume the affected site's resources. Filtering referrer spam from analytics tools will hide it from reports. However, spammers that do visit the affected site will consume server bandwidth. To prevent this misuse, they can be blocked using various techniques, such as by blacklisting a list of IP addresses. Non-technical solutions. Because the codice_1 solutions require technical expertise, several developers have created tools for non-technical people to block the spam more automatically, specifically for Google Analytics.

impacted area

14737-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=58508253

The Jack House is a heritage-listed domestic dwelling at 62 Boundary Road, in the Sydney suburb of Wahroonga in the Ku-ring-gai Council local government area of New South Wales, Australia. It was designed by Russell Jack and Pamela Jack and built from 1956 to 1957 by Donald W. Taylor (Bob Ellis?). It was added to the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 24 June 2013. History. Indigenous history. Material in rock shelters reveals that Aboriginal people inhabited the Sydney region at least from the last ice age over 20,000 years ago. "Kuringgai" was the language spoken on the north shore. Although British colonisers originally chose the south side of the harbour for the settlement of the First Fleet in 1788, both the Darug people of the southern shores and the Kuringgai people on the northern shores suffered catastrophic loss of life in the smallpox epidemic that soon swept through the indigenous population, with a death rate estimated to have been between 50 and 90 per cent. Over the following century there were numerous documentary recordings of the movements of surviving Kuringgai people within the Ku-ring-gai locality, both attending Aboriginal gatherings and collecting European rations such as blankets. There are also several oral history accounts of small clans travelling through the district in the late nineteenth century. Aboriginal people continue to live within the municipality. Ku-ring-gai area history. One of first white settlers in the Ku-ring-gai area was William Henry who farmed land next to the Lane Cove River from 1814. The early European colonisers consisted of itinerant workers, timber-getters, farmers and orchardists, self-sufficient people who often lived in isolated communities. Major transport routes by land and water were in place by the mid-1800s. The construction of the railway in 1890 and the introduction of local government to the area quickly led to the transformation of this series of isolated farming communities into a line of sought-after suburbs. The interwar period (between 1918 and 1939) saw vast improvements in infrastructure and a period of urban consolidation. Almost all of Ku-ring-gai was designated for residential development as opposed to commercial and industrial developments, and very few blocks of flats were permitted before 1940. The period between 1950 and 1980 was marked by a doubling in Ku-ring-gai's population from roughly 50,000 to 100,000 as part of the post-war expansion of Australian cities. The increase since 1980 to around 110,000 has been less rapid. Jack House. 62 Boundary Road, Wahroonga is part of what was previously a grant to John Terry Hughes in 1842. Hughes was shortly afterwards declared bankrupt. The land was purchased by the Mayor of Glen Innes, Valentine Sachs in the 1890s with the proceeds from his mining ventures. When Russell and Pamela Jack purchased the site from a Mr Wayland in 1955 the land was the last undeveloped block on the street. Jack believed it remained unsold because of the steepness of the site and the creek running diagonally through it. The site's location on the north side of Boundary Road meant the council restrictions were not as strict as on the southern side. The northern side permitted the use of timber construction and materials other than tiles for the roof. The Jack House has a flat roof of bituminous membrane. The Jacks originally intended to construct a steel framed house along the western boundary but abandoned the idea due to the high cost involved. This change of approach, with the Jacks opting instead for brick and timber construction, led to a design that harmonised as much as possible with the existing site, even to the extent of accommodating the small creek. As well as the final design being driven by the challenging site, the Jacks also had a commitment to produce economical but human buildings. The war loan house (low interest loans for returned servicemen and women), controlled in both budget and size, reflected a change in direction by many architects during the period. In designing the house for their own family, Russell and Pamela Jack, combined post and beam Japanese aesthetics with North American influences of Frank Lloyd Wright and Richard Neutra, incorporating the natural aspects of the site, utilising exposed construction, natural materials and a modular plan. 1950s Sydney architecture. Residential construction in Sydney after WWII was limited to residences using brick and fibro single, double or triple fronted bungalows, with pitched roofs and usually facing the street, regardless of the orientation. Each house was equally spaced from its neighbours in accordance with local regulations. At the same time Australian architects who had returned from Europe began to embrace the ideas of the modern movement and adapt them to suit the unique Australian climate and environment. The "Sydney School", a term introduced by Robin Boyd in 1967 (and later classified by Richard Apperly as the Late Twentieth Century Sydney Regional style of architecture), refers to the architecture of the 1950s and 1960s that was concerned with aesthetics and a rejection of technology. In expanding upon the term, Jennifer Taylor identified the style as first being discernable in three Sydney houses, by Peter Muller, Russell Jack and Bill and Ruth Lucas. Although working separately from each other, they shared a sympathy of materials, economy and simplicity, with an appreciation of nature. They each drew inspiration from the sandstone outcrops of Sydney, water views to the harbour, and the steep terrain. A need for climatic appropriateness and an Australian style was being addressed through modest residential designs, such as the Jack House, using post and beam construction that fully explored breaking down the barriers between inside and outside, and achieving a harmonious union with nature. Sites that had been previously considered unusable, such as the Jack House site, were the ideal sites to utilise the cost-effective solutions of post and beams construction, which could be carefully places to cause minimal disturbance to the site's rocks and trees. An important precedent to the natural siting was provided by Sydney Ancher's Maytone Avenue houses in Killara, NSW (1948–49) where the natural rock outcrops were retained. According to Jennifer Taylor, 1957 was a significant year in domestic design in Sydney. Three important houses were put before the jury for the Sulman Medal. All three of the houses were designed by architects as their own residences; Sydney Ancher's house in Neutral Bay, Bill and Ruth Lucas' house in Castlecrag, and the Jack House in Wahroonga. They were all post and beam structures and all expressed an increased awareness of the potential use of outside space. The Jack House was most notable for its treatment of the site. The Jacks positioned the house perched on the brink of the two principal levels on the site and it is regarded as signifying a change in domestic architecture in Sydney in this regard. Faced with a difficult site that was densely covered with native trees and outcrops of sandstone, Jack House showed what was achievable within a modest budget and without making a significant impact on the site (AIA). The design incorporated the challenges of the site without removing them, allowing the small existing creek to run beneath the structure, and perching the house out over the slope of the site so as to sit amongst the trees. Russell and Pamela Jack. Russell Jack studied architecture and planning at Sydney Technical College after returning from active service in the Royal Australian Air Force. Jack worked for Rudder, Littlemore & Rudder during his studies, and graduating in 1950 was awarded the Byera Hadley Travelling Scholarship. He sailed to England in 1952 and met his future wife Pamela Purves Lyttle (1928 - 2006) on board. Lyttle had graduated in architecture from the University of Sydney in 1951 and worked for the Commonwealth Department of Works in Canberra prior to heading overseas. In England, Jack worked for Tripe & Wakeham and Lyttle worked for Stillman & Eastwick-Field. Like many young Australian architects, they travelled around Europe looking at buildings. They married upon their return to Sydney in 1954, and Russell returned to work for Rudder, Littlemore & Rudder until 1956 when he left to set up practice with Denis John Wigram Allen (1926 - ), which lasted until 1976. Allen and Jack were joined by architecture student Keith Cottier in 1957. The firm became Allen Jack + Cottier in 1965. Upon her return from England, Pamela Jack worked for Baldwinson and Booth until 1958, when she went into practice as Pamela Jack Architect. She later studied ceramics at East Sydney technical College and established herself as an accomplished ceramicist. Russell Jack left the practice of Allen Jack + Cottier in 1976, joining the staff of University of NSW as a lecturer, becoming visiting professor. Major works by Russell Jack include the Carroll House, St Ives (1959), the Palmer House, Turramurra (1959), the Waterhouse House, St Ives (1962), the Tuckson House, Wahroonga (1961), the Jacobs House, Wahroonga (1963) (Wilkinson Award), the Forsaith House, Pymble (1971), the Griffin House, St Ives (1961), the Selby House, Warrawee (1961), all in NSW, and the Cater House, Canberra, ACT (1965) which won the Canberra Medallion in 1965l and the Canberra RAIA 25 Year medal in 2011. Jack House was the winner of the 1957 Sulman Medal for Domestic design. The Sir John Sulman Medal for Architectural Merit in NSW is an annual award presented by the NSW Royal Institute for Architects. Established in 1932 by Sir John Sulman, the original award conditions allowed for domestic and non-domestic entrants. In 1960 a separate category was developed for residential design with the creation of the NSW Wilkinson Award. The Jack House was featured in Architecture in Australia, July/September 1958 (pp. 76–78). Description. The Jack House is composed of glass and brick planes, yet is defined more by the skeleton of the post and beam framing which steps down over the sloping site. The house presents a blank wall to the street but it opens up with large planes of glass on to the elevated verandah on the opposite, the north side. The floor on the uphill side relates to the ground level while that on the down side is freely suspended. The pattern of the elements of the dark stained frame against the walls of the white bagged and painted brick towards the street, and against the glass on the private side, emphasizes the order of the module. The house is a single storey flat-roofed dwelling with extensive use of glass and brick panes utilising post and beam construction. The timber frames are set according to a 10-foot module, with this order being reinforced in the partitioning of the rooms and through the use of the dark stained timber frame against the white painted brick front walls. The building occupies a steeply sloped site with frontage to Boundary Road, with the house oriented away from the street and faces northeast towards the bush. A carport, also with a flat roof, is located on the south-eastern corner of the building. The carport is accessed via a driveway from the street. Entry to the house is through an arched opening in a bagged brick wall that screens the house from the street. The archway was considered reactionary at the time, with modernity typically demanding right angles. Jack defended his design choice, reasoning "a logical, natural opening in a brick wall is an arch". The bagged brick wall protects the house's public face from both the street and the neighbours. A timber bridge provides access to the entry space from the carport and the street. The house has a simple L-shaped plan, which centres on a small creek which runs through the site and becomes a hinge to the two wings. The entry space is at the junction of the wings. To the left is the family space, containing the living room, dining room, kitchen and study. To the right is the bedroom and bathroom wing. The house was designed to allow for expansion with the growing family, facilitated by the use of non-structural internal walls. Despite its economical size, the house was intended to feel as "psychologically expansive as possible", using a free-flowing plan and floor-to-ceiling glass allowing the rooms to open to the bush. The house is a series of continuous spaces, broken up into specific rooms but without the use of interconnecting doors. The roof and floor planes extend beyond the glass line to increase the sense of space and create unity with the landscape. The same materials were used inside and out for the same reason. Condition. As at 9 July 2013, the house and interiors are in excellent condition. The garden is a bush setting which is largely intact. Jack House is highly intact including some interior finishes such as wall paper and it retains its original bush setting with its creek. Modifications and dates. Initially there was no door on the study, allowing the entire living wing to be open. A door has since been added, enabling the space to be made private. The veranda between the main living area and the study has been closed in and two bedrooms added. An initially external wall of grey weathered timber now forms the interior wall of the main bedroom area. All alterations were made by the architects who lived in the house until recently. In the kitchen a set of overhead cupboards similar to those existing on the south wallnhave been added to the northern wall by the original architect. Otherwise all materials and finishes remain. In the laundry the original washing machine recess and its adjacent bench were reversed when a new machine was installed by the architect. Heritage listing. Built in 1957, Jack House is of State significance as an excellent and intact example of the work of mid-20th century Australian modernist architect Russell Jack. An early proponent of the modern movement in NSW, Jack is attributed with developing the principles of the modern movement into a locally adapted, site responsive architecture which became known as the Late Twentieth Century Sydney Regional style of architecture. Together with Pamela Jack he designed a house which responded to its environment with sensitivity, keeping the natural bush as garden and retaining the creek that runs through the site. The house interiors include cabinetry designed by Jack, selected wallpapers and other furnishings of importance to the overall significance of the house. The house is highly regarded by the architectural profession and is considered to be an influential piece of mid-twentieth century Australian architecture. Its research value as a resource that demonstrates many features of Late Twentieth Century Sydney Regional style of architecture and design in theory and practice, and its capacity to illuminate the work of Russell Jack is proven through the ongoing use of the house as a teaching tool. It is also of State significance as an excellent representative example of the modern movement adapted specifically for the Australian environment in a domestic dwelling with intact interiors and garden setting. It is also a rare surviving and intact example of an award-winning mid twentieth century modern house. Jack House was listed on the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 24 June 2013 having satisfied the following criteria. The place is important in demonstrating the course, or pattern, of cultural or natural history in New South Wales. Jack House is of State significance for its role in the history of Australian architecture and house design. The house demonstrates mid-twentieth century architectural practice in Australia and particularly in the Sydney region. One of the early examples of the Late Twentieth Century Sydney Regional style of architecture, Jack House demonstrates the early application of the modern movement in architecture integrated with an Australian setting. An exemplary piece of modernism, the house reflects an increasing respect for the natural landscape in residential design and is indicative of the evolution of Australian architectural design in the mid 20th century. The place has a strong or special association with a person, or group of persons, of importance of cultural or natural history of New South Wales's history. Jack House is of State significance as the family home designed by and for Australian architects Russell and Pamela Jack. A highly regarded Australian architect, Russell Jackwas a founding partner John Allan and Russell Jack which subsequently became the firm Allen, Jack and Cottier; the practice continues to be one of the most successful architectural firms in Australia. The partnership of John.Allen and Russell Jack was awarded the Sulman Medal for Jack House in 1957 The place is important in demonstrating aesthetic characteristics and/or a high degree of creative or technical achievement in New South Wales. Jack House is of State significance as a seminal work of residential modernism. The house design exhibits the influences of the work of Frank Lloyd Wright and Japanese architecture. Russell Jack, somewhat disappointed by European modernism, was influenced by Frank Lloyd Wright's approach and the nature focussed architecture of pre-War Japan. The house is modest in scale with a strong connection between the bush setting and the house, an honest expression of materials expressed through exposed construction, natural materials and a modular plan utilising a primary structure and infill walls. In 1957 Jack House was awarded the Sulman Award for architectural merit in the domestic building category. The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group in New South Wales for social, cultural or spiritual reasons. Jack House is significant at a State level as it is held in high esteem by the wider community for its cultural values. In particular Jack House is held in very high esteem by the architectural profession as demonstrated by how widely it has been published and through its recognition by the Australian Institute of Architects who have classified Jack House as nationally significant for its humanist sensibility and respect for the natural conditions of the site. The house is regularly used as a teaching opportunity by the owner and others and opened to the public as an excellent example of modernism in Australia. The place has potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales. Jack House has State significance for its research value as a resource that demonstrates many features of Late Twentieth Century Sydney Regional style of architecture and design in theory and practice, and its capacity to illuminate the work of Russell Jack. The place possesses uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales. Jack House is a rare and substantially intact example of an award-winning mid century modern house. The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a class of cultural or natural places/environments in New South Wales. Jack House is of State significance as an excellent, intact mid-twentieth century example of modernist residential design. Jack House is an excellent, representative and intact example of the work of Russell Jack, one of Australia's early proponents of the modern movement in architecture applied within an Australian context which became known as the Late Twentieth Century Sydney Regional style of architecture. The house is a defining example of the outstanding design skills of a well-regarded Australian architect and clearly demonstrates his design principles of modesty of scale and connection with the natural landscape.

general impressiveness

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=319906

Fictional technology is technology that does not exist. It may be an idea or design that has not yet been developed, or it may be a fictional device used in a novel. Non-literary. Emerging technologies. Technical innovations which represent progressive developments within a field for competitive advantage. Exploratory engineering. Seeks to identify if a prospective technology can be designed in detail, and simulated, even if it cannot be built yet - this is often a prerequisite to venture capital funding, or investigation in weapons research. Propaganda. Often emphasizes a speculative potential of a specific technology in order to stimulate investment in it, or a counter-technology. This is a common motivation in any society dominated by a military-industrial complex. Advertising. Emphasizes some amazing potential of some technology that is "under development" (usually without any specific timelines) by a company that is seeking simply to present itself as being competent with technology. In science fiction. Many works of science fiction are centered around the use of fictional future innovations and technologies and their potential uses. This can sometimes result in inventors using these fictional technologies as inspiration for real-life devices and other emerging technologies. In fantasy. Fantasy genres like steampunk and dieselpunk explore the consequences of more advanced technology being developed earlier in history, while not necessarily entering into the realm of science fiction. Magic powered technology, colloquially known as "magitech", is also common in fantasy media, where it can be used as a substitute for modern technology while still giving the setting a fantasy atmosphere. Well-known examples are human-created golems and artificially levitating airships.

joint aim

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4162783

The Standard of Good Practice for Information Security, published by the Information Security Forum (ISF), is a business-focused, practical and comprehensive guide to identifying and managing information security risks in organizations and their supply chains. The most recent edition is 2020, an update of the 2018 edition. Upon release, the 2011 Standard was the most significant update of the standard for four years. It covers information security 'hot topics' such as consumer devices, critical infrastructure, cybercrime attacks, office equipment, spreadsheets and databases and cloud computing. The 2011 Standard is aligned with the requirements for an Information Security Management System (ISMS) set out in ISO/IEC 27000-series standards, and provides wider and deeper coverage of ISO/IEC 27002 control topics, as well as cloud computing, information leakage, consumer devices and security governance. In addition to providing a tool to enable ISO 27001 certification, the 2011 Standard provides full coverage of COBIT v4 topics, and offers substantial alignment with other relevant standards and legislation such as PCI DSS and the Sarbanes Oxley Act, to enable compliance with these standards too. The Standard is used by Chief Information Security Officers (CISOs), information security managers, business managers, IT managers, internal and external auditors, IT service providers in organizations of all sizes. The 2018 Standard is available free of charge to members of the ISF. Non-members are able to purchase a copy of the standard directly from the ISF. Organization. The Standard has historically been organized into six categories, or "aspects". Computer Installations and Networks address the underlying IT infrastructure on which Critical Business Applications run. The End-User Environment covers the arrangements associated with protecting corporate and workstation applications at the endpoint in use by individuals. Systems Development deals with how new applications and systems are created, and Security Management addresses high-level direction and control. The Standard is now primarily published in a simple "modular" format that eliminates redundancy. For example, the various sections devoted to security audit and review have been consolidated. The six aspects within the Standard are composed of a number of "areas", each covering a specific topic. An area is broken down further into "sections", each of which contains detailed specifications of information security best practice. Each statement has a unique reference. For example, SM41.2 indicates that a specification is in the Security Management aspect, area 4, section 1, and is listed as specification #2 within that section. The Principles and Objectives part of the Standard provides a high-level version of the Standard, by bringing together just the "principles" (which provide an overview of what needs to be performed to meet the Standard) and "objectives" (which outline the reason why these actions are necessary) for each section. The published Standard also includes an extensive topics matrix, index, introductory material, background information, suggestions for implementation, and other information. See also. "See for a list of all computing and information-security related articles".

preliminary information

7636-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=49451268

Parental separation affects a child's development. Early parental divorce (during primary school) has been associated with greater internalising and externalising behaviour problems in the child. while divorce later in childhood or adolescence may dampen academic performance. Children of unmarried parents tend to suffer greater emotional and social difficulties than others do. Whilst father absence mainly results from parental divorce and separation, other factors such as family poverty and developmental difficulties have been associated with father absence, the effects of which have been explained by various theoretical approaches. Difficulties associated with father absence. General problems. Despite limited agreement among researchers regarding the exact significance of fathering, fathers are traditionally deemed a provider of protection and support for the child's development. Through a number of pathways, father absence may influence child behaviour, especially in early and middle childhood. Father absence can contribute to a decline in household income and ineffective parenting arising from continued conflicts and psychological distress. Contributing Factors to the Absentee Father. Absenteeism and lack of father figure has negative impacts on the development and upbringing of young people across cultures. Problems associated with absenteeism of father is sometimes overlooked in research. This problem affects the development and wellbeing of a child in their upbringing. Studies have been made and a new variable has been found which is race. This has been a contributing factor to a child's development The effect on children of an absent parent following divorce. Lack of father figure in children's life has attributed to difficulties faced by children. Separation between partners impacts children's relationship with their parents, education, their health and their wellbeing (Amato, 2000). The goal of this research is to understand the consequences of divorce and how it impacts children's life and how they are coping with it. The impacts and consequences of divorce on children is a great matter to look into for academic enquiry. Behavioural and mental health difficulties. In regard to the effects of father absence, a recent British study assessed child problem behaviour in over 15,000 families using the clinical cut-offs of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ), controlling for household factors such as resources, parental mental health and inter-parental relationship. The study found that father absence at a given age, similar to poverty and parental psychological distress, predicted a high probability of the child scoring above the cut-off score for total difficulties two years later. Likewise, father absence predicted several specific difficulties including borderline personality disorder, severe hyperactivity and abnormal emotional problems. Reciprocally, a child's severe externalising and social during their preschool years were also associated with a greater probability of the father being absent two years later. The authors concluded that father absence seemed to be more of a cause than a consequence of child problem behaviour. Through direct interaction, fathers’ involvement in children's development has a positive influence on their social, behavioural and psychological outcomes. In general, engagement of a fatherly figure reduces the frequency of behavioural problems and delinquency in sons and psychological problems in daughters, all the while facilitating children's cognitive development. Theoretical approaches. Evolutionary approach. Evolutionary life-history theory postulates that women may invest more in their offspring than the opposite gender due to a slower rate of reproduction in females. Some theorists add that the assured maternal relatedness to one's offspring may also make women invest more than men. This is because some men may have variable paternity confidence that the child is his offspring. Psychodynamic approach. The psychodynamic approach posits that behaviour is motivated by basic needs and drives and is sometimes shaped by unconscious childhood experiences. The psychodynamic approach suggests that for a child to develop a “normal” gender identity, they will have to be raised in a conventional family where there is a father and a mother. Freud believed that being parented by a single mother could confuse the child's identity or lead them to become homosexual. Father absence may hinder the son's acquisition of the traditional masculine role, as he is not able to model his own behaviour and attitude on his fathers’. Along similar lines, sons with absent fathers could have confused gender identities – if the son was separated from his father by age four, he would be less assertive, less involved in sport, less masculine than other boys and more dependent on his peers. Nevertheless, findings of certain empirical studies on psychosexual gender identification have been deemed contradictory and inconclusive. A number of studies have highlighted such negative consequences of the two-parent heterosexual household on children. Contrarily, others have pointed out that being reared in lesbian and single-parent households where the father was absent did not affect the psychosexual development of children, despite higher aggressiveness and submissiveness and lower assertiveness. Biological approach. Genes and hormones may account for the tendency of fathers to be absent. Certain DNA patterns have been shown to affect an individual's degree of fidelity and investment in their offspring. In particular, a study in prairie voles indicates that the gene AVPR1A affects the activity of vasopressin receptors in brain regions and thus predicts less cheating on their partners. Similar to oxytocin, the hormone vasopressin can facilitate trust, empathy and social bonding. Injection of vasopressin in polygamous montane voles significantly increased their likelihood of becoming monogamous. This may in turn decrease their likelihood of being an absent father. A meta-analysis based on 56 twin and adoption studies totalling over 200,000 families has revealed that genetic makeup significantly affects the individual's parenting behaviour. Genes in the father reliability predict up to 40% of his positive or negative emotions towards his children. In this sense, genes contribute to a father's liking or repulsion for his children, the latter of which may result in father absence. However, genes are not the sole predictors of whether a father will like or dislike his child. Gender differences. There is mixed empirical evidence on the relative impact of father absence on the development of male and female offspring. A recent study in rural Ethiopia, where father absence could mean a significant decrease in household income, revealed a considerable difference between the wellbeing of male and female offspring. In particular, the author found that a male infant's risk of dying per month was doubled if the biological father was absent – a 30% greater risk than that for females. For female infants, father absence (as opposed to presence) was associated with a lower risk of dying, as well as higher nutritional status. That is to say, father absence was only a statistical predictor of infant death only for male infants. Such a gender difference has been observed despite a strong cultural preference for sons in the area. On the other hand, in developed countries such as the United Kingdom, where father absence may not inflict as much harm on the family's income, the effects of father absence are not noticeably gendered. This suggests that other factors, such as household income and cultural norms, are significant in the wellbeing and development of a child. The Psychological Impacts on Men. When a young man matures without their biological male role model, this can result in violent reactions to stress and emotions, resistance and hate towards authority, aggression, early rates of sexual encounters, transferences of the mother’s negative talk about the father, and pressured ideologies to become the breadwinner. The Psychological Impacts on Women. Commonly agreed across authors within literature on Fatherhood is the idea that  “A girl’s relationship with her father serves as the model for all her relationships with men in her life, romantic and otherwise…” Many studies conducted produce the same result: that the absence of a father in a daughter's life can lead to increased promiscuity and sexualised activity. One such study was conducted by Ellis et al. ; “Does Father Absence Place Daughters at Special Risk for Early Sexual Activity and Teenage Pregnancy?”. Ellis provides a greater focus on the timing of father absence in their daughters life; but still the results of promiscuity prove contingent on the father being present. From here, researchers have identified a commonality of 5 factors that work to explain how fatherlessness affects development in women, psychologically. Statistics. United States. Based on the 2018 U.S. Census Bureau 11 million single parent households, 80% of them are fatherless, breaking down to 1 in every 4 children born; totaling a percentage of 81.5%. Out of that 81.5% that were raised by single mothers: 34 % were poor 26.8 % were jobless the entire year 30.3 % suffered from food insecurity ⅔ of theses families were white. ⅓ were black and ⅓ were Hispanic defined. Not taking into account the 53% of American Indians and Alaskan Natives as well as the 17% Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders children recorded within these Single Parented homes. The US Department of Health and Human Services reports that the average experience of the American teenager includes now living in the absence of their father. This leads to multiple negative impacts on youth: 85% are reported to have behavioral issues (Center for Disease Control) 71% of high school dropouts and teen moms come from fatherless homes - 9 times the national average (National Principals Association Report) 85% of all children who show behavior disorders come from fatherless homes – 20 times the national average (Center for Disease Control) 85% of youth in prison come from fatherless homes - 20 times the national average (Fulton Co. Georgia, Texas Dept. of Correction) 63% of youth suicides are of children who come from fatherless homes. -  5 times the national average (US Department of Health/Census) Specific negative impacts. Early pubertal timing – precocious puberty – is associated with negative outcomes in both genders. Early maturing girls have been found to be at risk for teenage pregnancy, drinking and weight problems, and giving birth to low birth weight infants. Early maturing boys are at risk for sexual promiscuity and delinquency and testicular and prostate cancer. Individual difference in pubertal timing may be influenced by weight, physical activity and genetics. Menarche. A central event of female puberty – menarche – is associated with father absence. According to the evolutionary explanation, an unstable home environment (e.g. father absence) discourages a long-term mating life history, leading girls to adopt a short-term reproductive strategy, such as early menarche. This is because they perceive resources they have as scarce and, possibly, their lifespan to be shorter, under the influence of father absence. An early menarche can increase the chance of fertility, while other short-term reproductive strategies can diversify the genes inherited in offspring. These could lift up a higher success rate of rearing children to adolescence. Moreover, the stress of father absence prompts girls to develop a variety of internalising disorders, such as bulimia and depression, which may lower the person's metabolism leading to excessive weight gain which precipitates early menarche. A study shows that there are fewer monitored meals in the father-absent household. Having meals in the family is arguably more beneficial to children than is eating alone (i.e. solitary eating), as the former lowers the chance of obesity. However, it has been disputed whether the environmental stress of father absence stimulates weight gain, and thus accelerates early puberty. Likewise, the stress arisen from the absence of mother has been shown to have little influence on the child's body weight. Since mother absence does not predict weight gain in children, it seems that the increase in the child's body weight observed is due to the isolated genetic influence of an absent father, rather than the global environmental stress cause by the absence of either parent. This is possibly because in ancestral times the survival rate of children with mother being absent was extremely low. A specialised mechanism to deal with mother absence has never been developed. In addition, recent findings seem to regard genes, rather than the environment, as the mechanism underlying the positive correlation between high body mass index and earlier first menarche onset. Androgen receptor gene may predispose a father to impulsive and externalising behaviours (e.g. family abandonment) and his offspring to early puberty. The essentialness of androgen receptor to female fertility and ovary development has been proven by rodent studies. Sexual behaviour. Father absence in a household can result in children (of both sexes) having earlier average ages of first sexual intercourse than those raised in father present households. There is also the effect of increased rates of teenage pregnancy. Some evolutionary theories propose that early childhood is vital for encoding information that shapes future reproductive strategies in regulating physical and motivational pathways of sexual behaviour. Conflicting and stressful parental relationships can lead children to believe that resources are limited, people are untrustworthy, and relationships are opportunistic. As they replicate their parents’ mating-oriented reproductive behaviour, they tend to have multiple sexual partners and erratic relationships. Children implicitly and explicitly model their sexual attitudes and behaviours on their parents, see engagement in non-marital sex as normative. Father absence however can be a byproduct of initial social and economic strain within the household (e.g. violence, lack of educational opportunities and cumulative life exposure to poverty can increase the likelihood of early sexual endeavours and pregnancy). The timing of first intercourse can be heritable - shorter alleles of the X-linked androgen receptor (AR) gene has been associated with aggression, impulsivity, high number of sexual partners, divorce in males and earlier ages of physical maturation in females. Mechanisms to balance father absence. Matrilineal support. A study in Ethiopia in 2008 found that despite being poorer overall, widowed and divorced women are on average 2.4 kg heavier than women whose children's fathers are present. Widowed and divorced mothers as well as their daughters are reported to have substantially improved nutritional status which could be explained by them having greater access to the mother's relatives (matrilateral kin). Furthermore, proximity to a mother's relatives can dramatically improve female children's height for age, an indicator of good nutrition. Women who return to their village of birth following marital dissolution are seen to benefit from extra matrilateral kin support, Presence of a stepfather. In light of certain research, father absence can be disadvantageous; certain evidence suggests stepfather presence does not reduce these disadvantages but in fact has a worsening effect on such issues. For example, the Cinderella effect, which refers to the observation that stepchildren are at a dramatically increased risk of physical abuse and homicide than children living with their biological parents. Although researchers have found a negative relationship between stepmothers and food expenditure, this effect is not observed with stepfathers and their stepchildren. Ellis and Garber (2000) and Ellis (2004) suggest that stepfather presence is a better predictor of age of menarche than father absence, as it indicates lower quality paternal investment. In accordance with their findings, results show that girls raised in families with stepfathers exhibit a significantly earlier age of menarche than girls raised without stepfathers. Relative to other groups, children with a constantly absent biological father but a stepfather present reported more frequent incidences of sexual intercourse, as well as an earlier onset of sexual behaviour. The mean age of children with their biological father absent or partially absent is approximately 15. A higher percentage of children with a constantly absent biological father reported having sexual intercourse than those in the partially absent group. Those with a stepfather present and those with a biological father always absent have the earliest first time experiences of sexual intercourse at on average 15.11 years old, whereas children without a stepfather or their biological father partially absent at the age of 15.38 experience their first encounter of sexual intercourse. The effect of having a partially absent biological father with stepfather absence and the effect both stepfather or biological father absence are the same. This study indicated that the presence of a stepfather is not compensating to the disadvantages of a biological father being absent. In some situations, it can cause an even bigger negative effect on children. No agreement upon effective client treatment. Choice of effective treatment can be greatly varied and thus can be affected by many factors such as age, one's ability to understand and deal with emotionally heavy material, family members involvement and the family and child's priorities and needs. In treating some of the negative effects that young girls may have, transference to a male therapist could help facilitate the opportunity to fill any emotional void created through father absence. On the other hand, simply through the existence of a connection with a consistent and empathetic adult can provide some paternal function, regardless of gender.

face-to-face approaches

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=56279017

Parovi (English title: "Couples") is a Serbian-based reality show created by Predrag Ranković. The show premiered on December 24, 2010 on Happy and immediately reached huge ratings. The show also features a 24-hour YouTube live streaming. Format. Originally the format built on that all contestants were real-life couples, but over the next season, it was changed due to difficulties in looking for actual couples that may be part of the show. Over the next years, there were castings and people with long and interesting histories of their lives were chosen to participate in the show. The house includes everyday facilities such as a fully equipped kitchen, garden, bedroom, bathroom additional rooms, big living room, big pool and secret room. The prize fund vary and go up to €250,000 maximum, but many times was a lot below, average between €30,000 — €70,000. In the show appear a lot contestants from many countries mainly from the Balkans. Broadcasting. During the regular airing of each series, a daily and nightly show is broadcast on television. On TV, the "Morning Coffee" ("jutarnja kafica") airs between 11am and 2pm, then the show might return at 3pm and end again at 5:30pm, while the evening show begins at 6:30pm and may last until between 8pm and 10pm. The show is available 24/7 on a live stream provided by one of its official YouTube channels. The house. The house is located in Belgrade, in the neighborhood of Zemun. The house has a big bedroom with 24 beds, equipped kitchen, living room, two showers, two restrooms, a secret room, three isolation rooms, a pool and a garden. The original house name is "Vila Parova".

large swimming bath