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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14815080

Savings.com is a website that offers coupons and promotional savings, known as "deals," redeemable at nationally recognized merchant web sites and stores. Savings.com sources much of its content from the stores they are affiliated with, members, and their own internal team. Savings.com is headquartered in Los Angeles, California. History. The Savings.com domain was purchased in 2003 by a founder of the affiliate marketing company Commission Junction, Inc. The savings.com domain sold for $1.9 million and ranks among the top 40 most expensive domains ever sold. The company originally functioned as a lead generation resource in 2004. Savings.com relaunched in its present-day form in 2007, founded by Loren Bendele, Marcus Flemming, Tom Kuljis and Joe Zulli, and made the move to exclusively offer online and offline coupons. Savings.com announced in November 2008 that it closed $4 million in series B funding led by U.S. Venture Partners. In 2009, Savings.com launched a sister site branded as Savoo.co.uk to serve the voucher code market in the United Kingdom. In 2012, Savoo expanded operations to Germany. Currently, Savoo serves 10 markets, including the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Netherlands, Australia, Canada, Brazil, and Mexico. In June 2012, Cox Target Media announced the acquisition of Savings.com, Savoo.co.uk and Savoo.de for more than $100 million with additional payments over the coming years. Savings.com expanded into grocery in October 2013, launching Favado, a mobile grocery savings app. In 2015, Savings.com partnered with the technology company Inmar, Inc. to expand its ability to promote consumer packaged goods (CPG) offers. In November 2014, Savings.com released PriceJump, a price comparison tool. The global investment firm Platinum Equity acquired the Savings.com and Savoo businesses from Cox Media Group in January 2017. Centerfield, also owned by Platinum Equity, announced the acquisition of Savings.com in February 2021.

international funding company

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10822838

The rail profile is the cross sectional shape of a railway rail, perpendicular to its length. Early rails were made of wood, cast iron or wrought iron. All modern rails are hot rolled steel with a cross section (profile) approximate to an I-beam, but asymmetric about a horizontal axis (however see grooved rail below). The head is profiled to resist wear and to give a good ride, and the foot profiled to suit the fixing system. Unlike some other uses of iron and steel, railway rails are subject to very high stresses and are made of very high quality steel. It took many decades to improve the quality of the materials, including the change from iron to steel. Minor flaws in the steel that may pose no problems in other applications can lead to broken rails and dangerous derailments when used on railway tracks. By and large, the heavier the rails and the rest of the trackwork, the heavier and faster the trains these tracks can carry. Rails represent a substantial fraction of the cost of a railway line. Only a small number of rail sizes are made by steelworks at one time, so a railway must choose the nearest suitable size. Worn, heavy rail from a mainline is often reclaimed and downgraded for re-use on a branchline, siding or yard. Rail weights and sizes. The weight of a rail per length is an important factor in determining rail strength and hence axleloads and speeds. Weights are measured in pounds per yard (imperial units are used in Canada, the United Kingdom and United States) or kilograms per metre (metric units are used in Australia and mainland Europe). As a kilogram is approximately 2.2 lb and a metre is roughly 1.1 yards, the pounds-per-yard figure is almost exactly double the kilograms-per-metre figure. (More specifically .) Commonly, in rail terminology "pound" is a contraction of the expression "pounds per yard" and hence a 132–pound rail means a rail of 132 pounds per yard. Europe. Rails are made in a large number of different sizes. Some common European rail sizes include: In the countries of former USSR rails and rails (not thermally hardened) are common. Thermally hardened rails also have been used on heavy-duty railroads like Baikal–Amur Mainline, but have proven themselves deficient in operation and were mainly rejected in favor of rails. North America. The American Society of Civil Engineers (or ASCE) specified rail profiles in 1893 for increments from . Height of rail equaled width of foot for each ASCE tee-rail weight; and the profiles specified fixed proportion of weight in head, web and foot of 42%, 21% and 37%, respectively. ASCE profile was adequate; but heavier weights were less satisfactory. In 1909, the American Railway Association (or ARA) specified standard profiles for increments from . The American Railway Engineering Association (or AREA) specified standard profiles for , and rails in 1919, for and rails in 1920, and for rails in 1924. The trend was to increase rail height/foot-width ratio and strengthen the web. Disadvantages of the narrower foot were overcome through use of tie plates. AREA recommendations reduced the relative weight of rail head down to 36%, while alternative profiles reduced head weight to 33% in heavier weight rails. Attention was also focused on improved fillet radii to reduce stress concentration at the web junction with the head. AREA recommended the ARA profile. Old ASCE rails of lighter weight remained in use, and satisfied the limited demand for light rail for a few decades. AREA merged into the American Railway Engineering and Maintenance-of-Way Association in 1997. By the mid-20th century, most rail production was "medium heavy" () and "heavy" (). Sizes under rail are usually for lighter duty freight, low use trackage, or light rail. Track using rail is for lower speed freight branch lines or rapid transit (for example, most of the New York City Subway system track is constructed with rail). Main line track is usually built with rail or heavier. Some common North American rail sizes include: Some common North American crane rail sizes include: Australia. Some common Australian rail sizes include: History. Early rails were used on horse drawn wagonways, originally with wooden rails, but from the 1760s using strap-iron rails, which consisted of thin strips of cast iron fixed onto wooden rails. These rails were too fragile to carry heavy loads, but because the initial construction cost was less, this method was sometimes used to quickly build an inexpensive rail line. Strap rails sometimes separated from the wooden base and speared into the floor of the carriages above, creating what was referred to as a "snake head". However, the long-term expense involved in frequent maintenance outweighed any savings. These were superseded by cast iron rails that were flanged (i.e. 'L' shaped) and with the wagon wheels flat. An early proponent of this design was Benjamin Outram. His partner William Jessop preferred the use of "edge rails" in 1789 where the wheels were flanged and, over time, it was realised that this combination worked better. The earliest of these in general use were the so-called cast iron fishbelly rails from their shape. Rails made from cast iron were brittle and broke easily. They could only be made in short lengths which would soon become uneven. John Birkinshaw's 1820 patent, as rolling techniques improved, introduced wrought iron in longer lengths, replaced cast iron and contributed significantly to the explosive growth of railroads in the period 1825–40. The cross-section varied widely from one line to another, but were of three basic types as shown in the diagram. The parallel cross-section which developed in later years was referred to as Bullhead. Meanwhile, in May 1831, the first flanged T rail (also called T-section) arrived in America from Britain and was laid into the Pennsylvania Railroad by Camden and Amboy Railroad. They were also used by Charles Vignoles in Britain. The first steel rails were made in 1857 by Robert Forester Mushet, who laid them at Derby station in England. Steel is a much stronger material, which steadily replaced iron for use on railway rail and allowed much longer lengths of rails to be rolled. The American Railway Engineering Association (AREA) and the American Society for Testing Materials (ASTM) specified carbon, manganese, silicon and phosphorus content for steel rails. Tensile strength increases with carbon content, while ductility decreases. AREA and ASTM specified 0.55 to 0.77 percent carbon in rail, 0.67 to 0.80 percent in rail weights from , and 0.69 to 0.82 percent for heavier rails. Manganese increases strength and resistance to abrasion. AREA and ASTM specified 0.6 to 0.9 percent manganese in 70 to 90 pound rail and 0.7 to 1 percent in heavier rails. Silicon is preferentially oxidised by oxygen and is added to reduce the formation of weakening metal oxides in the rail rolling and casting procedures. AREA and ASTM specified 0.1 to 0.23 percent silicon. Phosphorus and sulfur are impurities causing brittle rail with reduced impact-resistance. AREA and ASTM specified maximum phosphorus concentration of 0.04 percent. The use of welded rather than jointed track began in around the 1940s and had become widespread by the 1960s. Types. Strap rail. The earliest rails were simply lengths of timber. To resist wear a thin iron strap was laid on top of the timber rail. This saved money as wood was cheaper than metal. The system had the flaw that every so often the passage of the wheels on the train would cause the strap to break away from the timber. The problem was first reported by Richard Trevithick in 1802. The use of strap rails in the United States (for instance on the Albany and Schenectady Railroad 1837) led to passengers being threatened by "snake-heads" when the straps curled up and penetrated the carriages. Plate rail. Plate rail was an early type of rail and had an 'L' cross section in which the flange kept an unflanged wheel on the track. The flanged rail has seen a minor revival in the 1950s, as guide bars, with the Paris Métro ("Rubber-tyred metro" or French "") and more recently as the Guided bus. In the Cambridgeshire Guided Busway the rail is a thick concrete beam with a lip to form the flange. The buses run on normal road wheels with side-mounted guidewheels to run against the flanges. Buses are steered normally when off the busway, analogous to the 18th-century wagons which could be manoeuvered around pitheads before joining the track for the longer haul. Bridge rail. Bridge rail is a rail with an inverted-U profile. Its simple shape is easy to manufacture, and it was widely used before more sophisticated profiles became cheap enough to make in bulk. It was notably used on the Great Western Railway's gauge baulk road, designed by Isambard Kingdom Brunel. Barlow rail. Barlow rail was invented by William Henry Barlow in 1849. It was designed to be laid straight onto the ballast, but the lack of sleepers (ties) meant that it was difficult to keep it in gauge. Flat bottomed rail. Flat bottomed rail is the dominant rail profile in worldwide use. Flanged T rail. Flanged T rail (also called T-section) is the name for flat bottomed rail used in North America. Iron-strapped wooden rails were used on all American railways until 1831. Col. Robert L. Stevens, the President of the Camden and Amboy Railroad, conceived the idea that an all-iron rail would be better suited for building a railroad. There were no steel mills in America capable of rolling long lengths, so he sailed to the United Kingdom which was the only place where his flanged T rail (also called T-section) could be rolled. Railways in the UK had been using rolled rail of other cross-sections which the ironmasters had produced. In May 1831, the first 500 rails, each long and weighing , reached Philadelphia and were placed in the track, marking the first use of the flanged T rail. Afterwards, the flanged T rail became employed by all railroads in the United States. Col. Stevens also invented the hooked spike for attaching the rail to the crosstie (or sleeper). At the present time, the screw spike is being used widely in place of the hooked spike. Vignoles rail. Vignoles rail is the popular name of the flat-bottomed rail, recognising engineer Charles Vignoles who introduced it to Britain. Charles Vignoles observed that wear was occurring with wrought iron rails and cast iron chairs upon stone blocks, the most common system at that time. In 1836 he recommended flat-bottomed rail to the London and Croydon Railway for which he was consulting engineer. His original rail had a smaller cross-section than the Stevens rail, with a wider base than modern rail, fastened with screws through the base. Other lines which adopted it were the Hull and Selby, the Newcastle and North Shields, and the Manchester, Bolton and Bury Canal Navigation and Railway Company. When it became possible to preserve wooden sleepers with mercuric chloride (a process called Kyanising) and creosote, they gave a much quieter ride than stone blocks and it was possible to fasten the rails directly using clips or rail spikes. Their use spread worldwide and acquired Vignoles' name. The joint where the ends of two rails are connected to each other is the weakest part of a rail line. The earliest iron rails were joined by a simple fishplate or bar of metal bolted through the web of the rail. Stronger methods of joining two rails together have been developed. When sufficient metal is put into the rail joint, the joint is almost as strong as the rest of the rail length. The noise generated by trains passing over the rail joints, described as "the clickity clack of the railroad track", can be eliminated by welding the rail sections together. Continuously welded rail has a uniform top profile even at the joints. Double-headed rail. In late 1830s Britain, railway lines had a vast range of different patterns. One of the earliest lines to use double-headed rail was the London and Birmingham Railway, which had offered a prize for the best design. This rail was supported by chairs and the head and foot of the rail had the same profile. The supposed advantage was that, when the head became worn, the rail could be turned over and re-used. In practice, this form of recycling was not very successful as the chair caused dents in the lower surface, and double-headed rail evolved into bullhead rail in which the head was more substantial than the foot. Bullhead rail. Bullhead rail was the standard for the British railway system from the mid-19th until the mid-20th century. For example, in 1954 bullhead rail was used for of new track and flat-bottom for . One of the first British Standards, BS 9, was for bullhead rail - it was originally published in 1905, and revised in 1924. Rails manufactured to the 1905 standard were referred to as "O.B.S." (Original), and those manufactured to the 1924 standard as "R.B.S." (Revised). Bullhead rail is similar to double-headed rail except that the profile of the head of the rail is not the same as that of the foot. Bullhead rail evolved from double-headed rail but, because it did not have a symmetrical profile, it was never possible to flip it over and use the foot as the head. Therefore, because the rail no longer had the originally-perceived benefit of reusability, it was a very expensive method of laying track. Heavy cast iron chairs were needed to support the rail, which was secured in the chairs by wooden (later steel) wedges or "keys" which required regular attention. Bullhead rail has now been almost completely replaced by flat-bottom rail on British railways, although it survives on the national rail system in some sidings or branch lines. It can also be found on heritage railways, due both to the desire to maintain an historic appearance, and the salvage and reuse of old track components from the main lines. The London Underground continued to use bullhead rail after it had been phased out elsewhere in Britain, but in the last few years has there been a concerted effort to convert its track to flat-bottom rail. However, the process of replacing track in tunnels is a slow process due to the impossibility of using heavy plant and machinery. Grooved rail. Where a rail is laid in a road surface (pavement) or within grassed surfaces, there has to be accommodation for the flange. This is provided by a slot called the flangeway. The rail is then known as grooved rail, groove rail, or girder rail. The flangeway has the railhead on one side and the guard on the other. The guard carries no weight, but may act as a checkrail. Grooved rail was invented in 1852 by Alphonse Loubat, a French inventor who developed improvements in tram and rail equipment, and helped develop tram lines in New York City and Paris. The invention of grooved rail enabled tramways to be laid without causing a nuisance to other road users, except unsuspecting cyclists, who could get their wheels caught in the groove. The grooves may become filled with gravel and dirt (particularly if infrequently used or after a period of idleness) and need clearing from time to time, this being done by a "scrubber" tram. Failure to clear the grooves can lead to a bumpy ride for the passengers, damage to either wheel or rail and possibly derailing. Girder guard rail. The traditional form of grooved rail is the girder guard section illustrated to the left. This rail is a modified form of flanged rail and requires a special mounting for weight transfer and gauge stabilisation. If the weight is carried by the roadway subsurface, steel ties are needed at regular intervals to maintain the gauge. Installing these means that the whole surface needs to be excavated and reinstated. Block rail. Block rail is a lower profile form of girder guard rail with the web eliminated. In profile it is more like a solid form of bridge rail, with a flangeway and guard added. Simply removing the web and combining the head section directly with the foot section would result in a weak rail, so additional thickness is required in the combined section. A modern block rail with a further reduction in mass is the LR55 rail which is polyurethane grouted into a prefabricated concrete beam. It can be set in trench grooves cut into an existing asphalt road bed for Light Rail (trams). Rail lengths. Rails should be made as long as possible since joints between raillengths are a source of weakness. As manufacturing processes have improved, rail lengths have increased. Long rails are flexible, and there is no problem going around curves. The rail, which would be the world's longest rail line in a single piece, was rolled at URM, Bhilai Steel Plant (SAIL) on 29 November 2016. Welding of rails into longer lengths was first introduced around 1893. Welding can be done in a central depot, or in the field. Conical or cylindrical wheels. It has long been recognised that conical wheels and rails that are sloped by the same amount follow curves better than cylindrical wheels and vertical rails. A few railways such as Queensland Railways for a long time had cylindrical wheels until much heavier traffic required a change. Cylindrical wheel treads have to "skid" on track curves so increase both drag and rail and wheel wear. On very straight track a cylindrical wheel tread rolls more freely and does not "hunt". The gauge is narrowed slightly and the flange fillets keep the flanges from rubbing the rails. United States practice is a 1 in 20 cone when new. As the tread wears it approaches an unevenly cylindrical tread, at which time the wheel is trued on a wheel lathe or replaced. Manufacturers. Rails are made from high quality steel and not in huge quantities compared with other forms of steel, and so the number of manufacturers in any one country tends to be limited.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=152102

Mytholmroyd (pronounced ) is a large village in the Upper Calder Valley in West Yorkshire, England, east of Hebden Bridge. It lies east of Burnley and west of Halifax. The village, which has a population of approximately 4,000 is in the Luddendenfoot Ward of Calderdale Council and forms part of the Hebden Royd parish. It is from the centre of Hebden Bridge, and is often known to locals as 'Royd'. The village holds regular markets. Mytholmroyd has business parks and a high street in the centre with many independent shops. It now is a designated conservation area, with more than 21 listed buildings in the village. Toponym. Mytholmroyd was recorded in the 13th century as "Mithomrode" and in the 17th century as "Mitholmroide". The name means 'a clearing for settlement, where two rivers meet', likely derived from the Old English "(ge)mȳthum" (inflected form of "(ge)mȳthe", "river mouth"), plus "rodu" ("field" or "clearing"). The "l" was probably inserted out of confusion with the common place-name element "holm", Old Norse for a small island or eyot. Governance. The village is part of the Luddendenfoot ward of the Metropolitan borough of Calderdale. It has had a Labour-majority council as of May 2019 - All 3 councillors in the ward represent the Labour Party - Jane Scullion, deputy leader of Calderdale Council, Roisin Cavanagh and Scott Patient. It is part of the Metropolitan county of West Yorkshire. At a district-level, Mytholmroyd Urban District Council was set up in 1894. In 1937 it merged with Hebden Bridge Urban District Council to become Hebden Royd Urban District Council. At a county level Mytholmroyd was administered by the West Riding County Council. Both of these were abolished as part of the reforms introduced in the Local Government Act 1972. They were replaced with West Yorkshire Combined Authority and Calderdale Metropolitan Borough Council. The Hebden Royd Town Council area forms a civil parish. West Yorkshire County Council was abolished in 1986, leaving Mytholmroyd represented at borough and town council level. The current Mayor of Hebden Royd - Val Stevens (Labour, former deputy leader of Manchester City Council) lives in the village. History. A Bronze Age urnfield exists on the moor top, north of Mytholmroyd. It is a burial ground with cremation urns, dating between the 16th and 11th centuries BC of national importance. Evidence of pre-historic farming is apparent because they cleared the upland forests for cattle grazing and created the peat moorlands. Most of the Celtic Iron Age settlements were concentrated on the hillside terraces which avoided the wooded and poorly drained valley floors. Most of the older listed buildings are located on the hillsides away from the valley. A Roman coin hoard has been found to the south of Mytholmroyd. Erringden and Midgeley Moors border the village. Cragg Vale Coiners. During the late 18th century, the valley to the south, known as Cragg Vale, was home to a gang of counterfeiters known as the Cragg Vale Coiners. The gang's leader, David Hartley, or King David as he was known, was found guilty of the 1769 murder of excise official William Dighton and was hanged at the York Tyburn on 28 April 1770. Two other gang members were also executed for their part in the murder. Recently local resident and writer Benjamin Myers wrote a novel charting their story, "The Gallows Pole" which went on to win the Walter Scott prize for historical fiction in 2018. Historic buildings and structures. Canalside Mill. Built in 1851 as Canal Wharf Mill, it was home to local company Walkley Clogs, and converted into a well known tourist attraction with cafes, shops and an open clog factory on the ground floor. It was destroyed by fire in the 1990s; consequently the top floor was demolished and re-opened under ownership of a property development company. It subsequently closed in 2002 and has since been boarded up. Numerous planning applications to continue its former use or convert it into luxury apartments have been passed but never undertaken. On 1 August 2019 it was once again destroyed by fire, this time so badly that it has now been demolished. A planning application for the site development has yet to be accepted. St. Michael's Church. The parish church was built in 1847 in Early English style. It was badly damaged in the 2015 floods but has since re-opened. The Sunday school in front of the church was reduced to one storey and is now used as a community hall and meeting spaces available for hire. In 2009 a new car park with monument in the form of an iron spike with a stone seating surround has been constructed park and is now used for village events including the Mytholmroyd Christmas Market organised by Royd Regen (the local development board) and the town council. County Bridge. There has been a river crossing point since 1329 in the centre of the village, at the site of the current 'County Bridge'. A bridge is recorded in this location under the name "Elphaborough Bridge", after the name of Elphaborough Hall on the further side of Cragg Brook. Records of a grant issued to the local township for the purchase of timber stated it was for "repairs to Mitholmroide Bridge", in 1638. Similar records show that the current stone bridge was erected in 1684 by Timothy Wadsworth, at a cost of £50. The current bridge was constructed in two parts (and now consists of four extensions). The original packhorse style bridge in 1638, and on the upstream side, the bridge was widened and two extra arches on the south end were added to ease the gradient, although the two new arches were considerably smaller, the bridge now consists of four arches in total. In the 19th century, with shops being constructed on the north end riverbank, and a new premises being built for the Mytholmroyd Co-Operative Society right up to the water's edge on the south bank, two of the bridge's arches are mostly hidden. However, the premises were built with a large opening underneath the buildings, allowing floodwater to still pass through the two hidden arches underground. Mytholmroyd Bridge was eventually taken over by West Riding County Council, which gives the historic bridge its present name of "County Bridge". Railway station and viaduct. A prominent viaduct lies above the southern end of Mytholmroyd town centre. It was erected in 1840 by George Stephenson and is still in use as part of the modern day Calder Valley Line. In the 1850s, Mytholmroyd railway station was built, consisting of two platforms built on the Mytholmroyd Viaduct, and a three-storey ticket office, waiting hall and entrance stairwell, leading unto the viaduct. This later closed and the platforms were built a matter of yards up the track on land, and is now accessed by open staircases and long access ramps up the steep banking, where flowers and displays are maintained by the Mytholmroyd Station Partnership. The 19th century listed, 3 floor station building has recently been fully restored back to its former glory both inside and out and is awaiting tenants. In December 2019, the project was awarded the Railway Heritage Trust Conservation Award at the 2019 National Railway Heritage Awards. It was recognised for showcasing a real passion for restoration work and an ability to understand the objectives of the original railway builders and architects. A new, near 200 space station car park is underway at the old loading yard comprising 10 E-car parking spaces, secure cycle lockers and car share facilities. The West Yorkshire Combined Authority are working with the Mytholmroyd Station Partnership to landscape the car park with bee-friendly planters and information boards. Dusty Miller Inn. This late 18th century pub replaced an earlier inn on the opposite side of the road, where Bridge End cottages now stand. The earlier building was home to the Cragg Coiners in 1769. The current Grade II-listed inn comprises a hotel, bar and restaurant. The premises were severely damaged in the 2012 and 2015 flooding, causing the business to close for repairs. The bar re-opened in April 2016 and was awarded the "pub of the season award" for summer 2016 by the local CAMRA branch. the hotel and restaurant are yet to re-open. Flooding. The village is currently (2017/18) under development with the Environment Agency's 35 Million pound Mytholmroyd Flood Alleviation Scheme. This includes raising the height of flood walls on the banks of the River Calder and Cragg Brook, as well as demolishing homes and businesses on the Calder's banks to widen the river. The village's post office has been relocated to flood-proof premises, with other buildings being stabilised and strengthened. Caldene Bridge, upstream from County Bridge, is being demolished and relocated as well as the bridge at Greenhill Industrial Estate. 1837. A disastrous flood occurred in 1837; few details are known about it, although it is known that the river reached the height of the canal, built on the hillside, and ultimately overflowed it. 1946. In the worst flooding to ever affect the village, many properties suffered flood water up to the second storey, and the village remained underwater for almost 12 hours. Two shops on Burnley Road collapsed into the river, shops just doors down from the buildings that collapsed in the 2015 flood. By 8 am, flood waters reached up to 7 feet. 1954. On Saturday, 21 August 1954, almost 8 years since the devastating 1946 flood, a flash flood devastated the village once again; the river rose by more than 6 ft in less than two hours, with flood water entering properties at over 2 ft every 15 minutes. The Dusty Miller Inn had almost 4 ft of water in its bar area. Flood alleviation works in the 1960s uncovered that County Bridge was standing on foundations untouched since the wooden bridge 17th century, so as part of the works the bridge's foundations were quickly filled with concrete. 2012. A flash flood occurred in July 2012, when a downpour lasting just 90 minutes devastated the village. This was a repeat of another flash flood of June, in the same year, where more than 50 mm of rain fell causing the River Calder to burst its banks. More than 5,000 properties were severely damaged in the Upper Calder Valley; many businesses lost insurance and consequently many never recovered. 2015. Mytholmroyd was severely affected by the Boxing Day floods in 2015, when the River Calder and the canal both rose to cover the valley floor, and consequently the town centre of Mytholmroyd. It was the highest ever recorded river level. Hundreds of homes and businesses were devastated, with some buildings still empty in 2017. The row of shops north of County Bridge partially collapsed into the river, and £10 million was earmarked for future protection of the village. The whole row of shops which partially collapsed have been fully demolished, along with homes along the riverbank at Calder Grove. By 2018, Russell Dean Furnishers had their furniture showroom above ground level and the Co-op Food built a replacement store. 2020. On 9 February 2020, Storm Ciara caused a month-and-a-half's worth of rain to fall on Mytholmroyd within 24 hours. This caused widespread flooding. The EA Flood alleviation scheme was not yet complete so householders and businesses were once again affected. Education. Mytholmroyd is the home of Calder High School, the largest Comprehensive School in the Upper Calder Valley. It is also home to Scout Road Academy and Burnley Road Academy - where a young Ted Hughes attended. In 2016, plans were announced by Calderdale Council to re-locate Cragg Vale School into Calder High School's sixth form. This is now completed and the new "Calder Primary" is in its 3rd year. Culture. Mytholmroyd Community Centre hosts the annual Dock Pudding Championships, in April. In 2007 Robbie Coltrane entered the competition and was awarded second place. Comedian Jon Richardson, and his wife Lucy Beaumont, during an interview in the "Halifax Courier" headlined "Mytholmroyd's Jon Richardson and Lucy Beaumont tell us about their brand new sitcom", talked about their TV show "Meet the Richardsons", which includes fellow comedians and their Hebden Bridge neighbours, and spoke about including a Dock Pudding competition. Jeremy Corbyn, leader of the Labour Party (2015-2020), visited Mytholmroyd Community Centre twice. Once in May 2018 and also in November 2019 as part of local and national elections. On both occasions he spoke to a packed room of invited Labour Party members. The Scout Rock on the south side of the valley in Mytholmroyd features heavily in Ted Hughes' autobiography, "The Rock". Hughes was born in the village, before moving to Mexborough, but latterly owned a property in Mytholmroyd in his adulthood. Hughes claimed that Scout Rock cast its mood over the village. Local writer Ben Myers also used Scout Rock as a backdrop for his non-fiction book "Under the Rock" released in 2018 which charts his time here after moving to the Calder Valley from London. Mytholmroyd has four breweries: The Nightjar Brewing Co, Little Valley Brewery, Equinox Kombucha and Vocation. The breweries supply locally and nationally and two have bars in Hebden Bridge. Barbarys, which opened in 2019, is a small craft bar by the Caldene bridge, and is named after an old haunt of the Cragg Vale Coiners which was sited 50 yards away. Transport. Rail. The village is served by Mytholmroyd railway station, located on New Road, Northern operate a two per-hour service between Leeds and Manchester. However, more frequent services from Hebden Bridge are often used by Mytholmroyd residents, with direct services to Blackpool, Manchester, York, Leeds, Burnley, Rochdale and more. The Calder Valley Line railway was completed in 1841 but there was no station at Mytholmroyd which shows how few people lived here in 1840. Road. The village has two bus stops in the village centre—recently equipped with departure screens and new shelters. Local bus services are shared between TLC Travel (operating the 597, 900 and 901) and First West Yorkshire (operating the 590 and 592), which serve the village. Cycling is very popular in the area since recent investment including the resurfacing of the Rochdale Canal and Route 66 Cycleway and Le Tour de France passing through the village. The Tour de Yorkshire passed through the village in 2018, and Cragg Vale, also in Mytholmroyd, has the longest continuous climb in England.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3297512

Functional fixedness is a cognitive bias that limits a person to use an object only in the way it is traditionally used. The concept of functional fixedness originated in Gestalt psychology, a movement in psychology that emphasizes holistic processing. Karl Duncker defined functional fixedness as being a mental block against using an object in a new way that is required to solve a problem. This "block" limits the ability of an individual to use components given to them to complete a task, as they cannot move past the original purpose of those components. For example, if someone needs a paperweight, but they only have a hammer, they may not see how the hammer can be used as a paperweight. Functional fixedness is this inability to see a hammer's use as anything other than for pounding nails; the person couldn't think to use the hammer in a way other than in its conventional function. When tested, 5-year-old children show no signs of functional fixedness. It has been argued that this is because at age 5, any goal to be achieved with an object is equivalent to any other goal. However, by age 7, children have acquired the tendency to treat the originally intended purpose of an object as special. Examples in research. Experimental paradigms typically involve solving problems in novel situations in which the subject has the use of a familiar object in an unfamiliar context. The object may be familiar from the subject's past experience or from previous tasks within an experiment. Candle box. In a classic experiment demonstrating functional fixedness, Duncker (1945) gave participants a candle, a box of thumbtacks, and a book of matches, and asked them to attach the candle to the wall so that it did not drip onto the table below. Duncker found that participants tried to attach the candle directly to the wall with the tacks, or to glue it to the wall by melting it. Very few of them thought of using the inside of the box as a candle-holder and tacking this to the wall. In Duncker's terms, the participants were "fixated" on the box's normal function of holding thumbtacks and could not re-conceptualize it in a manner that allowed them to solve the problem. For instance, participants presented with an empty tack box were two times more likely to solve the problem than those presented with the tack box used as a container More recently, Frank and Ramscar (2003) gave a written version of the candle problem to undergraduates at Stanford University. When the problem was given with identical instructions to those in the original experiment, only 23% of the students were able to solve the problem. For another group of students, the noun phrases such as "box of matches" were underlined, and for a third group, the nouns (e.g., "box") were underlined. For these two groups, 55% and 47% were able to solve the problem effectively. In a follow-up experiment, all the nouns except "box" were underlined and similar results were produced. The authors concluded that students' performance was contingent on their representation of the lexical concept "box" rather than instructional manipulations. The ability to overcome functional fixedness was contingent on having a flexible representation of the word box which allows students to see that the box can be used when attaching a candle to a wall. When Adamson (1952) replicated Duncker's box experiment, Adamson split participants into 2 experimental groups: preutilization and no preutilization. In this experiment, when there is preutilization, meaning when objects are presented to participants in a traditional manner (materials are in the box, thus using the box as a container), participants are less likely to consider the box for any other use, whereas with no preutilization (when boxes are presented empty), participants are more likely to think of other uses for the box. The Two-Cords Problem. Birch and Rabinowitz (1951) adapted the two-cord problem from Norman Maier (1930, 1931), where subjects would be given 2 cords hanging from the ceiling, and 2 heavy objects in the room. They are told they must connect the cords, but they are just far enough apart that one cannot reach the other easily. The solution was to tie one of the heavy objects to a cord and be a weight, and swing the cord as a pendulum, catch the rope as it swings while holding on to the other rope, and then tie them together. The participants are split into 3 groups: Group R, which completes a pretask of completing an electrical circuit by using a relay, Group S, which completes the circuit with a switch, and Group C which is the control group given no pretest experience. Group R participants were more likely to use the switch as the weight, and Group S were more likely to use the relay. Both groups did so because their previous experience led them to use the objects a certain way, and functional fixedness did not allow them to see the objects as being used for another purpose. Barometer question. The barometer question is an example of an incorrectly designed examination question demonstrating functional fixedness that causes a moral dilemma for the examinator. In its classic form, popularized by American test designer professor Alexander Calandra (1911–2006), the question asked the student to "show how it is possible to determine the height of a tall building with the aid of a barometer?" The examinator was confident that there was one, and only one, correct answer. Contrary to the examinator's expectations, the student responded with a series of completely different answers. These answers were also correct, yet none of them proved the student's competence in the specific academic field being tested. Calandra presented the incident as a real-life, first-person experience that occurred during the Sputnik crisis. Calandra's essay, "Angels on a Pin", was published in 1959 in "Pride", a magazine of the American College Public Relations Association. It was reprinted in "Current Science" in 1964, reprinted again in "Saturday Review" in 1968, and included in the 1969 edition of Calandra's "The Teaching of Elementary Science and Mathematics". In the same year (1969), Calandra's essay became a subject of an academic discussion. The essay has been referenced frequently since, making its way into books on subjects ranging from teaching, writing skills, workplace counseling, and investment in real estate to chemical industry, computer programming, and integrated circuit design. Current conceptual relevance. Is functional fixedness universal? Researchers have investigated whether functional fixedness is affected by culture. In a recent study, preliminary evidence supporting the universality of functional fixedness was found. The study's purpose was to test if individuals from non-industrialized societies, specifically with low exposure to "high-tech" artifacts, demonstrated functional fixedness. The study tested the Shuar, hunter-horticulturalists of the Amazon region of Ecuador, and compared them to a control group from an industrial culture. The Shuar community had only been exposed to a limited amount of industrialized artifacts, such as machete, axes, cooking pots, nails, shotguns, and fishhooks, all considered "low-tech". Two tasks were assessed to participants for the study: the box task, where participants had to build a tower to help a character from a fictional storyline to reach another character with a limited set of varied materials; the spoon task, where participants were also given a problem to solve based on a fictional story of a rabbit that had to cross a river (materials were used to represent settings) and they were given varied materials including a spoon. In the box-task, participants were slower to select the materials than participants in control conditions, but no difference in time to solve the problem was seen. In the spoon task, participants were slower in selection and completion of task. Results showed that Individuals from non-industrial ("technologically sparse cultures") were susceptible to functional fixedness. They were faster to use artifacts without priming than when design function was explained to them. This occurred even though participants were less exposed to industrialized manufactured artifacts, and that the few artifacts they currently use were used in multiple ways regardless of their design. "Following the Wrong Footsteps: Fixation Effects of Pictorial Examples in a Design Problem-Solving Task". Investigators examined in two experiments "whether the inclusion of examples with inappropriate elements, in addition to the instructions for a design problem, would produce fixation effects in students naive to design tasks". They examined the inclusion of examples of inappropriate elements, by explicitly depicting problematic aspects of the problem presented to the students through example designs. They tested non-expert participants on three problem conditions: with standard instruction, fixated (with inclusion of problematic design), and defixated (inclusion of problematic design accompanied with helpful methods). They were able to support their hypothesis by finding that a) problematic design examples produce significant fixation effects, and b) fixation effects can be diminished with the use of defixating instructions. In "The Disposable Spill-Proof Coffee Cup Problem", adapted from Janson & Smith, 1991, participants were asked to construct as many designs as possible for an inexpensive, disposable, spill-proof coffee cup. Standard condition participants were presented only with instructions. In the fixated condition, participants were presented with instructions, a design, and problems they should be aware of. Finally, in the defixated condition, participants were presented the same as other conditions in addition to suggestions of design elements they should avoid using. The other two problems included building a bike rack, and designing a container for cream cheese. Techniques to avoid functional fixedness. Overcoming functional fixedness in science classrooms with analogical transfer. Based on the assumption that students are functionally fixed, a study on analogical transfer in the science classroom shed light on significant data that could provide an overcoming technique for functional fixedness. The findings support the fact that students show positive transfer (performance) on problem solving after being presented with analogies of certain structure and format. The present study expanded Duncker's experiments from 1945 by trying to demonstrate that when students were "presented with a single analogy formatted as a problem, rather than as a story narrative, they would orient the task of problem-solving and facilitate positive transfer". A total of 266 freshmen students from a high school science class participated in the study. The experiment was a 2x2 design where conditions: "task contexts" (type and format) vs. "prior knowledge" (specific vs. general) were attested. Students were classified into 5 different groups, where 4 were according to their prior science knowledge (ranging from specific to general), and 1 served as a control group (no analog presentation). The 4 different groups were then classified into "analog type and analog format" conditions, structural or surface types and problem or surface formats. Inconclusive evidence was found for positive analogical transfer based on prior knowledge; however, groups did demonstrate variability. The problem format and the structural type of analog presentation showed the highest positive transference to problem solving. The researcher suggested that a well-thought and planned analogy relevant in format and type to the problem-solving task to be completed can be helpful for students to overcome functional fixedness. This study not only brought new knowledge about the human mind at work but also provides important tools for educational purposes and possible changes that teachers can apply as aids to lesson plans. Uncommitting. One study suggests that functional fixedness can be combated by design decisions from functionally fixed designs so that the essence of the design is kept (Latour, 1994). This helps the subjects who have created functionally fixed designs understand how to go about solving general problems of this type, rather than using the fixed solution for a specific problem. Latour performed an experiment researching this by having software engineers analyze a fairly standard bit of code—the quicksort algorithm—and use it to create a partitioning function. Part of the quicksort algorithm involves partitioning a list into subsets so that it can be sorted; the experimenters wanted to use the code from within the algorithm to just do the partitioning. To do this, they abstracted each block of code in the function, discerning the purpose of it, and deciding if it is needed for the partitioning algorithm. This abstracting allowed them to reuse the code from the quicksort algorithm to create a working partition algorithm without having to design it from scratch. Overcoming prototypes. A comprehensive study exploring several classical functional fixedness experiments showed an overlying theme of overcoming prototypes. Those that were successful at completing the tasks had the ability to look beyond the prototype, or the original intention for the item in use. Conversely, those that could not create a successful finished product could not move beyond the original use of the item. This seemed to be the case for functional fixedness categorization studies as well. Reorganization into categories of seemingly unrelated items was easier for those that could look beyond intended function. Therefore, there is a need to overcome the prototype in order to avoid functional fixedness. Carnevale (1998) suggests analyzing the object and mentally breaking it down into its components. After that is completed, it is essential to explore the possible functions of those parts. In doing so, an individual may familiarize themselves with new ways to use the items that are available to them at the givens. Individuals are therefore thinking creatively and overcoming the prototypes that limit their ability to successfully complete the functional fixedness problem. The generic parts technique. For each object, you need to decouple its function from its form. McCaffrey (2012) shows a highly effective technique for doing so. As you break an object into its parts, ask yourself two questions. "Can I subdivide the current part further?" If yes, do so. "Does my current description imply a use?" If yes, create a more generic description involving its shape and material. For example, initially I divide a candle into its parts: wick and wax. The word "wick" implies a use: burning to emit light. So, describe it more generically as a string. Since "string" implies a use, I describe it more generically: interwoven fibrous strands. This brings to mind that I could use the wick to make a wig for my hamster. Since "interwoven fibrous strands" does not imply a use, I can stop working on wick and start working on wax. People trained in this technique solved 67% more problems that suffered from functional fixedness than a control group. This technique systematically strips away all the layers of associated uses from an object and its parts.

present piece

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=6927303

The phrase Ruse blood wedding () usually refers to a 1910 conflict among ethnic groups and the army in Ruse, Bulgaria, resulting in the deaths of 24 people; 70 others were injured. The clashes were caused by the wedding of a Bulgarian man and an ethnic Turkish girl, of which the local Turks disapproved and state authorities violently opposed. Incident. On 24 February 1910 Yordan Stefanov (Archaic ) and Saafet obtained permission to marry from a doctor, as Saafet was "mentally healthy" and claimed to be 18 years old. Saafet decided to adopt a Slavic name — Ruska (). On the next day, her father, who was a "hodzha" (; a priest), expressed his protest before the mayor, along with other Muslims. The court revoked the marriage permission on 27 February 1910, and ordered that the girl be returned to her parents, so she returned to their house until the evening. At night, a crowd of "adventurers" gathered in front of Saafet's house with the intention to "steal" her and set her free. The authorities responded by moving the girl to a police station, but could not cope with the approximately 1000 people, and Saafet eventually married Yordan on the 28th. Their wedding was celebrated by many on the central square, as this was the first Sunday before Lent (), and a traditional fancy-dress carnival was held. The local police officer, who also attended the carnival, was mocked for not being able to keep Saafet in the police station. Half an hour later, he called up support from the cavalry, and after some mutual verbal insults, the citizens and the military started a fight. There were 24 dead and about 70 injured after the clashes. At first, the police attempted to cover up the story by restricting communications to and from Ruse, but it soon became the top news in newspapers all over the country. Political context. Reactions varied — some blamed the police, while others blamed the government for giving the orders, and claimed that the police only did what it should. The socialist party stated that that was just a "stupid love comedy" which should not have ended as it did. The wedding posed a difficult problem to Tsar Ferdinand I of Bulgaria, who had already planned to have a meeting with Sultan Abdul Hamid II. The relations between Ferdinand and the Sublime Porte were tense after he became a self-declared tsar (former knyaz). The Turkish diplomats in Bulgaria insisted that not returning the girl to her parents would have been an insult to their religion, so that could have been the major factor which influenced the government's orders to guard Saafet "at any cost". Folklore. The event is popularly perceived as an example of both ethnic intolerance in a multi-cultural urban society, and the prevalence of emotion over descent. Several versions of a folk song, inspired by the blood wedding, can be heard in the Ruse, Veliko Tarnovo, and Varna regions. A song from Turkish folklore in those regions is also known to be based on this story.

hard dilemma

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37415956

The Duluth–Superior Dukes were a professional baseball team based in Duluth, Minnesota. The Dukes were a charter member of the modern Northern League, which started play in 1993. The Dukes played their home games at Wade Stadium. After the 2002 season, the Dukes were moved to Kansas City where they were renamed the T-Bones. History. The Duluth–Superior Dukes were a re-incarnation of previous minor league teams based in the Twin Ports. The Duluth Dukes and Superior Blues both played in earlier versions of the Northern League, with the two teams merging after the 1955 season. Initially the team was called the White Sox, with the team becoming the Duluth-Superior Dukes in 1960. The team would fold after the 1970 season, with the league itself folding one year later. The modern version of the Northern League was founded by Miles Wolf as a minor professional independent baseball league. This means the league was not affiliated with Major League Baseball or the organized minor leagues. The Dukes became one of six original teams that began play in the 1993 season, along with the St. Paul Saints, the Sioux Falls Canaries, the Sioux City Explorers, the Thunder Bay Whiskey Jacks and the Rochester Aces (who moved after one season and become the Winnipeg Goldeyes). The team would play its home games at Wade Stadium, which had been the home to the previous versions of the Dukes/White Sox since it was completed in 1941. Mal Fichman was named the team's first manager. Early struggles. The league employed a split season, with the winner of each half making the playoffs. This was done so that teams would have a chance to overcome a bad start and could remain in playoff contention later into the season. However, this system did not help the Dukes, as they were perennial cellar dwellers early on. For only one half during the first three seasons did the Dukes manage to avoid finishing in last place in the six team league (they finished fifth during the first half in 1995). Despite the struggles of the team, there were a couple of individual highlights. Catcher/outfielder Jeff Grotewold, who was on the Dukes roster in 1994 and had played for the Philadelphia Phillies in 1992, would return to the majors in 1995 with the Kansas City Royals. In 1995, catcher Pete Kuld (acquired in a mid-season trade with Thunder Bay) would go on to lead the league in home runs with 24. The 1996 season saw changes for the league (it split into two divisions with four teams each) as well as a turn around for the team. With new manager George Mitterwald, the Dukes would post a 21–21 record in the first half, a game and a half behind East Division winner St. Paul. The playoff race in the second half would go down to the final days of the season with the Dukes battling the Madison Black Wolf (who, along with the Fargo-Moorhead RedHawks, joined the league as expansion teams for the 1996 season). Coming into the game with identical second half records, Madison would defeat the Dukes in the final game of the season to claim a playoff spot and end the Dukes season. Championship season. With Mitterwald returning as manager for the 1997 season, along with a number of players, the team was expected to contend. However, the team struggled in the first half and finished six and half games behind St. Paul, who finished first in the East Division. However, the Dukes were much improved in the second half of the season, finishing with a 22–20 record, their first winning half in team history. So despite an overall record below .500, the Dukes claimed a playoff berth by finishing first in the East Division for the second half. The team was powered by Mike Meggers (acquired in a mid-season trade with Winnipeg), who would lead the league with 32 home runs. The pitching staff was led by starter Jeremy McGarity and closer Emiliano Giron. In the playoffs, they would meet St. Paul. The Dukes won the series 3 games to 2 to claim the Eastern Division title. They then moved on to face the Western Division winner, the Winnipeg Goldeyes. With the series tied at 2, the Dukes would win the deciding game 3–1 in front of a sold-out Wade Stadium to claim the league championship. The championship was especially rewarding for McGarity, infielders Al Barsoom and first baseman Jeff Jensen. Each were in their third season and had been a part of the struggles the team had been through previously. League championship series MVP Allen Halley, who was the winning pitcher in the deciding game against Winnipeg, died from a seizure in March 1998. It had been expected that Halley would have returned to the team for the 1998 season. Ila Borders. History was made in the Northern League in 1997 when the St. Paul Saints signed Ila Borders, who became one of the first women to pitch in men's professional baseball. After a few outings with the Saints, Borders was traded to the Dukes about a month into the season. Borders would see limited action during that season, but she would be a member of the championship team. She returned to the Dukes for the 1998 season. After not pitching much in the first half of the season, Borders would become the first woman to start a men's professional baseball game on July 7, 1998. On July 24, she recorded her first and only win of the season, another first for a woman. She again returned to the Dukes for the 1999 season, but the new manager decreased her playing time. She requested a trade, which was granted, with the Dukes sending her to the Madison Black Wolf. Second playoff berth. The 1998 and 1999 seasons saw a return to losing for the Dukes, as they missed out on the playoffs both seasons. However, the 2000 season saw a resurgence. Under new manager Benny Castillo, the Dukes enjoyed one of their best seasons. The team just missed claiming the first half title in the East division, finishing one and half games behind St. Paul. This season, much like in 1996, would be a battle down the stretch between the Dukes and Madison. Finishing with identical second half records, the two teams would meet in a one-game playoff to determine who would make the playoffs. After losing to Madison in 1996, the Dukes would not let history repeat itself, as they beat the Black Wolf to claim their second ever playoff berth. First baseman Anthony "Big Papa" Lewis (in his third season with the team), designated hitter Tony Mitchell, and outfielder Jim Rushford powered the offense. They would lead the team with 33, 26, and 12 home runs respectively. The pitching staff was led by Chris Swaitkiewicz, who led the team with 11 wins. The team went on a roll through the first two rounds of the playoffs, beating St. Paul (3 games to 1) to claim the Eastern Division title and Fargo-Moorhead (3 games to 0) to claim the Central Championship. However, due to the recent merger between the Northern League and the Northeast League the year before, there was an extra round of playoffs to be played. The Dukes would be swept by Adirondack 3 games to 0, ending their season. Two players from this team would go on to make appearances in Major League Baseball. After the season, Rushford was signed to a contract by the Milwaukee Brewers organization and would go on to play 23 games with the Brewers at the end of the 2002 season. Pitcher Terry Pearson would sign with the Detroit Tigers organization and would pitch in four games during the 2002 season. Final seasons. The turn of the century brought numerous changes to the league, as teams left struggling markets and moved to more prosperous ones. After the 1998 season, Thunder Bay moved to the Chicago area and became the Schaumburg Flyers, while the Black Wolf left Madison after the 2000 season and became the Lincoln Saltdogs. 2002 also saw further expansion into the Chicago market, with the addition of the Gary SouthShore RailCats and the Joliet JackHammers. These changes left the Dukes near the bottom of the league in attendance, with the team averaging a league low 1209 fans per game for the 2002 season. Also, the team failed to build off the success of the 2000 season and struggled on the field in 2001 and 2002, especially in the second half. These factors combined led to rumors that owner John Ehlert would move the team. Despite assurances he would keep the team in Duluth, Ehlert announced in September 2002 that the team would re-locate and become the Kansas City T-Bones. However, Wade Stadium and Duluth would not remain without a team for long. The Northwoods League, a collegiate summer baseball league, immediately granted Duluth a team to fill the void left by the Dukes. This team would be called the Duluth Huskies and began play in the 2003 season. Seasonal record. League notes:<br> 1993–1995: Northern League founded as a six team league with no divisions: two playoff teams (GB and Finish reflects place in league)<br>1996–1998: League expands to eight teams with two divisions of four teams: four playoff teams (GB and Finish reflects place in division)<br>1999–2000: Merger with Northeast League to form a sixteen team league (Eight in the Central and Eight in the East) with four divisions of four teams: eight playoff teams (GB and Finish reflects place in division) <br>2001: East contracted two teams: Eight teams (four team divisions) remain in the Central: eight playoff teams (GB and Finish reflects place in division)<br>2002: League expands to eighteen teams: Central expands to ten teams with two divisions of five teams: eight playoff teams (GB and Finish reflects place in division) Major League players. Former Major League players who appeared with the Dukes: Players who appeared in Major League Baseball after playing for the Dukes: Note: years in parentheses are when they appeared for the Dukes League leaders/awards. League leaders 1995: 1996: 1997: 1999: 2000: Players selected to post-season All-Star Team 1995: 1996: 1997: 1999: 2000 Players selected to mid-season All-Star Game 1993–1996 1997: 1998: 1999 2000: 2001: 2002: League Awards: 1997: 2000:

little competition

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5811383

Thorapadi is a part of Vellore Corporation. It is a prominent area in the city of Vellore. Thorapadi is well known for its Vellore Central Prison, Academy of Prisons and Correctional Administration (APCA), Warder's Training Institute, Women's Jail, Christian Medical College (ranked one of the two best Medical Colleges of India by India Today), Parade Grounds and Thanthai Periyar Govt. Engineering College and Polytechnic - a prestigious institute for technical studies run by the Government of Tamil Nadu. Thorapadi is 7 km from Katpadi Junction Railway Station, 4 km from old bus terminus (FORT), 5 km from new bus terminus (GREEN CIRCLE) and 3 km from Cantonment Railway Station. Geography. Thorapadi is located at 12.93° N 79.13° E. It has an average elevation of 216 metres (708 feet). It is surrounded by sripuram in the south, Allapuram in the north, Otteri-Bagayam in the east and Great Thorapadi Lake in the west. Ram Chandrasekaran a native of this place informs that there is no recorded history for the name reference for Thorapadi. Padi is the common name for residential areas in Agricultural adjoining Hilly areas(cf: Hindi/Sanskrit Pahad meaning Hill) and that is why we find many villages having suffix 'padi' in Tamil Land viz.Velapadi, Katpadi etc. Thorapadi would have derived its name from Thiru Padi and now corrupted to form Thorapadi. Thiru is a common name for almost all towns and cities in Tamil Nadu viz. Thiruvannamalai, Thirupattur and there are so many places starting with Prefix Thiru meaning 'the blessed'. The prominence of the place can be traced back to Britishers establishing a Central Prison during the 1800s. Neighborhoods. Thorapadi can be subdivided into crowded north and relatively well planned south. Azad Road is the arterial road of Thorapadi. Other important roads are Nethaji Street, Jail Road, Usur Road, CMC-Thanthai Periyar College Road (Hill Road), Pillayar Koil Street (derives its name from the Pillayar temple located at the far end of the street) and Periya Theru(big street). Mosque Street and Janda Streetis a collection of densely populated streets with predominantly muslim population. Kamaraj Nagar(Tamil: காமராஜ் நகர்) in southern Thorapadi, is primarily a residential neighbourhood of mainly posh dwellings, which is cool and greenery with concrete roads. It is one of the rapid developing parts of the city of Vellore. The area is named after the late chief minister of Tamil Nadu, Kamaraj. A Government higher secondary school, Vellore Central Prison, a Badminton Training School and a Theatre make Kamaraj Nagar unique in Thorapadi. Also, it is the center of local cricketing events, thanks to a huge sports(though undeveloped) ground located within Government Higher Secondary School (no fancier of local cricket can forget Kamaraj Nagar Cricket Club's breath taking victory over Punthottam Cricket Team in the finals of Millennium tournament here in 2000). In addition to being a residential area, Kamaraj Nagar has become a busy traffic route to the Srilakshmi Golden Temple, Sripuram. The real estate market in Kamaraj Nagar and its southern extension, has been skyrocketing after the unveiling of Golden Temple. Nethaji Street is one of the main streets Thorapadi. Ezhil Nagar is a major (in terms of land area) residential area, which has seen an immense development in recent years. It is one of the youngest and thriving residential areas of the city. Warders training Institute of Tamil Nadu is located here. RSA Region (Ramset Nagar, Shanmuga Nagar, Avvai Nagar) is a major posh residential area, which has seen an immense development in recent years. RSA region got broad roads and parks. Its one of a peaceful environment residential areas of the city. Shanmuga Nagar Vinayagar temple, Sri Devi Mariamman Sannadhi, is located here. Thorapadi Hills is located in the southern suburb of Thorapadi. Fitness buffs come to Hill Road to walk, jog, do yoga and socialise. The Christian Medical College and Thanthai Periyar Engineering College & Polytechnic are located here. Punthottam is a less populated area adjacent to the Great Thorapadi Lake (the lake is one of the biggest of its kind in the region). Police Housing Board is an area located on the Ariyur Railway Gate with civilized houses for Police Men. chinna agamedu is a least populated. And one of the most agriculture place in end of the thorapadi lake. Landmarks. The latest developments being Thooli - The Kids Trove (Baby and mother care products showroom), & Lakshana sweets (Bakery and sweet stall) & More supermarket &Petrol station Sri pillaiyar kovil (temple). Pillaiyar or Lord Ganesha or Lord vinayaga the God of Good Characters is at the fag end of the Big Street or Pillaiyar koil Street. At the entry point from Azad Road (main ) Road side another prominent Temple dedicated to Lord Muruga, His heavenly brother is located. Demographics. India census, Thorapadi had a population of 14,292. Males constitute 54% of the population and females 46%. Thorapadi has an average literacy rate of 74%, higher than the national average of 59.5%: male literacy is 79%, and female literacy is 67%. In Thorapadi, 7% of the population is under 6 years of age. Tamil is the official language which is spoken as a native language and English is widely understood.

extensive growth

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=22216415

The Parker Jeanie's Teenie, or JT-1, is a single-seat, single-engine sport aircraft first built in the United States in 1967 and marketed for homebuilding. It was featured on the cover of a Popular Mechanics magazine issue in May, 1968. The caption on the cover read, "Build This 'Flying Volkswagen' For Less Than $600!." The cost of materials has increased since the article's publication but the initial popularity of Parker's Jeanie's Teenie was high. The Teenie would be certified in the Experimental category in the US. A pilot license is required to fly one, as it is not considered an ultralight aircraft in the United States. Development. Calvin Parker developed the first prototype Jeanie's Teenie in Daphne, Alabama. He was not an aeronautical engineer but while working for a large US aircraft manufacturer, enlisted the help of an aircraft engineer. The goal was to provide the average person with a metal aircraft design that could be built using common tools. An engineering study produced the requirements for a safe minimal design that Parker then doubled to ensure durability. The prototype was named after his daughter Jeanie, who helped Parker during the development process. Design. Jeanie's Teenie was conceived as an airplane that could be built using only hand tools that would be possessed by the average person in the late 1960s. It was intended to be within reach of someone with no previous experience in building an airplane, or in metal work. To this end, the parts were laid out in such a way that they did not require complex jigs or frames of any kind. The materials were also selected because they could be obtained at a typical hardware store of the day. The sheet metal called for in the design was 2024-T3, in .020 and .040 inch thicknesses. Power is derived from a Volkswagen air-cooled engine with modifications laid out by the designer in the plans. The fuselage is a monocoque design. The outer wings are detachable to facilitate transportation to an airport. To simplify construction, each wing rib is a single piece and slides onto the main spar. This technique helps in rib alignment. The main spar utilizes a special channel that allows the outer wings to flex and minimizes the amount of material required to brace the wings. Additionally, the airplane is not equipped with flaps. The tail features an all flying tailplane, or stabilator. The landing gear is tubular steel with springs for shock absorption. The landing gear is a fixed tricycle configuration with nose wheel steering through rudder bar deflection. The main gear is designed to fail in the event of excessive stress, thus preventing damage to the wing structure. The tricycle configuration also eases handling. The cockpit is minimal, equipped with instrumentation for day, VFR flying. Aileron and elevator control is affected through use of a side stick. This makes ingress/egress of the tight cockpit simpler and prevents leg movements from imparting motion to the stick inflight. Rudder control is actuated by the use of a rudder bar rather than individual pedals, thus reducing complexity. The Jeanie's Teenie is constructed primarily of aluminum, with stainless steel and steel making up the balance. Parts are made from sheet, angle, and tubular stock. The aluminum sheet and extruded angles are limited to two required thicknesses, thus simplifying purchases. Components are fastened using steel mandrel blind rivets of various length. The sheet metal is formed over wooden templates traced from the full sized plans. Very little welding is required, and is generally limited to the landing gear, motor mounts, and small control linkages. The airplane is small enough that it can be built in a garage, on a large table. The flight characteristics of the design were intended to be quick but not oversensitive, for mild aerobatics and handling in rough air. The side stick controller also necessitated full control authority by wrist movement alone. With a fuel capacity of seven gallons and a typical cruise power setting, the Jeanie's Teenie has an endurance of nearly three hours. The Jeanie's Teenie had a reputation for being quick on the controls. The stabilator design gave the airplane a great deal of pitch sensitivity. The scale of the airplane requires careful attention to weight and balance. As the plane was intended for simple, cheap VFR flying, builders should resist the urge to install extraneous equipment or features that would increase the weight of the vehicle. It is a design that benefits greatly from frugality and minimalism. Deviation from the plans may significantly alter the flight characteristics of the airplane and present a safety hazard. Plans for the Jeanie's Teenie were available through Popular Mechanics Magazine.

segment motions

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31632426

Sixteen South is a company that creates and produces television for children around the world. Founded in Belfast in 2008 by Colin Williams, they currently employ 81 people and have partnered with major names in children's entertainment, co-producing shows with Sesame Workshop, The Jim Henson Company and the BBC. The company has already won over 20 major international television awards including a BAFTA Award and two Emmy nominations, and in Business, they have been ranked among the UK's top indie producers by Televisual and been ranked at the top of the Deloitte UK and Ireland Fast 50 in 2013. Colin Williams was one of the 2013 finalists in the Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award programme. Television shows. Pinkalicious & Peterrific. Pinkalicious & Peterrific is an animated TV series based on the Pinkalicious series of books that premiered on February 19, 2018 on PBS Kids. Lily's Driftwood Bay. Lily's Driftwood Bay is a 52 x 7 minutes, mixed media animated show for 4-6 year olds. Season one premiered in Spring 2014 and airs around the world on: Nick Jr., Sprout (TV network), ABC, SVT, MTV3, RTÉ, HOP!, NRK, TVO and is being sold to other worldwide territories by The Jim Henson Company. Driftwood Bay is a special island that exists in the imagination of Lily, who creates a world of adventure and friendship from treasures she finds washed up on the beach. Lily's Driftwood Bay is a unique series about making your own fun and adventures from the things you find. It’s about using your imagination and creativity to inspire an adventure or tell a story. Everything on Driftwood Bay has been created entirely from things washed up on the beach – from the characters to the props and landscapes. It came to life when children’s artist, Joanne Carmichael began to create characters from various things that she found washed up on the beach outside her cottage on the island of Arran in Belfast, North Ireland. Lily's Driftwood Bay received the following awards: Pajanimals. Jim Henson's Pajanimals follows the amazing adventures of four cuddly musical puppets. Sixteen South partnered with The Jim Henson Company and PBS Kids Sprout to produce a full-length series of 52 x 11 minute episodes. Pajanimals debuted on Oct 10th, 2011 and airs globally on Sprout, NBC Kids, Disney Junior, ABC , TVNZ , Nick Jr., TG4 and Tiny Pop. Pajanimals was designed to help parents and caregivers develop bedtime routines for their preschoolers. Through their imaginary journeys, the Pajanimals model the skills preschoolers need to move through their days and nights successfully. Along the way, the Pajanimals discover how cozy and safe night time can really be when accompanied by friendship and songs. Pajanimals features four cuddly puppet characters. This inseparable quartet forms a night-time community in the comfort of their magical, shared bedroom - Sweetpea Sue the quiet pony, the excitable duck Squacky, the creative cow CowBella and the optimistic puppy Apollo - designed and built by the world-famous OSCAR and Emmy Award winning Jim Henson's Creature Shop Pajanimals received the following nominations/awards: Big & Small. Big & Small is a highly successful children’s pre-school show featuring two best friends who share a house together. Sixteen South partnered with London-based Kindle Entertainment to give this hit show a new production home in Belfast and produce a third season which aired on BBC in 2011. Each story revolves around the comedy of Big & Small’s contrasting approaches to life, and encourages young children to appreciate that people have many different ideas and opinions. The series combines the imagination of animation with the warmth of puppets - great stories packed with humour, laugh-out-loud moments and highly memorable songs. Big & Small received the following awards: Big City Park. Big City Park is a 26 x 14 minute preschool show, co-produced with BBC Scotland, that’s all about getting outside and having fun – whatever the weather. It was shot in Ormeau Park, Belfast and features Billy the badger, Dara the fox and their ageless friend, Ruairi who all live in the park - along with their human friend, May the park keeper who hosted the series. It was a BBC featured show for August 2010 and rated very highly with over 24% of the audience. It peaked with an audience share of 341,000 on 20 August with an average of 244,000 across the series. It was the second most watched show in its slot on CBeebies during August 2010 and the first show attracted 19,000 viewers on i Player alone. Big City Park received the following awards: Sesame Tree. Sesame Tree, a version of Sesame Street made entirely in Northern Ireland, is a children's television series produced by Sixteen South and Sesame Workshop. The first episode aired on BBC 2 in Northern Ireland on 5 April 2008 with the first series subsequently airing nationwide on BBC in August 2008. A second series was launched in November 2010 and broadcast on BBC from 22 November 2010. Sesame Tree is aimed at young children and features strong curriculum and educational content as well as entertaining and engaging storytelling through a mix of traditional muppet interaction and live action films. It features a new family of muppets - Potto the purple monster, Hilda the hare, Archie the red squirrel, Claribelle the red bird, Samson & Goliath the bookworms and the Weatherberries who all live inside the Sesame Tree - a magical question tree. The 14-minute show includes live action mini-documentary films, which look at life through the eyes of a 3-6 year old and classic clips from Sesame Street. Sesame Tree received the following nominations/awards: Upcoming television shows. Odo. This series is produced by Sixteen South in co-production with Polish newcomer animation studio Letko. This series focuses on the smallest owl in a forest camp who doesn’t let his size stop him from believing in himself and trying to prove he can do whatever he puts his mind to. Ivory Towers. This series is produced by Sixteen South. This series is about is set in a home for elderly animals, and revolves around a four-year-old elephant who regularly visits her grandfather. Spaghetti Sisters. This 7 to 11-year old demographic series is produced by Sixteen South. This series tells the lightly serialized story of a pair of sisters and their plans to keep the family’s failing pasta restaurant in a remote mountain range afloat. Sharks In Shirts. This series, produced by Sixteen South, is about three teenage sharks whose mischief catches up with them when a chemistry experiment goes wrong and lands them on a school’s football team for the year. Super Snail. This series is produced by Sixteen South. This 2D series looks at an ordinary slug named Kevin who, despite being an administrator at a newspaper, is slow (as you expect a snail to be) and holds thing up in a fast pace news world.

quirky TV show

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=571826

is a spirit or yōkai in Japanese folklore that is often depicted in Japanese literature, films, or animation. She may also go by such names as "yuki-hoe" ("snow daughter"), "yuki-onago" ("snow girl"), "yukijorō" (雪女郎, "snow woman"), "yuki anesa" ("snow sis), "yuki-onba" ("snow granny" or "snow nanny"), "yukinba" ("snow hag") in Ehime, "yukifuri-baba" ("snowfall hag") in Nagano. They are also called several names that are related to icicles, such as "tsurara-onna", "kanekori-musume", and "shigama-nyōbō". Origins. Yuki-onna originates from folklores of olden times; in the Muromachi period "Sōgi Shokoku Monogatari" by the renga poet Sōgi, there is a statement on how he saw a yuki-onna when he was staying in Echigo Province (now Niigata Prefecture), indicating that the legends already existed in the Muromachi period. Stories. In legends from the Ojiya region of Niigata Prefecture, a beautiful woman came to visit a man and became his wife from the woman's own desire. This woman was reluctant to go into the bath and when she was made to go in anyway, she disappeared, leaving only thin, fragmented, floating icicles (see also tsurara-onna). In the Aomori and Yamagata Prefectures, there is a similar story about one called the "Shigama-onna." In the Kaminoyama region of Yamagata, a yuki-onna would come visit an old couple on a snowy night to warm herself by the irori. When late at night the Yuki-onna would again go out on a journey, the old man would attempt to take her hand to stop her, when he noticed that she was chillingly cold. Then, before his eyes, the girl turned into a whirl of snow that exited the house through the chimney. Also, it has some points of similarity with the "kokakuchō"; and on the night of a blizzard, as the Yuki-onna would be standing there hugging a child ("yukinko"), it would ask people passing by to hug the child as well. When one hugs the child, the child would become heavier and heavier until one would become covered with snow and freeze to death. It has also been told that if one refuses, one would be shoved down into a snowy valley. In Hirosaki in Aomori, it is said that there was a warrior (bushi) who was asked by a yuki-onna to hug a child similarly, but the warrior held a short sword ("tantō") by the mouth and hugged the child while making the blade go close to the child's head, which allowed the warrior to avoid the aforementioned phenomenon. When the warrior handed the child back to the Yuki-onna, the ghoul gave many treasures as thanks for hugging the child. It is also said that those who are able to withstand the ever-increasing weight of the yukinko and last all the way through would acquire great physical strength. In the Ina region of Nagano Prefecture, Yuki-onna is called "yukionba", and it is believed that they would appear on a snowy night in the form of a "yama-uba". Similarly, in Yoshida, Ehime Prefecture, on a night when snow is accumulating on the ground, a "yukinba" is said to appear, and people would make sure not to let their children outside. Also, in the Tōno region of Iwate Prefecture, and on Little New Year ("koshōgatsu") or the 15th day of the first month, a yuki-onna would take many children along to a field to play, so children were warned against going outside. It can be thus seen that yuki-onna are often considered the same as the "yama-uba", sharing the similarity that they are fecund and take many children along with them. In the Ito region of Wakayama Prefecture, it is said that there would be a one-legged child jump-walking on a night when snow accumulates, and the next morning there would be round footprints remaining, and this would be called the "yukinbō" (snow child), but the one-legged snow kid is thought to be the servant of a mountain god. In the village of Oshika, Tōhaku District, Tottori Prefecture (now Misasa), it has been said that a yuki-onna would come during light snow and say "Koori gose yu gose" ("Give me ice, give me hot water")—"gose" is a dialect word for "give me"—while waving around a white wand, and she would bulge when splashed with water and disappear when splashed with hot water. In the area around the Kumano River in Yoshino District, Nara Prefecture, the "Oshiroi baa-san" or "oshiroi babaa" is also thought to be a type of Yuki-onna, and they are said to drag along mirrors, making clinking sounds while doing so. These characteristics, that of waving around a white wand ("gohei") and possessing a mirror, are thought to be the characteristics of a "miko" who serves a mountain god that rules over birth and harvest. In Aomori, it is actually said that a yuki-onna would come down to the village on the third day of Shōgatsu and return to the mountains on the first day of Rabbit, and it is thought that on years when the day of Rabbit is late in arriving, how well the harvest does will be different from before. In the Iwate and the Miyagi Prefectures, a yuki-onna is thought to steal people's vitality and in Niigata Prefecture, they are said to take the livers out of children and freeze people to death. In Nishimonai, Akita Prefecture, looking at a yuki-onna's face and exchanging words with her would result in being eaten. In Ibaraki Prefecture and in Iwaki Province, Fukushima Prefecture, it is said that if one does not answer when called by a yuki-onna, one would be shoved down into the bottom of a valley. In the Fukui Prefecture, they are called "koshi-musume" (越娘, "passing girl") and it is said that those who turn their backs to a koshi-musume when being called by one would get pushed into a valley. In Ibigawa, Ibi District, Gifu Prefecture, an invisible monster called the "yukinobō" is said to change their appearance and appear as a yuki-onna. It is said that this monster would appear at mountain huts and ask for water, but if one grants the request, one would be killed, so one should give hot tea instead. It is said that in order to make the yukinbō go away, one should chant "Saki kuromoji ni ato bōshi, shimetsuke haitara, ikanaru mono mo, kanō mai" (meaning "A "kurujo" in front and a "bōshi" behind, by wearing these tight, nothing is possible"). The Hirosaki, Aomori legend about a yuki-onna returning to the human world on New Year's Day (Shōgatsu) and the legend in Tōno, Iwate Prefecture about yuki-onna taking away many children to play on "Little New Year" (koshōgatsu)- looking at the days on which they visit, both legends offer insight on how the yuki-onna has some characteristics of a toshigami. The story of how when one person treated a yuki-onna with kindness on a blizzard night, the yuki-onna turned into gold the next morning; illustrating how even in old tales such as the Ōtoshi no Kyaku, the yuki-onna has some relation to the characteristics of a toshigami. Yuki-onna often appear while taking along children. This is in common with another yōkai that takes along children, the ubume. In the Mogami District, Yamagata Prefecture, ubume are said to be yuki-onna. They often appear in stories about inter-species marriage, and stories similar to Lafcadio Hearn's "Yuki-onna" where a mountain hunter gets together with a woman who stayed the night as a guest and eventually birthing a child when one day the man carelessly talked about the taboo of getting together with a yuki-onna resulting in the woman revealing herself to be a yuki-onna but not killing the man due to having a child between them and warning, "If anything happens to the child, you won't get away with it" before going away can be found in Niigata Prefecture, Toyama Prefecture, and the Nagano Prefecture, which came about as a result of many stories about mountain people where those who break the mountain taboos would be killed by mountain spirits. There is also the hypothesis that the yuki-onna legend was born from a mixture of paranormal stories of mountain people and the paranormal yuki-onna stories. Old tales about yuki-onna are mostly stories of sorrow, and it is said that these tales started from when people who have lived gloomy lives, such as childless old couples or single men in mountain villages, would hear the sound of a blizzard knocking on their shutter door and fantasize that the thing that they longed for has come. It is said that after that, they would live in happiness with what they longed for in a fantasy as fleeting as snow. There is also a feeling of fear, and like as in the "Tōno Monogatari", the sound of a blizzard knocking on an outer shōji is called the "shōji sasuri" (rubbing a shōji), and there is a custom of making children who stayed up late go to sleep quickly when a yuki-onna rubs a shōji. From real sayings such as the shōji sasuri, it is said that things that one longs for sits back-to-back with fear. Also, winter is the season when gods would come to visit, and if one does not pay respects, terrible things will happen, so even if it is said to be things that one longs for, one cannot put too much trust in that. In any case, it can be said to be related to the coming and going of seasons. Nobuyoshi Furuhashi, scholar of Japanese literature, stated that the novel Kaze no Matasaburō is also probably somehow related. There are various legends about the yuki-onna's true identity, such as saying that the yuki-onna is a snow spirit or the spirit of a woman who fell over in the snow. In a setsuwa of the Oguni region of Yamagata Prefecture, a yuki-jorō (yuki-onna) was originally a princess of the moon world and in order to leave a boring lifestyle came down to earth together with snow but was unable to go back to the moon and so is said to appear on snowy moonlit nights. Yamaoka Genrin, an intellectual from the Edo period, said that yuki-onna is born from snow. It was supposed that if there were a lot of something, a living thing would come forth from it, giving birth to fish if the water is deep enough and birds if the forest is thick enough. Since both snow and women are "yin", so in places like Echigo it is said that yuki-onna might be born from within deep snow. Among Japan's traditional culture, Yuki-onna can be seen in kōwaka such as the Fushimi Tokiwa (伏見常磐), which can also be checked in modern times. In Chikamatsu Monzaemon's Yuki-onna Gomai Hagoita, the story is about how a woman who was deceived and murdered became a yuki-onna and took revenge as a vengeful ghost. The bewitching and frightening aspects of a yuki-onna are often used in such depictions. Old tales and legends like these have been confirmed in Aomori, Yamagata, Iwate, Fukushima, Niigata, Nagano, Wakayama, Ehime, among other places. Appearance. Yuki-onna appears on snowy nights as a tall, beautiful woman with long black hair and blue lips. Her inhumanly pale or even transparent skin makes her blend into the snowy landscape (as famously described in Lafcadio Hearn's ""). She often wears a white kimono, but other legends describe her as nude, with only her face and hair standing out against the snow. Despite her inhuman beauty, her eyes can strike terror into mortals. She floats across the snow, leaving no footprints (in fact, some tales say she has no feet, a feature of many Japanese ghosts), and she can transform into a cloud of mist or snow if threatened. Variations. There are several variations of Yuki-onna throughout Japan, through which one can fill a whole book only about this yokai. Some notable of them are described below: Behavior. Some legends say the Yuki-onna, being associated with winter and snowstorms, is the spirit of someone who perished in the snow. She is at the same time beautiful and serene, yet ruthless in killing unsuspecting mortals. Until the 18th century, she was almost uniformly portrayed as evil. Today, however, stories often color her as more human, emphasizing her ghost-like nature and ephemeral beauty. In many stories, Yuki-onna appears to travelers trapped in snowstorms and uses her icy breath to leave them as frost-coated corpses. Other legends say she leads them astray so they simply die of exposure. Other times, she manifests holding a child. When a well-intentioned soul takes the "child" from her, they are frozen in place. Parents searching for lost children are particularly susceptible to this tactic. Other legends make Yuki-onna much more aggressive. In these stories, she often invades homes, blowing in the door with a gust of wind to kill residents in their sleep (some legends require her to be invited inside first). What Yuki-onna is after varies from tale to tale. Sometimes she is simply satisfied to see a victim die. Other times, she is more vampiric, draining her victims' blood or "life force." She occasionally takes on a succubus-like manner, preying on weak-willed men to drain or freeze them through sex or a kiss. Like the snow and winter weather she represents, Yuki-onna has a softer side. She sometimes lets would-be victims go for various reasons. In one popular Yuki-onna legend, for example, she sets a young boy free because of his beauty and age. She makes him promise never to speak of her, but later in life, he tells the story to his wife who reveals herself to be the snow woman. She reviles him for breaking his promise but spares him again, this time out of concern for their children (but if he dares mistreat their children, she will return with no mercy. Luckily for him, he is a loving father). In some versions, she chose not to kill him because he told her, which she did not treat as a broken promise (technically, Yuki-Onna herself is not a human and thus did not count). In a similar legend, Yuki-onna melts away once her husband discovers her true nature. However, she departs to the afterlife afterward the same way. Lafcadio Hearn's version. A long time ago, there lived two woodcutters, Minokichi and Mosaku. Minokichi was young and Mosaku was very old. One winter day, they could not come back home because of a snowstorm. They found a hut in the mountain and decided to sleep there. On this particular evening, Minokichi woke up and found a beautiful lady with white clothes. She breathed on old Mosaku and he was frozen to death. She then approached Minokichi to breathe on him, but stared at him for a while and said, "I thought I was going to kill you, the same as that old man, but I will not because you are young and beautiful. You must not tell anyone about this incident. If you tell anyone about me, I will kill you." Several years later, Minokichi met a beautiful young lady, named Oyuki (Yuki = "snow") and married her. She was a good wife. Minokichi and Oyuki had several children and lived happily for many years. Mysteriously, she did not age. One night, after the children were asleep, Minokichi said to Oyuki: "Whenever I see you, I am reminded of a mysterious incident that happened to me. When I was young, I met a beautiful young lady like you. I do not know if it was a dream or if she was a Yuki-onna..." After finishing his story, Oyuki suddenly stood up and said "That woman you met was me! I told you that I would kill you if you ever told anyone about that incident. However, I can't kill you because of our children. Take care of our children..." Then she melted and disappeared. No one saw her again. In media. This version was directly adapted into the 1965 anthology film "Kwaidan" as The Woman of the Snow and loosely adapted as the segment Lovers Vow in the 1990 film "". The Pokémon named Froslass from "Pokémon" is based on the Yuki-onna.

ancient pair

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=419202

State ownership, also called government ownership and public ownership, is the ownership of an industry, asset, or enterprise by the state or a public body representing a community as opposed to an individual or private party. Public ownership specifically refers to industries selling goods and services to consumers and differs from public goods and government services financed out of a government's general budget. Public ownership can take place at the national, regional, local, or municipal levels of government; or can refer to non-governmental public ownership vested in autonomous public enterprises. Public ownership is one of the three major forms of property ownership, differentiated from private, collective/cooperative, and common ownership. In market-based economies, state-owned assets are often managed and operated as joint-stock corporations with a government owning all or a controlling stake of the company's shares. This form is often referred to as a state-owned enterprise. A state-owned enterprise might variously operate as a not-for-profit corporation, as it may not be required to generate a profit; as a commercial enterprise in competitive sectors; or as a natural monopoly. Governments may also use the profitable entities they own to support the general budget. The creation of a state-owned enterprise from other forms of public property is called corporatization. In Soviet-type economies, state property was the dominant form of industry as property. The state held a monopoly on land and natural resources, and enterprises operated under the legal framework of a nominally planned economy, and thus according to different criteria than enterprises in market and mixed economies. Nationalization is a process of transferring private or municipal assets to a central government or state entity. Municipalization is the process of transferring private or state assets to a municipal government. State-owned enterprise. A state-owned enterprise is a commercial enterprise owned by a government entity in a capitalist market or mixed economy. Reasons for state ownership of commercial enterprises are that the enterprise in question is a natural monopoly or because the government is promoting economic development and industrialization. State-owned enterprises may or may not be expected to operate in a broadly commercial manner and may or may not have monopolies in their areas of activity. The transformation of public entities and government agencies into government-owned corporations is sometimes a precursor to privatization. State capitalist economies are capitalist market economies that have high degrees of government-owned businesses. Relation to socialism. Public ownership of the means of production is a subset of social ownership, which is the defining characteristic of a socialist economy. However, state ownership and nationalization by themselves are not socialist, as they can exist under a wide variety of different political and economic systems for a variety of different reasons. State ownership by itself does not imply social ownership where income rights belong to society as a whole. As such, state ownership is only one possible expression of public ownership, which itself is one variation of the broader concept of social ownership. In the context of socialism, public ownership implies that the surplus product generated by publicly owned assets accrues to all of society in the form of a social dividend, as opposed to a distinct class of private capital owners. There is a wide variety of organizational forms for state-run industry, ranging from specialized technocratic management to direct workers' self-management. In traditional conceptions of non-market socialism, public ownership is a tool to consolidate the means of production as a precursor to the establishment of economic planning for the allocation of resources between organizations, as required by government or by the state. State ownership is advocated as a form of social ownership for practical concerns, with the state being seen as the obvious candidate for owning and operating the means of production. Proponents assume that the state, as the representative of the public interest, would manage resources and production for the benefit of the public. As a form of social ownership, state ownership may be contrasted with cooperatives and common ownership. Socialist theories and political ideologies that favor state ownership of the means of production may be labelled state socialism. State ownership was recognized by Friedrich Engels in "Socialism: Utopian and Scientific" as, by itself, not doing away with capitalism, including the process of capital accumulation and structure of wage labor. Engels argued that state ownership of commercial industry would represent the final stage of capitalism, consisting of ownership and management of large-scale production and manufacture by the state. Within the United Kingdom, public ownership is mostly associated with the Labour Party (a centre-left democratic socialist party), specifically due to the creation of Clause IV of the "Labour Party Manifesto" in 1918. "Clause IV" was written by Fabian Society member Sidney Webb. User rights. When ownership of a resource is vested in the state, or any branch of the state such as a local authority, individual use "rights" are based on the state's management policies, though these rights are not property rights as they are not transmissible. For example, if a family is allocated an apartment that is state owned, it will have been granted a tenancy of the apartment, which may be lifelong or inheritable, but the management and control rights are held by various government departments. Public property. There is a distinction to be made between state ownership and public property. The former may refer to assets operated by a specific state institution or branch of government, used exclusively by that branch, such as a research laboratory. The latter refers to assets and resources that are available to the entire public for use, such as a public park (see public space). Criticism. In neoclassical economic theory, the desirability of state ownership has been studied using contract theory. According to the property rights approach based on incomplete contracting (developed by Oliver Hart and his co-authors), ownership matters because it determines what happens in contingencies that were not considered in prevailing contracts. The work by Hart, Shleifer and Vishny (1997) is the leading application of the property rights approach to the question whether state ownership or private ownership is desirable. In their model, the government and a private firm can invest to improve the quality of a public good and to reduce its production costs. It turns out that private ownership results in strong incentives to reduce costs, but it may also lead to poor quality. Hence, depending on the available investment technologies, there are situations in which state ownership is better. The Hart-Shleifer-Vishny theory has been extended in many directions. For instance, some authors have also considered mixed forms of private ownership and state ownership. Moreover, the Hart-Shleifer-Vishny model assumes that the private party derives no utility from provision of the public good. Besley and Ghatak (2001) have shown that if the private party (a non-governmental organization) cares about the public good, then the party with the larger valuation of the public good should always be the owner, regardless of the parties' investment technologies. More recently, some authors have shown that the investment technology also matters in the Besley-Ghatak framework if an investing party is indispensable or if there are bargaining frictions between the government and the private party.

administrative bureaus

809-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=17207060

A concrete sleeper (British English) or concrete tie (American English) is a type of railway sleeper or railroad tie made out of steel reinforced concrete. Concrete sleepers are less elastic, and consequently noisier than wooden sleepers as trains pass over them. History. In 1877, Joseph Monier, a French gardener, suggested that concrete reinforced with steel could be used for making sleepers for railway track. Monier designed a sleeper and obtained a patent for it, but it was not successful. Concrete sleepers were first used on the Alford and Sutton Tramway in 1884. Their first use on a main line railway was by the Reading Company in America in 1896, as recorded by AREA Proceedings at the time. Designs were further developed and the railways of Austria and Italy used the first concrete sleepers around the turn of the 20th century. This was closely followed by other European railways. Major progress was not achieved until World War II, when the timbers used for sleepers were scarce due to competition from other uses, such as mines. Following research carried out on French and other European railways, the modern pre-stressed concrete sleeper was developed. Heavier rail sections and long welded rails were also being installed, requiring higher-quality sleepers. These conditions spurred the development of concrete sleepers in France, Germany and Britain, where the technology was perfected. The gauge Lynton and Barnstaple Railway (1898 to 1935) in North Devon, experimented with concrete sleepers at a number of locations along the line. As the sleepers were cast to gauge, they were of little use outside the station areas on this very curvaceous line where gauge slackening was commonly required. They were also noisy and lacked the elasticity of wooden sleepers creating a very rigid road. Some of those concrete sleepers can now be seen on display at Woody Bay Station. Interest in concrete railway sleepers increased after World War II following advances in the design, quality and production of pre-stressed concrete. Chaired bullhead concrete sleepers have been around since at least the 1940s; the Great Western using a two-holed chair, thus saving both scarce wartime timber and steel fixing bolts. This design was used by the government-run railways during World War II and in particular immediately prior to D-Day when timber was scarce and track extension or replacement was urgently required. Gravesend West Street station was thus relaid in 1944 to enable the huge increase in freight to be handled. Indian Railways proposed to use ferro concrete sleepers in large yards. Ferro concrete sleepers only trial was made in 1949 in the Langhola Ghat section of the Sealdah Division in Indian railways. ere there are very many difficulties. For instance, they are heavy and each weighs about 6 mds. The handling difficulty, the difficulty about fastenings, packing are all there unsolved. They have to be experimented on a large scale before any definite opinion is given about them. Types. Concrete sleepers can be one piece of uniform or variable dimensions. They can also consist of two separate blocks connected by a steel tie rod. Again, the Great Western Railway during World War Two produced chaired "pot" type sleepers — two concrete pods connected by steel bars — for use on sidings and some loops but these monoblock pot sleepers did not carry a gauge-tie at every position, such usually being placed every 3 or 4 pots or successively at rail joints. Such an example was recorded in a siding at Talyllyn East Junction and at Rock Siding, Talybont-on Usk, on the former Brecon & Merthyr Railway in September 1963. Until quite recently, examples were to be seen at Dovey Junction on the Cambrian Coast and others may still exist elsewhere. Exceptionally, the concrete can be poured as two separate longitudinal slabs, as has been used in Namibia. Slab track consists of a continuous concrete roadbed without division into separate sleepers, and these are most often used in tunnels. British Rail experimented with slabs during the late 1960s and laid several miles alongside the main running lines north of Derby. Under sleeper pads. Concrete sleepers lack the elasticity of wooden sleepers and, therefore, ballast tracks with concrete sleepers usually have a much quicker degradation of the ballast when loaded. This is especially true in curves, turnouts and switches. To reduce the wear on the ballast, and in some cases offer vibration isolation, pads are fitted to the base of the sleeper. The pads are usually manufactured of polyurethane foams with a stiffness tailored to meet the elasticity requirements of the track. To reduce the wear of the ballast, the best material to use is a very stiff semi-plastic polyurethane foam that mimics the plastic behaviour of wooden sleepers; the ballast stones are pressed into the surface of the sleeper, increasing contact area. Typically, these pads are 7–10 mm thick. In order to achieve vibration isolation as well, the elastic layer needs to be softer, and in many cases thicker. A vibration isolation of 5-12 dB can be achieved, but the results will depend on many factors, such as axle load, velocity, subsoil stiffness, ballast thickness, ballast quality and more. Therefore, it is very difficult to predict the results exactly. Advantages and disadvantages. Advantages. Advantages include: They do not rot like timber sleepers, are fire proof, their extra weight makes track more stable (particularly with changes in temperature), they can withstand fire hazards better than wooden sleepers, they give more retentivity to the track, they have a longer life than wooden sleepers, and they need less maintenance, resulting in lower ongoing costs and fewer track closures. Additionally, concrete sleepers are not soaked in creosote like most wooden sleepers (used mainly in Europe), therefore they are environmentally friendlier. Disadvantages. Disadvantages include: When trains derail and the wheels hit the sleepers, timber sleepers tend to absorb the blow and remain intact, while concrete sleepers tend to shatter and have to be replaced. Initial costs are greater, and they are unsuitable for change of gauge, unless this is already taken into account. Concrete sleepers are up to heavier than their wooden counterparts. As a result, larger sized ballast is required to both support and hold in place the sleepers on the roadbed. Additionally, they do not absorb as much vibration from passing trains as wooden sleepers do. This can cause degradation of the sleepers themselves ranging from small cracks to complete failure over time. This problem is most prevalent when the sleepers are located next to joints in the rails. For this reason, railroads which used concrete sleepers for plain line avoided them on turnouts and interlockings; however, modern designs allow use of concrete bearers for turnouts and they have become standard for switch renewals on many railways. Another potential fault is lateral rigidity which may cause cumulative metal fatigue, particularly on reverse curves where the stresses are accentuated by the abrupt change of lateral forces. This in turn may be the cause of gauge corner cracking in the rails themselves as well as the steel sleeper reinforcement. German railways have experienced cracking of their sleepers on high speed lines and have had to replace many thousands of them after only a short life; however, this was found to be due to use of inappropriate aggregate in the concrete mix. Damaged concrete sleepers cannot be repaired. Old concrete sleepers can be used for things like retaining walls, else they might be crushed to recycle gravel and the steel reinforcing. Special sleepers may be necessary on extremely sharp curves, such as the new triangle at Newmarket, New Zealand on the gauge of radius . Here the sleepers are extra heavy, about 250 kg, and may include gauge widening with transitional gauge widening. Concrete sleepers for turnouts must be individually custom designed for the location. They are much longer than normal sleepers, have gaps for switch motors, and are generally made by a small number of specialist manufacturers. If a turnout is needed in a hurry, it may be made with timber sleepers which can simply be drilled to suit. Standards. USC, the international railway union, has issued a standard (#710) for concrete sleepers. In other countries, such as Malaysia and Singapore, various standards are used, such as Australian Standards, AS 1085.14:2012 (Railway Track Material - Prestressed Concrete Sleepers), or EN 13230-4:2016 (Railway applications - Track Concrete sleepers and bearers, Part 4: Prestressed bearers for switches and crossings). UIC 713R leaflet is also used as supplementary reference due to Part 6 of EN 13230, is still in draft stage, i.e. pr EN 13230-6:2016. 122333 Manufacture, transport, and installation. Concrete sleepers are made upside down in moulds, several sleepers long. Pandrol clip bases or other fittings are inserted into the moulds. Pre-stressed steel reinforcing bars are installed in these moulds, and then the concrete is poured. It takes several days for the concrete to cure, after which the sleepers are removed from the moulds and cut into individual sleepers. The bottom of the mould is marked with the logo of the manufacturer and a date stamp. Occasionally, sleepers are made with conduits for track circuit wiring, or extra fixtures for guard rails. Sleepers can be made using a Long Line method or a Short Line method; each method has its advantages and disadvantages. Multiple companies manufacture sleepers around the world. They are transported to the work site in small stacks, with pieces of lumber separating the layers of sleepers. They are then laid using manual methods or using various sleeper laying machines. Regulation. United States. On 8 November 2011, the United States Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) put into effect new regulations on concrete sleepers, with notices published by the FRA in the 1 April – 9 September 2011 U.S. Federal Register. The FRA notices said that the need for the new rules was shown by the derailment of an Amtrak train near Home Valley, Washington on 3 April 2005, which, according to the U.S. National Transportation Safety Board, was caused in part by excessive concrete tie abrasion. To be counted as a good tie under FRA regulation 213.109(d)(4), concrete ties shall not be deteriorated or abraded under the rail to a depth of one-half inch or more. Limits on other types of concrete tie deterioration are also given.

planning period

4793-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48309708

Expansion microscopy (ExM) is a sample preparation tool for biological samples that allows investigators to identify small structures by expanding them using a polymer system. The premise is to introduce a polymer network into cellular or tissue samples, and then physically expand that polymer network using chemical reactions to increase the size of the biological structures. Among other benefits, ExM allows those small structures to be imaged with a wider range of microscopy techniques. It was first proposed in a 2015 article by Fei Chen, Paul W. Tillberg, and Edward Boyden. Current research allows for the expansion of samples up to 16x larger than their initial size. This technique has been found useful in various laboratory settings, such as analyzing biological molecules. ExM allows researchers to use standard equipment in identifying small structures, but requires following of procedures in order to ensure clear results. Principles. Purpose. Traditional light microscopy has limits of resolution that prevent it from reliably distinguishing small structures that are important to biological function, and must instead be imaged by a higher-resolution technique, such as electron microscopy. For example, synaptic vesicles are 40-50 nanometers in diameter, which is below the commonly quoted resolution limit of 200 nanometers for light microscopy. Expansion microscopy solves this problem by expanding the underlying tissue sample. One key advantage of samples prepared using expansion microscopy and light microscopy over conventional electron microscopy is that it also allows investigators to stain for and visualize particular molecules in the sample, such as specific proteins or RNA to identify their density and distribution in relation to the biological structures of interest. The most beneficial principle of expansion microscopy is that it requires no specialized equipment; the materials for expansion are worth little to nothing compared to the price of a microscope that could get the same resolution. Stages. Expansion microscopy is a multistep process that, depending on the protocol, has different requirements for gelation and expansion. The sequence of steps are stain, link, digest, and expand The staining process can take many different forms, and only requires that the fluorophores used can attach to the polymer in the next step. Linking is the process of adding a polymer gel to the cells, which permeabilize through the cell. The linking step also includes, as the name suggests, the process of linking the fluorophores to the gel. The digestion step involves adding a solution that digests the cell, removing the structure from the cell. If this step fails, the gel will not expand uniformly because the cell will try to stay together. Failure of this step can also cause cracking or fractures in the cell. Lastly, expansion causes the gel to be physically expanded in all directions, which causes the fluorophores that are attached to the gel to expand as well. History. In 2015, Chen, Tillberg, and Boyden, all of MIT first described expansion microscopy as a method to enhance microscopy resolution by swelling a sample rather than using stronger microscopy equipment. Since then, the use of ExM has continued to grow. Due to the recency of development, there is limited information on applications. However, the most common modern use is in biological samples. In 2016, several papers were published detailing workarounds for ExM's traditional limitation of labeling probes. These changes proposed a way to use ExM with conventional microscopy probes, allowing it to be used more widely. In 2016, these new labeling methods were applied to allow fluorescence microscopy of RNA molecules, which in turn led to a new spatially precise in situ sequencing method, namely ExSeq (expansion sequencing), in 2021. ExM is a rapidly growing field, and there is hope that many biological mysteries will be elucidated using ExM techniques within coming years. Theory. Expansion microscopy is achieved by synthesizing a polymer system within a specimen. By then swelling this polymer network, the sample is expanded to be examined under conventional microscopic analysis tools without degrading the integrity of the sample. This allows a sample to be analyzed with a less powerful microscope than would be needed without expansion, and makes analysis of microscopic biological samples more accessible to labs that would otherwise have not been available to afford or obtain necessary powerful microscopy technology. Applications. Use. Expansion microscopy is a method which improves the final image resolution during regular microscopy by physically enlarging the organism or molecule itself. After the enlargement of the organism or molecule, more standard microscopes can achieve higher resolution imaging. The primary fields this method is used in are those involved in analyzing biological samples. However, this technique has since been adopted into many different fields of research and continues to grow and be applied in more and more laboratory settings. Disease and diagnoses. Before the discovery of expansion microscopy, examination of cellular structures and biomolecules were done using diffraction-limited microscopy. They were mainly used to diagnose or investigate the pathogenesis of a wide variety of predisease and disease states. However, biomolecules are nanoscale in dimension and are located with nanoscale precision throughout cells and tissues. Several techniques such as super-resolution microscopy were used, but these required complex hardware and were difficult to apply to human tissues. Thus, expansion microscopy was developed. This method physically magnified the tissue samples rather than optically, and as a result was able to produce images with high resolution. These high quality images of tissues served as a turning point in diagnostic and medical expansion microscopy. Like many other techniques, expansion microscopy also possesses many potentials in the medical and diagnostic fields. Expansion microscopy improves the resolution of light microscopy by physically expanding the specimens. When this technique is applied to the clinical tissue samples nanoscale imaging of human tissue specimens. First, expansion pathology is used to convert clinical samples into a compatible state for the expansion microscopy. This process can be used for optical diagnosis of kidney minimal-change disease, early breast neoplastic lesions and to spot the difference of normal human tissue specimens to cancer tissue specimens, enabling a routine use of clinical research. The use of pathogenic expansion microscopy enabled clear images of tissue. Applying expansion microscopy on microarrays containing specimens from various organs, such as breast, prostate, lung, colon, pancreas, kidney, liver, and ovary, including normal and cancer-containing tissues, enabled the diagnostic and the examination of cellular network of diseased state tissues. This imaging reveals sub-diffraction limit sized features of the intermediate filaments keratin and vimentin, critical in the epithelial mesenchymal transition, cancer progression and initiation of metastasis. In the future, after further development of this technique, observation of nanoscale morphology of biomolecules and samples from wide range of human organs is anticipated to be provided. Neuroscience. Many of the questions surrounding neuroscience attempt to answer and understand molecules and wiring in neural circuits. However, mapping these structures across the large scales of neural circuits is difficult. In these cases, ExM magnifies biological specimens such as brain circuits and allows them to be more easily mapped. Biomolecules, such as proteins and nucleic acids, are anchored to the polymer, which is then swelled in order to expand the biomolecules. Due to the increased distance between the biomolecules, ordinary microscopes can then perform nanoscale resolution imaging. Through the use of ExM technique, neuroscientists can more easily map images of synapses, cells, and neural circuits. Subsets. With the development of expansion microscopy, scientists have begun to create subsets of the technique, including scanning Joule expansion microscopy, or SJEM. SJEM utilizes a thermal imaging technique which measures the thermal expansion of Joule-heated elements. One of the largest advantages of SJEM over older submicron thermal imaging techniques is that SJEM does not require the nanofabrication of specialized probes. Rather, SJEM only requires a standard atomic force microscope and simple electronics. Advantages. One of the most significant advantages of expansion microscopy versus other forms of microscopy is that it prevents the requirement of purchasing stronger equipment. Because ExM is performed within a sample to enlarge the sample, it prevents researchers from needing to purchase expensive super-resolution microscopy equipment, such as electron microscopes. By making a sample larger, it becomes more easily examinable as the larger structures can then be examined using traditional microscopy techniques, such as light microscopy. Limitations. Each of the four preparation steps of ExM must fully complete, or the cell will not yield a bright and clear stain. Failure to complete these steps can result in the breaking of the cell or uneven expansion, distorting the image beyond use. ExM struggles in those procedures that use fluorophore markers, as the polymerization process can bleach these fluorophores, rendering them unusable. There are some, such as Alexa 488 and Atto 565 that are still effective after polymerization, however their efficacy is greatly decreased to about 50%. The conjugation of DNA with another antibody is often very costly and difficult. These two issues are the primary limitations to using ExM in biological samples. It is important to note that while rebinding new antibodies can be costly and time consuming, it is sometimes made possible, post expansion, in cases where the antibody struggles to bind in dense tissue. After expansion, the tissue is far less dense and often allows for better reception of fluorescent antibodies.

definite conclusions

6815-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4826011

The centumviral court (centumviri) was the chancery court (court of equity) of ancient Rome. It was a court of justice dealing with private law (what is referred to in common law systems as civil law). Evolution. The name "centumviri" literally means "100 men"; this was the original number of members from which pool the court was selected. The number of men of which the court consisted is not known. In the Republic, the number increased to 105 and later still, during the Empire, to 180. During the Empire, four courts were usually chosen from the pool, although the entire membership might sit in unusual cases. The "Decemviri" (ten men) presided over the court from the Augustan period. Membership of this council was considered to be a standard position for those embarking on the "cursus honorum". A number of notable orators appeared in this court, including Cicero, Tacitus and Pliny the Younger. Jurisdiction. The jurisdiction of the court is unclear, although cases involving wills and inheritance were certainly part of the court's remit. The "querela inofficiosi testamenti" ("complaint about an undutiful will") was established by this court. However, it is uncertain whether this court was simply an alternative to the "iudex" or part of a more complex judicial system. It has been suggested that cases before the "centumviral court" had a specific minimum value. Location. In the second half of the 1st century the court met in the Basilica Julia in the Forum. It is likely that, like many such Roman institutions, the physical location of the court was apt to change. Cicero's account. The "centumviri" were mainly concerned with the property of which account was taken at the census. It was therefore in their power to make or unmake a citizen. They also decided questions concerning debt. Hence the plebs had an interest in securing their decisions against undue influence. They were never regarded as magistrates, but merely as judices, and as such would be appointed for a fixed term of service by the magistrate, probably by the praetor urbanus. But in Cicero's time they were elected by the Comitia Tributa. They then numbered 105. Their original number is uncertain, although the centum (Latin for the number 100) portion of centumviri may provide a clue. It was probably increased by Augustus and in Pliny's time had reached 180. The office was probably open in quite early times to both patricians and plebeians. The term is also applied in the inscriptions of Veii to the municipal senates and Cures, which numbered 100 members.

normal role

6389-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=497303

Digital terrestrial television (DTTV or DTT, or DTTB with "broadcasting") is a technology for terrestrial television in which land-based (terrestrial) television stations broadcast television content by radio waves to televisions in consumers' residences in a digital format. DTTV is a major technological advance over the previous analog television, and has largely replaced analog which had been in common use since the middle of the 20th century. Test broadcasts began in 1998 with the changeover to DTTV (aka Analog Switchoff (ASO) or Digital Switchover (DSO)) beginning in 2006 and is now complete in many countries. The advantages of "digital" terrestrial television are similar to those obtained by digitising platforms such as cable TV, satellite, and telecommunications: more efficient use of limited radio spectrum bandwidth, provision of more television channels than analog, better quality images, and potentially lower operating costs for broadcasters (after the initial upgrade costs). Different countries have adopted different digital broadcasting standards; the major ones are: Transmission. DTT is transmitted using radio frequencies through terrestrial space in the same way as the former analog television systems, with the primary difference being the use of multiplex transmitters to allow reception of multiple services (TV, radio stations or data) on a single frequency (such as a UHF or VHF channel). The amount of data that can be transmitted (and therefore the number of channels) is directly affected by channel capacity and the modulation method of the transmission. North America and South Korea uses the ATSC standard with 8VSB modulation, which has similar characteristics to the vestigial sideband modulation used for analog television. This provides considerably more immunity to interference, but is not immune to multipath distortion and also does not provide for single-frequency network operation (which is in any case not a requirement in the United States). The modulation method in DVB-T is COFDM with either 64 or 16-state Quadrature Amplitude Modulation (QAM). In general, 64QAM is capable of transmitting a greater bit rate, but is more susceptible to interference. 16 and 64QAM constellations can be combined in a single multiplex, providing a controllable degradation for more important program streams. This is called hierarchical modulation. DVB-T (and even more so DVB-T2) are tolerant of multipath distortion and are designed to work in single frequency networks. Developments in video compression have resulted in improvements on the original discrete cosine transform (DCT) based H.262 MPEG-2 video coding format, which has been surpassed by H.264/MPEG-4 AVC and more recently H.265 HEVC. H.264 enables three high-definition television services to be coded into a 24 Mbit/s DVB-T European terrestrial transmission channel. DVB-T2 increases this channel capacity to typically 40 Mbit/s, allowing even more services. Reception. DTTV is received either via a digital set-top box (STB), TV gateway or more usually now an integrated tuner included with television sets, that decodes the signal received via a standard television antenna. These devices often now include digital video recorder (DVR) functionality. However, due to frequency planning issues, an aerial capable of receiving a different channel group (usually a wideband) may be required if the DTTV multiplexes lie outside the reception capabilities of the originally installed aerial. This is quite common in the UK; see external links. Indoor aerials are even more likely to be affected by these issues and possibly need replacing. Asia. Afghanistan. Afghanistan officially launched digital transmissions in Kabul using DVB-T2/MPEG-4 on Sunday, 31 August 2014. Test transmissions had commenced on 4 UHF channels at the start of June 2014. Transmitters were provided by GatesAir. Bangladesh. Bangladesh had its first DTT service DVB-T2/MPEG-4 on 28 April 2016 launched by the GS Group. The service is called RealVU. It is done with partnership with Beximco. GS Group acts as a supplier and integrator of its in-house hardware and software solutions for the operator's functioning in accordance with the modern standards of digital television. RealVu provides more than 100 TV channels in SD and HD quality. The digital TV set-top boxes developed by GS Group offer such functions as PVR and time-shift, along with an EPG. India. India adopted DVB-T system for digital television in July 1999. The first DVB-T transmission was started on 26 January 2003 in the four major metropolitan cities by Doordarshan. Currently the terrestrial transmission is available in both digital and analog formats. 4 high power DVB-T transmitters were set up in the top 4 cities, which were later upgraded to DVB-T2 + MPEG4 and DVB-H standards. An additional 190 high power, and 400 low power DVB-T2 transmitters have been approved for Tier I, II and III cities of the country by 2017. The Indian telecom regulator, TRAI, had recommended the I&B to allow private broadcast companies to use the DTT technology, in 2005. So far, the Indian I&B ministry only permits private broadcast companies to use satellite, cable and IPTV based systems. The government's broadcasting organisation Doordarshan had started the free TV service over DVB - T2 to the mobile phone users from 25 February onwards and extended to cover 16 cities including the four metros from 5 April 2016. Israel. Israel started digital transmissions in MPEG-4 on Sunday, 2 August 2009, and analogue transmissions ended on 31 March 2011. Israel was the first nation in the Middle East and the first non-European nation to shut down its analogue TV distribution system. The new service which is operated by The Second Authority for Television and Radio in Israel currently offers 6 SD TV channels and 30 national and regional (private) radio services. According to government decisions, the system will expand to include two additional multiplexes that will carry new channels and HD versions of the existing channels. There is a proposition by the Ministry of Finance to run a tender in order to hand over the maintenance of the system to a private company that, in return, will receive an extended license and will be able to offer pay TV channels. In this matter nothing has been decided upon until the end on 2012. On 20 March 2013, it was announced that Thomson Broadcast had won a major contract with The Second Authority for Television and Radio for the extension of its nationwide DVB-T/DVB-T2 network. The Second Authority's order for new infrastructure includes two new multiplexes on thirty sites including three single frequency areas. This major deal incorporates a three-year service agreement for the global transmission system. Sixty-three high- and medium- power transmitters from Thomson's GreenPower range have been ordered together with installation and commissioning services, in a deal which follows on from the company's earlier deployment of DVB-T multiplexes over thirty transmission and sixty-two repeater sites. Equipped with dualcast-ready digital exciters, the GreenPower range offers the ability to smoothly migrate from DVB-T to DVB-T2 and to easily offer additional HDTV content. Ranging from low- to high- power, the range covers all the power requirements of The Second Authority. Thomson will also deploy its user-friendly centralized Network Management System to control and monitor the overall transmission system from a single facility. The deal includes a new service level agreement providing The Second Authority with a high level of local services to keep its currently operating DTV transmission equipment running 24/7, 365 days a year. Japan. The Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications and DPA (The Association for Promotion of Digital Broadcasting-Japan) jointly set the specification and announced a guideline for "simplified DTT tuners" with price under 5,000 Japanese yen on 25 December 2007. MIAC officially solicited manufactures to put it on the market by end of March 2010 (end of fiscal year 2009). MIAC is estimating that 14 million, at maximum, traditional non-digital TV sets remain and need the "simplified DTT tuner" to be adapted even after complete transition to DTT after July 2011; it is aiming to avoid the disposal of large numbers of useless TV sets without such a tuner at one time. On 20 December 2007, the Japan Electronics and Information Technology Industries Association published rules for Digital Rights Management for DTT broadcasting under the name "Dubbing 10". Despite the name, consumers were allowed to use Blu-ray Disc and other recorders to "dub" or copy the video and audio of entire TV programs up to 9 times, with 1 final "move" permitted. Broadcasting with "Dubbing 10" was supposed to start at about 4:00 a.m. on 2 June 2008, but was postponed after lengthy talks with the Japanese Society for Rights of Authors, Composers and Publishers. It finally started about 4:00 a.m. on 4 July 2008. The manufacturers of DVD and DTT recorders were to make units conforming to the "Dubbing 10" rules, and some manufacturers announced plans for create firmware downloads to allow users to update their existing recorders. On 3 April 2008, DPA announced that a total of 32.71 million of DTT (ISDB-T) TV sets capable of DTT reception (excepting 1seg receivers) had been installed in Japan as of the end of March 2008. On 8 April 2008 DPA also announced guidelines for manufacturers of DTT receiving, record and replay unit which operate with personal computers. These add-on units operate on USB or PCI BUS, and went on sale on a reservation basis from late April, appearing in retail store in mid-May 2008. On 8 May 2008, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications announced that 43.7% of homes had DTT (ISDB-T) capable TVs and/or tuners with DVD recorder by end of March 2008. It had been 27.8% one year before, and the ministry was expecting 100% penetration by April 2011. On 27 April 2009, National Association of Commercial Broadcasters in Japan (NAB) a new official mascot, Chidejika, to replace Tsuyoshi Kusanagi after he was arrested on suspicion of public indecency. On 3 September 2009, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications announced the procurement by tender of 5,000-8,000 sets of "simplified DTT tuners" with remote control for the citywide test transition from analogue to digital in Suzu, Ishikawa. The sets should be delivered by end November 2009. The program is aiming to examine the transition problem at individuals' home in country wide such as senior and non-technical families. Based on this rehearsal plan, analog TV transmission was interrupted in Suzu and parts of Noto for 48 hours, between noon on 2010/01/22 and noon on 2010/01/24. On 4 September 2009, ÆON announced the low cost "simplified DTT tuners" with remote control for ISDB-T to sell at JUSCO from 19 September 2009. The tuner is produced by Pixela Corporation, and met the retail price of under 5,000 Japanese yen, which is the target price to industry by (). The tuner connects to an old fashioned TV though an RCA connector with SDTV quality and some other minimal functions. On 7 September 2009, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications appointed two manufacturers I-O Data and Melco among 12 bids for minimal functioning "simplified DTT tuners" with remote control for ISDB-T of free supply to Japanese Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. Tuner connects to old fashion TV though RCA connector with SDTV quality and some other minimal function. On 24 July 2010, at noon, analog TV transmission officially stopped in Suzu and parts of Noto (approximately 8,800 homes) as the rehearsal plan that took place one year ahead of the nationwide shutdown, which is scheduled on 24 July 2011. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications shall watch what type of problem arise in transition to DTT which might apply to the nationwide shutdown. On 20 April 2011, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications confirmed, and made the resolution by the House of Councillors on 8 June 2011, that the analog terrestrial TV close down schedule on 24 July 2011 will be unchanged, with the exception being the close down having to be postponed by a maximum one year. Analog television shut down on 31 March 2012, in Iwate, Miyagi and Fukushima prefectures, which were heavily damaged in the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami and the nuclear accidents that followed it. Analog television stations are required to cease normal programming at noon and shut down their signals at midnight. Malaysia. Digital television in Malaysia was first rolled out in January 2014. By June 2015, free digital television was provided by MYTV Broadcasting. In the first phase, there would be around 15 digital television stations nationwide with further stations will be added in the next phase. By November 2016, MYTV set top box also available for sale in electronics store nationwide. Malaysia's Prime Minister at the time Najib Razak officiated the launching of digital television in the country on 6 June 2017 with an estimate of 4.2 million digital television decoders freely distributed to the country citizens, including recipients of the government aid of 1Malaysia People's Aid (BR1M). The government has planned for a full shutdown of analogue television broadcasting by September 2019 with a full introduction of digital television will be available to public by October. Langkawi become the first area of analogue television switch off that were executed on 21 July at 02:30 (UTC+8). Further on 6 August, the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Ministry released a complete list of transition date on the remaining areas with central and southern West Malaysia to be commenced on 19 August, northern West Malaysia on 2 September, eastern coast West Malaysia on 17 September and entire East Malaysia on 30 September. The switch over in West Malaysia are fully completed on 16 October at 12:30am (UTC+8), while the final switch over in East Malaysia are completed on 31 October also at 12:30am (UTC+8) as scheduled. Maldives. The Maldives has chosen the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb. Philippines. On 11 June 2010, National Telecommunications Commission of the Philippines announced that the country will use the Japanese ISDB-T International standard. The first fully operational digital TV channel is Channel 49 of the religious group Iglesia ni Cristo. However, in October 2012, DZCE-TV (which occupies the channel) reopened the analog signal to relaunch as INC TV; therefore, channel 49 can only transmit digitally during off-air hours of the analog channel 49. This was followed by state-owned television network PTV which conducted its test transmission on UHF Channel 48. On 11 February 2015, the major TV network ABS-CBN commercially launched the digital TV box called ABS-CBN TV Plus also known as "Mahiwagang Blackbox". Seven years before the commercial launch, the network initially applied for a license from NTC on digital free TV. The digital TV box was given away as a prize for the loyal viewers and listeners of ABS-CBN channel 2, DZMM (AM radio station of ABS-CBN) and DZMM TeleRadyo (TV-radio cable channel of ABS-CBN) after the initial application. Digital television transition began on 28 February 2017, with ZOE Broadcasting Network's DZOZ-TV as the country's first station to permanently shut down analog terrestrial transmissions without any test simulcast with its digital signal, and is expected to be finished by 2023. On 25 May 2018, Solar Entertainment Corp began a new digital TV service called Easy TV where most of its channels are offered to consumers through Easy TV's proprietary set-top box. On October 2020, with the 70th anniversary of GMA Network released their newest product GMA Affordabox, a digital tv box to engage audience to switch to Digital TV viewing while watching GMA and GMA News TV. Before the launch of the said TV box, the network released 2 new sub channels, the Heart of Asia last June 2020 featuring GMA's acquired Asianovelas and locally produced dramas and Hallypop airing acquired programs from Jungo TV featuring asian pop culture and international music events. Singapore. Singapore adopted the DVB-T2 standard in 2012, with monopoly Free-to-air broadcaster Mediacorp offering all seven of its services via DTT in 2013. Mediacorp ended analogue television service shortly after midnight on 2 January 2019. Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has chosen the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb. Thailand. In 2005, the Ministry of Information announced their plan to digitalise nationwide free-to-air TV broadcasts led by MCOT Public Company Limited (MCOT). Trial broadcasts were undertaken, involving one thousand households in the Bangkok Metropolitan Area from December 2000 till May 2001. According to the then-Deputy Minister of Information, the trial received "very positive" feedback, i.e. "more than 60 percent said the quality of the signal ranged from good to very good. Over 88 percent said the picture quality improved, while 70 percent said the sound quality was better." According to Information Minister, Sontaya Kunplome, MCOT is expected to fully complete its digitalization in 2012 as part of its three-year restructuring process. Each household, once equipped with the necessary equipment (set-top box or iDTV set) is expected to receive up to 19 channels, seven of which fall under MCOT and the rest for private broadcasters such as BEC-TERO which owns its channels such as TV3. Thus far, besides simulcasting Modernine TV and Television of Thailand, MCOT is test-airing MCOT 1, MCOT 2 and MCOT 3 exclusively on the digital TV platform, transmitted at UHF channel 44, modulated at 64QAM. MCOT was also expected to launch regional channels for each province and/or territory in Thailand, making it 80 MCOT television channels. BEC-TERO was expected to commence trials in March 2009. Thailand and the rest of ASEAN countries (with the exception of the Philippines; see above) have selected DVB-T as the final DTV standard, and are expected to switch off analogue broadcasts completely by 2015. In June 2008, participants of the 6th ASEAN Digital Broadcast Meeting from seven south-east Asian countries (including Thailand) agreed to finalise the specifications of the DTV set-top box for use within ASEAN, and also set up an ASEAN HD Centre to provide training on HDTV content to broadcasters in the region. Even though MCOT's trial was a success, the future of the digital terrestrial television transition has become uncertain, especially after the end of Somchai Wongsawat's tenure as the Prime Minister and the beginning of successor Abhisit Vejjajiva's reign in favor of his concept. In March 2011, MCOT announced that it is also possible that MCOT may be planning to switch to DVB-T2 some time in the future to replace DVB-T. The Switch-off Date has been planned for 2020. (Only for Channel 3 (Thailand)) For now, five analogue channels has been off-air since 16 June 2018(Thai Public Broadcasting Service and Channel 7 (Thailand)), 21 June (Channel 5 (Thailand)) and 16 July (Channel 9 MCOT HD and NBT) Oceania. Australia. Australia uses DVB-T. The transition to digital television and the phaseout of analogue television was completed on 10 December 2013. New Zealand. New Zealand uses DVB-T. The transition to digital television and the shutdown of analogue transmissions was completed on 1 December 2013 Europe. European Union. As of 2001, three countries had introduced DTT: the UK, Sweden and Spain. Their total TV viewership market shares were 5.7%, 2.3% and 3.5% respectively. The EU recommended in May 2005 that its Member States cease all analogue television transmissions by 1 January 2012. Some EU member states decided to complete the transition as early as 2006 for Luxembourg and the Netherlands, and 2007 for Finland. Latvia stopped broadcasting analogue television from 1 June 2010. Poland completed the transition on 23 July 2013 and Bulgaria completed the transition on 30 September 2013. Malta switched on 1 November 2011. ASO was mostly completed in Europe in 2013 though small hilly underpopulated isolated terrain areas awaited DTT rollout beyond that date. Many TV-viewers TV-equipment in Europe might experience TV-interference and blocking because of 800 MHz broadband usage. As of 2018, DTT is the main TV reception for 27.7 percent of the EU27 countries. Croatia, Greece, Italy and Spain all have DTT penetration over 50 percent of total TV reception. Bulgaria. Bulgaria launched a free-to-air platform on Sofia region, starting in November 2004. Standards chosen are DVB-T and MPEG4 AVC/H.264 compression format. DVB-T2 will not be used at this time. The Communications Regulatory Commission (CRC) has said that it received 6 bids for the licence to build and operate Bulgaria's two nationwide DTT networks. A second licence tender for the operation of 3 DTT multiplexes was open until 27 May 2009. Following the closing of this process, Hannu Pro, part of Silicon Group, and with Baltic Operations has secured the license to operate three DTT multiplexes in Bulgaria by the country's Communications Regulatory Commission (CRC) Bulgaria officially completed the transition to digital broadcasting on Monday, 30 September 2013. Belgium. Flanders has no free-to-air television, as Dutch-language public broadcaster VRT shut off its DVB-T service on 1 December 2018 citing minimal usage. VRT cited that only 1 percent of Flemish households made use of the terrestrial signal, and that it was not worth the €1 million to upgrade to DVB-T2. After some outcry over the loss of terrestrial coverage, VRT's channels were added to TV Vlaanderen's subscription DVB-T2 package called Antenne TV alongside all major Dutch-language commercial channels. French-language public broadcaster RTBF remains available in Brussels and Wallonia via DVB-T transmissions. 95 percent of Belgium is covered by cable, well above the EU28 average of 45.1 percent, which can explain the low terrestrial usage in the country. Denmark. DTT had its technical launch in Denmark in March 2006 after some years of public trials. The official launch was at midnight on 1 November 2009 where the analogue broadcasts shut down nationwide. As of June 2020, five national multiplexes are available, broadcasting several channels in both SD and HD via DVB-T2, all using the MPEG-4 codec. MUX 1 is Free-to-air and operated by I/S DIGI-TV, a joint-venture between DR and TV 2. MUX 2, 3, 4 and 5 are operated by Boxer, and are for pay television only. Finland. Finland launched DTT in 2001, and terminated analogue transmissions nationwide on 1 September 2007. Finland has successfully launched a mixture of pay and free-to-air DTT services. Digita operates the DTT and Mobile Terrestrial networks and rents capacity to broadcasters on its network on a neutral market basis. Digita is owned by TDF (France). The pay-DTT service provider Boxer has acquired a majority stake in the leading Finnish pay DTT operator PlusTV which offers a number of commercial channels for a subscription. It started in October 2006. Boxer already provides pay-DTT services in Sweden and Denmark. Three nationwide multiplexes are granted to DNA and Anvia for DVB-T2 for High Definition and Standard Definition channel (MPEG4). France. France's "télévision numérique terrestre" (TNT) offers 26 free national channels and 9 pay channels, plus up to 4 local free channels. An 89% DTT penetration rate is expected by December 2008. Free-to-view satellite services offering the same DTT offer were made available in June 2007. Since 12 December 2012, TNT has delivered ten free HD channels (TF1 HD, France2 HD, M6 HD, Arte HD, HD1, L'Équipe 21, 6ter, Numéro 23, RMC Découverte HD, Chérie 25) and one pay TNT HD channel (Canal+ HD) using the MPEG4 AVC/H.264 compression format. French consumer technology magazine "Les Numériques" gave the picture quality of TNT's previous 1440x1080i service a score of 8/10, compared to 10/10 for Blu-ray 1080p. Typically: For the audio part AC3 and AAC are used in 192 kbits for 2.0 and 384 kbits for 5.1. Typically up to four audio part can be used: French 5.1 VO (original language) 5.1 French 2.0 Audivision 5.1 Prime Minister François Fillon confirmed that the final analogue switch-off date would be 30 November 2011. DTT coverage had to reach 91% of a given "" before analogue transmissions could be switched off. CSA announced a call to tender for more local DTT licences on 15 June 2009 and 66 new DTT sites went up since May 2009 to expand coverage to cover low population areas. Freesat began broadcasts from the Eutelsat Atlantic Bird 3 satellite from June 2009 as Fransat, providing for those unable to receive DTT signals for terrain reasons in preparation for ASO in 2011. Eighteen channels were broadcast initially and although free to watch, viewers needed to buy a set top box with smart card for €99 according to DVB.org article. The end dates of analogue shutdown were: 2 February 2010: Alsace, 9 March 2010: Lower Normandy, 18 May 2010: Pays de la Loire, 8 June 2010: Bretagne, 28 September 2010: Lorraine and Champagne-Ardenne, 19 October 2010: Poitou-Charentes and the middle of the country, November 2010: Franche-Comté and Bourgogne, 7 December 2010: North of the country, First quarter 2011: Picardie and Haute-Normandie, Île-de-France, Aquitaine and Limousin, Auvergne, Côte d'Azur and Corsica, Rhône, Second quarter 2011 (before 30 November): Provence, Alpes, Midi-Pyrénées, Languedoc-Roussillon. Germany. Germany launched a free-to-air platform region-by-region, starting in Berlin in November 2002. The analogue broadcasts were planned to cease soon after digital transmissions are started. Berlin became completely digital on 4 August 2003 with other regions completing between then and 2008. Digital switchover has been completed throughout Germany as of 2 December 2008 and services are now available to 100% of the population following the update of infill for the remaining 10% of transmitters by Media Broadcast who set up broadcast antennas at 79 transmission sites and installed 283 new transmitter stations. More services are to be launched on DTT and some pay DTT channels are or have been launched in various areas such as Stuttgart and soon Leipzig. Greece. The following switch-offs are in cooperation with Digea, so the dates are the same. Digea: Digital Union: ERT - NOVA (pay TV platform): TV1 Syros started its first pilot broadcasts on 1 November 2008 in Cyclades (Syros): 60 UHF. As of 6 February 2015, Greece has completed its transition to digital TV. Hungary. Experimental DTT broadcast has started in December 2008. The program of Duna Televízió was broadcast during the trials. Originally analog television was planned to be shut down on 1 January 2012, but this deadline was first pushed out to 2014 then brought forward to 2013. Analogue broadcast was terminated at 12:30pm, on 31 July 2013 in the central part of Hungary, and October 2013 in the rest of the country. M1, M2, Duna TV, Duna World, RTL Klub, TV2 and Euronews are available as free-view. M1, M2 and Duna TV are also available in HD. On both of the 2013 shutoff dates, all analog channels ceased normal programming at 12:30pm and showed a silent ASO information screen that has a phone number to call for help. It was kept on for a few days, after which the analog transmitters are permanently shut down. Ireland. In Ireland DTT has been somewhat problematic. Responsibility for DTT, based on plans of Raidió Teilifís Éireann, was divided between two government Departments with differing views on its running. This delayed the project, took away its momentum and the economic situation deteriorated so that the opportunity to launch in good conditions was lost. When legislation finally arrived after two years to enable DTT to proceed, a private sector model was envisaged similar to the UK. A company trading as "It's TV" was the sole applicant for a digital terrestrial television license under the provisions of the Irish Broadcasting Act 2001. The "It's TV" proposed a triple play deployment with Broadband, TV and Digital Radio services, but the on air return channel (DVB-RCT system) for "interactive" use while 10s of Mbps per mast, would per user only have been 300 to 2400bit/s at peak times, they never got approval to run an Internet service. RTÉ was to have a minority stake in its network and sell its majority share. However legislative delays and economic changes made it financially difficult for RTÉ to get a good price for the network stake. "It's TV" plans raise the necessary funding failed due to the lack of approval for Internet aspect and infeasible Internet access model. Other DTT deployments in operation around that time also went bust, most particularly in the UK, Spain and Portugal. "It's TV" failed to get its license conditions varied or to get a time extension for securing funding. Its license was either never awarded (as they could not demonstrate a viable business plan & funding) or was eventually withdrawn for non-performance. Under subsequent legislation in May 2007, RTÉ, the spectrum regulator (ComReg) and the broadcasting regulator BCI (now BAI), were mandated to invite applications during 2008 under the Broadcasting (Amendment) Act 2007. RTÉ and the BCI received licenses from ComReg for spectrum to establish DTT. The BAI advertised and invited multiplex submissions by 2 May 2008. RTÉ Networks was required to broadcast in digital terrestrial TV (aerial TV) and received an automatic license through the RTÉ Authority. It expanded and upgraded its transmission network to digital terrestrial during 2009 which culminated in 98% coverage by 31 December 2011 with analog switchover beginnin in Summer 2012 in concert with Northern Ireland, under the MOU signed with the UK and Irish Governments. It also planned on making this network available to the commercial multiplex winner for rental of capacity once negotiations had concluded, rental agreed and a security bond received. It was testing the BAI multiplexes from November 2009 across the network, which is publicly receivable with the correct DTT receivers. 1 Mux (a group of broadcast channels) would have provided the services of the public service broadcaster and have had 98% population coverage by 31 December 2011. The other three multiplexes would have had between 90% and 92% population coverage. Following Analogue Switchover one additional PSB mux and one or more commercial muxes was made available for DTT, mobile television, broadband and other services. The BCI (now BAI) received three conditional applications to operate the three muxes which were presented to the public on 12 May 2008. It decided in principle to allocate the license to Boxer DTT Ltd, a consortium made up of the Swedish pay-DTT operator Boxer and the media group Communicorp at its board meeting on 21 July 2008. On 20 April 2009, the BCI revealed that Boxer had withdrawn their license, and it was instead given to the runner-up applicant OneVision. At the end of April 2010 the negotiations with Onevision ended and they also decided to return the license. On 29 April 2010 the contract was offered to the only remaining applicant, Easy TV. The Easy TV consortium informed the BAI on 12 May 2010 that it was declining their offer to pursue negotiations regarding the Commercial DTT Multiplex Licence. A Houses of the Oireachtas Channel (reportedly shelved in December 2008) and the Irish Film Channel (whose status is unclear though a company was formed to provide the channel) were enabled for establishment as public service broadcasters on Irish DTT. The Broadcasting Authority of Ireland replaced the Broadcasting Complaints Commission, the Broadcasting Commission of Ireland and the RTÉ Authority. The BAI includes Awards and Advisory Committees under statutory instrument 389 that gave effect to the provisions of the Broadcasting Act 2009. This legislation dissolved the BCI, vesting it and new responsibilities, assets and liabilities in a new Broadcasting Authority of Ireland on 1 October 2009. This Act also dealt with analogue switchover. A DTT Information Campaign was announced by the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, to launch in March 2009 ahead of the September 2009 launch of Irish DTT. The Information Campaign was undertaken by the BAI, with support of the Department. On 30 October 2010 FTA DTT, which is known as Saorview, was launched following a direction from the Minister for Communications, Energy & Natural Resources, to RTÉ and the signing of the "RTÉ (National Television Multiplex) Order 2010 (S.I. No. 85 of 2010)" on 26 February 2010. The rollout of FTA Saorview DTT then proceeded, and a commercial DTT competition was deferred. On 1 July 2010 RTÉ announced that Mary Curtis, RTÉ's deputy head of TV programming, would take on the role of Director of Digital Switchover (DSO). In May 2011, RTÉ launched Saorview, which was officially opened by Minister Rabbitte. On 14 October 2011, Minister Rabbitte announced that analogue terrestrial television broadcast would be switched off on 24 October 2012. This date was chosen in consultation with the UK on its Northern Ireland analogue switchover date so that both jurisdictions on the island would switch over at roughly the same time. This was done to make it straightforward for citizens on both sides of the border., referring citizens to both Saorview's website and the Department's Digital Switchover Website On 24 October 2012 all analogue television transmission in Ireland ended, leaving Saorview as the primary source of broadcast television in Ireland. Italy. The switch-off of the analogue terrestrial network progressed region–by–region. It started on Wednesday 15 October 2008, and was completed on Wednesday 4 July 2012. The selected broadcasting standard is DVB-T with MPEG2 video for SD and H.264 video for HD, audio is usually MPEG1. The whole frequency spectrum has been allocated with SFN in mind. Along the original analog free to air channels that switched to digital, a few new pay per view platforms came around with the advent of DTT. Worth mentioning is the addition of an experimental free to air HD 1080i channel from RAI which is set to broadcast important sport events like the Olympic Games or the FIFA World Cup. Luxembourg. Luxembourg launched DTT services in April 2006. The national service launched in June 2006. On 1 September 2006, Luxembourg became the first European country to transition completely to DTT. Luxe TV, a niche theme based station, soon began broadcasting on the Luxembourg DTT platform, transmitted from the Dudelange transmitter. The aim was to reach audiences in some parts of Germany as well as in Luxembourg. Netherlands. The Netherlands launched its DTT service 23 April 2003, and terminated analogue transmissions nationwide on 11 December 2006. KPN owns Digitenne which provides a mix of FTA public channels and paid DTT services. KPN started to switch its digital terrestrial television platform Digitenne to the DVB-T2 HEVC standard in October 2018, this transition completed on 9 July 2019. Poland. DTT launch in Poland was scheduled for Autumn 2009. Regulatory disagreements delayed its tender and approach until resolved and the multiplexes available for DTT were reduced to 3 and the 2nd was licensed in the Autumn of 2009. The reduction from 5 to 3 enabled mobile TV and broadband to get more spectrum allocation. Muxes 2 and 3 therefore had limited coverage until ASO. Polsat, TVN, TV4 and TV Puls have officially applied to reserve space on the countries first multiplex set to start in September. Wirtualne Media is given as the source of the story. The public broadcaster's three main channels TVP1, TVP2 and TVP Info had already been allocated capacity on the multiplex. Poland ended its television broadcast in analogue on 23 July 2013. A mobile TV license has also been awarded in Poland to Info TV FM to use DVB-H standard. Portugal. Portugal launched its DTT service on 29 April 2009, available to around 20% of the Portuguese population and Portugal Telecom expected to reach 80% of the population by the end of the 2009. Airplus TV Portugal that was set up to compete for a licence to manage Portugal's pay-TV DTT multiplexes, dissolved as it did not get the license and a Portuguese court ruled not to suspend the process for the awarding of a licence to Portugal Telecom, based on a complaint submitted by Airplus TV Portugal. After Airplus TV Portugal was dissolved, Portugal Telecom informed that will not honour the pay-TV DTT multiplexes licence obligations. ANACOM, the Portuguese communications authority, accepted. Portugal thus has only one active multiplexer. Romania. In Romania, broadcasting regulations have been amended so that DTT service providers have only a single licence rather than the two previously required by the National Audiovisual Council (CNA). DTT services were launched in December 2009 using the MPEG-4 (H.264 AVC) compression format following the Ministry of Communications publication of a strategic plan for the transition to digital broadcasting. According to Media Express, it envisaged a maximum of five national UHF multiplexes, a national VHF multiplex and a multiplex allocated to regional and local services, all in accordance with the ITU Geneva Conference RRC-06 reports BroadbandTVNews. The Ministry of Communications (MCSI) estimated that 49% of Romania's 7.5 million households got TV from cable and 27% from DTH services in Romania while terrestrial TV was used by 18% of the TV households. 6% are reported as not able to receive TV transmissions. Subsidies were offered for those below a certain income to assist switchover for them. Switchover was scheduled for January 2012. Romkatel, the local representative of Kathrein, have since been awarded the commercial Romanian DTT services license. ZF reported that Romkatel has signed a 12-month contract worth €710,420, having beaten off a challenge from France's TDF. The tender was organised by Romania's National Society for Radiocommunications (SNR). Meanwhile, the National Audiovisual Council, in charge of the public service broadcasting sector has awarded digital licences to the public channels TVR1 and TVR2. According to Media Express, this followed a short debate at the National Audiovisual Council (CNA) about whether to also award licences to the nine remaining public channels, one of which transmits in HD and five are regional. Romania's first DTT multiplex is likely to have the five leading commercial channels — Pro TV, Antena 1 (Romania), Prima TV, Kanal D Romania and Realitatea TV — as well as TVR1 and TVR2. The National Authority in Communications (ANCOM), will most probably award the transmission network contract for this to the national transmission company Radiocommunicatii. In June 2013, the Romanian Government issued a Strategy to shift from analogue terrestrial to digital terrestrial that pushes ahead the until the date stopped process. According to the Strategy one of the five planned digital terrestrial multiplexes will be de facto granted to Radiocom, the state company involved in terrestrial carrying the public television signals, way before a selection for the muxes operators will be organized by ANCOM, selection with the deadline of 17 June 2015. Government is describing the Radiocom multiplex with the terms "pilot project" and "experiment". The minimum technical requirements for this project are: broadcast standard DVB-T2, ensuring the coverage of up to 40% of the population until 1 July 2014, and 70% of the population up to 17 June 2015, and the possibility of using the broadcasting premises that belongs to Radiocom. On 17 June 2015, Romania turned off analog broadcasting, and started broadcasting with DVB-T2 technology, but with very low coverage, and a very reduced number of broadcasts available. Because of low coverage, Romania will still broadcast TVR1 in analog format on VHF until 31 December 2015. DVB-T continues to be available for an undetermined period of time, only in Sibiu ( Ch 47 and Ch 54) and Bucharest ( Ch 54 and Ch 59). However, since the analogue turn-off, many people who were receiving TV on terrestrial shifted to a cable or DTH operator . To the present day, DVB-T and DVB-T2 are still in experimental broadcast. The delay of DVB-T launching is criticized by some people in Romania, as a form of sustaining the interest of cable and DTH providers, by delaying the stable launch of DVB-T and decreasing the number of channels ( once, there were available 18 channels in DVB-T, even 3 in HD) but to the present day the number has fallen to only 6, and continues to be lower, especially since TVR announced that they will reduce the number of channels (TVR news will be shut down, probably because of low audience, the same for TVR 3, and the fate of TVR HD, which is one of the channels with the largest audience in TVR Group after TVR1, is unknown). Kanal D left terrestrial platform on 2 July 2015, and, Antena 3 is the only channel except TVR's available on terrestrial in DVB-T. It is unknown whether Antena 3 will remain available on DVB-T, will shift to DVB-T2, or fully leave the terrestrial platform . Antena Group channels were once available both analogue and digital in terrestrial. Also, many people in Romania are somehow surprised by the fact that Romania had regressed in terrestrial broadcasts, because in analogue there were, once, about 8 channels ( in Bucharest), and decreasing to only 6 channels in Digital terrestrial is a regress. However, terrestrial TV was heavily surpassed both by DTH, or Cable, some people are even watching foreign FTA on satellite, because foreign broadcasts are having a more interesting content than Romanian channels. To the present day, DVB-T and T2 are still in tests. Although many TV sellers are marking DVB-T2 capable sets as being compatible with digital terrestrial television in Romania, by highlighting this feature with a sticker on the TV, buyers are mainly interested if the TV has digital cable tunner or digital satellite tuner, however TV sets without DVB-T2 continue to be sold with only DVB-T/C and sometimes S2, as cable and satellite compatibility presents most of interest. Spain. In Spain most multiplexes closed after the failure of Quiero TV, the country's original pay DTT platform. DTT was relaunched on 30 November 2005, with 20 free-to-air national TV services as well as numerous regional and local services. Nearly 11 million DTT receivers had been sold as of July 2008. Positive approval for pay DTT services have reportedly been given by Spain's Ministry of Industry in a surprise move on 17 June of the Advisory Council on Telecommunications and the Information Society (Catsi). IT will now be included in a Royal Decree. A number of leading Spanish media players including Sogecable, Telefónica, Ono, Orange and Vodafone have apparently criticised that as according to Prisa, Sogecable's owner, "it caps a series of policy changes that benefits only a few audiovisual operators, those of terrestrial TV, to the detriment of satellite operators, cable and DSL." There may be appeals lodged against the government's decision. Sweden. In Sweden, DTT was launched in 1999 solely as a paid service. As of 2007, there are 38 channels in 5 MUXs. 11 of those are free-to-air channels from a number of different broadcasters. Switch-off of the analogue TV service started on 19 September 2005 and finished on 29 October 2007. Boxer began the deployment of MPEG-4 receivers to new subscribers. Over the next six years from 2008 Sweden will gradually migrate from MPEG-2 visual coding to using MPEG-4, H.264. The Swedish Radio and TV Authority (RTVV) recently announced eight new national channels that will broadcast in the MPEG-4 format. From 1 April 2008 Boxer is also responsible for approving devices to use on the network, will no longer accept MPEG-2 receivers for test and approval. Set Top Boxes must be backward compatible so that they can decode both MPEG-2 and MPEG-4 coded transmissions. Switzerland. Switzerland introduced DTT in 2007. Switzerland later become the first country to eliminate broadcast terrestrial television entirely when public broadcaster SRG SSR, which runs the country's only terrestrial channels, shut down its DVB-T transmitter network in June 2019. SRG SSR estimated that less than two per cent of households relied on its DVB-T network, the large majority of which used it only for reception on secondary devices, making continued operation not economically viable. Its programing will remain on IPTV services, cable, and free-to-air satellite. SRG SSR recommended consumers to switch to satellite. As the satellite signals are free but encrypted to restrict reception to Swiss residents, there is now one privately owned DVB-T transmitter on Hoher Kasten in Appenzell to feed the channels of SRF to cable systems in Vorarlberg, Austria. United Kingdom. The United Kingdom (1998), Sweden (1999) and Spain (2000) were the first to launch DTT with platforms heavily reliant on pay television. All platforms experienced many starter problems, in particular the British and Spanish platforms which failed financially (mainly due to their encryption being compromised). Nevertheless, Boxer, the Swedish pay platform which started in October 1999, proved to be very successful. DTT in the United Kingdom was launched in November 1998 as a primarily subscription service branded as ONdigital, a joint venture between Granada Television and Carlton Communications, with only a few channels being available free to air. ONdigital soon ran into financial difficulties with subscriber numbers below expectations, and in order to attempt to reverse their fortunes, it was decided that the ITV and ONdigital brands should align, and the service was rebranded ITV Digital in 2001. Despite an expensive advertising campaign, ITV Digital struggled to attract sufficient new subscribers and in 2002 closed the service. After commercial failure of the Pay TV proposition it was relaunched as the free-to-air Freeview platform in 2002. Top Up TV, a "lite" pay DTT service, became available in 2004 when Inview launched the first DTT (Freeview) EPG service. On 30 March 2005, the older analogue signals began to be phased out on a region-by-region basis (a process known as the Digital switchover, or DSO), beginning with a technical trial at the Ferryside television relay station. The first full transmitter to switch to digital-only transmission was the Whitehaven transmitter in Cumbria, which completed its transition on Wednesday 17 October 2007. The switchover to digital-only broadcasting was completed on 24 October 2012 when the transmitters in Northern Ireland turned off their analogue broadcasts (which coincided with the transition in the Republic of Ireland). The additional transmission frequencies freed up by the shutdown of analogue signals have (among other things, such as the introduction of 4G mobile internet) allowed for the creation of a single DVB-T2 multiplex used to carry high-definition programming. There are also plans to use one frequency to launch local television services. North Macedonia. DTT was successfully launched in November 2009. It uses MPEG-2 for 4K UHD and MPEG-4 for HD. The service was launched by ONE, and the platform is called BoomTV. It offers 42 channels including all national networks and it is available to 95% of the population. Russia. In Russia, digital television appeared in the summer of 2009, first the first multiplex was created: (Channel One Russia, Russia-1, Russia-2 (now Match-TV), NTV, Petersburg 5 channel, Russia-Culture, Russia-24, Bibigon (later - Carousel) .In the spring of 2013, added two more channels of the First multiplex: OTR and TV-Center Digital format DVB-T on DVB-T2 was replaced on 19 March 2012 14 December 2012 Digital TV appeared the Second Multiplex. Were part of: REN TV, TV Center (from 2013 - Spas), STS, Domashniy, Sport (from 2013 - TV-3), NTV Plus Sport Plus (then from 2015 - Pyatnica! ), Zvezda, Mir, TNT and Muz -TV In 2014, the third and fourth multiplex appeared in the Crimea. It was created after the annexation of Crimea into Russia. 15 January 2015, in Moscow and the Moscow region appeared The third multiplex broadcast some satellite channels (for example, on 22 channel 2х2 at 12am and in the 11:59am, My planet (Moya Planeta) in the noon-6pm, and in the 6pm-12am - Science 2.0 (Nauka 2.0) ) On 30 November 2018, the Ministry of digital development, communications and mass communications of the Russian Federation offered them to turn off analog broadcasting in three stages (11 February 15 April, 3 June 14 October) 3 December 2018-the first region to switch from analogue broadcasting to digital broadcasting. 14 October 2019 — complete transition to digital TV completed in Russia 22 October 2020 Digital TV appeared the Second Multiplex. Were part of: Che, STS Love, STS Kids, TNT4, TNT Music, 2x2, Super, U, Channel Disney, Match Strana Turkey. DTT was trialed in Turkey in 2006 using DVB-T, but the public rollout did not occur, only the analogue transmission was switched off in favour of HD satellite broadcast. In 2011 preparations were made for the introduction of DTT, with channel licenses later allocated. However, in 2014 the allocations were voided by the Supreme Court citing irregularities in awarding the licenses. The uncertainty led to reluctance of broadcasters to invest in a DTT network, particularly with satellite TV having a dominant penetration. The DTT project was revived in 2016 with the construction of a multi-purpose 100 m transmitter in Çanakkale, designed to look like a ribbon. Test broadcasts commenced with the opening of Küçük Çamlıca TV Radio Tower and Çanakkale TV Tower, before an official DTT launch in 2021. North America. Bahamas. On 14 December 2011, national public broadcaster ZNS-TV announced it would be upgrading to ATSC digital television with mobile DTV capabilities, in line with its neighbours, the United States and Puerto Rico. Bermuda. Bermuda has plans to convert its three broadcast stations to ATSC digital terrestrial television in the future. Canada. In Canada, analogue switch-off was mandated by regulatory authorities for all provincial capital cities and all multi-station markets. Analogue would continue in single-station markets and remote areas. With an exception, analogue switch-off in the mandated areas took place on 31 August 2011. The CBC was granted an exception in many smaller multi-station markets, due to the cost of conversion, otherwise the CBC services would have gone dark in many such markets. Most network stations are already broadcasting high-definition digital signals in Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, Calgary, Edmonton, Winnipeg, Regina, and Vancouver. Most networks had been concerned about the August 2011 deadline as not all parts of the country were equipped to receive DTTV by the scheduled date. Mexico. In Mexico, the digital transition is completed. Digital signals are available in all cities, thus providing national coverage. Analog transmission were turned off based on population size. Tijuana was the first city to turn off analog signals and the nationwide turn off was completed on 31 December 2015. On 27 October 2016, Mexico relocated all of its channels. This made Azteca 13 (now Azteca Uno) on virtual channel 1.1 nationwide, Canal de Las Estrellas (now Las Estrellas) on virtual channel 2.1 and Imagen Television on virtual channel 3.1. Border cities were not affected due signal issues across the United States. For example, in the Tijuana-San Diego area, channel 2.1's signal comes from KCBS-TV, a CBS owned-and-operated station in Los Angeles, and can affect television users in portions of San Diego County. Thus, Las Estrellas is on virtual channel 57.1. United States. In the United States on 12 June 2009, all full-power U.S. television broadcasts became exclusively digital, under the Digital Television and Public Safety Act of 2005. Furthermore, since 1 March 2007, new television sets that receive signals over the air, including pocket-sized portable televisions, include ATSC digital tuners for digital broadcasts. Prior to 12 June 2009, most U.S. broadcasters were transmitting in both analog and digital formats; a few were digital only. Most U.S. stations were not permitted to shut down their analog transmissions prior to 16 February 2009 unless doing so was required in order to complete work on a station's permanent digital facilities. In 2009, the FCC finished auctioning channels 52–59 (the lower half of the 700 MHz band) for other communications services, completing the reallocation of broadcast channels 52–69 that began in the late 1990s. The analog switch-off rendered all non-digital television sets unable to receive most over-the-air television channels without an external setbox receiver; however, low-power television stations and cable TV systems were not required to convert to digital until 1 September 2015. Beginning 1 January 2008, consumers could request coupons to help cover most of the cost of these converters by calling a toll-free number or via a website. Some television stations had also been licensed to operate "nightlights", analog signals which consisted only of a brief repeated announcement advising remaining analog viewers how to switch to digital reception. Central America and the Caribbean. Costa Rica. Costa Rica chose Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-T as 7th country on 25 May 2010, and started trial transmissions by Channel 13 from Irazú Volcano on 19 March 2012 Cuba. Cuba announced on 19 March 2013 that it is "prepared" to perform a digital television test using the Chinese DTMB system. Dominican Republic. The Dominican Republic chose ATSC standards for DTT on 10 August 2010. El Salvador. El Salvador has chosen the Japanese / Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb in 2017. The Digital Switchover began on 21 December 2018, and by the year 2022 it will be completed. Guatemala. Guatemala has chosen the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb. Honduras. Honduras has chosen the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb. Nicaragua. Nicaragua has chosen the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb. Panama. Panama chose the European DVB-T standard on 12 May 2009. South America. Argentina. Argentine President Cristina Fernández signed on 28 August 2009 an agreement to adopt the ISDB-Tb system, joining Brazil, which has already implemented the standard in its big cities. On air service started from 28 April 2010. Bolivia. On 5 July 2010 the Bolivian chancellor signed an agreement with the Japanese ambassador to Bolivia, choosing the Japanese system with the Brazilian modifications ISDB-T (Integrated Services Digital Broadcasting Terrestrial). Brazil. In Brazil, the government chose a modified version of the Japanese ISDB-T standard, called ISDB-Tb (or SBTVD) in June 2006. Digital broadcasts started on 2 December 2007 in São Paulo and now it is under expansion all over the country. As of 15 September 2009, metro areas of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte, Brasília, Goiânia, Curitiba, Porto Alegre, Salvador, Campinas, Vitória, Florianópolis, Uberlândia, São José do Rio Preto, Teresina, Santos, Campo Grande, Fortaleza, Recife, João Pessoa, Sorocaba, Manaus, Belém, Aracaju, Ribeirão Preto, Boa Vista, Macapá, Porto Velho, Rio Branco, São Carlos, São José do Rio Preto, São Luís, Pirassununga, São José dos Campos, Taubaté, Ituiutaba, Araraquara, Feira de Santana, Itapetininga, Sorocaba, Presidente Prudente, Bauru, Campos dos Goytacazes, Londrina, Juiz de Fora, Campina Grande, Caxias do Sul, Franca, Rio Claro and Cuiabá have digital terrestrial broadcasting. By 2013 the digital signal was available in the whole country. Analogue shutdown is scheduled for 2023. Chile. On 14 September 2009, president Michelle Bachelet announced that the government had finally decided on a digital television standard. Chile adopted the ISDB-T Japanese standard (with the custom modifications made by Brazil). Simulcasting began in 2010, with a projected analog switch-off in 2017. Colombia. Colombia has chosen the European DVB-T standard on 28 August 2008. However, in 2012, Colombia adopted DVB-T2 as the national standard for terrestrial television, replacing DVB-T, the previously selected standard for digital TV. On 28 December 2010, private networks Caracol TV and RCN TV officially started digital broadcasts for Bogotá, Medellín and surrounding areas on channels 14 and 15 UHF, respectively. State-run Señal Colombia and Canal Institucional had started test digital broadcasts earlier in 2010. The current coverage of DVB-T2 can be consulted on the website of the organization "Tdt para Todos" which is the entity responsible for facilitating its adoption. Ecuador. Ecuador chose Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-T as 6th country on 26 March 2010. Paraguay. Paraguay chose Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-T on 1 June 2010. Peru. On 23 April 2009, Peru chose the Brazilian variant of the Japanese digital television standard ISDB-T. The Peruvian government signed an agreement with its Japanese counterpart in order for the latter to fund the implementation of the DTT platform in the country. The first network to be launched on digital terrestrial television was TV Perú on 30 March 2010, using the ISDB-Tb standard. Currently, all the major stations in Lima are broadcasting on DTT in high-definition. ATV was the first television channel in the country to do digital test broadcasts in 2008, using either ATSC, DVB-T and ISDB-T in order to see which of them was better. Eventually, ATV chose ISDB-Tb, officially started broadcasting in HD; its first live TV show to be aired in high-definition was Magaly TV on 30 August 2010. Frecuencia Latina also began broadcasting on DTT on 14 September 2010 with a match of the Peru women's national volleyball team in the 2010 FIVB Women's Volleyball World Championship. Shortly after these events, América Televisión started broadcasting on DTT. Suriname. Suriname is currently transitioning from analogue NTSC broadcasts to digital ATSC and DVB-T broadcasts. Channel ATV started with ATSC broadcasts in the Paramaribo area in June 2014, which was followed by ATSC broadcasts from stations in Brokopondo, Wageningen and Albina. The stations in Brokopondo, Wageningen and Albina broadcast both the channels of ATV (i.e. ATV and TV2) and STVS, while the station in Paramaribo currently only broadcasts the ATV channels. The Telecommunication Authority of Suriname was originally aiming at a full digital transition by June 2015, but this was criticized by broadcasters as being unfeasible. However, the ITU has documented both DVB-T and ATSC are in use]. Uruguay. Uruguay chose the European DVB-T standard in August 2007, however disproved it and decided to adopt ISDB-T on 27 December 2010 to follow neighbouring countries. Venezuela. In Venezuela, tests are being performed with full deployment to start 2008–2009. DTT will coexist with analogue standard television for some time, until full deployment of the system on a nationwide level is accomplished. 30 September 2009, decided to employ Japanese ISDB-T system under cooperation with Japan, and officially be agreed with Japan in early October 2009. On 6 October 2009, Venezuela has officially adopted ISDB-T with Brazilian modifications. Transition from analog to digital is expected to take place in the next 10 years. On March 2012, Venezuela signed a $50M agreement to purchase 300,000 decoders from Argentina to implement TDT in Caracas and later this year in some of the most important cities, but only in the Government controlled TV Stations. NTSC and TDT will coexist. The Government hopes to reach TDT the whole country's population in 2 years. HugeDomains.com - InsideTele.com is for sale (Inside Tele)] As of 2019, due to the Venezuelan crisis, the digital television transition is paralysed and DTT development has been frozen. Africa. The majority of countries in Africa have adopted the DVB-T2 standard, including Algeria, Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Angola. Angola has chosen the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb. Botswana. Botswana has chosen the Japanese-Brazilian standard ISDB-Tb. Nigeria. In March 2015 Inview Technology (a UK digital switch-off company based in Cheshire and with local operations in Nigeria) was appointed by Nigeria's government run National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) to enable digital switchover from analogue throughout the country and provide a Conditional Access System, set-top box software and services including full EPG, Push Video-On-Demand, a range of broadcasting applications such as news, public service information and audience measurement services over the digital terrestrial and satellite networks in Nigeria. Inview Nigeria and NCB will: FreeTV will carry up to 30 free channels: the best of Nigeria TV and international channels across news, movies, kids, music and general entertainment "genres". A national standard set top box specification has been set which incorporates a common operating system created by Inview. All boxes will require this specification to view the channels and access value added services such as interactive news, programme recording, internet applications and video on demand. As of March 2016, FreeTV is being operated by Inview and is an open platform which enables any content or pay TV provider to broadcast their content so that Nigerian consumers only have to buy one box to view all the content. Only manufacturers licensed in Nigeria will receive the Inview operating system required to access the channels and services, which will protect domestic manufacturers and consumers from illegal grey imports. Tunisia. To follow the transition from analog to digital in the field of terrestrial television broadcasting, and to keep pace with these technological international innovations, Tunisia through the Office of National Broadcasting has planned the following phases to digitize its terrestrial broadcasting networks: First phase: Deployment, since 2001, of an experimental digital TV broadcasting unit using DVB-T system, and MPEG-2 compression, implemented in Boukornine site, to insure the coverage of Great Tunis (25% of population). This experimental project highlighted the benefits of digitization which are : -Better quality of Video and audio signals, -Increasing the capacity of distribution networks through the transmission of a digital TV package (bouquet): a layer of digital distribution network enables the transmission of 4 to 6 programs TV instead of a single TV program in the case of an analog network -The economics of radio spectrum and the energy consumption. -Introduction of new multimedia services. In preparatory phase, ONT has prepared the frequency plan for digital terrestrial TV networks of and has signed the final acts of the Regional Radio Communication Conference 2006 in Geneva organized by the International Telecommunications Union, which recommends to switch off analog broadcasting services around 2015 and their replacement by digital broadcasting systems. Second phase: This phase includes the completion of the two following projects: 1- First part: Digitization of the transmission network between production studios and different broadcasting stations. The network consists of 41 transmission stations spread throughout the country. This step represents the first part of the Digital Terrestrial TV network, and its deployment is completed during the period 2008–2009. The cost of this project is 27 million dinars TTC. 2- Second part: National digital terrestrial TV broadcasting Network to viewers, which consists of 17 DTTV stations spread throughout the country and will be conducted under a contract including a vendor financing agreement with the Thomson Grass Valley (France) company. The project came into force in August 2009 and will be conducted during 2009–2010. Its cost is 13 million dinars TTC. Analogue to digital transition by countries. The broadcasting of digital terrestrial transmissions has led to many countries planning to phase out existing analogue broadcasts. This table shows the launches of DTT and the closing down of analogue television in several countries.

a pair of governing agencies

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=492187

', officially the ' (), is a in the of the . According to the , it has a population of people. It is geographically located at Metro Manila's approximate center and is also the country's smallest city in terms of land area. The city is known historically for the site of the first battle of the Katipunan, the organization which led the 1896 Philippine Revolution against the Spanish Empire. Notable landmarks today such as Pinaglabanan Shrine and heritage homes are located in the city. Other locations include Greenhills and Santolan Town Plaza, making the city a major shopping hub with a range of upscale, boutique and bargain retail. Etymology. "San Juan" is a contraction of the city's traditional name of "San Juan del Monte" (). As with numerous other places in the Philippines, the name combines a patron saint and a toponym; in this case Saint John the Baptist with the locale's hilly terrain and relatively higher elevation compared to surrounding areas. The city's official name is "Dakilang Lungsód ng San Juan" (). History. During the pre-Hispanic period, the area of what is now San Juan was a part of the Kingdom of Namayan, whose last recorded rulers were King Lacantagean and his consort, Bouan. After the kingdom and other polities in the islands were absorbed into the Spanish Crown in the late 16th century, the realm of Namayan was christened "Santa Ana de Sapa". The present area of San Juan was meanwhile re-classified as a "barrio", becoming a small "encomienda" by 1590. In 1602, the Dominicans built a retreat house in the vicinity for their immediate use, where ageing or convalescing friars stayed. Later, the Order constructed a convent and stone church dedicated to the Holy Cross. To this day, the thrice-rebuilt Santuario del Santo Cristo stands on the same site, adjacent to Aquinas School and Dominican College. In 1783, San Juan was partitioned from Santa Ana but was still a "barrio" within the Province of Manila. The El Deposito reservoir was historically known as the site where the onset of the Philippine Revolution through the Battle of San Juan del Monte took place in 1896. The opening salvo against Spain took place in San Juan in 1897 when the Katipunan attacked the "alamacén" (armoury) or "polvorín" (gunpowder magazine) of the Spanish East Indies colonial government. The town was later incorporated into the Province of Rizal in 1901 under American military rule. On 7 November 1975, President Ferdinand Marcos signed Presidential Decree No. 824 that established the National Capital Region, and San Juan was among the towns excised from Rizal Province. Residents ratified the conversion of the municipality into a highly urbanised city on 17 June 2007, pursuant to Republic Act No. 9388 ("An Act Converting the Municipality of San Juan into a Highly Urbanized City to be known as the City of San Juan"). Then Representative Ronaldo B. Zamora sponsored the Cityhood Bill in the House of Representatives and worked for its approval. Presidential ties. Although not officially designated as such, San Juan is noted to be the "City of Philippine Presidents." Four presidents since the Third Republic were official residents of San Juan when they assumed office. They were the Macapagal "père et fille", Diosdado Sr. (1961–1965) and Gloria Arroyo (2001–2010); Ferdinand Marcos (1965–1986); and Joseph Estrada (1998–2001), who also served as Mayor when San Juan was still a municipality. Geography. San Juan is the least-extensive city in the Philippines with a total area of just . San Juan is bounded by Quezon City on the north and east, Mandaluyong on the south, and the City of Manila in the west. The territory of San Juan was once much larger than it is now, extending all the way to what is now Caloocan. Parts of the present-day Districts 1, 4 and 6 of Quezon City as well as areas of Mandaluyong were originally within the town's colonial-era borders. This also explains why San Juan Reservoir is in nearby Horseshoe Village, a subdivision now part of Quezon City. Barangays. San Juan is politically subdivided into 21 barangays: Demographics. Religion. The city also has several notable places of worship. Saint John the Baptist Parish, more commonly known as ""Pinaglabanan" Church", is where the city's patron saint, John the Baptist, is enshrined. The Santuario del Santo Cristo is the settlement's oldest existing church, while Mary the Queen Parish in West Greenhills serves the local Filipino-Chinese community. From 1925–1971, the Iglesia ni Cristo once headquartered in the town at its former Central Office Complex, now known as the Locale of F. Manalo. It features Art-Deco designed ensembles, crafted by National Artist for Architecture Juan Nakpil. The Chapel is the centerpiece of the Complex, which also contains the old Central Office and Pastoral House which was the home of the church's first Executive Minister, "Ka" Felix Manalo, along with other Ministers and Evangelical Workers. When Manalo died in 1963, a mausoleum was constructed on the grounds of the Complex by architect Carlos Santos-Viola. San Juan also has a number of Evangelical churches. Through the APOI ( Association of Pastors for Outreach and Intercession), they have contributed to the spiritual atmosphere of the city. Every January, the city celebrates the National Bible Week, where the reading of the Scripture happens during the flag raising ceremony in the City Hall. Through the blessing of the mayor, a bible was planted in the heart of the new city hall during its construction. Major evangelical churches like Jesus is Lord, Victory Greenhills are also found in the city of San Juan. Transportation. Modes of public transportation in San Juan include jeepneys and buses. Jeepney routes ply the Aurora Boulevard (R-6). The city is serviced by the Line 2. The only Line 2 station in San Juan is the J. Ruiz station. The C-3 (Araneta Avenue) also passes through San Juan. Secondary routes include Nicanor Domingo (abbreviated N. Domingo), which heads towards Cubao in Quezon City, and Pinaglabanan/Santolan Road, which leads towards Ortigas Avenue and eventually the southern reaches of Quezon City near Camp Crame, the headquarters of the Philippine National Police. Education. The Polytechnic University of the Philippines maintains a campus in San Juan.

prompt benefit

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10106726

Guided-mode resonance or waveguide-mode resonance is a phenomenon wherein the guided modes of an optical waveguide can be excited and simultaneously extracted by the introduction of a phase-matching element, such as a diffraction grating or prism. Such guided modes are also called "leaky modes", as they do not remain guided, and have been observed in one and two-dimensional photonic crystal slabs. Grating coupler. An example of guided-mode resonance is a "grating coupler", which is a region on top of or below a waveguide where there is a grating. Off-resonance light incident on the grating behaves almost the same as it would if it was incident in an area where there is no grating. Waveguides are usually made of dielectric and are transparent. For specific combinations of incident angles and light frequency, there is resonance, allowing the grating to couple light into a guided mode of the waveguide. Typically, the grating coupler has only a few periods, so light can be coupled into the waveguide, but not back out. In such a case, light will be guided in the waveguide until it reaches the waveguide edge, or an additional coupling element, which will couple the light out. The larger the diffraction efficiency of the grating, the larger percent of light that would be coupled in. If the grating is used as a coupling-out element, the larger the diffraction efficiency, the fewer periods would be needed to couple the light out. Grating waveguide structures. A grating coupler that is extended over the whole surface of the grating results in a combined structure sometimes called a "grating waveguide structure." In such a structure, light cannot be guided, as any light coupled in is also coupled out. At resonance, a normally transparent structure becomes reflective. If the grating period is sub-wavelength, then the normally-transparent structure becomes a mirror under resonance conditions. These conditions include the angle, frequency (wavelength), and polarization of the incident light. At resonance, there is also a much higher intensity in the waveguide region. Such intensities are called "evanescent" as they decay exponentially outside of the waveguide region. The guided mode resonance can be used to design filters and sensors.

connected formation

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=22209317

"Chuck Versus the Beefcake" is the fifteenth episode of the second season of "Chuck". It originally aired on March 2, 2009. The team is ordered to retrieve Fulcrum intelligence hidden in the belt buckle that is in the possession of an agent named Cole Barker (Jonathan Cake), who they codenamed beefcake. Upon capture, Cole is revealed to be an undercover MI6 agent. Though broken up with Sarah Walker, Chuck Bartowski becomes jealous after noting Sarah's interest in Cole. Meanwhile, Jeff Barnes and Lester Patel's search for a new Buy More employee turns into a search for the "Buy More Babe". Morgan Grimes' reluctance to live with his mother while she is in a relationship with Big Mike leads to Chuck and Morgan to make an important decision. Plot. Main plot. Cole Barker (Jonathan Cake) robs the grave of Brad White, a Fulcrum agent killed in "Chuck Versus the Suburbs" after testing an Intersect prototype on Chuck Bartowski. At Castle, General Beckman (Bonita Friedericy) orders Chuck, Sarah Walker, and John Casey to determine why someone would rob a CIA dump site and how that person even knew where to find it. Later, Beckman informs the team that the grave robber is Cole Barker, a Fulcrum agent. Chuck suddenly flashes to learn that Cole's belt buckle belonged to White and contains government intelligence. Casey reveals that Sarah will have to seduce Cole to remove his pants, ironically after Chuck has just "dumped" her ("See" "Chuck and Sarah"). Sarah seduces Cole at a hotel bar. As they ride an elevator to his room, Chuck flashes to identify two men as Fulcrum agents. While Casey follows the agents, Sarah and Cole violently undress and she manages to remove his belt. As Casey chases the agents, he lets a woman go after seeing she has a baby. However, she is also revealed to be a Fulcrum agent, and a shootout ensues. Meanwhile, Chuck races to and breaks into Cole's room to find a scantily-clad Sarah holding Cole at gunpoint, with his belt tied around her wrists. Sarah gets dressed, and they drag Cole to the roof for transport. Cole warns them that they have made a mistake and he is actually an MI6 agent working undercover. Suddenly a helicopter appears and fires on the team. Cole protects Sarah and shoots a gas pipe that explodes and destroys the helicopter. He later explains that the only way to read the chip hidden in the belt buckle is to retrieve the playback device. Chuck pleads with the team to let him try to hack the chip, but they all say it's too risky, agreeing to let Cole go back under cover to contact Fulcrum. As Cole meets with Fulcrum agents at the hotel, Chuck attempts to hack the chip at the Buy More, triggering a homing device. Fulcrum agent Alexis White (Katrina Law) learns that their meeting is a setup, and she takes Sarah and Cole hostage. Alexis tracks the chip back to the Buy More. Chuck hacks the Fulcrum chip and finds his Fulcrum download video with his nom de guerre. As Alexis is walking in the Buy More, Chuck panics and smashes the chip. As Cole, Sarah, and Chuck hang from chains in an abandoned warehouse, Chuck reveals that the chip contains information about him. Sarah warns Chuck not to tell the Fulcrum agents about the Intersect, no matter what the torture. Suddenly, Alexis arrives and threatens to poison Sarah if Chuck does not tell her who has the Intersect. Cole interrupts and asks if she really believes Chuck could be the Intersect. Just as Chuck reveals that he "is" the Intersect, Casey arrives with a tactical squad and saves Sarah. Rather than be taken prisoner, Alexis injects herself with ricin and smiles at Casey as she dies, saying "Fulcrum wins." Cole promises not to tell anyone about Chuck's true identity, and the CIA lets him go. However, a policeman later pulls up to the car Cole is riding in and shoots the driver. Sarah arrives at Ellie Bartowski's house to tell Chuck he must go under 24-hour protection, meaning they will have to move in together. Their cover relationship must continue, canceling Chuck's plan of living with Morgan. Chuck and Sarah. As Chuck eats breakfast with Ellie and her fiancée Devon Woodcomb, Ellie worries about Chuck, who appears to be ignoring Sarah. Taking Ellie's advice, Chuck heads to the Orange Orange yogurt shop and ends his cover relationship with Sarah, ironically only moments before Sarah is ordered to seduce Cole. Chuck is forced to listen to said seduction, while Casey enjoys his discomfort. Chuck later decides to prove his worth to Sarah by hacking the chip, which only results in them being tortured with Cole. Chuck continues his attempts to impress Sarah by enduring as much torture as Cole, but he faints when threatened with a needle. Though Sarah regrets being "dumped" by Chuck, she rewards Cole with a passionate goodbye kiss. Unfortunately, Chuck watches the exchange from a security monitor. Hurt, he approaches Morgan Grimes and asks him to be his roommate so that he can move out of Ellie's house and they can move on with their lives. However, Sarah is forced to put Chuck under 24-hour protection, meaning he and Sarah will have to move in together and continue their cover relationship. Morgan. Morgan is growing increasingly disturbed by his mother's new relationship with his boss Big Mike, who has begun to refer to him as "son." Morgan avoids his mother's house by staying with Ellie and Devon. However, they discover Morgan looking for a snack one night, completely naked, greatly disturbing Ellie. Chuck later approaches Morgan and asks him to be his roommate so that he can move out of Ellie's house and they can move on with their lives. Morgan is overjoyed. However, Sarah is forced to put Chuck under 24-hour protection, meaning Chuck and Sarah will have to move in together and continue their cover relationship. Buy More. Jeff Barnes and Lester Patel are assigned to hire a new Buy More employee, which they turn into the search for the "Buy More Babe." They manage to lie to and offend nearly every potential employee. Threatened with a lawsuit by a swimsuit model (Brooklyn Decker), Jeff and Lester blame the entire encounter on Chuck, causing Chuck to be slapped. Big Mike receives a number of calls from Human Resources and demands that Chuck come to his office. Production. Although "Chuck Versus the Best Friend" was produced before "Chuck Versus the Suburbs", the former was preempted for a presidential speech, and the airing order was swapped in the United States so that the Valentine's Day-themed "Chuck Versus the Suburbs" could air on its intended date in the week of the holiday. As a result, "Chuck Versus the Beefcake" continues plot points introduced in "Chuck Versus the Suburbs", with the episode beginning shortly after Brad White's burial. Critical response. "Chuck Versus the Beefcake" received positive reviews from critics. Keith Phipps of "The A.V. Club" gave the episode a B, calling it "a pretty good, if slightly-less-than-top-quality episode of one of the most predictably entertaining hours on television," explaining, "Why less-than-top quality? I think the Chuck/Sarah relationship is starting to go around in circles, and not in a fun, merry-go-round kind of way... That said, there was nothing really wrong with the way this episode treated Chuck and Sarah, and "really" nothing wrong with the way Zachary Levi and Yvonne Strahovski played it, particularly the long sequence in which our hero is forced to listen to Sarah make out with the titular beefcake (Jonathan Cake)." Eric Goldman of "IGN" gave the episode an 8 out of 10, writing, "Overall, this was a decent episode, which gets a bit of a nudge up in my rating thanks to a couple of notable moments – most especially the absolutely huge action sequence that came near the end, as Barker and Sarah took on a heavily armed Fulcrum helicopter. Barker, two guns a' blazin', blowing up a gasoline tank, and the helicopter with it, was very cool and one of the biggest and most impressive action set pieces we've seen on this show." Viewer response was also positive, with an 8.5/10 user rating at TV.com. The episode drew 6.657 million viewers.

equal amounts of suffering

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=41976836

Deductive lambda calculus considers what happens when lambda terms are regarded as mathematical expressions. One interpretation of the untyped lambda calculus is as a programming language where evaluation proceeds by performing reductions on an expression until it is in normal form. In this interpretation, if the expression never reduces to normal form then the program never terminates, and the value is undefined. Considered as a mathematical deductive system, each reduction would not alter the value of the expression. The expression would equal the reduction of the expression. History. Alonzo Church invented the lambda calculus in the 1930s, originally to provide a new and simpler basis for mathematics. However soon after inventing it major logic problems were identified with the definition of the lambda abstraction: The Kleene–Rosser paradox is an implementation of Richard's paradox in the lambda calculus. Haskell Curry found that the key step in this paradox could be used to implement the simpler Curry's paradox. The existence of these paradoxes meant that the lambda calculus could not be both consistent and complete as a deductive system. Haskell Curry studied of illative (deductive) combinatory logic in 1941. Combinatory logic is closely related to lambda calculus, and the same paradoxes exist in each. Later the lambda calculus was resurrected as a definition of a programming language. Introduction. Lambda calculus is the model and inspiration for the development of functional programming languages. These languages implement the lambda abstraction, and use it in conjunction with application of functions, and types. The use of lambda abstractions, which are then embedded into other mathematical systems, and used as a deductive system, leads to a number of problems, such as Curry's paradox. The problems are related to the definition of the lambda abstraction and the definition and use of functions as the basic type in lambda calculus. This article describes these problems and how they arise. This is not a criticism of pure lambda calculus, and lambda calculus as a pure system is not the primary topic here. The problems arise with the interaction of lambda calculus with other mathematical systems. Being aware of the problems allows them to be avoided in some cases. Terminology. For this discussion, the lambda abstraction is added as an extra operator in mathematics. The usual domains, such as Boolean and real will be available. Mathematical equality will be applied to these domains. The purpose is to see what problems arise from this definition. Function application will be represented using the lambda calculus syntax. So multiplication will be represented by a dot. Also, for some examples, the let expression will be used. The following table summarizes; Interpretation of lambda calculus as mathematics. In the mathematical interpretation, lambda terms represent values. Eta and beta reductions are deductive steps that do not alter the values of expressions. Eta reduction as mathematics. An eta-reduct is defined by, In the mathematical interpretation, Taking f to be a variable then, or by letting formula_6 This definition defines formula_8 to be the solution for "f" in the equation, Beta reduction as mathematics. A beta reduct is, and as, then, This rule is implied by the instantiation of quantified variables. If, then formula_14 is the expression y with the quantified variable x instantiated as z. so, As beta reduction is implied from eta reduction, there is no contradiction between the two definitions. Inconsistency with the Principle of Bivalence. Let z be a Boolean; then we can form an equation with no solutions, To solve this equation by recursion, we introduce a new function defined by, where is an auxiliary variable to hold the recursion value. (We take it that formula_19 still returns a Boolean even if it is given a non-Boolean argument.) By an eta-reduction, we obtain, And then, Then is neither true or false, and as is a Boolean value (on any , returns the Boolean formula_22) then we see that is neither true nor false; it also demonstrates that negation makes less sense when applied to non-logical values. Intensional versus extensional equality. Another difficulty for the interpretation of lambda calculus as a deductive system is the representation of values as lambda terms, which represent functions. The untyped lambda calculus is implemented by performing reductions on a lambda term, until the term is in normal form. The intensional interpretation of equality is that the reduction of a lambda term to normal form is the value of the lambda term. This interpretation considers the identity of a lambda expression to be its structure. Two lambda terms are equal if they are alpha convertible. The extensional definition of function equality is that two functions are equal if they perform the same mapping; One way to describe this is that extensional equality describes equality of functions, where as intensional equality describes equality of function implementations. The extensional definition of equality is not equivalent to the intensional definition. This can be seen in the example below. This inequivalence is created by considering lambda terms as values. In typed lambda calculus this problem is circumvented, because built-in types may be added to carry values that are in a canonical form and have both extensional and intensional equality. Example. In arithmetic, the distributive law implies that formula_24. Using the Church encoding of numerals the left and right hand sides may be represented as lambda terms. So the distributive law says that the two functions, are equal, as functions on Church numerals. (Here we encounter a technical weakness of the untyped lambda calculus: there is no way to restrict the domain of a function to the Church numerals. In the following argument we will ignore this difficulty, by pretending that "all" lambda expressions are Church numerals.) The distributive law should apply if the Church numerals provided a satisfactory implementation of numbers. The two terms beta reduce to similar expressions. Still they are not alpha convertible, or even eta convertible (the latter follows because both terms are already in eta-long form). So according to the intensional definition of equality, the expressions are not equal. But if the two functions are applied to the same Church numerals they produce the same result, by the distributive law; thus they are extensionally equal. This is a significant problem, as it means that the intensional value of a lambda-term may change under extensionally valid transformations. A solution to this problem is to introduce an omega-rule, In our situation, "all lambda-expressions" means "all Church numerals", so this is an omega-rule in the standard sense as well. Note that the omega-rule implies the eta-rule, since formula_29 by a beta-reduction on the right side. Set theoretic domain. Lambda abstractions are functions of functions. A natural step is to define a domain for the lambda abstraction as a set of all functions. The set of all functions from a domain "D" to a range "R" is given by "K" in, Then the (imaginary) definition of the set of all functions of functions is given by "F" in, This definition cannot be formulated in an axiomatic set theory; and this naive equation, even if it could be written in a set theory, has no solutions. Now lambda calculus is defined by beta reductions and eta reductions. Interpreting reduction as defining equality gives an implicit domain for the lambda calculus. The rules are, If two lambda terms may be reduced to normal form then the Church–Rosser theorem may be used to show that they are equal if their normal forms are alpha convertible. If one or both of the terms are not normalizing then the undecidability of equivalence shows that in general there is no algorithm to determine if two lambda terms are equal. In general this makes it impossible to know what the distinct elements of the lambda calculus domain are. Example: No solutions → one solution. For example the equation formula_32 may be coded with Church encoding and using Curry's Y combinator as, And the recursion is, Which is the first line and will recurse indefinitely. The expression never reduces to normal form. However every lambda term in the reduction represents the same value. This value is distinct from the encodings for "true" or "false". It is not part of the Boolean domain but it exists in the lambda calculus domain. Example: Multiple solutions → one solution. Using division and signed numbers, the "Y" combinator may be used to define an expression representing a whole number square root. The Church encoding may also be extended further to rational and real numbers, so that a real square root may be defined. The Church-Turing thesis implies that any computable operator (and its operands) can be represented in lambda calculus. Using such an encoding, Using the implementation of divide then, represents two values in the domain of the signed numbers, if "n" is not equal to zero. However it is a lambda expression so has only one value in the lambda calculus domain. Beta reduction of this lambda term never reaches normal form. However it represents a value, so a single value in the lambda calculus domain represents two values in the signed number domain.

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Waterfowl hunting (also called wildfowling or waterfowl shooting in the UK) is the practice of hunting ducks, geese, or other waterfowl for food and sport. Many types of ducks and geese share the same habitat, have overlapping or identical hunting seasons, and are hunted using the same methods. Thus it is possible to take different species of waterfowl in the same outing. Waterfowl can be hunted in crop fields where they feed, or, more frequently, on or near bodies of water such as rivers, lakes, ponds, swamps, sloughs, or oceanic coastlines. History. Prehistoric waterfowl hunting. Wild waterfowl have been hunted for food, down, and feathers worldwide since prehistoric times. Ducks, geese, and swans appear in European cave paintings from the last Ice Age, and a mural in the Ancient Egyptian tomb of Khnumhotep II (c. 1900 BC) shows a man in a hunting blind capturing swimming ducks in a trap. Muscovy ducks were depicted in the art of the Moche culture of ancient Peru by 200 BC, and were likely hunted by many people of the Americas before then. Rise of modern waterfowl hunting. Hunting with shotguns began in the 17th century with the matchlock shotgun. Later flintlock shotguns and percussion cap guns were used. Shotguns were loaded with black powder and lead shot through the muzzle in the 17th century to the late 19th century. The transition from flint to "detonating" or percussion lock firearms and from muzzle to breech loading guns was largely driven by innovations made by English gun makers such as Joseph Manton, at which time wildfowling was extremely popular in England both as a pastime and as a means of earning a living, as described by Col. Peter Hawker in his diaries. Damascus barrels are safe to shoot (where proofed) only with black powder charges. When smokeless powder was invented in the late 19th century, steel barrels were made. Damascus barrels which were made of a twisted steel could not take the high pressure of smokeless powder. Fred Kimble, Tanner, and Adam, duck hunters from Illinois, invented the shotgun choke in 1886. This is a constriction at the end of the barrel. This allowed for longer range shooting with the shotgun and kept the pattern of shot tighter or looser according to which type of choke is being used. Until 1886, shotguns had cylinder bore barrels which could only shoot up to 25 yards, so duck hunting was done at close range. After 1886, market hunters could shoot at longer ranges up to forty five yards with a full choke barrel and harvest more waterfowl. Shotguns became bigger and more powerful as steel barrels were being used, so the range was extended to sixty yards. Pump shotguns were invented in the late 19th century, and the semi-automatic 12 ga. shotgun was developed by John Browning in the very early 20th century, which allowed commercial hunters to use a four-shell magazine (five including the one in the chamber) to rake rafts of ducks on the water or kill them at night, in order to kill larger numbers of waterfowl for the commercial markets. Even during the Great Depression years, a brace of canvasbacks could be sold to restaurants before legislation and hunting organizations pushed for greater enforcement. Once waterfowlers had access to these guns, this made these men more proficient market hunters. These guns could fire five to seven shots, therefore hunters were having bigger harvests. Early European settlers in America hunted waterfowl with great zeal, as the supply of waterfowl seemed unlimited in the coastal Atlantic regions. During the fall migrations, the skies were filled with waterfowl. Places such as Chesapeake Bay, Delaware Bay, and Barnaget Bay were hunted extensively. As more immigrants came to America in the late 18th and 19th centuries, the need for more food became greater. Market hunting started to take form, to supply the local population living along the Atlantic coast with fresh ducks and geese. Men would go into wooden boats and go out into the bays hunting, sometimes with large shotguns. They would bring back a wooden barrel or two of ducks each day. Live ducks were used as decoys as well as bait such as corn or other grain to attract waterfowl. The rise of modern waterfowl hunting is tied to the history of the shotgun, which shoots a pattern of round pellets making it easier to hit a moving target. In the 19th century, the seemingly limitless flocks of ducks and geese in the Atlantic and Mississippi Flyways of North America were the basis for a thriving commercial waterfowl hunting industry. With the advent of punt guns – massive, boat-mounted shotguns that could fire a half-pound of lead shot at a time – hunters could kill dozens of birds with a single blast. This was the four and six gauge shotgun. This period of intense commercial waterfowl hunting is vividly depicted in James Michener's historical novel "Chesapeake". Although edible, swans are not hunted in many Western cultures due to hunting regulations, and swans were historically a royal prerogative. Swans are hunted in the Arctic regions. Conservation and the Duck Stamp Act. Around the start of the 20th century, commercial hunting and loss of habitat due to agriculture led to a decline in duck and goose populations in North America, along with many other species of wildlife. The Lacey Act of 1900, which outlawed transport of poached game across state lines, and the Migratory Bird Treaty Act of 1918, which prohibited the possession of migratory birds without permission (such as a hunting license), marked the dawn of the modern conservation movement. In 1934, at the urging of editorial cartoonist and conservationist J.N. "Ding" Darling, the United States government passed the Migratory Bird Hunting Stamp Act, better known as the Federal Duck Stamp Act. This program required hunters to purchase a special stamp, in addition to a regular hunting license, to hunt migratory waterfowl. This stamp cost two dollars in 1934 but today the price is twenty-five dollars. As of 2007 there is also an "E-duck" stamp available for seventeen dollars where duck hunting is immediately authorized and the physical stamp is mailed later. The stamp is valid from July 1 to June 30 of each year. The stamp may be raised to twenty dollars in the near future. Revenues from the stamp program provided the majority of funding for conservation for many decades. The stamp funded the purchase of 4.5 million acres (18,000 km2) of National Wildlife Refuge land for waterfowl habitat since the program's inception in 1934. The Duck Stamp act has been described as "one of the most successful conservation programs ever devised." Duck stamps have also become collectible items in their own right. Stamps must not be signed to be of value. England sold its first duck stamp in 1991, featuring ten pintails flying along the coast of England. The stamp cost five English pounds. Species of waterfowl hunted. In North America a variety of ducks and geese are hunted, the most common being mallards, Canada geese, snow geese, canvasback, redhead, northern pintail, gadwall, ruddy duck, coots, common, hooded and red-breasted merganser (often avoided because of its reputation as a poor-eating bird with a strong flavor). Also hunted are black duck, wood duck, blue-winged teal, green-winged teal, bufflehead, northern shoveler, American wigeon, and goldeneye. Sea ducks include oldsquaw (long tailed duck), eider duck, and scoter. Swans are hunted in only a few states in the United States, but are hunted along with other wildfowl in many other countries. In the UK, swan hunting is illegal because they are considered property of the queen. In the Australian states of Tasmaina, Victoria, South Australia and the Northern Territory, species hunted under permit include the Pacific black duck, Australian wood duck, chestnut teal, grey teal, pink-eared duck and mountain duck. Since 1990, recreational duck hunting on public land has been banned in Western Australia but it still allows Australian wood ducks to be shot on private property throughout the year with few restrictions. Modern hunting techniques. The waterfowl hunting season is generally in the autumn and winter. Hunting seasons are set by the US Fish and Wildlife Service in the United States. In the autumn, the ducks and geese have finished raising their young and are migrating to warmer areas to feed. The hunting seasons usually begin in October and end in January. Extended goose seasons can go into April, the Conservation Order by the U.S.F.W.S. There are four large flyways in the United States that the waterfowl follow: the Atlantic, Mississippi, Central and Pacific Flyways. There are several items used by almost all waterfowl hunters: a shotgun, ammunition, a hunting blind, decoys, a boat, and a duck or goose call. Unless float hunting or jump shooting—decoys are used to lure the birds within range, and the blind conceals the hunter. When a hunter or hunters sees the waterfowl, he or she begins calling with the duck or goose call. Once the birds are within range, the hunters rise from the blind and quickly shoot the birds before they are frightened off and out of shooting range. Duck or goose calls are often used to attract birds; sometimes calls of other birds will also be simulated to convince the birds that there is no danger. Hunters position themselves in blinds near rivers, lakes, ponds or in agriculture fields planted with corn, barley, wheat or millet. Hunters build blinds to conceal themselves from waterfowl, as waterfowl have sharp eyes and can see colors. That is why hunters use camouflage. Waterfowl hunters also often use dogs to retrieve dead or injured birds in the water. There are many retriever breeds, such as Labrador Retrievers and Chesapeake Bay Retrievers, specifically bred for the task. Hunters also may use a boat to get downed birds. Some hunters use boats as blinds or float rivers in search of waterfowl. When the ducks see the hunters in the boat, ducks flush off the water and hunters shoot. Then birds are collected and placed in the boat. Each hunter prefers a certain type of weather condition, depending on the type of hunting setting. Some hunters prefer sunny days vs cloudy or rainy days. However, ducks and geese fly more extensively and actively on cloudy days, rain or snow. There is an old hunters tale that if you see swans flying, ducks will be close behind. Shotguns. While hunting of waterfowl was on the rise in America and Europe, hunters used a wide array of shotguns. Shotguns used included 4 gauge, 6 gauge, 8 gauge, 10 gauge, 12 gauge, 16 gauge, 18 gauge, 20 gauge, 24 gauge, 28 gauge and .410. The 12 gauge turns out to be the most popular with hunters then and now due to its weight to firepower ratio. Punt guns, along with both the four and six gauge, were mounted to small boats due to their weight and recoil. The eight gauge was hand held at about fourteen pounds in weight with approximately 2.5 ounces of shot. The largest gun used today in the United States is the 10 gauge shotgun, shooting a 3.5 inch shell that holds up to 2.5 ounces of shot. These shotguns can kill ducks at up to 60 yards. By far the most common modern shotgun used for waterfowl hunting is the twelve gauge. With the development of higher-pressure 3.5 inch shells, 12 gauge shotguns can deliver close to the power and shot load of a ten gauge out of a lighter gun with less recoil. Modern 16 gauge shotguns are rare, with more people choosing the higher power twelve gauge or lower recoil of the 20 gauge. 20 gauge shotguns are less commonly used for long-range waterfowl hunting, but are preferred by hunters who do not like the weight of the twelve gauge. 28 gauge and .410 bore shotguns are rarely used due to the gun's inability to ensure clean kills at ranges of 40 to 50 yards. Some hunting guns have camouflage-patterned stocks and low-gloss finishes on the metal to reduce their visibility to waterfowl. Although it is legal to use a bow to take migratory waterfowl in many areas, most hunters prefer taking migratory birds with a shotgun because of the great difficulty of striking a moving bird with an arrow. Taking migratory birds with a handgun, carbine, or rifle is illegal due to the great distances that bullets travel, making them unsafe. Shotgun ammunition. Since the 16th century, lead shot has been used in waterfowl hunting. Lead shot was originally poured down the barrel. Later, shells were made of paper and brass in the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. In the early 1960s, manufacturers began making shotshells of plastic. In the late 1960s, it was determined that lead shot poisoned waterfowl eating in shallow water areas where there was heavy hunting. In 1974, steel shot shells were offered for sale to hunters at the Brigantine Waterfowl Refuge in southern New Jersey, and at Union County State Fish & Wildlife area in Union County, Illinois, by Winchester at five dollars a box. These shells were marked "Experimental" and were orange in color. Prior hunting with lead shot, along with the use of lead sinkers in angling, has been identified as a major cause of lead poisoning in waterfowl, which often feed off the bottom of lakes and wetlands where lead shot collects. In the United States, UK, Canada, and many western European countries (), all shot used for waterfowl must now be non-toxic, and therefore may not contain any lead. Steel is the cheapest alternative to lead. However, some hunters do not like its shooting properties, as steel is significantly less dense than lead. Therefore, its effective range is decreased due to rapidly decreasing velocity of the shot: thirty to forty yards is considered its maximum effective range for duck hunting. Many companies have improved steel shot by increasing muzzle-velocity, by using fast burning powder such as rifle powder thus making more consistent 'shot' or pellet patterns. Steel shot now travels at 1400 to 1500 feet per second. However, any use of steel shot requires a shotgun barrel with thicker walls and a specially-hardened bore, resulting in a heavier gun. Within recent years, several companies have created "heavier than lead" non-toxic shot out of tungsten, bismuth, or other elements with a density similar to or greater than lead. These shells have more consistent patterns and greater range than steel shot. The increase in performance comes at a higher cost. Shell boxes often cost more than thirty dollars a box for twenty five shells. Hunters use pellet sizes 4, 3, and 2 for ducks, and 2, BB, and BBB for geese. Buckshot is legal. Blinds. A hunting blind is a structure intended to conceal hunters, dogs, and equipment from the intended prey. Blinds can be temporary or permanent. A blind may be constructed out of plywood, lumber, large logs or branches, burlap fiber, plastic or cotton camouflage, or natural vegetation. Many of these permanent blinds look like a small shack with an opening that faces the water and a portion of the sky. Blinds can be as simple as natural vegetation piled onto branches, or they can be small outbuildings with benches, tables, heaters, and other conveniences. Temporary blinds are common in protected and public areas where permanent fixture blinds are forbidden. Many are tent-like "pop-up" blinds which are quick and easy to erect. Boat blinds are used to conceal a hunter while hunting from a boat. Boat blinds can be handmade or are available from manufacturers. There are two common types of blinds for land and field-based waterfowl hunting: pit blinds and layout blinds. The pit blind can be a solid structure that is placed into a hole in the ground or on the bank of a waterbody. Since pit blinds rest below the top of the surrounding soil, some structural strength is required to prevent the soil from collapsing into the blind. Commercially available blinds can be made from fiberglass, polyethylene or even lightweight metals. Homemade blinds can also be constructed of wood, but typically cannot withstand the moisture of an underground habitat. Concrete walls are also constructed to form pit blinds typically on land owned or controlled by hunt clubs since this creates a permanent structure. Pit blind amenities can vary greatly from a basic blind with sticks or other temporary camouflage to elaborate multi-level blinds with small quarters for sleeping or cooking. Most pit blinds will have some form of movable door or slide that can be opened quickly when waterfowl are approaching while still allowing the hunters a good view while closed. Camouflage netting or screens are common materials for the movable top. One common drawback to pit blinds is their propensity to accumulate water. Especially in marsh or wetland areas, the soil can hold a large amount of moisture. Pit blinds are sometimes fitted with sump pumps or even hand-operated pumps to assist the hunters in draining any water that has invaded the blind. Layout blinds allow a hunter to have a low profile in a field without digging a hole. They are made of an aluminum metal frame and a canvas cover. Most modern commercial layout blinds are fitted with spring-loaded flaps on top that retract when the hunter is ready to fire. The layout blind allows the hunter to lie prone in the blind with only the head or face exposed to allow good visibility. Newer blinds also have a screen that provides a one-way view outside the blind to conceal the hunter, but allow him/her to observe the waterfowl. When birds are in range, the hunter can open the flaps and quickly sit up to a shooting position. Layout blinds come in many different colors and patterns from plain brown to new camouflage patterns that simulate forage found in typical hunting locations. A favorite trick of savvy hunters is to use loose forage found in the specific field being hunted to camouflage the layout blind. Most blinds are fitted with canvas loops designed to hold stalks, grass or other material. Blinds are known by different names in different countries. In New Zealand, for instance, the term "maimai" (possibly from the Australian term "mia-mia" for a temporary shelter) is used for a permanent or semi-permanent hide or blind. Decoys. Decoys are replica waterfowl that are used to attract birds to a location near the hunters; an important piece of equipment for the waterfowler. Using a good spread of decoys and calling, an experienced waterfowl hunter can successfully bag ducks or geese if waterfowl are flying that day. The first waterfowl decoys were made from vegetation such as cattails by Native Americans. In the 18th century, duck decoys were carved from soft wood such as pine. Many decoys were not painted. Live birds were also used as decoys. They were placed in the water and had a rope and a weight at the end of the rope so the duck could not swim or fly away. This method of hunting became illegal in the 1930s. By end of the 20th century, collectors started to search for high quality wooden duck decoys that were used by market hunters in the late 19th century or early 20th century. Decoys used in Chesapeake Bay, Delaware Bay, Barnegat Bay, and North Carolina's Core Sound, and the famous Outerbanks (OBX) are highly sought after. Most decoys were carved from various types of wood that would withstand the rigors of many seasons of hunting. Highly detailed paint and decoy carvings that even included the outlines of tail or wing feathers turned the duck decoy into a work of art. Today, many collectors search estate sales, auctions, trade shows, or other venues for vintage duck decoys. In the historic Atlantic Flyway, North Carolina's "Core Sound Decoy Festival" draws in excess of 40,000 visitors to the little community of Harker's Island, NC the first weekend in December each year, and Easton, MD with their Wildfowl Festival in the month of November draws a great many people to that old goose hunting community on the Eastern Shore. Modern decoys are typically made from molded plastic; that began in the 1960s. Making decoys of plastic, decoys can be made many times faster than carving from wood. The plastic allows a high level of detail, a resilient product and reasonable cost. Most are still hand painted. Most modern decoys are fitted with a "water keel" which fills with water once the decoy is immersed in water or a "weighted keel" filled with lead. Both types of keel help the decoy stay upright in wind or high waves. Weighted keel decoys look more realistic by sitting lower in the water. This also allows for decoys to be thrown into the water and the decoy to float upright. The obvious drawback to weighted keels are the added weight when carrying decoys for long distances. Decoys are held in place by some type of sinker or weight and attached via line to the decoy. Various weight designs allow the line to be wrapped around the decoy when not in use and secured by folding or attaching the lead weight to the decoy. Decoys are placed in the water about 30 to 35 yards from the hunters. Usually a gap is in the decoy spread to entice live ducks to land in the gap. Recently, decoys have been introduced that provide lifelike movement that adds to the attraction for waterfowl. Shakers are decoys with a small electric motor and an offset weighted wheel. As the wheel turns it causes the decoy to "shake" in the water and create realistic wave rings throughout the decoy spread. Spinning wing decoys are also fitted with an electric motor and have wings made of various materials. As the wings spin an optical illusion is created simulating the wing beats for landing birds. These decoys can be quite effective when hunting waterfowl and have been banned in some states. Other types of movement decoys include swimming decoys and even kites formed like geese or ducks. The use of UV paint has also been suggested for decoys. Unlike humans, it is possible for wildlife to see UV colors and decoys so patterned may appear more authentic. Boats. Boats are used while hunting to set up decoys, pick up birds, or travel to and from hunting areas. For general camouflage, boats are often painted some combination of brown, tan, green, and black. They can also be covered with grass or burlap and used as a hunting blind, known as sneak boat hunting. Boats for hunting are generally either propelled by motor or with oars. Most popular are flat-bottomed boats (usually jon boats) for increased stability, with keels made of wood or aluminum between long. Painted kayaks or canoes made of aluminum or fiberglass reinforced with Kevlar are also used; these can navigate shallow streams or small narrow rivers in search of waterfowl. Care must be taken when shooting from boats as hunters may fall overboard due to loss of balance when shooting at waterfowl. Pursuing diving ducks in lakes, bays or sounds in the United States requires larger and more stable boats, as small boats have been known to capsize, wherein hunters can drown by hypothermia. Sink boxes, boats that conceal the hunter under the water surface, are illegal to use in the United States, but technically legal in Canada. Clothing. Duck season takes place in the fall and winter where the weather can be harsh. Waterproof clothing is critical to duck hunting. Most duck hunters hunt over water, and they stand in water or in a boat. In order to stand in the water and stay dry the hunter must wear waders. Waders are waterproof pants (usually made of a neoprene-like material) that have attached boots and are completely waterproof. Typical waders are chest-high, but waist-high and knee-high waders are sometimes used in shallow water. Duck hunting is a cold sport and the hunter must be well insulated from the cold. Ducks also have superior vision and can see color, which is why hunters must wear clothing that is well camouflaged. Camouflage clothing is various shades of brown or green or brown and green combined. Therefore, hunters wear camouflage similar to the area they are hunting so the ducks do not see the hunters. Face masks are often worn so the ducks do not see the hunters' faces, and camouflage gloves are also worn. Dogs. Duck hunters quite often employ a dog to retrieve downed birds. Most often hunters use a Labrador Retriever, Golden Retriever or Chesapeake Bay Retriever to retrieve waterfowl. The use of a dog provides a number of advantages. As duck hunting often takes place in cold wet locations, the use of a dog frees the hunter from potentially dangerous forays into cold water to retrieve the bird. Such efforts can be dangerous for the hunter, but are managed by a dog quite easily. It also allows for the recovery of wounded birds that might otherwise escape. A dog's acute sense of smell allows them to find the wounded birds in swamps or marshes where weeds can allow a duck to hide. The use of a dog ensures that a higher percentage of the birds shot end up on the table. A disadvantage of having dogs in the duck blind, is that some dogs are not well-trained to sit still and can potentially ruin a good hunt. Dogs that run into the water looking for birds when guns are fired, rather than waiting until sent or released create a hazard to the dog and hunters. Nevertheless, dogs are considered the greatest conservation tool known to waterfowlers. Hunting guides. In the United States, professional hunting guides are used by water fowlers who do not know a local area. They are paid to take clients to hunt on leased, or private property, or hunting in local areas in which these professional guides know where to hunt in large public waterfowl hunting areas. If they use an outboard engine on their boat, they must be registered by the USCG as an OUPV operator in all fifty states, and have that license in their boat during the time of operation, and many states require all waterfowl guides to be registered via the state DNR hunting license. Waterfowlers normally employ a guide for a half day or a whole day of hunting. The cost of hiring a guide varies from one hundred fifty dollars for a half day to four hundred dollars for a day. Guides have boats, blinds, decoys, and dogs for retrieving ducks or geese. They know flight patterns of game and know how to call ducks or geese in. They know how to set up decoys. Some guides specialize in certain types of waterfowl while others will be more generalists. Some guides specialize in sea hunting while others will specialize in bay hunting, river hunting, lake hunting or swamp hunting. Guides may have houses for hunters to sleep for the night. They may provide the service of cleaning the game and keeping it on ice in coolers or refrigerators. Guides may have coffin blinds or more fancy house blinds, that provide seats and heating. Guides are usually registered with the state that they guide in. Wildfowling in the UK. In England, the term "hunting" is generally reserved for the pursuit of game on land with hounds, so the sport is generally known as "wildfowl shooting" or "wildfowling" rather than "hunting." Wild ducks and geese are shot over foreshores and inland and coastal marshes in Europe. Birds are shot with a shotgun, and less commonly, a large single barreled gun mounted on a small boat, known as a punt gun. Due to the ban on the use of lead shot for hunting wildfowl or over wetlands, many wildfowlers are switching to modern guns with stronger engineering to allow the use of non-toxic ammunition such as steel or tungsten based cartridges. The most popular bore is the 12-gauge. Only certain 'quarry' species of wildfowl may legally be shot in the UK, and are protected under the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981. These are mallard, Eurasian wigeon, teal, pochard, shoveler, pintail, gadwall, goldeneye, tufted duck, Canada goose, greylag goose and pink-footed goose. Other common quarry targets for the wildfowler include the common snipe. An intimate knowledge of the quarry and its habitat is required by the successful wildfowler. Shooting will normally occur during the early morning and late afternoon 'flights', when the birds move to and from feeding and roosting sites. The wildfowler is not looking for a large bag of quarry, and his many hours of effort are rewarded by even a single bird. It is recommended that wildfowlers always shoot with a dog, or someone with a dog, to retrieve shot birds on difficult estuarine terrain. The favourites on the table are mallard, wigeon and teal. Wildfowling has come under threat in recent years through legislation. Destruction of habitat also has played a large part in the decline of shooting areas, and recently in the UK "right to roam" policies mean that wildfowlers' conservation areas are at risk. However, in most regions, good relationships exist between wildfowlers, conservationists, ramblers and other coastal area users. In the UK wildfowling is largely self-regulated. Their representative body, WAGBI (Wildfowlers Association of Great Britain and Ireland), was founded in 1908 by Stanley Duncan in Hull. This Association changed its name in 1981 to become the British Association for Shooting and Conservation (BASC) and now represents all forms of live quarry shooting at European, national and local levels. There are also many wildfowling clubs around the coast of Great Britain, often covering certain estuary areas where wildfowl are found in large numbers. Waterfowl hunting in Australia. Hunting waterfowl with firearms didn't reach Australia until the 19th century in the southern part of Australia, although aboriginals adjusted their prior methods and started using firearms. Hunting waterfowl was considered sport to Australians in the 19th century up to today. The magpie goose was considered the best table fare of all the birds hunted in Australia, was hunted to near extinction, and is now only allowed to be hunted in the Northern Territory. In Australia, only three states and one territory permit the hunting of waterfowl using firearms. Hunting with a permit is allowed in the Northern Territory, South Australia, Tasmania and Victoria. Unlike in the U.S., the species a hunter is allowed to kill varies widely between states. There are currently eleven native species of waterfowl that are permitted to be hunted, though no single region permits the hunting of all eleven. In addition to the native species, the Mallard is a feral species in Australia and is permitted to be hunted. Penalties apply for hunters who kill or injure protected (non-listed) species. Waterfowl that are fully protected in all Australian states and territories and therefore must not be shot include: the Cape Barren goose, Black swan, Freckled duck, Blue-billed duck and Burdekin duck. There are a few species of waterfowl listed as endangered or “vulnerable” under various legislation in Australia. Waterfowl hunting in Canada. Hunting waterfowl in Canada originated with native Canadians, but was modernized in the late 1700s around the same time the US declared independence. The use of shotguns was introduced by immigrants from Europe. Once it became more modern, rules and regulations were implemented and change yearly due to the flight patterns of birds and endangered species. Waterfowl is plentiful in Canada, and there is a wide range of birds that are legal to hunt. Geese are a plentiful and popular quarry, and are split into two groups: "dark geese" such as Canada, white front, Brant, and cackling geese, and "white geese", such as snow, blue, and Ross's geese. It is permitted to hunt for ducks such as mallards, blue and green-wing teal, and Northern pintails. One may also hunt ducks like redheads, blackducks, canvasbacks, buffleheads, wood ducks, ringneck or ring-billed ducks, greater or lesser scaup, common goldeneye, cinnamon teal, and American widgeon. Other fowl such as coot, snipe, woodcock, and sandhill cranes also generally fall under "waterfowl" legislation and any related permit and/or license systems. Additional provincial restrictions may exist for specific species beyond what is restricted by federal legislation. To hunt waterfowl in Canada, one must first obtain a valid Canada Migratory Game Bird Hunting Permit with a Wildlife Habitat Conservation stamp affixed to or printed on the permit, as well as any additional licenses and certificates which may be required at the provincial level. There is also a bag limit and a possession limit, based on species of group. The bag limit is the total number of individuals of a specific species or group that one is allowed to harvest within a given hunting day (generally considered to run 30 minutes after sunrise to 30 minutes before sunset), and the possession limit is how many birds one may legally have has in one's possession including those in one's game bag, vehicle, at home, etc. For example, if there is a bag limit of 8 and a possession limit of 24, you may harvest 8 individuals in any single day, but you may only possess a total of 24 individuals at any one time. It is important to stay current on regulations as they are frequently updated based on target species population trends. This close monitoring and regulation adjustment ensures the sustainability of waterfowl hunting in Canada for many generations to come by supporting healthy populations of desirable game species and their habitats. Regulations, sportsmanship, and safety. Waterfowl hunting is highly regulated in most western countries. Hunters are required to obtain a hunting license and face strict limits on the number of birds that can be taken in a day (bag limits), and the total number of birds a hunter can possess (possession limits). There were no regulations on waterfowl hunting from when the Paleo Indians arrived in North America to the early 20th century. In the early 20th century large bore shotguns and rifles were used. Traps were used. Live decoys were used in front of blinds, as well as shotguns holding many shells. Hunting was done throughout the year. In 1913 the United States Congress passed the Weeks–McLean Act regulating waterfowl hunting; however, the states were successful in arguing that the constitution gave no such regulatory power to the federal government, and the statute was struck down. In response, the United States negotiated the Migratory Bird Treaty Act of 1918 with the United Kingdom (which at the time was largely responsible for Canada's foreign affairs) covering the same substance, but would be constitutional because of the Supremacy Clause. The treaty was upheld by the Supreme Court in "Missouri v. Holland". In the United States, hunters must also purchase a federal duck stamp and often a state stamp. It is illegal to shoot ducks from a motor vehicle or a moving boat. Shooting sitting or swimming ducks is considered unsportsmanlike by some and possibly unsafe. Many practices that were once common in commercial duck hunting before the start of the 20th century, including laying baits such as corn, use of live ducks as "decoys," and use of guns larger than a 10-gauge, are now prohibited. In most areas, shotguns that can hold more than three shells must be modified to reduce their magazine size. A wooden plug is installed in the hollow magazine of the shotgun. Legal hunting is limited to a set time period (or "season"), which generally extends from fall to early winter, while birds are migrating south. The Conservation Order established by the USF&WS allows for hunting snow geese in March and April. The reason for this is that snow geese populations have become so large that more hunting is needed to control their populations, as they are destroying their habitat. Shotguns can be loaded to full capacity for hunting these geese. It is also considered good sportsmanship to make every possible attempt to retrieve dead or injured waterfowl the hunter has shot (In the Australian state of Victoria it is required by law). Birds are shot within range to prevent cripples. Shooting before birds are within range is also considered poor sportsmanship, as this often merely injures the birds and may drive them away before other hunters can fire. Many provinces in Canada and all states require hunters, including waterfowl hunters, to complete hunter safety courses before they can obtain a license. Waterfowl hunters fire short-range shotgun rounds into the air over often deserted bodies of water, so accidental injuries are rarer than in other hunting activities such as big game or deer hunting. Hunting areas. All states except Hawaii have public land for waterfowl hunting. Some states might refer to them as fish and game lands or Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs). Every state's DNR has a website, and each has a link to their licenses and regulations and WMAs, as well as information on various draw and public hunts. Some states call them fish and wildlife management areas. These are lands purchased from hunting license revenue. Water in bays or ocean are open area to hunting, as no one can own these areas, although some counties in North Carolina and Virginia still allow a limited number of Registered Blinds in public waters of certain coastal counties. The Mississippi Flyway is a very famous waterfowling community. The Central Flyway has the highest numbers of waterfowl migrating south from Canada in the Great Southern Migration. The Pacific Flyway is an exceptional hunting area for migratory waterfowl today, although their WMAs can be quite crowded from Washington State all the way south to California rice fields which used to see Hollywood's great hunters flock to Tulle Lake, and Sacramento private duck hunting clubs. The problem for the average waterfowler is getting access to the ocean, bay, marsh, or lake to hunt public access waters. Hunters usually need large boats, and motors to travel safely to and in these areas. Many people will set up hunting blinds on the shoreline of water unless it is private property. Many states across the United States are not allowing the building of hunting blinds on any public waters. Such action therefore allows more use of boat blinds, and therefore no permanent water hazards of blinds in public waters such as lakes, bays or sounds allows all waterfowl hunters to hunt all public waters. This can be very successful if they know how to use a duck call, and proper use of decoy placement and wind direction, and can call ducks in towards their decoys. Most sportsmen know to stay at least 500 yards from anyone else that may be hunting nearby them in public waters. More waterfowlers today should learn from their elders the importance of "ethical sportsmanship", whenever gunning on public waters hunting ducks and geese today and in the future. Flyways. In North America, the routes used by migratory waterfowl are generally divided into four broad geographical paths known as flyways. Each flyway is characterized by a different composition of species and habitat. The U.S. fish and wildlife service established the flyways to help with the management of migratory birds. They studied all migratory birds and established the Mississippi, Atlantic, Mountain, and Pacific flyway, all holding different species of migratory birds. Mississippi flyway. The Mississippi flyway is a migration route used by waterfowl to travel from central Canada to the Gulf of Mexico, flying along the route of the Mississippi River and its tributaries. In the Midwest and central United States, wildfowl hunting generally occurs on lakes, marshes, swamps, or rivers where ducks and geese land during their migration. Cornfields and rice paddies are also common hunting grounds, since geese and ducks often feed on the grain that remains in the field after harvest. In some areas, farmers rent or lease hunting rights. Some farmers or hunters form hunt clubs, which can cover thousands of acres and have resort-like amenities, or be as simple as a shallow pit blind dug into a field. On the East and West Coast of America and many parts of Europe, waterfowl hunters often focus on the seashore. The United States Fish and Wildlife Service maintains millions of acres as National Wildlife Refuges open to public hunting. All states have public hunting and fishing areas. States publish maps of these areas. Atlantic flyway. The Atlantic Flyway is a migration route used by waterfowl flying from northern Quebec to Florida in the autumn and back in the springtime. This is where duck hunting first started some of the largest and grandest waterfowl hunting clubs and clubhouses in North America. Look at photos of the "Whalehead Club in the Outer Banks of North Carolina" which is no longer a hunting club, but is a historical building today, built in the grand style of the gilded age of waterfowling. North Carolina waterfowl guide and writer Joe Guide states, "some of the greatest and grandest of Waterfowl Clubs along the famous Atlantic flyway developed following the Civil War era, and the largest ones were financed by Northerners loaded with money due to the great industrial revolution period beginning around the mid 1870s—and most of the grand waterfowl clubs ended due to the great depression years due to economic conditions. It might surprise you that a majority of the grand Atlantic Seaboard Waterfowl Hunt Clubs did not have southerners as "members" until well into the 1950s, however, they all used locals as caretakers, guides, paddlers, and cooks". Diver hunting is the major waterfowl activity along the coastal regions of the Atlantic, however, local populations of greater snow geese seem to be increasing in number, as they have started breeding with lesser snow geese and their migration range is ever increasing. Ducks and geese are born in the tundra of Quebec, and fly south in autumn to Chesapeake Bay and Virginia's famous Back Bay, and the James River, and then move southward through North and South Carolina, Georgia and Florida for the winter. Northeast and northwest Florida get a great number of teal and divers as the winter progresses. In the northeastern states the Saint Lawrence River, the coast of Maine, Long island harbors, Barnegat Bay, Great Egg Harbor, Little Egg Harbor, Absecon Bay, Delaware Bay, Chesapeake Bay, Virginia's Eastern Shore and Back Bays saw presidents and captains of great industry spend part of their winters at their wildfowling clubs. North Carolina's Outer Banks, and the Core and Pamlico Sounds have been known for centuries for great waterfowl hunting drawing people from throughout the big cities of the northeastern states. In South Carolina there was Georgetown's and Charleston's old rice fields, and backcountry marshes and freshwater rivers and lakes that continued to draw ducks in great numbers until the Santee National Wildlife Refuge stopped feeding the ducks in the winter months of the 1980s due to the economy and changes in National Wildlife Refuge policy across the nation. In the 1960s to the mid 1980s the upper Santee swamp's upper Lake Marion region used to winter over 150,000 mallards each and every winter's duck count. In the Chesapeake Bay area well into the 1930s one of the biggest threats to waterfowl was "local poachers" using flat boat boats, mounting huge 12 foot black powder swivel guns. Most of these ancient weapons have been confiscated and are in museums, although a few families have hidden theirs as family keepsakes. Mountain (Central) Flyway. The Rocky Mountain Flyway is used by waterfowl of that region to fly from Alberta and Saskatchewan Canada to Texas, the Gulf Coast, and western Mexico. Pacific flyway. The Pacific flyway is a migration route from central Alaska to southern Mexico. It is used by nearly all waterfowl species in that region. Waterfowl conservation. Due to extensive market hunting from the 18th century to the early 20th century, waterfowl populations dropped drastically. In the 1930s there was a severe drought, in which waterfowl populations declined severely. Waterfowl are indigenous to marsh and wetland areas, which are shrinking at alarming rates due to the drought and farmers draining wetland areas to plant crops. Wetland conservation and restoration is critical for the continuance of waterfowl hunting. Organizations such as Ducks Unlimited are making a concerted effort to maintain and expand waterfowl and marshland conservation to ensure safety and expansion of the sport. Ducks Unlimited buys land or converts land into waterfowl habitat. Ducks Unlimited started in 1937 in Sullivan County, New York when a hunter went hunting along a river and could not find any wood ducks. This hunter and others formed Ducks Unlimited. Now Ducks Unlimited has thousands of members that donate millions of dollars for buying waterfowl habitat in the United States, Canada and Mexico. Ducks Unlimited has many dinners and other fund raisers throughout the year in each state.

ammunition amount

7143-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=32513646

Bulk loaded liquid propellants are an artillery technology that was pursued at the U.S. Army Research Laboratory and U.S. Naval Weapons Center from the 1950s through the 1990s. The advantages would be simpler guns and a wider range of tactical and logistic options. Better accuracy and tactical flexibility would theoretically come from standard shells with varying propellant loads, and logistic simplification by eliminating varying powder loads. In general, BLP guns have proven to be unsafe to operate, and they have never entered service. Gun fuels. Several propellants were tried in various programs: One of the later (1991) successful gun fuels was a saturated solution of ammonium perchlorate in ammonia. This has a vapor pressure of one atmosphere at 20C, and generally forms a convenient liquid that is stable and possible to handle. The mixture is notable for its low burning temperature per impetus, with resulting lowered damage to expensive gun tubes and liners, or alternatively, increased firing rates. A typical impetus is 388,000 ft-lb/lb. The ammonia vapors are toxic, but the toxicity is readily apparent to ordinary people and can be handled with normal industrial precautions. In the 1950s through 1970s, a mixture of 63% hydrazine, 32% hydrazine nitrate and 5% water was used in experimental 37mm gun firings and later in 120mm gun firings. The 32% hydrazine nitrate mixture was selected by extensive experiments to have a notably flat pressure profile, increasing gun safety. Otto Fuel II, a mixture of the low explosive propylene glycol dinitrate with a stabilizer, has also been tried in 37mm guns. In 1981, the Naval Weapons Center tried a 350 round/minute cyclic bipropellant gun, using 90% nitric acid and a proprietary hydrocarbon (probably a low molecular weight alkane, like propane). High or low breech pressures could be obtained by varying the surface to volume ratio of the injector. Varying the oxidizer ratio could change performance. Ullage, the injection pressure, affected the reliability of the gun, but not its safety or operation. Another tested gun fuel is NOS-365. This is a mixture of hydroxylammonium nitrate, isopropyl ammonium nitrate and water. BLP gun ignition issues. In general, hydrodynamic effects make the ignition process unpredictable. Bubbles can form in uncontrolled ways, causing varying surface areas and therefore varying pressure profiles. The result can be widely varying pressures in the breech and tube that cause unexpected gun stresses and safety problems. Most programs have reported failures, some spectacular, with each failure generally ending the program that had it. Variations of igniter venting, ignition energy and chamber configuration can make the ignition more reliable, and the pressure profile more predictable. However, as of the 1993 survey by Knapton "et al. ", no designed, hydrodynamic models of BLP guns had actually been validated. Tactically, there can be widely varying accuracies in range, exactly the opposite of one hoped-for tactical advantage. The best systems report 1 to 1.5% single standard deviation (i.e. large) variations in the throw. Over 40km ranges, this is a 150m irreducible error. The failure of the last firing of the Army Research Lab 120mm BLP gun, with the hydrazine mixture, was attributed to incomplete ignition. The post-firing review found that a failure of the foil in the ignition charge vented ignition gases via the igniter, as well as into the propellant. The poorly ignited charge moved the projectile partially down the tube, increasing the surface area of the propellant. The increased surface area of the propellant then ignited in the tube, raising pressures in parts of the gun not designed for them. The large overpressure caused "catastrophic tube failure" (an explosion destroying the gun tube). In 1977, the Naval Weapons Center tested the 25mm bipropellant nitric-acid/hydrocarbon gun. At one point, "too fine" a mixture caused a catastrophic failure. In 1981, under a DARPA contract, Pulse Power Systems Inc. performed substantial development of a high-performance automatic 75mm BLP gun using NOS-365. Round 205 had an apparent high order detonation of the propellant, which was thought impossible. Metallurgic examination of the tube fragments determined that cumulative damage may have occurred from overpressures of earlier rounds. Examination of the pressure profile of Round 206, which had another catastrophic failure, showed anomalously low pressures followed by a pressure spike, which appeared to be the burning of a bubbly froth of monopropellant that transited to a detonation as the pressure increased. This was attributed to poor procedures to handle and pressurize the fuel.

weapon security

7129-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=61582741

Survivor Series Showdown is a professional wrestling television program that was produced by the World Wrestling Federation (WWF). Five separate specials aired on the USA Network, one week prior to that years respective Survivor Series. During this period of time, the WWF regularly ran specials to promote their pay-per-view events. Similar to this series, "March to WrestleMania" ran the week prior to that years WrestleMania and "SummerSlam Spectacular" prior to SummerSlam. Event history. 1989. The 1989 edition of Survivor Series Showdown aired on the USA Network on November 12, 1989 (taped November 1, 1989) from the Kansas Coliseum in Wichita, Kansas. This episode aired as a special edition of "WWF Prime Time Wrestling". In the opening match Tito Santana defeated Big Boss Man after Dusty Rhodes got Boss Man's night stick and attacked him with it. The next match saw Mr. Perfect pin Bushwacker Butch with the "Perfect Plex". Following the match, The Bushwhackers hitting a "Battering Ram" and double clothesline on Perfect and The Genius, clearing them from the ring. The third match saw Randy Savage defeating Hercules, after hitting him with Sensational Sheri's purse. In the next match, The Ultimate Warrior was the WWF Intercontinental Champion at the time of the event, his match against Tully Blanchard was a non-title match. The match saw the Warrior win via Disqualification after Arn Anderson interfered. Following the match, a brawl broke out between Warrior, Jim Neidhart, Shawn Michaels and Marty Jannetty against Blanchard, Anderson, Haku, and André the Giant. The match would ultimate be Blanchard's last in the WWF. The final match saw Ted DiBiase pin Smash, following interference by Zeus. Following the match, DiBiase put Smash in the "Million Dollar Dream" which was broken up by Ax. 1990. The 1990 edition of Survivor Series Showdown aired on the USA Network on November 18, 1990 (taped October 29, 1990) from the Market Square Arena in Indianapolis, Indiana. The opening match saw Sgt. Slaughter pin Tito Santana after Gen. Adnan took Santana's feet out from under him while attempted a suplex. The next match was Marty Jannetty attempt a slingshot into the ring, however he hit his head which opened up an opportunity for Rick Martel to get the pin. The third match saw Earthquake defeat Big Boss Man via countout. Bobby Heenan, who was an announcer during the event, left his position in order to hit Boss Man with a cheap shot behind the referees back. This caused Boss Man to chase Heenan backstage and ultimately be counted out. Next Bret Hart defeated The Honky Tonk Man, after Honky collided with Jimmy Hart on the apron, allowing Bret to take advance and record a pinfall victory. The final match, for the WWF Intercontinental Championship, saw the champion The Texas Tornado, retain his championship via disqualification against Smash, when Mr. Perfect, Ax, and Crush interfered. Following the match, they continued attacking Tornado until Legion of Doom, and The Ultimate Warrior came out and broke it up. 1991. The 1991 edition of Survivor Series Showdown aired on the USA Network on November 24, 1991 (taped November 11, 1991) from the War Memorial Auditorium in Utica, New York. The commentators during the event were Vince McMahon and Bobby Heenan. This episode aired as a special edition of "WWF Prime Time Wrestling". In the opening match Big Boss Man, defeated Earthquake, when Jake Roberts, Typhoon, and Irwin R. Schyster interfered. Following the match, Legion of Doom, came out to save Boss Man. During the next match, when Blake Beverly missed a splash off the top rope, Bushwacker Luke took advantage and recorded the pinfall victory. The third match saw Repo Man come out and hit Virgil with the Million Dollar Championship, allowing Ted DiBiase to pick up the victor and win back the championship. Following the match, DiBiase went to put a $100 bill in Virgil's mouth, however Tito Santana came out and chased DiBiase to the back. 1992. The 1992 edition of Survivor Series Showdown aired on the USA Network on November 22, 1992 (taped October 26, 1992) from the Prairie Capital Convention Center in Springfield, Illinois. In November 2019 this event was added to the WWE Network as a hidden gem, which included an additional hour of footage covering the dark matches from the live event. This episode aired as a special edition of "WWF Prime Time Wrestling". The opening match saw Tatanka, defeat the Repo Man via pinfall, following a Samoan drop. Next, Marty Jannetty defeated The Brooklyn Brawler following a flying fistdrop. During the third match, Kamala, pinned Red Tyler following a chop to the throat and a splash. The fourth match saw Earthquake defeat Irwin R. Schyster via disqualification, when Ted DiBiase attempted to trip Earthquake while going for the sit-down splash. The next saw Big Boss Man defeat Barry Horowitz with a "Sidewalk Slam". The final match, saw The Headshrinkers defeat Red Fox & Royce Royal after Fatu hit a splash from the top rope. 1993. The 1993 edition of Survivor Series Showdown aired on the USA Network on November 21, 1993. It was taped over the course of two days; the first two matches on November 8, 1993 from Fernwood Resort in Bushkill, Pennsylvania and the last two matches on November 10, 1993 from Farrell Hall in Delhi, New York. In November 2018, this edition of "Survivor Series Showdown" was uploaded to the WWE Network as a Hidden Gem. The first match saw Doink The Clown record a pinfall victory on Bastion Booger with a roll up. Following the match, Doink put hot sauce on Booger's pizza, without him noticing, causing him to freak out upon eating the pizza. The next match saw Crush defeat Virgil via submission with the "Cranium Crush". Next Irwin R. Schyster defeated Marty Jannetty following a "Write Off". During the final match, for the WWF World Heavyweight Championship, Bret Hart had a sharpshooter applied on Yokozuna, however Mr. Fuji hit Hart with the salt bucket behind the referees back. This caused Owen Hart to come out to save his brother, however Bret was disqualifiied when Owen hit Yokozuna with the salt bucket.

secret category

11543-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=59407085

The Panzer 2000 was a Swiss tank planned to replace the Panzer 68, produced by Eidgenoessische Konstruktionswerkstaette. It was intended for use by the Swiss Armed Forces. Description. The Panzer 2000 was based on the Panzer 68, but was totally redesigned over the course of the project. In addition to a new engine from Mercedes-Benz, the chassis would have included fewer, larger wheels than the Panzer 68. The main armament was a 120mm smooth-bore gun. In addition to the usual armor of the time, the Panzer 2000 would have been equipped with bolted-on armor plates. The same system had already been tested on a Panzer 68 as a cost-effective protection against hollow charge projectiles. Further improvements included the addition of modern thermal sights and electronics, and a new turret with greatly improved CBRN protection. History. The Panzer 2000 was intended to replace and eliminate the Panzer 68's shortcomings. However, the volatile history of its predecessor was an obstacle to the Panzer 2000's production. The Swiss doubted that Switzerland would be able to produce a well-functioning tank without expensive rework, and political parties used this argument; given the more modern technology, per-unit costs were to be much higher than the Panzer 68. These high development costs, along with a lack of export orders, ultimately prevented production of the Panzer 2000. Instead, the German Leopard 2 was procured and introduced under the name Panzer 87. This procurement was quicker and cheaper than the Panzer 2000 program because of the Leopard's already high scale of production. Versions. In addition to the basic version as a main battle tank for the Swiss Army, the Panzer 2000 would have been converted into variants such as recovery tanks, combat engineering vehicle, driver trainers and the armoured vehicle-launched bridge. Also intended for export were variants as self-propelled artillery, anti-aircraft tanks, and ammunition tugs.

tense record

13965-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=6098471

In finance, options backdating is the practice of altering the date a stock option was granted, to a usually earlier (but sometimes later) date at which the underlying stock price was lower. This is a way of repricing options to make them more valuable when the option "strike price" (the fixed price at which the owner of the option can purchase stock) is fixed to the stock price at the date the option was granted. Cases of backdating employee stock options have drawn public and media attention. Stock options are often granted to the upper management of a corporation. While options backdating is not always illegal, it has been called "cheating the corporation in order to give the CEO more money than was authorized." According to a study by Erik Lie, a finance professor at the University of Iowa, more than 2,000 companies used options backdating in some form to reward their senior executives between 1996 and 2002. In an "uncanny number of cases," the "companies granted stock options to executives right before a sharp increase in their stocks." To be legal, backdating must be clearly communicated to the company shareholders, properly reflected in earnings, and properly reflected in tax calculations. The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission’s opinions regarding backdating and fraud were primarily due to the various tax rules that apply when issuing “in the money” stock options versus the much different – and more financially beneficial – tax rules that apply when issuing “at the money” or "out of the money" stock options. Additionally, companies can use backdating to produce greater executive incomes without having to report higher expenses to their shareholders, which can lower company earnings and/or cause the company to fall short of earnings predictions and public expectations. Corporations, however, have defended the practice of stock option backdating with their legal right to issue options that are already in the money as they see fit, as well as the frequent occurrence in which a lengthy approval process is required. History. In 1972, a new revision (APB 25) in accounting rules resulted in the ability of any company to avoid having to report executive incomes as an expense to their if the income resulted from an issuance of “at the money” stock options. In essence, the revision enabled companies to increase executive compensation without informing their if the compensation was in the form of stock options contracts that would only become valuable if the underlying stock price were to increase at a later time. In 1994, a new tax code (162 M) provision declared all executive income levels over one million dollars to be “unreasonable” in order to increase taxes on all applicable salaries by removing them from their previous tax-deductible status. To avoid having to pay higher taxes, many companies adopted a policy of issuing “at the money” stock options in lieu of additional income, with the idea that the executive or employee would benefit through the option by working to increase the value of the company without exceeding the one million dollar deductibility cap for executive income. When company executives discovered that they had the ability to backdate stock option grants, thus making them both tax deductible and “in the money” on the date of actual issuance, the common practice of stock option backdating for financial gain began on a widespread level. The problem with this practice, according to the SEC, was that stock option backdating, while difficult to prove, could be considered a criminal act. One of the larger backdating scandals occurred at Brocade Communications, a data storage company. It was forced to restate earnings by recognizing a stock-based expense increase of $723 million between 1999 and 2004, after allegedly manipulating its stock options grants for the benefit of its senior executives. It allegedly failed to inform investors, or account for the options expense(s) properly. Implications in corporate America. Since the advent of stock option backdating, corporate policies have moved first toward a posture of encouraging backdating as a standard business practice, but then toward a posture of avoidance as public scandals emerged and investigations into fraudulent or dishonest business practices increased despite a commonly held belief that backdating was an acceptable and legal practice. In the modern business world, the Sarbanes-Oxley Act has all but eliminated fraudulent options backdating by requiring companies to report all options issuances within 2 days of the date of issue. Options backdating may still occur under the new reporting regulations, but Sarbanes-Oxley compliant backdating is far less likely to be used for dishonest reasons due to the short time frame that is allowed for reporting. As a result, numerous companies are conducting internal investigations to determine if, when, and how backdating occurred, and are filing amended earnings statements and tax forms to show the issuance of “in the money” options in place of the “at the money” options that were previously reported. Negative public perception. While it is true that many forms of backdating are not fraudulent or criminal in nature, there is a largely prevalent public opinion that all forms of backdating are the equivalent of fraud. This is not always the case, according to a ruling by federal judge William Alsup of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. According to Alsup’s reasoning and subsequent ruling, it is improper to infer fraudulent activity based solely on the occurrence of options backdating – further facts must be present and proven before the act can be considered to be fraudulent. Another public perception is that options backdating stems from executive corruption. While this conclusion is logical in cases of options backdating in which executives knowingly participated in the criminal actions, options backdating can be a result of normal accounting or corporate policies that are not criminal in nature, and is a legal practice as long as the backdated contract is appropriately reported for tax purposes. Overview of options backdating scandals. Academic researchers had long been aware of the pattern, exhibited by some companies, of share prices rising dramatically in the days following grants of stock options to senior management. However, in late 2005 and early 2006, the issue of stock options backdating gained a wider audience. Numerous financial analysts replicated and expanded upon the prior academic research, developing lists of companies whose stock price performance immediately after options grants to senior management (the purported dates of which can be ascertained by inspecting a company's Form 4 filings, generally available online at the SEC's website) was suspicious. For instance, public companies generally grant stock options in accordance with a formal stock option plan approved by shareholders at an annual meeting. Many companies' stock option plans provide that stock options must be granted at an exercise price no lower than fair market value on the date of the option grant. If a company grants options on June 1 (when the stock price is $100), but backdates the options to May 15 (when the price was $80) in order to make the option grants more favorable to the grantees, the fact remains that the grants were actually made on June 1, and if the exercise price of the granted options is $80, not $100, it is below fair market value. Thus, backdating can be misleading to shareholders in the sense that it results in option grants that are more favorable than the shareholders approved in adopting the stock option plan. The other major way that backdating can be misleading to investors relates to the method by which the company accounts for the options. Until very recently, a company that granted stock options to executives at fair market value did not have to recognize the cost of the options as a compensation expense. However, if the company granted options with an exercise price below fair market value, there would be a compensation expense that had to be recognized under applicable accounting rules. If a company backdated its stock options, but failed to recognize a compensation expense, then the company's accounting may not be correct, and its quarterly and annual financial reports to investors may be misleading. Although many companies have been identified as having problems with backdating, the severity of the problem, and the consequences, fall along a broad spectrum. At one extreme, where it is clear that top management was guilty of conscious wrongdoing in backdating, attempted to conceal the backdating by falsifying documents, and where the backdating resulted in a substantial overstatement of the company's profitability, SEC enforcement actions and even criminal charges have resulted. Toward the other extreme, where the backdating was a result of overly informal internal procedures or even just delays in finalizing the paperwork documenting options grants, not intentional wrongdoing, there is likely to be no formal sanction—although the company may have to restate its financial statements to bring its accounting into compliance with applicable accounting rules. With respect to the more serious cases of backdating, it is likely that most of the criminal actions that the government intended to bring were brought in 2007. There is a five-year statute of limitations for securities fraud, and under the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, option grants to senior management must be reported within two days of the grant date. This all but eliminated the opportunity for senior management to engage any meaningful options backdating. Therefore, any criminal prosecution is likely to be based on option grants made before Sarbanes-Oxley took effect, and the deadline facing the government for bringing those prosecutions has already passed. As of 17 November 2006, backdating has been identified at more than 130 companies, and led to the firing or resignation of more than 50 top executives and directors of those companies. Notable companies embroiled in the scandal include Broadcom Corp., UnitedHealth Group, and Comverse Technology. Some of the more prominent corporate figures involved in the controversy currently are Steve Jobs and Michael Dell. Both Apple and Dell were under SEC investigation. On April 24, 2007, the SEC announced it would not file charges against Apple and Jobs, but had filed charges against former Apple chief financial officer Fred D. Anderson and former Apple general counsel Nancy R. Heinen for their alleged roles in backdating Apple options. Anderson immediately settled the charges for a payment of a civil penalty of $150,000 and disgorgement of "ill-gotten gains" of approximately $3.49 million. Heinen was charged with, among other things, violating the antifraud provisions of the Securities Act of 1933 and the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, lying to Apple's auditors, and violating prohibitions on circumventing internal controls, based on the options awarded to Steve Jobs (dated October 19, 2001 but allegedly granted in December 2001) and also option grants awarded to top company executives, including Heinen (dated January 17, 2001, but allegedly granted in February 2001.) The SEC is seeking injunctive relief, disgorgement, and money penalties against Heinen, in addition to an order barring her from serving as an officer or director of a public company. The charges against Heinen remain pending. United States income tax issues. According to the February 9, 2007 WSJ (Page A3) article "IRS Urges Companies to Pay Taxes Owed By Workers Unaware of Backdated Options" the government will go after taxpayers on such options but will pursue the company for rank and file employees. Deferral of recognition into employee's gross income. According to Section 83 of the Code, employees who receive "property" from the employer must recognize taxable income in the year in which that property vests (i.e., in the year in which the property becomes free of restrictions and other risks of forfeiture). Stock options granted with an exercise price below the then current fair market value have intrinsic value equal to the difference between the market price and the strike price. Such backdating may be construed as illegally avoiding income recognition because falsely under-reporting the market price of such stocks makes them appear to have no value in excess of the strike price at the time the option is granted. Denial of deduction under Section 162(m) of the tax code. The 1993 Clinton tax increase amended the Code to include Section 162(m) which presumptively makes compensation in excess of one million dollars "unreasonable" for public companies. As the Tax Code allows a corporate deduction only for "reasonable" compensation to employees, Section 162(m) needed an exception for "performance based" compensation. According to the September 5, 2006 Joint Committee on Taxation background briefing if the CEO or other top executive gets stock option grants with exercise price equal to market price, then the options granted would be presumed to be reasonable because they would be "performance based". However, if the exercise price is below the market price so that the options are "in the money", then the compensation will not be performance based, as the options would have intrinsic value immediately. (See page 5 of the background briefing). As an economic and practical matter, backdating and cherry-picking dates with the lowest market price of the underlying stock may be evidence that the options granted were not reasonable compensation, because the grant of the options would not be performance based. In such a case, tax deductions would be denied.

corporate backers

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1535727

Carrie Marie Underwood (born March 10, 1983) is an American singer, songwriter, actress, author, entrepreneur, and record producer. She rose to prominence after winning the fourth season of "American Idol" in 2005. Her debut single, "Inside Your Heaven," made her the only country artist to debut at number one on the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart and the only solo country artist in the 2000s to have a number-one song on the Hot 100. Her debut album, "Some Hearts" (2005), was bolstered by the successful crossover singles "Jesus, Take the Wheel" and "Before He Cheats," becoming the best-selling solo female debut album in country music history, the fastest-selling debut country album in Nielsen SoundScan history and the best-selling country album of the last 17 years. She won three Grammy Awards for the album, including Best New Artist. Her second album, "Carnival Ride" (2007), had one of the biggest opening weeks of all time by a female artist and won two Grammy Awards. Its follow-up, "Play On" (2009), was preceded by the single "Cowboy Casanova," which had one of the biggest single-week upward movements on the Hot 100. She achieved the second best-selling release by a woman in 2012 and won a Grammy Award with her fourth album, "Blown Away" (2012). Her first compilation, "" (2014), broke chart and sales records and spawned the Grammy Award-winning crossover single "Something in the Water." Her fifth album, "Storyteller" (2015), made her the only country artist to have all studio albums reach either numbers one or two on the "Billboard" 200 chart. With her sixth album, "Cry Pretty" (2018), she became the only woman to top the "Billboard" 200 with four country albums, and had both the biggest week for any album by a woman in 2018 and the best-selling solo female album of the year. With her first Christmas project, "My Gift," and first Gospel collection, "My Savior," she broke and set multiple "Billboard" chart records. Underwood has sold 70 million records worldwide. She is the sixth highest-certified female artist, the second highest-certified country artist and the highest-certified female country artist of all time on the RIAA's Top Artists (Digital Singles) ranking, also being the female artist with the most number-one entries on the "Billboard" Country Airplay chart, with 15. Her accolades include seven Grammy Awards, 11 "Billboard" Music Awards, 15 American Music Awards, a Guinness world record and inductions into the Hollywood Walk of Fame and the Grand Ole Opry. "Billboard" named her the top female country artist of the 2000s and 2010s and "Some Hearts" the top country album of the 2000s. "Pollstar" ranked her among the top thirteen all-genre female touring artists of the twenty-first century, with over 4.3 million concert tickets sold. Acclaimed by "Rolling Stone" as "the female vocalist of her generation of any genre", she was listed by "Time" as one of the 100 most influential people in the world in 2014. "Forbes" has declared her the most successful "American Idol" winner. Outside of music, Underwood has ventured into fashion and writing, releasing her fitness clothing line CALIA by Carrie in 2015 and the "New York Times" best-selling fitness and lifestyle book "Find Your Path" in 2020. Early life. Carrie Marie Underwood was born on March 10, 1983, in Muskogee, Oklahoma, to Carole ("née" Shatswell) and Steve Underwood. She has two older sisters, Shanna and Stephanie, and was raised on her parents' farm in the nearby rural town of Checotah. Her father worked in a paper mill while her mother taught elementary school. During her childhood, Underwood performed at Robbins Memorial Talent Show, and sang at her local church, First Free Will Baptist Church. She later sang for local events in Checotah, including Old Settler's Day and the Lions Club. A local admirer arranged for her to go to Nashville when she was 14 to audition for Capitol Records. In 1996, Capitol Records was preparing a contract for Underwood but canceled it when company management changed. Underwood said of the event, "I honestly think it's a lot better that nothing came out of it now, because I wouldn't have been ready then. Everything has a way of working out." While at Checotah High School, she was an Honor Society member, a cheerleader, and played basketball and softball. Underwood graduated from Checotah High School in 2001 as salutatorian. She chose not to pursue singing after graduation. She said, "After high school, I pretty much gave up on the dream of singing. I had reached a point in my life where I had to be practical and prepare for my future in the 'real world'". She attended Northeastern State University in Tahlequah, Oklahoma, graduating "magna cum laude," in 2006, with a bachelor's degree in mass communication and an emphasis in journalism. She spent part of one of her summers as a page for Oklahoma State Representative Bobby Frame. She also waited tables at a pizzeria, worked at a zoo, and at a veterinary clinic. Underwood is an alumna of the Alpha Iota chapter of Sigma Sigma Sigma sorority. For two summers, she performed in Northeastern State University's Downtown Country show in Tahlequah. She competed in numerous beauty pageants at the university and was selected as Miss NSU runner-up in 2004. Career. 2004–2005: "American Idol". In mid-2004, Underwood auditioned for "American Idol" in St. Louis, Missouri, singing Bonnie Raitt's "I Can't Make You Love Me". After she sang "Could've Been" by Tiffany on the top 12 girls night, judge Simon Cowell commented that she would be one of the favorites to win the competition. During the top 11 finalists' performance on the March 22, 2005, "Idol" episode, Underwood sang a rendition of the number one 1980s rock hit "Alone", made famous by Heart, and Cowell predicted that Underwood would not only win the competition, but she would also outsell all previous "Idol" winners. One of the show's producers later said she dominated the voting, winning every week by a large margin. She gained a fan base known as "Carrie's Care Bears" during the course of the show. During the final, she sang with Rascal Flatts on "Bless the Broken Road." On May 25, 2005, Underwood became the season four winner. Her winnings included a recording contract worth at least a million dollars, use of a private jet for a year, and a Ford Mustang convertible. 2005–2007: "Some Hearts" and breakthrough. Underwood's music career began with the release of her first single, "Inside Your Heaven", on June 14, 2005. The song debuted at No. 1 on the "Billboard" Hot 100, with Underwood becoming only the third artist to debut in the top slot since chart policy changed in 1998. She also broke "Billboard" chart history as the first country music artist ever to debut at No. 1 on the Hot 100 and the song became the first song from a country artist to go to No. 1 on the Hot 100 since country group Lonestar's "Amazed" did so in 2000. "Inside Your Heaven" is the only single by a solo country artist in the decade of 2000–2009 to reach No. 1 on the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart. It also debuted at No. 1 on the "Billboard" Pop 100 and on the Canadian Singles Chart, topping it for seven consecutive weeks, becoming the longest-running number one single of 2005 in Canada. It sold nearly one million copies and was certified gold by the RIAA and double platinum by the CRIA. Underwood's debut album, "Some Hearts", was released on November 15, 2005, entering the "Billboard" charts with 315,000 copies sold, debuting at No. 1 on the "Billboard" Top Country Albums and at No. 2 on the "Billboard" 200. The large first week sales of "Some Hearts" made it the biggest debut of any country artist since the advent of the SoundScan system in 1991. "Some Hearts" became the best-selling album of 2006 in all genres in the United States. The album was also the best-selling country album of both 2006 and 2007, making Underwood the first female artist in "Billboard" history to earn back-to-back honors for Top Country Album. Additionally, it was the best-selling female country album of 2005, 2006, and 2007. "Some Hearts" has since become the fastest-selling debut country album in the history of the SoundScan era, the best-selling solo female debut album in country music history, the best-selling Country album of the last 14 years, and the best-selling album by an "American Idol" alumni in the US. The album is certified eight times platinum by the RIAA, the highest album certification of any country artist to emerge since 2000. The album's second single, "Jesus, Take the Wheel" was released to radio in October and later peaked at No. 1 on the "Billboard" Hot Country Songs, topping it for six consecutive weeks, and at number twenty on the Hot 100. The song sold over two million copies and was certified double Platinum by the RIAA. Underwood's third single, "Some Hearts", was also released in October, but exclusively to pop radio, peaking in the top thirty of the adult contemporary charts. "Don't Forget to Remember Me", her fourth single, also proved successful, reaching No. 2 on the Hot Country Songs chart. Later that autumn, Underwood's third country single, "Before He Cheats", hit No. 1 on "Billboard"'s Hot Country Songs, staying there for five consecutive weeks. The song peaked at No. 8 on the "Billboard" Hot 100, achieving the slowest climb ever to the top 10 of the "Billboard" Hot 100, breaking the record that was previously held by Creed from July 2000. In February 2008, when it was certified double Platinum, "Before He Cheats" became the first country song to ever be certified multi-platinum. It has now been certified five times Platinum, selling more than four million copies, and is the fourth best-selling country digital song of all time. On April 11, 2007, Underwood continued her streak of top Country singles with the release of "Wasted", which peaked at No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart, sold more than one million copies and was certified Platinum by the RIAA. In August 2008, the "Jesus, Take the Wheel" ringtone was reported to have been certified Platinum, making Underwood the first country artist ever to have two songs hit Platinum Mastertone status together with "Before He Cheats", which had been certified earlier in 2007. Underwood started her first headlined tour, , with dates across North America, in April 2006. At the 2005 "Billboard" Music Awards, her hit song "Inside Your Heaven" won the coveted Top-Selling Hot 100 Song of the Year award and also Top-Selling Country Single of the Year award, and she won Country Single Sales Artist of the Year. At the 2006 Academy of Country Music Awards, she won Top New Female Vocalist and Single of the Year, for "Jesus, Take the Wheel". At the 2006 Country Music Association Awards, she won both the Horizon Award (now New Artist of the Year) and Female Vocalist of the Year. At the 2006 CMT Awards, Underwood won both the Breakthrough Video of the Year and Female Video of the Year for "Jesus, Take The Wheel". She later won the Breakthrough Artist of the Year Award at the American Music Awards, and was also nominated for Favorite Female Country Artist. She won five awards at the 2006 "Billboard" Music Awards that December, including the coveted Album of the Year, Top 200 Female Artist of the Year, Female Country Artist, New Country Artist, and Country Album of the Year. That year, Underwood also won a Gospel Music Association (GMA) Dove Award for Country Recorded Song of the Year, for "Jesus, Take The Wheel". At the Academy of Country Music Awards in 2007, Underwood won Album of the Year, Video of the Year, and Female Vocalist of the Year. She was nominated for "World's Best Selling New Artist" at the 2006 World Music Awards. At the 2007 CMT Awards in Nashville, Tennessee, on April 16, Underwood's "Before He Cheats" won three awards, including Video of the Year, Female Video of the Year, and Video Director of the Year. Underwood won two awards at the 2007 Country Music Association Awards: Female Vocalist of the Year, for the second consecutive time, and Single Record of the Year, for "Before He Cheats". In 2007, at the 49th Grammy Awards, "Some Hearts" received four Grammy nominations and Underwood won her first two Grammy Awards: Best New Artist and Best Female Country Vocal Performance for "Jesus, Take the Wheel. By winning the Best New Artist Grammy Award, Underwood became only the second country artist to ever win the award in the 56-year history of the Grammy Awards, following LeAnn Rimes (1997). She sang the Eagles song "Life in the Fast Lane" alongside Grammy nominees Rascal Flatts. She also sang the Eagles' "Desperado" to honor Don Henley of The Eagles. She also paid tribute to Bob Wills and His Texas Playboys by performing "New San Antonio Rose". At the 50th Grammy Awards, in 2008, Underwood was nominated for two more Grammys: Best Female Country Vocal Performance, for "Before He Cheats" and Best Country Collaboration with Vocals, for "Oh, Love" a duet with Brad Paisley. She won one Grammy Award that night, for Best Female Country Vocal Performance, and performed "Before He Cheats" at the ceremony. In December 2005, Underwood was named Oklahoman of the Year by "Oklahoma Today". In December 2006, Underwood joined Tony Bennett, Michael Bublé, and Josh Groban to sing "For Once in My Life" on "The Oprah Winfrey Show". That same month, she paid tribute to Dolly Parton, by singing "Islands in the Stream" with Kenny Rogers (originally by Parton and Rogers) at the Kennedy Center Honors, which honored Parton that year. Underwood performed with the USO Christmas Tour in Iraq during the 2006 Holiday season. Underwood also performed at the 2007 Idol Gives Back concert, singing "I'll Stand By You", a cover of The Pretenders hit. Her version of the song debuted at No. 6 on "Billboard"'s Hot 100 Songs. In 2007, "Forbes" reported that Underwood earned over $7 million between June 2006 and June 2007. Also in 2007, Victoria's Secret named Underwood the Sexiest Female Musician. 2007–2009: "Carnival Ride" and commercial success. Underwood's second album, "Carnival Ride", was released in October 2007. On "Carnival Ride", Underwood was more involved in the songwriting process; she set up a writers' retreat at Nashville's Ryman Auditorium to collaborate with such Music Row tunesmiths as Hillary Lindsey, Craig Wiseman, Rivers Rutherford, and Gordie Sampson. "Carnival Ride" moved over 527,000 copies in its first week, debuting at No. 1 on both the "Billboard" 200 and Top Country Albums, as well as No. 1 on the Canadian Albums Chart, one of the biggest first-week sales by a female artist. "Carnival Ride" was certified double platinum in just two months after its release in December. The album is now certified four times Multi-Platinum by the RIAA. "So Small", the first single from the album, was released in July 2007 and reached No. 1 on "Billboard"'s Hot Country Songs, topping it for three consecutive weeks. "All-American Girl", the second single, also reached No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart. The next single, "Last Name", reached No. 1 on the Hot Country Song chart as well. This made Underwood the first female artist to have two consecutive albums each release three number ones on this chart since Shania Twain in 1998. "Just a Dream", the album's next single, was released in July 2008 and later peaked at No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart, staying there for two consecutive weeks. With that, Underwood became the first solo female artist to pull four number one's from one album since Twain did it with "The Woman in Me". The album's fifth single, "I Told You So", a duet with the original singer of the song, Randy Travis, was released in February 2009. It peaked at No. 2 on the Country charts and No. 9 on the "Billboard" Hot 100. All singles from "Carnival Ride" were certified Platinum by the RIAA, for selling more than one million copies each. In January 2008, Underwood embarked on a joint tour with Keith Urban called the "Love, Pain and the Whole Crazy Carnival Ride Tour", with dates fixed nationwide that continued through April. She then started her headlined tour, the Carnival Ride Tour, in February 2008, with dates across all North America, and ended it on December 14, 2008, playing to 1.2 million fans throughout the tour and being named the top-selling country female touring artist of 2008. At the end of 2007, Underwood topped five "Billboard" Year-End charts, including "Billboard" 200 Artist of the Year and also Country Artist of the Year. Also in late 2007, she won three American Music Awards: Artist of the Year, Favorite Female Country Artist, and Favorite Country Album, for "Some Hearts". At the 2008 Academy of Country Music Awards, she won Female Vocalist of the Year, for the 2nd consecutive time. She received two nominations for the 2008 Country Music Association Awards. Underwood and Brad Paisley co-hosted the awards show for their first year as hosts, and she walked away with the Female Vocalist of the Year award for the third consecutive year. At the ceremony, Underwood performed “Just a Dream” and was introduced by Leslie Ponder, the wife of a veteran who had lost his life. At the 2008 American Music Awards, "Carnival Ride" won the Favorite Country Album award, marking her second consecutive win in the category. In 2008, Underwood won her first international award, which was "Female Vocalist of the Year" at the European Country Music Association Awards. For the 44th Academy of Country Music Awards, in 2009, Underwood was nominated for four major awards. Underwood won for Female Vocalist of the Year and Entertainer of the Year, thus making her the first woman to win the award in ten years and the 7th female to take it in the award show's four-decade run. Underwood was nominated for Video of the Year at the 2009 CMT Awards for "Just A Dream". In 2009, at the 51st Grammy Awards, she won, for the third year in a row, the Grammy Award for Best Female Country Vocal Performance, for "Last Name", and performed the song at the ceremony. At the 52nd Grammy Awards in 2010, Underwood won her fifth Grammy Award: she won the Grammy Award for Best Country Collaboration with Vocals for "I Told You So" with Randy Travis and was also nominated again for Best Female Country Vocal Performance, for "Just A Dream". At the ceremony, she performed with Celine Dion, Usher, Smokey Robinson, and Jennifer Hudson during the 3-D Michael Jackson tribute. Grammy Awards producer Ken Ehrlich stated that Michael Jackson greatly admired Underwood, which is why she was hand-picked to perform during his tribute. On March 15, 2008, Underwood was invited by Randy Travis to become a member of the Grand Ole Opry. On May 10, 2008, she was officially inducted by Garth Brooks into the Grand Ole Opry. A few months earlier, she sang Julie Andrews's classic, the title song from "The Sound of Music", at the 2007 "Movies Rock: A Celebration Of Music In Film". On October 22, 2008, Underwood unveiled her wax figure at Madame Tussauds New York. In 2008, it was reported by "Forbes" that Underwood earned over $9 million between June 2007 and June 2008, being No. 79 on the Top Celebrity 100 list. In 2009, "Forbes" reported that Underwood was the top earning "American Idol" alumnus from June 2008 to May 17, 2009. She earned more than twice as much as the second-place finisher, with estimated earnings of $14 million during this time period. She appeared on the holiday CD "Hear Something Country Christmas 2007" with a rendition of "Do You Hear What I Hear?". The song reached No. 2 on the AC Chart and remained there for three consecutive weeks. She recorded the song "Ever Ever After" for the soundtrack of the 2007 Walt Disney film "Enchanted". Underwood co-wrote a song for "Idol" alum Kristy Lee Cook's major-label debut album "Why Wait". At the 2008 Idol Gives Back, she sang George Michael's classic "Praying For Time" and later recorded it. In November 2008, Underwood recorded a virtual and posthumous duet with Elvis Presley, on his classic "I'll Be Home For Christmas", for his 2008 album "Christmas Duets". Elvis's ex-wife, Priscilla Presley, herself asked Underwood to do the duet: "Priscilla wanted me to do 'I'll Be Home For Christmas'", she says. "I couldn't say 'no'." In March 2009, she tracked a cover of Mötley Crüe's ballad "Home Sweet Home" for the "American Idol" season eight farewell theme. 2009–2012: "Play On" and collaborations. Underwood released her third studio album, "Play On", on November 3, 2009. The album debuted atop both the "Billboard" 200 and Top Country Albums, selling over 318,000 copies in its first week, and became, upon its release, the top-selling release of the year by a female artist, but was later overtaken by Susan Boyle's "I Dreamed a Dream" and finished the year as No. 2. Underwood wrote a song with pop/R&B singer-songwriter Ne-Yo for the album, the song, however, did not make the final tracklist. The first single from the album, "Cowboy Casanova", co-written by Underwood, Brett James and hip hop producer Mike Elizondo, was released in September 2009. It was a huge success, jumping from No. 96 to No. 11 on the "Billboard" Hot 100 in its second week, one of the biggest single-week upwards on the chart of all time. It later peaked at No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart in just ten weeks, the year's fastest chart-topper by a country female and the fastest number one of her career at that time (her 2014 single "Something in the Water" topped the Hot Country Songs chart in its seventh week). "Cowboy Casanova" has sold over 2 million copies, being certified double Platinum. The album's second single, "Temporary Home" hit No. 1 on the "Billboard" Hot Country Songs and the RIAA certified it Platinum. "Undo It", Underwood's third single from "Play On", was released to radio in May. It was later certified Platinum and hit No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart, giving Underwood her tenth number-one single on the Hot Country Songs. The fourth single from "Play On", "Mama's Song", was released to country radio in September, peaking at number two on the Hot Country Songs and being certified Gold by the RIAA. The album is certified Triple Platinum. Underwood's Play On Tour started its first leg on March 11, 2010, in Reading, Pennsylvania. The second leg of the tour started on September 25, 2010, in Portland, Oregon, and ended January 1, 2011, in Detroit. Underwood sold out the prestigious Hollywood Bowl on October 2, 2010. In December 2010, "Pollstar.com" ranked the "Play On Tour" one of the Top 50 tours of 2010, at No. 1 on the North American ranking, and No. 31 worldwide. "Billboard" also ranked Underwood's tour at No. 24 for all worldwide tours of 2010. On January 4, 2011, official statistics revealed that Underwood played to over 1 million fans throughout the tour, resulting in her being named again as the top-ranked female country touring artist of the year. At the 2009 CMA Awards, she received two nominations and co-hosted the ceremony with Brad Paisley for their second consecutive year. Underwood was nominated for six Academy of Country Music Awards. At the show's ceremony in April 2010, Underwood was named Entertainer of the Year, making her the first woman to win this award twice. Host Reba McEntire presented Underwood with the "ACM Triple Crown Award" signifying her winning Top New Artist, Top Female Vocalist, and Entertainer of the Year during her career. She was only the second Female to win the coveted "Triple Crown Award", the first being Barbara Mandrell. At the CMT Music Awards, Underwood walked away with Video of the Year for "Cowboy Casanova" and also won CMT Performance of the Year for "Temporary Home" from "CMT: Invitation Only presents Carrie Underwood". Underwood won two international awards at the 8th French Country Music Awards, which were Best Female Vocalist and Video of the Year, for "Cowboy Casanova". At the 2010 American Music Awards, she won "Favorite Country Album", for "Play On", making her the only artist in the American Music Award history to have all albums awarded in the category. She co-hosted the 2010 CMA Awards with Brad Paisley for the third year in a row. At the 2011 Grammy Awards, Underwood was nominated for 'Best Female Country Vocal Performance' for "Temporary Home". Underwood was honored by the CMT "Artists of the Year" special as one of the 5 top Artists of the year in 2010 in country music. The event aired on CMT on December 3, 2010. At the 2011 Academy of Country Music Awards, Underwood sang with Steven Tyler both her song "Undo It" and Aerosmith's "Walk This Way". In May 2011, Underwood was one of the seven women to be honored by the Academy of Country Music at the "Girls' Night Out: Superstar Women of Country" special. She was recognized for being the first and only female artist in the Academy's history to ever win Entertainer of the Year twice. At the ceremony, Vince Gill introduced Underwood and presented her with the special award. He sang one of her hits, "Jesus, Take The Wheel", and joined Underwood on a rendition performance of "How Great Thou Art". The video of the performance turned into a viral sensation, reaching 3 million views on YouTube within two days. In December 2009, "Some Hearts" was named the number-one Country Album of the 2000 Decade by "Billboard" and Underwood was the top-ranked female artist on "Billboard"'s Best Country Artists of the 2000 Decade list. Overall, she was ranked No. 50 on the Artists of the Decade list by "Billboard". Also in late 2009, Underwood had her very own "CMT Invitation Only" and also hosted a Christmas special, "Carrie Underwood: An All-Star Holiday Special", a two-hour variety show on Fox that featured Dolly Parton (with whom she sang a rendition duet of "I Will Always Love You") season seven "American Idol" champion David Cook, Kristin Chenoweth, Brad Paisley and others. In May 2010, Underwood was selected on People Magazine's 100 Most Beautiful People List for 2010. This was the 4th year in a row that she was selected for the list. Also in May, Victoria's Secret named her legs the Sexiest Legs in Hollywood. In June 2011, "Rolling Stone" magazine ranked Underwood as the No. 11 Queen of Pop, based on a lot of criteria from 2009 until 2011. Underwood co-wrote and recorded a song titled "There's a Place for Us", the lead single from "". Underwood and songwriters, David Hodges and Hillary Lindsey, received a nomination for the Golden Globe Award for Best Original Song. It was during this writing session that the trio also wrote “See You Again” for the movie; however, the song was not included in the film and Underwood kept it and pushed for its inclusion on her fourth album in 2012. In March 2011, Underwood sang John Lennon's "Instant Karma!" at the NBC's special "All Together Now – A Celebration of Service", which honored former President George H. W. Bush. At the season ten finale of "American Idol," Underwood selected a song for contestant Lauren Alaina to sing. Underwood is featured on "Remind Me", a duet with Brad Paisley that reached No. 1 on the "Billboard" Hot Country Songs, giving Underwood her eleventh number-one single on such chart and fourteenth overall. She has also a duet with Tony Bennett on his 2011 album "Duets II" and another duet with Randy Travis on his 2011 "Anniversary Celebration" album. Underwood was one of the headliners of the iHeartRadio Music Festival. The event took place on September 23 and 24, 2011. On September 19, Underwood performed "You Really Got a Hold on Me" in tribute to Smokey Robinson, as he was presented with the Ella Award at the Society of Singers annual dinner. Robinson returned the favor to Underwood by singing "My Girl" to her. At the same event, they sang together with Stevie Wonder, Natalie Cole and other artists a medley of multiple songs. In 2010, Underwood was reported by "Forbes" to have earned over $13 million from May 2009 to May 2010, being the top-earning "Idol". In July 2011, Forbes reported that Underwood earned over $20 million between May 2010 and May 2011, being the top-earning "American Idol" alumnus for the fourth consecutive year. She earned $5 million between 2011 and 2012. On February 4, 2012, Underwood joined Steven Tyler to record CMT's "Crossroads" at the Pepsi Coliseum during the Pepsi Super Bowl Fan Jam of Super Bowl XLVI. It was the highest-rated episode in seven years. On February 12, 2012, Underwood and Tony Bennett performed their duet "It Had to Be You" at the 54th Annual Grammy Awards. They also sang the song on the season two premiere of Blue Bloods in September 2011. 2012–2013: "Blown Away" and global tour. "Blown Away", Underwood's fourth album, was released on May 1, 2012. Underwood has said that this album features songs with a "darker storyline". "Blown Away" debuted at No. 1 on the "Billboard" 200, the Country Albums Chart and the Digital Albums chart in the US, selling more than 267,000 in its first week. The first single, "Good Girl", was released on February 23, 2012. It was officially released to Country radio on February 27, 2012. The music video for "Good Girl" premiered on "Entertainment Tonight" and on "VEVO" on March 12, 2012. The song peaked at No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart, giving Underwood her twelfth number-one on the chart, and was certified Double Platinum and has sold over two million copies. The song "Blown Away" was released as the second single from the album on July 9, 2012. It was a massive success, selling over 2 million copies, being certified Triple Platinum, reaching the Top 20 of the "Billboard" Hot 100, the number-one spot on the Billboard Country Airplay and the Top 2 of the Top Country Songs, where it became Underwood's 16th Top 10 hit on Hot Country Songs chart, a record among women in the tally's 68-year history. The album was the 7th best-selling album of 2012, the second best-selling country album of the year and the second best-selling release by a female artist in 2012. It has been certified Double Platinum by the RIAA and sold over 1.7 million copies in the United States alone. Underwood had her very own VH1 Unplugged (called "VH1 Presents: Carrie Underwood Unplugged") and VH1 Behind The Music episodes, which premiered October 2, 2012. For the episode, Underwood included a cover of the Coldplay song “Fix You.” "Two Black Cadillacs", the third single from the album, was released on November 26. It became Underwood's 17th top 10 hit on the Billboard Hot Country Songs, extending her own record, later peaking at No. 2 on Billboard's Country Airplay chart and was certified Platinum. In March 2013, "See You Again" was released as the album's fourth single; it has peaked at number 2 on Country Airplay chart and has been certified Platinum by the RIAA. At the 2012 CMT Music Awards, Underwood won the awards for Video of the Year, for "Good Girl", and Collaborative Video of the Year, for "Remind Me", her duet with Brad Paisley. She also performed "Good Girl" at the ceremony. At the 2012 American Music Awards, she won the award for Favorite Album – Country, for "Blown Away", and performed "Two Black Cadillacs". In early 2013, Underwood won the prize for Top Selling International Album of the Year at the 41st Country Music Awards of Australia. Also in February 2013, Underwood won her sixth Grammy Award, for Best Country Solo Performance, for "Blown Away". She performed a medley of "Blown Away" and "Two Black Cadillacs" at the awards show. On February 13, Underwood received two nominations for the Academy of Country Music Awards. She won International Album of the Year at the 2013 British Country Music Awards. At the 2013 CMT Music Awards, Underwood won her 10th award, becoming the most awarded artist ever in CMT Music Awards history. She won Video of the Year for "Blown Away" for the fourth time, which also makes her the artist with the most wins ever in the category. During the ceremony, she paid tribute to tornado victims in Oklahoma, by performing "See You Again" backed by a choir from Nashville's Christ Church. In 2012, the first leg of the "Blown Away Tour" started at the Royal Albert Hall in London on June 21, 2012, which sold out in 90 minutes, and five shows in Australia, including a sold-out date at the Sydney Opera House, on July 2. The first leg of the "Blown Away Tour" made Underwood the best-selling female country touring artist of 2012, grossing over $29.2 million and bringing her career tour revenues to over $95 million. The tour had its own exhibition at the Country Music Hall of Fame, called "Carrie Underwood: The Blown Away Tour Exhibition", which ran from June 5 through November 10, 2013. The second leg of the tour started in February 2013, with shows in Ireland, an additional show in England, as part of the festival, and several shows in North America. All dates of the second leg of the "Blown Away Tour" were sold out, breaking records. Underwood wrapped the "Blown Away Tour" in late May 2013, playing to one million fans across three continents and six countries. Her three headline arena tours have played to over 3.2 million fans combined. Underwood released "The Blown Away Tour: LIVE", a DVD with nearly 100 minutes of performance footage, behind-the-scene looks, interviews, and music videos from the album "Blown Away". The DVD was released on August 13, 2013, and is Underwood's first official DVD concert. On February 22, 2013, "Billboard" ranked Underwood as the 16th money maker for the period from February 2012 to February 2013. She earned close to $12 million, being "American Idol"'s Top Earner and second for female country artists. In June 2013, "Forbes" placed Underwood at No. 46 on The Celebrity 100 list, reporting that she earned more than $31 million between June 2012 and June 2013, being the top-earning "American Idol", and also being one of the ten highest-paid women in music of 2013. On January 21, 2013, "Can't Stop Lovin' You", a song by rock band Aerosmith with featured vocals by Underwood, was released as a single. On May 25, Underwood joined The Rolling Stones onstage during the stop of the band's 50 and Counting Tour in Toronto, Canada. They performed "It's Only Rock 'n Roll (But I Like It)". On September 22, 2013, at the 65th Primetime Emmy Awards, she was part of the Emmy Awards' special tribute honoring the 50th Anniversary of 1963 Television Milestones, which includes the assassination coverage of President John F. Kennedy and The Beatles' first US appearance. She performed one of The Beatles' iconic songs, "Yesterday". 2014–2015: "Greatest Hits: Decade #1". Underwood confirmed that she began planning a new album in August 2013 and would start prep work sometime in 2014. Underwood told "Billboard", "After "The Sound of Music", I feel like I can really buckle down and start working on the next album." Underwood also stated she has been planning another tour, which might be toned down from her earlier ones, stating, "I haven't thought about it much because I don't know what the next album is going to sound like, but I like just standing there and singing, too. I may take a different approach, a more simple approach on the next one. I loved the energy that rock concerts had," Underwood told "Billboard". Underwood was featured on Miranda Lambert's album "Platinum", on the track"Somethin' Bad". Released as a single, "Somethin' Bad" reached No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart, becoming Underwood's 13th number-one on the chart. The same week, the song vaulted to No. 19 on the "Billboard" Hot 100. In early 2014, she performed on the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame Induction Ceremony, paying tribute to Linda Ronstadt. Her performances were highly acclaimed by critics and even by Stevie Nicks, who performed with Underwood. In September, Underwood headlined the 2014 Global Citizen Festival, alongside Jay-Z, No Doubt and other music acts. Her cover of R.E.M. 's "Everybody Hurts" during her performance was highly praised. She headlined the 2014 Concert for Valor in November, alongside Eminem, Metallica, Foo Fighters, and other music acts, where she was backed by the Singing Sergeants of the US Air Force during the performance of "Something in the Water". Underwood was asked by Bono himself to front U2's World AIDS Day (RED) Concert, alongside U2, Bruce Springsteen, Coldplay's Chris Martin, and Kanye West, on December 1, 2014. She was joined on stage by U2 guitarist The Edge during a performance of her song "Change", which received acclaim. The Academy of Country Music awarded Underwood the Gene Weed Special Achievement Award, for her widespread exposure through NFL Sunday Night Football, the live NBC broadcast of "The Sound of Music Live! ", her worldwide Blown Away Tour and her charity work with the American Red Cross and her C.A.T.S. Foundation. At the 2014 Billboard Music Awards, Underwood won the Milestone Award, for which she had been nominated due to her chart success, especially her record of having the best starting run ever by a woman on the Country Airplay chart (18 top ten hits on the chart). "Time" listed Underwood as one of the 100 most influential people in the world, placing her in the "Icons" category. She won the award for Favorite Female Country Artist at the American Music Awards, marking her eighth career AMA. She was named 2014's top female Christian artist by "Billboard". In 2015 at the 57th Grammy Awards, Underwood won Best Country Solo Performance for "Something in the Water", marking her seventh career Grammy Award. At the 2015 Billboard Music Awards, she won the award for Top Christian Song for "Something in the Water". At the 2015 CMT Music Awards, Underwood won three awards, including Video of the Year for "Something in the Water". She won her ninth American Music Award in 2015, winning Favorite Female Country Artist. Underwood's first greatest hits compilation, "", was released on December 9. The album's lead single, "Something in the Water", became a crossover success. It reached No. 1 on the Hot Country Songs chart, becoming her fourteenth number-one hit on that chart and her second in 2014. With fourteen number ones, she holds the record as the female country artist with the most number-one hits on the Hot Country Songs chart in the Nielsen SoundScan era (since 1991) in the "Guinness Book." The song topped the Hot Christian Songs chart and has held the top spot for multiple consecutive weeks. It debuted at No. 24 on the Hot 100 chart as well. The song set and broke multiple airplay records on Country radio in its first week. In February 2015, "Little Toy Guns" was released as the second single from the compilation. The track peaked at number six on Billboard's Hot Country Songs, number two on the Country Airplay Chart and number 47 on the Hot 100. The song was nominated for Best Country Solo Performance at the 58th Grammy Awards. The compilation debuted with the biggest sales debut for a hits collection in any genre of music in more than six years and the biggest first-week sales for a female hits album in any genre in over nine years. She earned $10 million between 2013 and 2014, topping Forbes' list of the top-earning "American Idol"s, and $8 million between 2014 and 2015. 2015–2017: "Storyteller", label change, and injury. Underwood returned to the studio to finish her fifth studio album in the spring of 2015. "Storyteller" was released on October 23, 2015, and the lead single, "Smoke Break" was released to radio in August. "Storyteller" debuted at No. 2 on the "Billboard" 200, making Underwood the first country artist to have their first five studio albums debut at Nos. 1 or 2 on the "Billboard" 200. In addition, the album debuted at No. 1 on the Top Country Albums chart, earning Underwood another record as the first artist to score six consecutive number-one albums on that chart. "Storyteller" has since been certified Platinum by the RIAA. The album's second single, "Heartbeat", became Underwood's 14th leader on the Country Airplay while the album's third single, "Church Bells", became her 15th career No. 1 on the Country Airplay chart, both extending her record for the most number one's among women in the history of the chart. Underwood became the first female artist to score two number one hits on the Country Airplay chart in 2016. A fourth single, "Dirty Laundry", was released from the album in August 2016, eventually peaking at number two on the Billboard Country Airplay. "Billboard" ranked Underwood as the top female country artist for the year, and fifth overall. Underwood launched the , her fifth headlining tour, in January 2016, with a second half picking up in August. The tour played to over 1 million fans, completing 92 shows across 7 countries while being named by "Billboard" the top country tour for the first half of the year. She earned $26 million between 2015 and 2016, raking among Forbes' list of highest-paid country music acts, and $20 million between 2016 and 2017, ranking on Billboard's Top 50 Money Makers list. In June 2016, Underwood received three nominations from the CMT Music Awards, taking home two honors for "Smoke Break", expanding her CMT Music Award total to 15—the most among all acts. She was named Female Vocalist of the Year by the American Country Countdown Awards in 2016, and also received the CMA Chairman's Award. In July, she picked up her fifth Teen Choice Award, for Choice Country Artist. Underwood also received two nominations from the Billboard Music Awards, including Top Country Artist. In September 2016, Underwood was the first artist to receive the ACM Lifting Lives Gary Haber Award, for her continuous work with charities. On October 20, 2016, Underwood was honored as one of CMT Artists of the Year, marking her third year to receive the award. Underwood received four nominations for the 50th Annual Country Music Association Awards, including her first nomination for Entertainer of the Year. She walked away with Female Vocalist of the Year, her fourth time to win the award. She further received three nominations for the 2016 American Music Awards, including the top prize for Artist of the Year. She won Favorite Female Country Artist for the fourth time and Favorite Country Album (for "Storyteller") for the fifth time, expanding her record as the only artist to win the award for all albums released. Underwood was one of 30 artists to perform on "Forever Country", a mash-up track of "Take Me Home, Country Roads", "On the Road Again", and "I Will Always Love You" celebrating 50 years of the CMA Awards. The single debuted at number one on Billboard's Hot Country Songs. In December 2016, she joined Keith Urban for a series of concerts in Australia and New Zealand. In January 2017, she received her ninth People's Choice award, winning Favorite Female Country Artist. Underwood received one nomination – Best Country Solo Performance – for her single "Church Bells" for the 59th annual Grammy awards. She and Keith Urban performed their new single, "The Fighter," at the Grammy ceremony. Their joint single peaked in the top two of the Hot Country Songs and top twenty of the adult contemporary chart and was certified platinum by the RIAA. She received two nominations for the 52nd annual Academy of Country Music Awards, including Entertainer of the Year. She scored three more nominations for the 2017 CMT Music Awards in June, including Video of the Year for "Church Bells." She won Female Video of the year, extending her record for most wins in the show's history. Underwood scored two nominations for the 2017 Teen Choice awards, including Choice Country Artist, which she won for a third consecutive year. She received one nomination from the 45th annual American Music Awards in the Favorite Female Artist – Country category, which she won for the fourth year in a row, bringing her total to twelve American Music awards. In January 2017, Underwood took time off at the beginning of the year to spend time with family, and would then, possibly, begin to write for her next album. In March 2017, Underwood signed with Universal Music Group's Capitol Records Nashville after being with Arista Nashville for nearly twelve years. Madame Tussauds unveiled a new figure of Underwood when the Nashville location opened in April 2017. Matthew West collaborated with Underwood, who performed background vocals on the song "Something Greater" from his album, "All In" (2017). Underwood and Brad Paisley hosted the CMA Awards in November, marking their 10th consecutive year as hosts. Underwood again received a nomination in the Female Vocalist category, her twelfth nomination to date. She performed "Softly and Tenderly" as part of a tribute to the victims of the Route 91 Harvest Music Festival shooting, and the performance received widespread acclaim. Underwood released her second concert experience, "The Storyteller Tour: Live from Madison Square Garden," on November 17. A few days after the 51st Annual Country Music Association Awards, Underwood sustained injuries in a fall at home that resulted in a broken wrist and several facial stitches. Underwood did not make any public appearances for several months following the incident. 2018–2019: "Cry Pretty". In January 2018, Underwood released "The Champion", a promotional duet single featuring Ludacris for Super Bowl LII. "The Champion" is Underwood's first under the pop genre. The song debuted at number 47 on the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart, powered by its launch at number three on the Digital Song Sales chart with 61,000 downloads. Underwood met songwriter/producer David Garcia in 2017, with whom she began co-producing her new album. Underwood returned to the stage for the first time since her accident and debuted her new single "Cry Pretty" at the 53rd Annual ACM Awards on April 15, where she received two nominations; she won the award for Vocal Event of the Year for "The Fighter" with Keith Urban. On May 11, she celebrated a decade of being an Opry member. On May 13, Underwood returned to "American Idol", now rebooted on ABC, to mentor the top five of the season sixteen contestants. She performed "Cry Pretty", in addition to "See You Again" with the remaining top five contestants. On May 8, Underwood received four nominations and one win for the 2018 CMT Music Awards. She performed "Cry Pretty" at the ceremony in June and expanded her record as the artist with the most wins in the show's history. She received a nomination for Choice Country Artist and "Cry Pretty" received a nomination for Choice Country Song for the Teen Choice awards, winning Choice Country Artist and expanding her record for most wins in the category. On June 22, Underwood was honored with the Hero award from the Radio Disney Music Awards, in recognition of her humanitarian efforts. She and Ludacris performed "The Champion" together at the awards ceremony. Her sixth studio album, "Cry Pretty", was released on September 14, 2018. The same week, the album's second single was confirmed to be "Love Wins", with the music video debuting on September 11. "Cry Pretty" debuted at number one on the "Billboard" 200, setting several records upon arrival. Underwood is the first woman to hit the top of the Billboard 200 chart with four country albums. "Cry Pretty's" debut frame of 266,000 units is the biggest week for any album by a woman and a country album in 2018. This was Underwood's seventh consecutive album to debut at No. 1 on the Top Country Albums chart. "Cry Pretty"s debut week also marked the most first week streams by any female in country music at that time. The album finished 2018 as the best-selling solo female album and the seventh best-selling album overall, with over 401,000 copies sold. In February 2020, the album was certified Platinum. Underwood performed "Spinning Bottles", a song from the album, at the 46th annual American Music Awards on October 9, also winning one award for Favorite Female Country Artist. Brad Paisley and Underwood hosted the 52nd Annual Country Music Association Awards on November 14, 2018, where she picked up her fifth win as the CMA's Female Vocalist of the Year. The same month, Underwood announced she would kick off the Cry Pretty Tour 360 in May 2019. As well as five other dates in United Kingdom arenas, it was announced that the leg of the tour would include a performance at the Glastonbury Festival. Underwood received one nomination - Female Artist of the Year - for the 54th Academy of Country Music Awards taking place April 7. She performed with Chrissy Metz, Lauren Alaina, Mickey Guyton, and Maddie & Tae. She gave the debut performance of "Southbound", the official third single from the "Cry Pretty" album, during the show. Underwood further received two more nominations for the Billboard Music Awards, including Top Country Album for "Cry Pretty" and Top Female Country Artist, winning the latter, bringing her total career wins to 11. For the 2019 CMT Music Awards, Underwood's video for "Cry Pretty" received a nomination for Video of the Year and "Love Wins" received a nomination for Female Video of the Year, with the awards airing live June 5. Underwood performed "Southbound" at Centennial Park during the show's broadcast; the performance was free and open to the public. "Cry Pretty" won Video of the Year and "Love Wins" won Female Video, extending Underwood's lead as the most awarded artist in the show's history, and giving her a total of 20 CMT awards. On June 8, the official music video for "Southbound" premiered on Underwood's YouTube channel. On May 19, 2019, she returned to "American Idol" to perform "Southbound" during the season's finale episode. On June 7, Underwood headlined the second day of CMA Music Fest in Nashville, where Joan Jett made a surprise appearance on stage. In July 2019, she performed at the Glastonbury Festival, as part of her Cry Pretty 360 Tour. Underwood co-hosted the 53rd Annual Country Music Association Awards for her twelfth year, this time with Dolly Parton and Reba McEntire. She received her second nomination for Entertainer of the Year and debuted "Drinking Alone", the final single from the "Cry Pretty" album. Following the ceremony, Underwood announced she would be stepping down as co-host for the awards. On November 24, Underwood picked up two more American Music Awards, extending her record as the most-awarded artist in the Favorite Album - Country category with "Cry Pretty". In December 2019, Underwood was one of several artists who attended the 2019 Kennedy Center Honors; she paid tribute to recipient Linda Ronstadt by performing two of her songs. 2020–present: "Find Your Path", "My Gift", and "My Savior". Underwood released her debut book, "Find Your Path", on March 3, 2020, went on a book tour, and appeared on television shows, including "Rachael Ray." She received two nominations for the 55th Academy of Country Music Awards; Entertainer of the Year and Female Artist of the Year. She later won the award for Entertainer of the Year; the win made her the most-awarded woman in that category. Underwood tied with Thomas Rhett, making it the first time in history two artists would share the award. For the 54th Annual Country Music Association Awards, Underwood received two nominations, including Entertainer of the Year, her third year being nominated in the category. Underwood extended her own record for most wins in CMT Music Awards history; the video for "Drinking Alone" earned two awards including Video of the Year when the ceremony aired live on October 21. In August 2020, Underwood hosted her own Apple Radio Show, entitled "XO Radio". Her first Christmas album, "My Gift", was released on September 25, 2020. It was her record-setting eighth consecutive career-opening number-one album on the "Billboard" Top Country Albums chart, also debuting at number-one on the Top Christian Albums and Top Holiday Albums, and at number eight on the "Billboard" 200. The album later peaked at number five on the "Billboard" 200. On December 3, 2020, Underwood starred in and executive produced a airing on HBO Max, performing all of the songs from "My Gift." The album earned Underwood two number one songs atop the Hot Christian Songs chart and was the top-selling new Christmas album of the year. On March 26, Underwood released "My Savior", a gospel cover album. "My Savior" debuted at No. 1 on both of "Billboard's" Top Country and Christian Albums charts, and No. 4 on the Billboard 200, marking her record-setting ninth consecutive number one.Underwood performed a virtual concert on Easter Sunday from the Ryman Auditorium, with over $100,000 raised for the charity "Save the Children". In December 2020, Spanish singer David Bisbal released his joint single with Underwood, titled "Tears of Gold", featuring a music video that was filmed in Los Angeles. At the 6th annual Latin American Music Awards on April 15, Underwood joined Bisbal for the debut televised performance of "Tears of Gold" in Sunrise, Florida; the pair were nominated for Favorite Video of the Year. At the 56th Academy of Country Music awards, Underwood received one nomination for Video of the Year, "Hallelujah" featuring John Legend; she performed a medley of songs from the "My Savior" album, with a guest appearance by CeCe Winans. The video for "Hallelujah" also received two nominations from the 2021 CMT Music Awards. On April 29, nominees for the Billboard Music Awards were announced; Underwood received four nominations, and one win, Top Christian Album, for "My Gift". Needtobreathe announced a duet track with Underwood titled "I Wanna Remember", from their forthcoming album "Into the Mystery", with the music video debuting in May. On May 12, 2021, it was announced Underwood's Las Vegas residency, "Reflection", would commence in December of the same year, in collaboration with Resorts World Las Vegas. Due to high demand, Underwood added six more shows, extending the residency through April 2022. Artistry. Voice. Underwood has been highly acclaimed for her vocal talents. David Wild of "Rolling Stone" has praised her voice, saying that "she can hit any note". Her vocal range has been described as "enormous", with critics highlighting her ability to hold notes for an extended period of time. "Billboard" describes her vocal ability as "freakish". Concert critics have pointed out that "she'll let loose with an improbably long note that runs through more octaves than you knew existed". When asked if it ever becomes difficult to belt at such high intensity during her 90–120 minute live shows, Underwood responded, "I'm too proud to drop keys. I won't do it. Maybe the older I get, I'll write some songs in lower keys so it'll be easier. I've always been pretty good as far as stamina onstage. Being able to work out and stay physically strong is important... So far, it's worked for me. I'm just blessed at being able to be loud for long periods of time." Fellow country music singer Randy Travis paid high praises to Underwood's voice when asked about her cover of his 1988 hit song "I Told You So", saying that "her voice is so much better suited to the song. I have a baritone voice, and her soprano voice really fits well with the range of the song. Her ability to get into the upper register of her voice and just hold those high notes is great." Her voice has also been praised as "versatile". She has indeed performed live versions of gospel songs like "How Great Thou Art", in which "Yahoo!" critics noticed her ability to move an audience with a "powerful performance", and Rock songs like Guns N' Roses' "Paradise City", with "Rolling Stone" critics saying it was a "standout performance", adding that "when the song reached its crescendo, the singer went right over the edge with it, twirling like a tornado and tossing in more than a few banshee wails" and even saying "if the original members of Guns N' Roses ever wanted to reunite without Axl Rose, they might be wise to ask Carrie Underwood to fill his bandana". Influences. Underwood has credited "music as a whole" as her major influence, since she "grew up listening to "music"" and "there were songs, different kind of songs coming at me from everywhere". But she has occasionally mentioned Rock acts like Queen, George Michael, The Rolling Stones, and My Chemical Romance as influences. Among Country artists, she has listed George Strait, Dolly Parton, Randy Travis, Martina McBride, Reba McEntire, and Garth Brooks as influences. Although never publicly mentioning Faith Hill and Shania Twain as musical influences, critics have linked Underwood's musical style to those of Hill and Twain. Her music is generally Country pop with Rock influence similar to that of Kelly Clarkson, as noticed by "Rolling Stone". She has also released songs with Christian music influence. Influence. Since her debut in 2005, Underwood has been praised by both veteran artists and music critics. "Rolling Stone" describes Underwood as "the female vocalist of her generation of any genre", while "Billboard" magazine refers to her as Country Music's reigning Queen. Grady Smith of "The Guardian" has praised her, saying "Carrie Underwood has emerged as the leader of country music". "Time" listed her in their 100 most influential people in the world in 2014, in which Brad Paisley wrote "not only has she earned her place, she's also raised the bar: she's a prolific songwriter, a trendsetter and an Opry member", and further considers her to be "the best singer in any format of music." Vince Gill has also stated: "The possibility of Carrie's longevity is through the roof. There are fine singers, and there are gifted, great singers, and she's one of those. Her vocal skills are off the hook". Melissa Etheridge also adds saying "she has a power in her country music, in her singing. She can crossover to Rock in a second". She has further received public commendation from Stevie Nicks, Steven Tyler, Tony Bennett, Dolly Parton, and Loretta Lynn. David Wild of "Rolling Stone" has stated that "Carrie Underwood is the greatest thing that "American Idol" ever gave us". She was inducted into the Oklahoma Hall of Fame in 2017, and the Hollywood Walk of Fame in 2018, for her achievements in music. Underwood has influenced pop girl group Fifth Harmony, singer Mollie King of British pop girl group The Saturdays, singer Kelsea Ballerini, "The Voice" winner Danielle Bradbery, "American Idol" runner-up Lauren Alaina, and singer and actress Lucy Hale. Awards and achievements. Underwood has been the recipient of seven Grammy Awards, twelve Billboard Music Awards, fifteen Academy of Country Music Awards, fifteen American Music Awards, nine Country Music Association Awards, seven Teen Choice Awards, five CMT Artists of the Year awards, and twenty-two CMT Music Awards, among others. As a songwriter, she has also received a Golden Globe Award nomination and won ten BMI Awards. Underwood was inducted into the Grand Ole Opry in 2008, for her many accomplishments in country music, and into the Oklahoma Music Hall of Fame in 2009. She was inducted into the Oklahoma Hall of Fame in 2017, the highest honor one can receive from the state. In September 2020, Underwood won her third Entertainer of the year award from the Academy of Country Music, making her the first woman in history to do so. In December 2009, she was awarded the prestigious Harmony Award from the Nashville Symphony Orchestra for her achievements in music across many genres. In 2013, she received Artist Achievement Award at the 38th Annual New York Honors Gala held by the T.J. Martell Foundation. In 2014, she was honored by the Country Radio Broadcasters' Board of Directors with the CRB Artist Humanitarian Award at the 2014 Country Radio Seminar. Regarded as one of the most successful artists in any musical genre, Underwood has sold 70 million records worldwide, . The Recording Industry Association of America recognizes Underwood as the sixth highest-certified female artist (all-genre) and the second highest-certified country artist of all time on its Top Artists (Digital Songs) raking, with 46.5 million certified units. Underwood was also the highest-certified country album artist to debut in the 21st century (a record later surpassed). In the US, she has sold 20 million albums and over 40 million singles, making her the best-selling artist of the "American Idol" franchise, with "Billboard" calling her the ultimate "Idol" success story. "Forbes" has declared Underwood the most successful American Idol winner of all time, with more albums sold and more revenue generated than any of the other contestants in the show's 15 seasons. Underwood had a fast commercial impact on the music industry, with her debut album, "Some Hearts", becoming the fastest-selling debut country album in the history of the SoundScan era, the best-selling solo female debut album in country music history, the best-selling Country album of the last 14 years, and the best-selling album by an American Idol alum in the US. With her debut single, "Inside Your Heaven", she also broke "Billboard" chart history as the first country music artist ever to debut at No. 1 on the Hot 100 and the song became the first song from a country artist to go to No. 1 on the Hot 100 since country group Lonestar's "Amazed" did so in 2000. "Inside Your Heaven" is the only single by a solo country artist in the 2000 decade to reach No. 1 on the Hot 100 chart. With the singles from her second album, "Carnival Ride", she became the first female country artist since Shania Twain in 1995 to pull four number-one's from one album. In 2010, with the singles of her third album, "Play On", she achieved ten career number-one singles on the Hot Country Songs, an achievement for which she was named by the "Guinness Book of World Records" as the female country artist with the most number-one hits on the "Billboard" Hot Country Songs chart (since accurate sales records were introduced in the US in 1991), tied with Reba McEntire. With such a feat, she became the only female artist in country music history to have eleven consecutive top two singles; at that time, she had twelve official country singles: ten number-ones. She also became the first woman to score ten number-ones on such a chart since Rosanne Cash in 1988. She then broke and expanded her "Guinness Book" record by scoring four more number-one singles on the Hot Country Songs between 2011 and 2014, for a total of fourteen number-ones. She is also the woman with the most number-ones in the history of the "Billboard" Country Airplay chart, having had 15 leaders. Underwood's first twenty-seven singles promoted to country radio all reached the top 10 of both the Hot Country Songs and Country Airplay charts, the longest streak of top ten singles by a country artist from the start of a career. Since May 2011, Underwood is the Biggest "American Idol" Earner, with tour revenues and records sales combined. She is the fourth biggest album seller of the past 10 years in the United States. With her sixth studio album opening at number one on Billboard's Top 200 Albums chart, Underwood broke several records: she was the first woman to launch four country albums to number one there, as well as the first female country artist to top Billboard's The Artist 100 chart. In September 2018, Underwood received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, for her numerous achievements in music. After taking home over 20 awards from 2006 to 2019, Underwood became the most awarded artist in the history of the CMT Music Awards. As of October 2018, she has a net worth estimated at around US$200 million. She has been the top-earning "American Idol" alum of all time since 2014. At the turn of the 2010 decade,"Billboard" named Underwood the top female country artist and seventh overall country artist. She ranks, as per "Pollstar", among the thirteen all-genre top female touring artists of the twenty-first century, having sold over 4.3 million concert tickets and grossed around $265 million with her headlined tours. With "Cry Pretty", Underwood became the first and only artist in American Music Award history to have all six consecutive albums win the Favorite Album award. Other ventures. Product endorsements. Underwood has had many endorsements throughout her career. She has signed multimillion-dollar deals with Skechers, Target, Nintendo, Olay, Nicole by OPI, Hershey's, Almay and Dick's Sporting Goods. In 2005, Underwood appeared in a Skechers global advertising campaign. In 2007, Underwood appeared in Target advertisements promoting her album Carnival Ride. The limited edition of the album which included a behind the scenes DVD was exclusively sold at Target. In 2008, Underwood worked with Nintendo for the launch of their Nintendo DS appearing in various television commercials. That same year, Underwood became the spokesperson for Vitamin Water starring in television and magazine advertisements. Underwood also hosts a guide to a healthy lifestyle on Vitamin Water's website. In 2010, Underwood became the spokesperson for the Pedigree adoption drive. In 2011, she became the first celebrity brand ambassador for Olay skin care. Underwood has appeared in the global advertising campaign for their facial wash. In January 2014, Underwood signed a deal with Nicole by OPI to launch 14 new nail lacquers. In the same month, Underwood had signed a deal to serve as Almay's global brand ambassador, where she would appear in TV and print advertisements for the brand later that month. In March 2015, Underwood released a fitness clothing line named CALIA by Carrie Underwood. In collaboration with Dick's Sporting Goods, the line features clothing that is intended to be suitable for both active and casual wear. Philanthropy. Underwood established the Checotah Animal, Town, and School Foundation in 2009. The foundation helps with general causes, needs and services in the area of Checotah to directly impact the community. "My hometown is extremely supportive of me and I feel blessed to be able to create something as a way of giving back; to say thank you," said Underwood. Underwood is a supporter of arts education. In 2009, Underwood's foundation "Checotah Animal, Town & School Foundation" and the Academy of Country Music foundation "ACM Lifting Lives" partnered to give students in Checotah, Oklahoma a gift valued at more than $120,000 in new instruments for their music programs. Underwood held a surprise concert at a local high school and then unveiled the gifts. The instruments will be shared throughout the Checotah school district and were ordered through Yamaha Corporate Artist Affairs at a special philanthropic price. During the 2011 holiday season, her foundation donated $350,000 to the Checotah schools. Underwood is a supporter of animal welfare. Underwood is a supporter of the Humane Society of the United States (HSUS) and has done several public service announcements for the organization. Underwood has also done a "Protect Your Pets" public service announcement for Do Something. In 2010, Underwood became the official spokesperson for the Pedigree adoption drive. On March 29, 2010, Underwood and Pedigree partnered to donate $10,000 to a New York City Animal Shelter. In April 2011, Underwood opened the Happy Paws Animal Shelter in her hometown. On January 10, 2012, it was reported but had previously been blogged by Underwood herself on her official fan-site, that the singer rescued an abandoned dog along a highway. Underwood and her husband made a video for the "Do It for Daron" campaign urging young people to stop bullying. In July 2012, she publicly endorsed same-sex marriage. She told the British newspaper "The Independent", "As a married person myself, I don't know what it's like to be told I can't marry somebody I love and want to marry," she said. "I can't imagine how that must feel. I definitely think we should all have the right to love, and love publicly, the people that we want to love." Underwood went on to say, "Our church is gay-friendly. Above all, God wanted us to love others. It's not about setting rules, or [saying] 'everyone has to be like me'. No. We're all different. That's what makes us special. We have to love each other and get on with each other. It's not up to me to judge anybody." Underwood launched the Academy of Country Music Lifting Lives Temporary Home Fund in 2010. The Fund specifically benefits victims of the Tennessee floods of early 2010 and it was kicked off with grants that Underwood received from ACM as Entertainer of the Year. She also teamed up with Brooks and Dunn to support the new Fund by recording a Public Service Announcement (PSA). Underwood is involved with several organizations that benefit children. In January 2010, she partnered with Country Cares for St. Jude Kids visiting the St. Jude Children's Research Hospital. In February 2011, Underwood donated $140,125 to Save the Children. This charitable initiative was inspired by the "36 cents" written in the lyrics of Underwood's album track "Change" on her album "Play On", which addresses how even the smallest bit of spare change that one might have can add up to make a difference and help "change" the world. Underwood is a supporter of the United Service Organization, Clothes off our back, and Habitat For Humanity. To benefit cancer research, in August 2008, Underwood joined Beyoncé, Mariah Carey, Mary J. Blige, Miley Cyrus, and other female artists to record the song "Just Stand Up!" The proceeds benefited Stand Up to Cancer (SU2C). As a result of their fund raising efforts, the SU2C scientific advisory committee, overseen by the American Association for Cancer Research was able to award $73.6 million towards novel, groundbreaking research. The song peaked at No. 11 on "Billboard"'s Hot 100 Songs. In 2012, Underwood donated $1 of every ticket sold on the North American leg of the Blown Away Tour to the Canadian and American Red Cross. On May 24, 2013, Underwood donated $1 million in proceeds from her recent Blown Away Tour to the Red Cross for relief efforts in response to the Oklahoma tornado. Acting. Underwood appeared on "How I Met Your Mother" in March 2010. She played the role of Tiffany, a medical sales rep that forms a relationship with Ted. This was the second highest rated episode for season five, gaining 10.48 million viewers. Brian Zoromski of IGN gave the episode 8.5 out of 10. He was surprised how well Underwood performed in her first acting role. A few months earlier, she appeared in an episode of the PBS children's television series "Sesame Street", performing a voice-over as "Carrie Underworm" a worm who sings a song about worm pride before an auto race Sesame Street is holding. Underwood made her film debut in "Soul Surfer" in April 2011. She played Sarah Hill, the church youth leader who helped Bethany Hamilton overcome the obstacles she faced after the shark attack. Underwood played Maria von Trapp in NBC's "The Sound of Music Live!". The three-hour telecast aired on December 5, 2013, partnering NBC with the producing team of Craig Zadan and Neil Meron. "To have a star like Carrie Underwood perform Maria in "The Sound of Music", and in such a very special and unique production, is exciting beyond words," said Ted Chapin, President of the Rodgers & Hammerstein Organization. "Part of the magic of Rodgers and Hammerstein is how their work has adapted itself to so many different incarnations, and I am certain the fresh spirit Underwood brings to her own songs will transition into exciting versions of the classic songs we all know and love." Writing. Underwood released her debut book, "Find Your Path", on March 3, 2020, published by Dey Street Books. It became a New York Times best seller, debuting at number two on the How-To and Miscellaneous list. Personal life. Marriage and children. Underwood began dating NHL player Mike Fisher after they met at one of her concerts in late 2008, and she became engaged to him in December 2009. According to the Canadian press, Fisher proposed in Ottawa on December 20. Underwood's engagement ring features a yellow diamond and was valued at $150,000. On July 10, 2010, Underwood and Fisher wed at The Ritz-Carlton Lodge in Greensboro, Georgia, with more than 250 people in attendance. The couple's first son, Isaiah Michael Fisher, was born in 2015. In 2019, their second son, Jacob Bryan Fisher, was born. In between their births, Underwood had three miscarriages, and told CBS News in 2018 that this was the basis for her song "Cry Pretty" where "I would have these horrible things going on in my life, and then have to go smile and, like, do some interviews or, like, do a photo shoot or something". On February 11, 2011, an Ottawa radio station, 105.3 KISS-FM, stated that it would ban the playing of Underwood's music because her husband, Mike Fisher, was traded to the Nashville Predators the day before. Due to Underwood's fans' threats on Facebook to never tune into the radio station, the station later modified its statement. It apologized for its actions, saying that its statements were meant to be taken as a joke, as it does not play Underwood's country songs anyway, and it was its "tongue-in-cheek way of wishing Fisher the best of luck in Nashville." Fisher later criticized the station saying "obviously Carrie had nothing to do with the move or the trade or anything so to imply something like that was just wrong", and noting that both he and Underwood were disappointed in the negativity the radio station created. Underwood was selected by "The Hockey News" on its annual list of the 100 People of Power and Influence in Ice Hockey. For the 2012 list, Underwood ranked at No. 85. In 2010, Underwood and Fisher bought a mansion on eleven acres near Ottawa in the luxurious Spruce Ridge district. The couple later put the mansion up for sale at an asking price of $2.2 million. In 2012, the couple bought a cottage outside of Nashville. They use the cottage for weekend getaways. Oprah toured the cottage and interviewed Underwood and Fisher there for their appearance on "Oprah's Next Chapter". The couple discussed their marriage, children and faith in a series hosted by the site "I Am Second." She is a fan of hard rock and metal music. Personal interests. Underwood is a practicing Christian, and is also an animal lover and a vegan. She stopped eating meat at the age of 13 because she could not stand the thought of eating one of her own animals. She was voted "World's Sexiest Vegetarian" by PETA in 2007 for the second time, the first being in 2005 alongside Coldplay frontman Chris Martin, who was himself a vegetarian at the time. In a 2007 interview with PETA, Underwood stated, "Ever since I was little I loved animals [...] If you told me I could never sing again, I'd say that was horrible, but it's not my life. If you told me I could never be around animals again, I would just die." In April 2013, Underwood spoke out with disapproval regarding the Tennessee "Ag Gag bill". The bill makes it a crime to videotape animal cruelty or abuse and then fail to turn in the evidence to authorities within 48 hours. This is to stop animal rights activists from accumulating enough documentation to prove that animal cruelty is routine in big agribusiness. Underwood tweeted, "Shame on TN lawmakers for passing the Ag Gag bill. If Gov. Bill Haslam signs this, he needs to expect me at his front door. Who's with me?" State Rep. Andy Holt responded to her tweet, saying, "I would say that Carrie Underwood will stick to singing, I'll stick to lawmaking." Underwood later responded via Twitter, "I should stick to singing? Wow...sorry, I'm just a tax-paying citizen concerned for the safety of my family. #NoAgGag". She also tweeted Tennessee Gov. Bill Haslam, saying "Please don't sign the Ag Gag bill. Think about the welfare of the animals as well as the consumers. I'm begging you..." Underwood has stated that she has a great interest in sports. She has participated in the annual City of Hope Celebrity Softball tournament for charity for many years. The event takes place in Nashville, Tennessee, and benefits research for life-threatening diseases. In 2005, she performed the "Star-Spangled Banner" at Game 4 of the NBA Finals between the San Antonio Spurs and Detroit Pistons, and in 2006 at the NBA All-Star Game. She performed at halftime of the 2006 Thanksgiving Day football game at Texas Stadium in Irving, Texas, and was friends with Dallas Cowboys quarterback Tony Romo. She also performed the "Star-Spangled Banner" at the between the Seattle Seahawks and Carolina Panthers in 2006, as well as at the 2006 edition of NASCAR's Coca-Cola 600, the MLB All Star Game in Pittsburgh, and at Game 3 of the 2007 World Series between the Boston Red Sox and Colorado Rockies. On February 7, 2010, Underwood performed the National Anthem for Super Bowl XLIV. Underwood has performed the opening theme song for "NBC Sunday Night Football" since 2013. Faith Hill later expressed full support for Underwood, congratulating her via Twitter and stating that it was "an awesome choice" by NBC/SNF and that Underwood "will rock it". Underwood's original song was a modification of her song "Oh, Sunday Night", but was changed to an original song, "Game On", for the 2018 NFL season. She sang the National Anthem for the Nashville Predators prior to their victory over the Chicago Blackhawks in Game 3 of the first round of the 2017 Stanley Cup Playoffs and prior to their victory over the Winnipeg Jets in Game 2 of the second round of the 2018 Stanley Cup Playoffs.

the best music track

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Contact lenses, or simply contacts, are thin lenses placed directly on the surface of the eyes. Contact lenses are ocular prosthetic devices used by over 150 million people worldwide, and they can be worn to correct vision or for cosmetic or therapeutic reasons. In 2010, the worldwide market for contact lenses was estimated at $6.1 billion, while the US soft lens market was estimated at $2.1 billion. Multiple analysts estimated that the global market for contact lenses would reach $11.7 billion by 2015. , the average age of contact lens wearers globally was 31 years old, and two-thirds of wearers were female. People choose to wear contact lenses for many reasons. Aesthetics and cosmetics are the main motivating factors for people who want to avoid wearing glasses or to change the appearance or color of their eyes. Others wear contact lenses for functional or optical reasons. When compared with spectacles, contact lenses typically provide better peripheral vision, and do not collect moisture (from rain, snow, condensation, etc.) or perspiration. This can make them preferable for sports and other outdoor activities. Contact lens wearers can also wear sunglasses, goggles, or other eyewear of their choice without having to fit them with prescription lenses or worry about compatibility with glasses. Additionally, there are conditions such as keratoconus and aniseikonia that are typically corrected better with contact lenses than with glasses. History. Origins and first functional prototypes. Leonardo da Vinci is frequently credited with introducing the idea of contact lenses in his 1508 "Codex of the eye, Manual D", wherein he described a method of directly altering corneal power by either submerging the head in a bowl of water or wearing a water-filled glass hemisphere over the eye. Neither idea was practically implementable in da Vinci's time. He did not suggest his idea be used for correcting vision; he was more interested in exploring mechanisms of accommodation. Descartes proposed a device for correcting vision consisting of a liquid-filled glass tube capped with a lens. However, the idea was impracticable, since the device was to be placed in direct contact with the cornea and thus would have made blinking impossible. In 1801, Thomas Young fashioned a pair of basic contact lenses based on Descartes' model. He used wax to affix water-filled lenses to his eyes, neutralizing their refractive power, which he corrected with another pair of lenses. However his device was not intended to correct refraction errors. Sir John Herschel, in a footnote to the 1845 edition of the "Encyclopedia Metropolitana", posed two ideas for the visual correction: the first "a spherical capsule of glass filled with animal jelly", the second "a mould of the cornea" that could be impressed on "some sort of transparent medium". Though Herschel reportedly never tested these ideas, they were later advanced by independent inventors, including Hungarian physician Joseph Dallos, who perfected a method of making molds from living eyes. This enabled the manufacture of lenses that, for the first time, conformed to the actual shape of the eye. Although Louis J. Girard invented a scleral contact lens in 1887, it was German ophthalmologist Adolf Gaston Eugen Fick who in 1888 fabricated the first successful afocal scleral contact lens. Approximately in diameter, the heavy blown-glass shells rested on the less sensitive rim of tissue surrounding the cornea and floated on a dextrose solution. He experimented with fitting the lenses initially on rabbits, then on himself, and lastly on a small group of volunteers, publishing his work, "Contactbrille", in the March 1888 edition of "Archiv für Augenheilkunde". Large and unwieldy, Fick's lens could be worn only for a couple of hours at a time. August Müller of Kiel, Germany, corrected his own severe myopia with a more convenient blown-glass scleral contact lens of his own manufacture in 1888. The development of polymethyl methacrylate (PMMA) in the 1930s paved the way for the manufacture of plastic scleral lenses. In 1936, optometrist William Feinbloom introduced a hybrid lens composed of glass and plastic, while in 1939, Hungarian optometrist Dr.István Györffy produced the first fully plastic contact lens. The following year, German optometrist Heinrich Wöhlk produced his own version of plastic lenses based on experiments performed during the 1930s. Corneal and rigid lenses (1949–1960s). In 1949, the first "corneal" lenses were developed. These were much smaller than the original scleral lenses, as they sat only on the cornea rather than across all of the visible ocular surface, and could be worn up to 16 hours a day. PMMA corneal lenses became the first contact lenses to have mass appeal through the 1960s, as lens designs became more sophisticated with improving manufacturing technology. On October 18, 1964, in a television studio in Washington, D.C., Lyndon Baines Johnson became the first President in the history of the United States to appear in public wearing contact lenses, under the supervision of Dr. Alan Isen, who developed the first commercially viable soft-contact lenses in the United States. Early corneal lenses of the 1950s and 1960s were relatively expensive and fragile, resulting in the development of a market for contact lens insurance. Replacement Lens Insurance, Inc. (now known as RLI Corp.) phased out its original flagship product in 1994 after contact lenses became more affordable and easier to replace. Gas permeable and soft lenses (1959-current). One major disadvantage of PMMA lenses is that they allow no oxygen to get through to the conjunctiva and cornea, causing a number of adverse and potentially serious clinical effects. By the end of the 1970s and through the 1980s and 1990s, a range of oxygen-permeable but rigid materials were developed to overcome this problem. Chemist Norman Gaylord played a prominent role in the development of these new oxygen-permeable contact lenses. Collectively, these polymers are referred to as "rigid gas permeable" or RGP materials or lenses. Though all the above contact lens types—sclerals, PMMAs and RGPs—could be correctly referred to as "rigid" or "hard", the latter term is now used to the original PMMAs, which are still occasionally fitted and worn, whereas "rigid" is a generic term for all these lens types; thus hard lenses (PMMAs) are a subset of rigid contact lenses. Occasionally, the term "gas permeable" is used to describe RGPs, which is somewhat misleading as soft contact lenses are also gas permeable in that they allow oxygen to get through to the ocular surface. The principal breakthrough in soft lenses was made by Czech chemists Otto Wichterle and Drahoslav Lím, who published their work "Hydrophilic gels for biological use" in the journal "Nature" in 1959. In 1965, National Patent Development Corporation (NPDC) bought the American rights to produce the lenses and then sublicensed the rights to Bausch & Lomb, which started to manufacture them in the United States. The Czech scientists' work led to the launch of the first soft (hydrogel) contact lenses in some countries in the 1960s and the first approval of the Soflens material by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in 1971. These soft lenses were soon prescribed more often than rigid ones, due to the immediate and much greater comfort (rigid lenses require a period of adaptation before full comfort is achieved). Polymers from which soft lenses are manufactured improved over the next 25 years, primarily in terms of increasing oxygen permeability, by varying the ingredients. In 1972, British optometrist Rishi Agarwal was the first to suggest disposable soft contact lenses. In 1998, the first silicone hydrogel contact lenses were released by Ciba Vision in Mexico. These new materials encapsulated the benefits of silicone which has extremely high oxygen permeability—with the comfort and clinical performance of the conventional hydrogels that had been used for the previous 30 years. These contact lenses were initially advocated primarily for extended (overnight) wear, although more recently, daily (no overnight) wear silicone hydrogels have been launched. In a slightly modified molecule, a polar group is added without changing the structure of the silicone hydrogel. This is referred to as the Tanaka monomer because it was invented and patented by Kyoichi Tanaka of Menicon Co. of Japan in 1979. Second-generation silicone hydrogels, such as galyfilcon A (Acuvue Advance, Vistakon) and senofilcon A (Acuvue Oasys, Vistakon), use the Tanaka monomer. Vistakon improved the Tanaka monomer even further and added other molecules, which serve as an internal wetting agent. Comfilcon A (Biofinity, CooperVision) was the first third-generation polymer. Its patent claims that the material uses two siloxy macromers of different sizes that, when used in combination, produce very high oxygen permeability (for a given water content). Enfilcon A (Avaira, CooperVision) is another third-generation material that is naturally wettable; its water content is 46%. Types. Contact lenses are classified in many different ways: by their primary function, material, wear schedule (how long a lens can be worn), and replacement schedule (how long before a lens needs to be discarded). Functions. Correction of refractive error. Corrective contact lenses are designed to improve vision, most commonly by correcting refractive error. This is done by directly focusing light so it enters the eye with the proper power for clear vision. A spherical contact lens bends light evenly in every direction (horizontally, vertically, etc.). They are typically used to correct myopia and hypermetropia. There are two ways that contact lenses can correct astigmatism. One way is with toric soft lenses that work essentially the same way as eyeglasses with cylindrical correction; a toric lens has a different focusing power horizontally than vertically, and as a result can correct for astigmatism. Another way is by using a rigid gas permeable lens; since most astigmatism is caused by the shape of the cornea, rigid lenses can improve vision because the front surface of the optical system is the perfectly spherical lens. Both approaches have advantages and drawbacks. Toric lenses must have the proper orientation to correct for astigmatism, so such lenses must have additional design characteristics to prevent them from rotating out of alignment. This can be done by weighting the bottom of the lens or by using other physical characteristics to rotate the lens back into position, but these mechanisms rarely work perfectly, so some misalignment is common and results in somewhat imperfect correction, and blurring of sight after blinking rotates the lens. Toric soft lenses have all the advantages of soft lenses in general, which are low initial cost, ease of fitting, and minimal adjustment period. Rigid gas permeable lenses usually provide superior optical correction, but have become less popular relative to soft lenses due to higher initial costs, longer initial adjustment period, and more involved fitting. Correction of presbyopia. Correction of presbyopia (a need for a reading prescription different from the prescription needed for distance) presents an additional challenge in the fitting of contact lenses. Two main strategies exist: multifocal lenses and monovision. Multifocal contact lenses (e.g. bifocals or progressives) are comparable to spectacles with bifocals or progressive lenses because they have multiple focal points. Multifocal contact lenses are typically designed for constant viewing through the center of the lens, but some designs do incorporate a shift in lens position to view through the reading power (similar to bifocal glasses). Monovision is the use of single-vision lenses (one focal point per lens) to focus an eye (typically the dominant one) for distance vision and the other for near work. The brain then learns to use this setup to see clearly at all distances. A technique called modified monovision uses multifocal lenses and also specializes one eye for distance and the other for near, thus gaining the benefits of both systems. Care is advised for persons with a previous history of strabismus and those with significant phorias, who are at risk of eye misalignment under monovision. Studies have shown no adverse effect to driving performance in adapted monovision contact lens wearers. Alternatively, a person may simply wear reading glasses over their distance contact lenses. Other types of vision correction. For those with certain color deficiencies, a red-tinted "X-Chrom" contact lens may be used. Although such a lens does not restore normal color vision, it allows some color-blind people to distinguish colors better. Red-filtering contact lenses can also be an option for extreme light sensitivity in some visual deficiencies such as achromatopsia. ChromaGen contact lenses have been used and shown to have some limitations with vision at night although otherwise producing significant improvements in color vision. An earlier study showed very significant improvements in color vision and patient satisfaction. Later work that used these ChromaGen lenses with people with dyslexia in a randomised, double-blind, placebo controlled trial showed highly significant improvements in reading ability over reading without the lenses. This system has been granted FDA approval for use in the United States. Magnification is another area being researched for future contact lens applications. Embedding of telescopic lenses and electronic components suggests that future uses of contact lenses may become extremely diverse. Cosmetic contact lenses. A cosmetic contact lens is designed to change the appearance of the eye. These lenses may also correct refractive error. Although many brands of contact lenses are lightly tinted to make them easier to handle, cosmetic lenses worn to change eye color are far less common, accounting for only 3% of contact lens fits in 2004. In the United States, the FDA labels non-corrective cosmetic contact lenses as "decorative contact lenses". Like any contact lens, cosmetic lenses carry risks of mild to serious complications, including ocular redness, irritation and infection. Due to their medical nature, colored contact lenses, similar to regular ones, are illegal to purchase in the United States without a valid prescription. Those with perfect vision can buy color contacts for cosmetic reasons, but they still need their eyes to be measured for a "plano" prescription, meaning one with zero vision correction. This is for safety reasons so the lenses will fit the eye without causing irritation or redness. Some colored contact lenses completely cover the iris, thus dramatically changing eye colour. Other colored contact lenses merely tint the iris, highlighting its natural colour. A new trend in Japan, South Korea and China is the circle contact lens, which extend the appearance of the iris onto the sclera by having a dark tinted area all around. The result is an appearance of a bigger, wider iris, a look reminiscent of dolls' eyes. One of the drawbacks of cosmetic lenses is not knowing how they will look before physically trying them on. This has led to an industry where lens retailers are heavily influenced by digital fashion technology, specifically the Virtual Dressing Room technology. This technology offers users the option to upload a photo so they can virtually try on different lenses and experience how they will look before committing to a purchase. Cosmetic lenses can have more direct medical applications. For example, some contact lenses can restore the appearance and, to some extent the function, of a damaged or missing iris. Therapeutic scleral lenses. A scleral lens is a large, firm, transparent, oxygen-permeable contact lens that rests on the sclera and creates a tear-filled vault over the cornea. The cause of this unique positioning is usually relevant to a specific patient whose cornea is too sensitive to support the lens directly. Scleral lenses may be used to improve vision and reduce pain and light sensitivity for people suffering from disorders or injuries to the eye, such as severe dry eye syndrome (keratoconjunctivitis sicca), microphthalmia, keratoconus, corneal ectasia, Stevens–Johnson syndrome, Sjögren's syndrome, aniridia, neurotrophic keratitis (anesthetic corneas), complications post-LASIK, high order aberrations of the eye, complications post-corneal transplant and pellucid degeneration. Injuries to the eye such as surgical complications, distorted corneal implants, as well as chemical and burn injuries also may be treated with scleral lenses. Therapeutic soft lenses. Soft lenses are often used in the treatment and management of non-refractive disorders of the eye. A bandage contact lens allows the patient to see while protecting an injured or diseased cornea from the constant rubbing of blinking eyelids, thereby allowing it to heal. They are used in the treatment of conditions including bullous keratopathy, dry eyes, corneal abrasions and erosion, keratitis, corneal edema, descemetocele, corneal ectasia, Mooren's ulcer, anterior corneal dystrophy, and neurotrophic keratoconjunctivitis. Contact lenses that deliver drugs to the eye have also been developed. Materials. Rigid lenses. Glass lenses were never comfortable enough to gain widespread popularity. The first lenses to do so were those made from polymethyl methacrylate (PMMA or Perspex/Plexiglas), now commonly referred to as "hard" lenses. Their main disadvantage is they do not allow oxygen to pass through to the cornea, which can cause a number of adverse, and often serious, clinical events. Starting in the late 1970s, improved rigid materials which were oxygen-permeable were developed. Contact lenses made from these materials are called rigid gas permeable lenses or 'RGPs'. A rigid lens is able to cover the natural shape of the cornea with a new refracting surface. This means that a spherical rigid contact lens can correct corneal astigmatism. Rigid lenses can also be made as a front-toric, back-toric, or bitoric. Rigid lenses can also correct corneas with irregular geometries, such as those with keratoconus or post surgical ectasias. In most cases, patients with keratoconus see better through rigid lenses than through glasses. Rigid lenses are more chemically inert, allowing them to be worn in more challenging environments than soft lenses. Soft lenses. Soft lenses are more flexible than rigid lenses, and can be gently rolled or folded without damaging the lens. While rigid lenses require a period of adaptation before comfort is achieved, new soft lens wearers typically report lens awareness rather than pain or discomfort. Hydrogel lenses rely on their water content to transmit oxygen through the lens to the cornea. As a result, higher water content lenses allowed more oxygen to the cornea. In 1998, silicone hydrogel, or Si-hy lenses became available. These materials have both the extremely high oxygen permeability of silicone and the comfort and clinical performance of the conventional hydrogels. Because silicone allows more oxygen permeability than water, oxygen permeability of silicone hydrogels is not tied to the lenses' water content. Lenses have now been developed with so much oxygen permeability that they are approved for overnight wear (extended wear). Lenses approved for daily wear are also available in silicone hydrogel materials. Disadvantages of silicone hydrogels are that they are slightly stiffer and the lens surface can be hydrophobic, thus less "wettable" – factors that can influence comfort of lens use. New manufacturing techniques and changes to multipurpose solutions have minimized these effects. A surface modification process called plasma coating alters the lens surface's hydrophobic nature. Another technique incorporates internal rewetting agents to make the lens surface hydrophilic. A third process uses longer backbone polymer chains that results in less cross linking and increased wetting without surface alterations or additive agents. Current brands of soft lenses are either traditional hydrogel or silicone hydrogel. Because of drastic differences in oxygen permeability, replacement schedule, and other design characteristics, it is very important to follow the instructions of the eye care professional prescribing the lenses. Hybrid. A small number of hybrid lenses exist. Typically these contact lenses consist of a rigid center and a soft "skirt". A similar technique is the "piggybacking" of a smaller, rigid lens on the surface of a larger, soft lens. These techniques are often chosen to give the vision correction benefits of a rigid lens and the comfort of a soft lens. Wear schedule. A "daily wear" (DW) contact lens is designed to be worn for one day and removed before sleeping. An "extended wear" (EW) contact lens is designed for continuous overnight wear, typically for up to 6 consecutive nights. Newer materials, such as silicone hydrogels, allow for even longer wear periods of up to 30 consecutive nights; these longer-wear lenses are often referred to as "continuous wear" (CW). EW and CW contact lenses can be worn overnight because of their high oxygen permeability. While awake, the eyes are mostly open, allowing oxygen from the air to dissolve into the tears and pass through the lens to the cornea. While asleep, oxygen is supplied from the blood vessels in the back of the eyelid. A lens hindering passage of oxygen to the cornea causes corneal hypoxia which can result in serious complications, such as corneal ulcer that, if left untreated, can permanently decrease vision. EW and CW contact lenses typically allow for a transfer of 5–6 times more oxygen than conventional softs, allowing the cornea to remain healthy, even with closed eyelids. Wearing lenses designed for daily wear overnight has an increased risk for corneal infections, corneal ulcers and corneal neovascularization—this latter condition, once it sets in, cannot be reversed and will eventually spoil vision acuity through diminishing corneal transparency. The most common complication of extended wear is giant papillary conjunctivitis (GPC), sometimes associated with a poorly fitting contact lens. Replacement schedule. Contact lenses are often categorized by their replacement schedule. Single use lenses (called 1-day or daily disposables) are discarded after one use. Because they do not have to stand up to the wear and tear of repeated uses, these lenses can be made thinner and lighter, greatly improving their comfort. Lenses replaced frequently gather fewer deposits of allergens and germs, making these lenses preferable for patients with ocular allergies or for those who are prone to infection. Single-use lenses are also useful for people who wear contact lenses infrequently, or when losing a lens is likely or not easily replaced (such as when on vacation). They are also considered useful for children because cleaning or disinfecting is not needed, leading to improved compliance. Other disposable contact lenses are designed for replacement every two or four weeks. Quarterly or annual lenses, which used to be very common, are now much less so. Rigid gas permeable lenses are very durable and may last for several years without the need for replacement. PMMA hards were very durable and were commonly worn for 5 to 10 years, but had several drawbacks. Lenses with different replacement schedules can be made of the same material. Although the materials are alike, differences in the manufacturing processes determine if the resulting lens will be a "daily disposable" or one recommended for two or four week replacement. However, sometimes manufacturers use absolutely identical lenses and just repackage them with different labels. Manufacturing. Typically, soft contact lenses are mass-produced, while rigids are custom-made to exact specifications for the individual patient. Many companies make contact lenses. In the United States, there are five major manufacturers: Prescriptions. The parameters specified in a contact lens prescription may include: Prescriptions for contact lenses and glasses may be similar, but are not interchangeable. Prescribing of contact lenses is usually restricted to various combinations of ophthalmologists, optometrists and opticians. An eye examination is needed to determine an individual's suitability for contact lens wear. This typically includes a refraction to determine the proper power of the lens and an assessment of the health of the eye's anterior segment. Many eye diseases prohibits contact lens wear, such as active infections, allergies, and dry eye. Keratometry is especially important in the fitting of rigid lenses. United States. Contact lenses are prescribed by ophthalmologists, optometrists, or specially licensed opticians under the supervision of an eye doctor. Contact lenses can typically be ordered at the office that conducts the eye exam and fitting. The Fairness to Contact Lens Consumers Act gives consumers the right to obtain a copy of their contact lens prescription, allowing them to fill it at the lens provider of their choice. Complications. Contact lenses are generally safe as long as they are used correctly. Complications from contact lens wear affect roughly 5% of wearers yearly. Factors leading to eye damage varies, and improper use of a contact lens may affect the eyelid, the conjunctiva, and, most of all, the whole structure of the cornea. Poor lens care can lead to infections by various microorganisms including bacteria, fungi, and "Acanthamoeba" ("Acanthamoeba" keratitis). Many complications arise when contact lenses are worn not as prescribed (improper wear schedule or lens replacement). Sleeping in lenses not designed or approved for extended wear is a common cause of complications. Many people go too long before replacing their contacts, wearing lenses designed for 1, 14, or 30 days of wear for multiple months or years. While this does save on the cost of lenses, it risks permanent damage to the eye and even loss of sight. One of the major factors that causes complications is that the contact lens is an oxygen barrier. The cornea needs a constant supply of oxygen to remain completely transparent and function as it should; it normally gets that oxygen from the surrounding air while awake, and from the blood vessels in the back of the eyelid while asleep. The most prominent risks associated with long-term, chronic low oxygen to the cornea include corneal neovascularization, increased epithelial permeability, bacterial adherence, microcysts, corneal edema, endothelial polymegethism, dry eye and potential increase in myopia. That is why much of the research into the latest soft and rigid contact lens materials has centered on improving oxygen transmission through the lens. Mishandling of contact lenses can also cause problems. Corneal abrasions can increase the chances of infection. When combined with improper cleaning and disinfection of the lens, a risk of infection further increases. Decreased corneal sensitivity after extended contact lens wear may cause a patient to miss some of the earliest symptoms of such complications. The way contact lenses interact with the natural tear layer is a major factor in determining lens comfort and visual clarity. People suffering from dry eyes are particularly vulnerable to discomfort and episodes of brief blurry vision. Proper lens selection can minimize these effects. Long-term wear (over five years) of contact lenses may "decrease the entire corneal thickness and increase the corneal curvature and surface irregularity." Long-term wear of rigid contacts is associated with decreased corneal keratocyte density and increased number of epithelial Langerhans cells. All contact lenses sold in the United States are studied and approved as safe by the FDA when specific handling and care procedures, wear schedules, and replacement schedules are followed. Usage. Before touching the contact lens or the eye, it is important to wash hands thoroughly with soap and rinse well. Soaps containing moisturizers or allergens should be avoided as these can cause eye irritation. Drying of hands using towels or tissues before handling contact lenses can transfer lint (fluff) to the hands and, subsequently, to the lenses, causing irritation upon insertion. Towels, unless freshly laundered on high temperature wash, are frequently contaminated with large quantities of bacteria and, as such, should be avoided when handling lenses. Dust, lint and other debris may collect on the outside of contact lenses. Again, hand contact with this material, before handling contact lenses, may transfer it to the lenses themselves. Rinsing the case under a source of clean running water, before opening it, can help alleviate this problem. Next the lens should be removed from its case and inspected for defects (e.g. splits, folds, lint). A 'gritty' or rough appearance to the lens surface may indicate that a considerable quantity of proteins, lipids and debris has built up on it and that additional cleaning is required; this is often accompanied and felt by unusually high irritation upon insertion. Care should be taken to ensure the soft lens is not inserted inside-out. The edge of a lens turned inside out has a different appearance, especially when the lens is slightly folded. Insertion of an inside-out lens for a brief time (less than one minute) should not cause any damage to the eye. Some brands of lenses have markings on the rim that make it easier to tell the front of the lens apart from the back. Insertion. Contact lenses are typically inserted into the eye by placing them on the pad of the index or middle finger with the concave side upward and then using that finger to place the lens on the eye. Rigid lenses should be placed directly on the cornea. Soft lenses may be placed on the sclera (white of the eye) and then slid into place. Another finger of the same hand, or a finger of the other hand, is used to keep the eye wide open. Alternatively, the user may close their eyes and then look towards their nose, sliding the lens into place over the cornea. Problems may arise if the lens folds, turns inside-out, slides off the finger prematurely, or adheres more tightly to the finger than the eye surface. A drop of solution may help the lens adhere to the eye. When the lens first contacts the eye, it should be comfortable. A brief period of irritation may occur, caused by a difference in pH and/or salinity between that of the lens solution and the tear. This discomfort fades quickly as the solution drains away and is replaced by the natural tears. However, if irritation persists, the cause could be a dirty, damaged, or inside-out lens. Removing and inspecting it for damage and proper orientation, and re-cleaning if necessary, should correct the problem. If discomfort continues, the lens should not be worn. In some cases, taking a break from lens wear for a day may correct the problem. In case of severe discomfort, or if it does not resolve by the next day, the person should be seen as soon as possible by an eye doctor to rule out potentially serious complications. Removal. Removing contact lenses incorrectly can result in damage to the lens and injury to the eye, so certain precautions must be taken. Rigid contact lenses can best be removed by pulling the eyelid tight and then blinking, whereupon the lens drops out. With one finger on the outer corner of the eyelids, or lateral canthus, the person stretches the eyelids towards the ear; the increased tension of the eyelid margins against the edge of lens allows the blink to break the capillary action that adheres the lens to the eye. The other hand is typically cupped underneath the eye to catch the lens as it drops out. For soft lenses, which have a stronger adherence to the eye surface, this technique is less suitable. A soft contact lens may be removed by pinching the edge between the thumb and index finger. Moving the lens off the cornea first can improve comfort during removal and reduce risk of scratching the cornea with a fingernail. It is also possible to push or pull a soft lens far enough to the side or bottom of the eyeball to get it to fold then fall out, without pinching and thereby damaging it. If these techniques are used with a rigid lens, it may scratch the cornea. There are also small tools specifically for removing lenses. Usually made of flexible plastic, they resemble small tweezers, or plungers that suction onto the front of the lens. Typically, these tools are used only with rigid lenses. Extreme care must be exercised when using mechanical tools or fingernails to insert or remove contact lenses. Care. Lens care varies depending on material and wear schedule. Daily disposables are discarded after a single use and thus require no cleaning. Other lenses need regular cleaning and disinfecting to prevent surface coating and infections. There are many ways to clean and care for contact lenses, typically called care systems or lens solutions: Aside from cleaning the contact lenses, it is highly advised to also clean the cases to avoid any possible infection. Replacing the case monthly, and storing it in a clean and safe environment is also recommended. Contact lenses can be mechanically cleaned of more substantial protein, lipid and debris build up by rubbing them between the clean pad of a finger and the palm of a hand, using a small amount of cleaning fluid as a lubricant. However, this method does not sterilize the lenses and so should be performed only before a full sterilization cycle (e.g. when putting the contact lens away at night). Some products must be used only with certain types of contact lenses. Water alone will not at all disinfect the lens, and can lead to lens contamination causing potentially irreparable harm to the eye. Contact lens solutions often contain preservatives such as benzalkonium chloride and benzyl alcohol. Preservative-free products usually have shorter shelf lives, but are better suited for individuals with an allergy or sensitivity to a preservative. In the past, thiomersal was used as a preservative. In 1989, thiomersal was responsible for about 10% of problems related to contact lenses. As a result, most products no longer contain thiomersal. Current research. Contact lens sensors to monitor the ocular temperature were recently demonstrated. A large segment of current contact lens research is directed towards the treatment and prevention of conditions resulting from contact lens contamination and colonization by foreign organisms. Clinicians tend to agree that the most significant complication of contact lens wear is microbial keratitis and that the most predominant microbial pathogen is "Pseudomonas aeruginosa". Other organisms are also major causative factors in bacterial keratitis associated with contact lens wear, although their prevalence varies across different locations. These include both the "Staphylococcus" species ("aureus" and "epidermidis") and the "Streptococcus" species, among others. Microbial keratitis is a serious focal point of current research due to its potentially devastating effect on the eye, including severe vision loss. One specific research topic of interest is how microbes such as "Pseudomonas aeruginosa" invade the eye and cause infection. Although the pathogenesis of microbial keratitis is not well understood, many different factors have been investigated. One group of researchers showed that corneal hypoxia exacerbated "Pseudomonas" binding to the corneal epithelium, internalization of the microbes, and induction of the inflammatory response. One way to alleviate hypoxia is to increase the amount of oxygen transmitted to the cornea. Although silicone-hydrogel lenses almost eliminate hypoxia in patients due to their very high levels of oxygen transmissibility, they also seem to provide a more efficient platform for bacterial contamination and corneal infiltration than other conventional hydrogel soft contact lenses. A recent study showed that "Pseudomonas aeruginosa" and "Staphylococcus epidermis" adhere much more strongly to unworn silicone hydrogel contact lenses than conventional hydrogel lenses and that adhesion of "Pseudomonas aeruginosa" was 20 times stronger than that of "Staphylococcus epidermidis". This might partly explain why "Pseudomonas" infections are the most predominant. However, another study conducted with worn and unworn silicone and conventional hydrogel contact lenses showed that worn silicone contact lenses were less prone to "Staphylococcus epidermidis" colonization than conventional hydrogel lenses. Besides bacterial adhesion and cleaning, micro and nano pollutants (biological and manmade) is an area of contact lens research that is growing. Small physical pollutants ranging from nanoplastics to fungi spores to plant pollen adhere to contact lens surfaces in high concentrations. It has been found that multipurpose solution and rubbing with fingers does not significantly clean the lenses. A group of researchers have suggested an alternative cleaning solution, PoPPR (polymer on polymer pollution removal). This cleaning technique takes advantage of a soft and porous polymer to physically peal pollutants off of contact lenses. Another important area of contact lens research deals with patient compliance. Compliance is a major issue pertaining to the use of contact lenses because patient noncompliance often leads to contamination of the lens, storage case, or both. However, careful users can extend the wear of lenses through proper handling: there is, unfortunately, no disinterested research on the issue of "compliance" or the length of time a user can safely wear a lens beyond its stated use. The introduction of multipurpose solutions and daily disposable lenses have helped to alleviate some of the problems observed from inadequate cleaning but new methods of combating microbial contamination are currently being developed. A silver-impregnated lens case has been developed which helps to eradicate any potentially contaminating microbes that come in contact with the lens case. Additionally, a number of antimicrobial agents are being developed that have been embedded into contact lenses themselves. Lenses with covalently attached selenium molecules have been shown to reduce bacterial colonization without adversely affecting the cornea of a rabbit eye and octyl glucoside used as a lens surfactant significantly decreases bacterial adhesion. These compounds are of particular interest to contact lens manufacturers and prescribing optometrists because they do not require any patient compliance to effectively attenuate the effects of bacterial colonization. A recent area of research is in the field of bionic lenses. These are visual displays that include built-in electric circuits and light-emitting diodes and can harvest radio waves for their electric power. Bionic lenses can display information beamed from a mobile device overcoming the small display size problem. The technology involves embedding nano and microscale electronic devices in lenses. These lenses will also need to have an array of microlenses to focus the image so that it appears suspended in front of the wearer's eyes. The lens could also serve as a head-up display for pilots or gamers. Drug administration through contact lenses is also becoming an area of research. One application is a lens that releases anesthesia to the eye for post-surgery pain relief, especially after PRK (photorefractive keratectomy) in which the healing process takes several days. One experiment shows that silicone contact lenses that contain vitamin E deliver pain medication for up to seven days compared with less than two hours in usual lenses. Another study of the usage of contact lens is aimed to address the issue of macular degeneration (AMD or age-related macular degeneration). An international collaboration of researchers was able to develop a contact lens that can shift between magnified and normal vision. Previous solutions to AMD included bulky glasses or surgical implants. But the development of this new contact lens, which is made of polymethyl methacrylate, could offer an unobtrusive solution. In popular culture. Films. One of the earliest known motion pictures to introduce the use of contact lenses as a make-up artist's device for enhancing the eyes was by the innovative actor Lon Chaney in the 1926 film "The Road to Mandalay" to create the effect of a character who had a blind eye. Dr. Rueben Greenspoon applied them to Orson Welles for the film "Citizen Kane" in 1940. In the 1950s, contact lenses were starting to be used in British color horror films. An early example of this is the British actor Christopher Lee as the Dracula character in the 1958 color horror film "Dracula", which helped to emphasize his horrific looking black pupils and red bloodshot eyes. Tony Curtis wore them in the 1968 film "The Boston Strangler". Contact lenses were also used to better emphasize the sinister gaze of the demonic characters in 1968's "Rosemary's Baby" and 1973's "The Exorcist". Colored custom-made contact lenses are now standard makeup for a number of special effects-based movies.

past experience

11012-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2369778

Prudent avoidance is a precautionary principle in risk management. It states that reasonable efforts to minimise potential risks should be taken when the actual magnitude of the risks is unknown. The principle was proposed by Prof. Granger Morgan of Carnegie Mellon University in 1989 in the context of electromagnetic radiation safety (in particular, fields produced by power lines). A report for the Office of Technology Assessment of the US Congress described prudent avoidance of power line fields as: The principle has been adopted in a number of countries, for example Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Australia and New Zealand. While not adopted by any regulatory body at the national level in the USA, the principle has been adopted in some form by a number of local regulatory bodies, for example the public utility commissions in California, Colorado, Connecticut and Hawaii. The Colorado Public Commission states: The prudent avoidance principle is seen as a better alternative than other proposed approaches to risk management, such as ALARP, because it makes reasonable efforts to reduce possible risk without creating a specific numeric standard that is not supported by strong scientific evidence.

verified severity

13743-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=39963848

The Central Monitoring System, abbreviated to CMS, is a centralized telephone interception provisioning system installed by the Centre for Development of Telematics (C-DOT), an Indian Government owned telecommunications technology development centre, and operated by Telecom Enforcement Resource and Monitoring (TERM) Cells. The CMC system is going to be set up in each major state collocated with the TERM Cells. Telecom operators in India are required by law to give access to their networks to law enforcement agencies. The Indian Government set up the Centralized Monitoring System (CMS) to automate the process of government-approved Lawful Interception & Monitoring of telecommunications. The Cabinet Committee on Security approved the project of CMS with government funding of Rs 400 Crores. Pilot trials have been completed and the system is anticipated to be progressively implemented from the end of the financial year. History. The 2007-08 annual report of the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) stated that the requirements for the CMS project had been finalized by the Telecommunication Engineering Center (TEC), after deliberations with security agencies, and that the first phase of the project, covering the "national capital", was scheduled to be implemented by 31 March 2008. It also stated that C-DOT had finalized the "scope, architecture and dimensioning of the network". The 2008-09 annual report stated that proof of concept had been demonstrated and that R&D activities for the project were "ongoing". The Government of India budgeted $150 million for the system as part of its 12th Five Year Plan, with Cabinet ultimately approving a higher amount. The CMS was fast-tracked following the 2008 Mumbai attacks. However, it faced repeated delays and missed the original deployment deadline of the end of 2012, and the next deadline of March 2013. CMS was first announced publicly in a press release by the Press Information Bureau (PIB), dated 26 November 2009. The release lacked details on the system but stated that CMS was a "centralized system to monitor communications on mobile phones, landlines and the internet in the country" and claimed that the project would "strengthen the security environment in the country". CMS was mentioned by Minister of Communications and Information Technology Kapil Sibal on 1 January 2011, while addressing the media to announce his 100-day agenda for the Indian telecom sector. Sibal mentioned it in passing, telling the media that "Steps will be taken to establish the Central Monitoring System which will facilitate and prevent misuse of lawful interception facility." The announcement was described as "muted" by "Time" magazine. On 9 March 2011, Minister of State for Communications & Information Technology, Sachin Pilot stated that the CMS was to be set up for the "Lawful Interception and Monitoring of communications to address the national security concerns. It will automize the present manual system of interception and monitoring, which will enhance the secrecy of intercepted numbers and will cut down the delay in provisioning." On 15 October 2012, "The New Indian Express" reported that the National Investigation Agency (NIA) had requested for authorization to access CMS once it became functional. The paper also stated that a pilot trial was underway. "Mint" cited an internal note from the DoT dated 10 June 2013, which reportedly said that CMS had "undergone successful pilots" and was "likely to be commissioned" by the end of 2013. The government began rolling out the CMS, state by state, in April 2013. In July 2013, BlackBerry granted the Indian Government access to its messaging services. It is presumed that CMS will be used to monitor these services, although it may be done through C-DOT's Lawful Intercept and Monitoring (LIM) system. It will make two amendments to the Indian Telegraph Act to allow for intercepting and monitoring through the CMS and to allow "collecting, storing and analyzing message pertaining to information of any nature by the Telegraph Authority". Interception Authorization. In exercise of the powers conferred by Section 7 of the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 (13 of 1885), the Government of India made Rule 419A of the Indian Telegraph Rules, 1951. Directions for interception of any message or class of messages under sub-section (2) of Section 5 of the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 shall not be issued except by an order made by the Secretary to the Government of India in the Ministry of Home Affairs in the case of Government of India and by the Secretary to the State Government in-charge of the Home Department in the case of a State Government. In unavoidable circumstances, such order may be made by an officer, not below the rank of a Joint Secretary to the Government of India, who has been duly authorized by the Union Home Secretary or the State Home Secretary, as the case may be: Provided that in emergent cases: (i) in remote areas, where obtaining of prior directions for interception of messages or class of messages is not feasible; or (ii) for operational reasons, where obtaining of prior directions for interception of message or class of messages is not feasible; the required interception of any message or class of messages shall be carried out with the prior approval of the Head or the second senior most officer of the authorized security "i.e." Law Enforcement Agency at the Central Level and the officers authorised in this behalf, not below the rank of Inspector General of Police at the state level but the concerned competent authority shall be informed of such interceptions by the approving authority within three working days and that such interceptions shall be got confirmed by the concerned competent authority within a period of seven working days. If the confirmation from the competent authority is not received within the stipulated seven days, such interception shall cease and the same message or class of messages shall not be intercepted thereafter without the prior approval of the Union Home Secretary or the State Home Secretary, as the case may be. The Hon’ble Supreme Court has upheld the constitutional validity of interceptions and monitoring under Section 5(2) of the Act through its order dated 18.12.1996 in Writ Petition (C) No.256/1991 by People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) Vs. Union of India. It has also observed that the right to hold a telephone conversation in the privacy of one's home or office without interference can certainly be claimed as "Right to Privacy", and accordingly, held that telephone tapping would infringe the Right to Life and Right to Freedom of Speech & Expression enshrined in Articles 21 and 19(1)(a) respectively of the Constitution of India, unless it is permitted under the procedure established by law. The Hon’ble Court further observed that Section 5(2) of the Act clearly provides that ‘occurrence of any public emergency’ or ‘interest of public safety’ is a sine qua non for the application of these provisions. Neither of these are secretive conditions or situations. Either of the situations would be apparent to a reasonable person. Interception of communication by authorized Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAs) is carried out in accordance with Section 5(2) of the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 read with Rule 419A of Indian Telegraph (Amendment) Rules, 2007. Following is the list of authorised Law Enforcement Agencies for Lawful Interception: Central Agencies Director General of Police, of concerned state/Commissioner of Police, Delhi for Delhi Metro City Service Area only. Call data records (CDRs) can be sought by following the statutory provisions contained in Section 92 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 or Section 5(2) of the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 read with Rule 419 A of Indian Telegraph (Amendment) Rules, 2007. System details. Earlier the provisioning of Interception of the Telephone was being done by the Telecom operators on the basis of duly authorized order by the competent authority in accordance with 419A telephone rule. Traditionally, the Law Enforcement Agency was approaching the various telecom companies based on the numbering scheme of the target telephone number. In CMS setup there is no change in the Interception authorization order envisaged in 419A telephone rule except that now the Law Enforcement Agency will go to only TERM Cell for any interception order provisioning irrespective of telephone numbering scheme. There is no change in the existing LIS / LIM system in the telecom network. The TERM Cell who are the field unit of DOT and carries the enforcement and regulation of licensing conditions in the field will be sole authority to provision the interception orders but interception orders will be obtained by Law Enforcement Agencies in according to the 419A telephone rule. Government objective. Government has set up the Centralized Monitoring System (CMS) to automate the process of Lawful Interception & Monitoring of telecommunications technology. Government of India on 2015-12-02 in a reply to parliament question no. 595 on scope, objectives and framework of the CMS has struck a balance between national security, online privacy and free speech informed that to take care of the privacy of citizens, lawful interception and monitoring is governed by the Section 5(2) of Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 read with Rule 419A of Indian Telegraph (Amendment) Rules, 2007 wherein oversight mechanism exists in form of review committee under chairmanship of the Cabinet Secretary at Central Government level and Chief Secretary of the State at the State Government level. The same mechanism is applicable for the interception under the CMS Project also. Additionally, there is an inbuilt mechanism of check and balance as Security Agencies/Law Enforcement Agencies cannot provision the target and the provisioning agency cannot see the content. Media reaction. "Business Standard" criticised the fact that a warrant need not be obtained. "Firstpost" criticised the lack of information from the government about the project and the lack of a legal recourse for a citizen whose personal details were misused or leaked. "The Hindu" also criticised the lack of information available about the system. "The Indian Express" criticised the introduction of the system in the absence of accountability and "any reasonably effective safeguards" to protect privacy. "The Times of India" criticised the introduction of CMS without public debate or Parliamentary accountability. The paper also felt that Indian privacy laws were "lax", and "far worse than American law on these matters". "Forbes India" pointed out that a consequence of CMS would be that innocent citizens could be wrongly accused of criminal activity. "The New York Times" argued that India did not need centralised interception facilities to have centralised tracking of interception requests. The paper also expressed supported for a strong privacy law, and advised Indian citizens to "take greater care of their own privacy and safeguard the security of their communications". Human rights and civil-liberties groups reactions. Human rights and civil-liberties groups have expressed concerns that the CMS is prone to abuse, and is an infringement of privacy and civil liberties. Critics have described it as "abuse of privacy rights and security-agency overreach". Meenakshi Ganguly, the South Asia director of Human Rights Watch, felt that the move toward extensive "surveillance capabilities enabled by digital communications" suggests that governments are now "casting the net wide, enabling intrusions into private lives". Ganguly also felt that increasing surveillance around the world was an attempt by governments to "grapple with the power of social media that can enable spontaneous street protests". Praveen Swami, strategic affairs editor of Network18, felt that "There is also the argument that the threat of a cyber attack is deliberately overplayed ... it is far-fetched. So there is a need for balance". Pawan Sinha, a human rights teacher at Delhi University, believes that bypassing courts was "really very dangerous" and could be "easily misused". Anja Kovacs of the Internet Democracy Project, and a fellow at the New Delhi-based Centre for Internet and Society, felt that there was "a growing discrepancy and power imbalance between citizens and the state" and that in the Indian scenario, there were "no checks and balances in place". Sunil Abraham, executive director of Bangalore-based non-profit Centre for Internet and Society, advised Indians to "stop using proprietary software, shift to free/open source software" and "encrypt all sensitive Internet traffic and email using software like TOR and GNU Privacy Guard". Pranesh Prakash, director of policy at the Centre for Internet and Society, warned that the lack of privacy laws and government accountability makes the programme "very worrisome." Cyberlaw specialist Pavan Duggal stated that the "system is capable of tremendous abuse" and "even legitimate conversations could end up being tracked". Mishi Choudhary, executive director, Software Freedom and Law Center stated that, "There has been no public consultation on this issue. No one knows what they have proposed or whether it has parliamentary mandate. We don't even have empirical data on phone tapping from the government. It's like a black hole." Human rights activist Neingulo Krome described CMS as "a threat to democracy" and also felt that the agencies involved could "soon challenge the authority of the government itself".

primary region

1973-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=331310

Saraburi () is one of the central provinces ("changwat") of Thailand. Neighboring provinces are (from north clockwise) Lopburi, Nakhon Ratchasima, Nakhon Nayok, Pathum Thani, and Ayutthaya. It is believed to have been constructed in the year 1548 during the reign of King Maha Chakkraphat of Ayutthaya as a centre for recruiting troops. Geography. Saraburi is on the east side of the Chao Phraya River valley. The eastern part of the province is covered by high plains and plateaus, while the western part is mostly low flat plains. Saraburi Province has of forest or 24.2 percent of provincial area. Two national parks are in the province. Namtok Chet Sao Noi protects around a scenic waterfall. Phra Puttachai protects the Khao Sam Lan Forest, which consists of hilly landscape and is the source to several rivers and waterfalls. The highest elevation is the Khao Khrok at 329 m. The area was declared a national park in 1981. The town, as a gateway to the northeastern region, is 108 km from Bangkok. It occupies an area of 3,577 square kilometres. History. Saraburi has been an important city since ancient times. It is assumed to have been established about 1549 during the reign of King Maha Chakkraphat of the Kingdom of Ayutthaya. It is assumed that the king ordered parts of Lopburi and Nakhon Nayok to be combined to set up Saraburi Province with the aim of mobilizing citizens during times of war. From the Ayutthaya period, the story of Saraburi is usually related to battles and wars. As for the origin of the word "Saraburi", it is assumed that due to its location near a swamp called "Bueng Nong Ngong", when the town was established a combination of "sa" ('swamp') and "buri" ('town') was suggested and the town was named "Saraburi". Climate. Saraburi has a tropical savanna climate, Aw (Climate Classification system of Koppen) The climate is arid with little rain in winter, relatively high temperatures in summer, cool in winter, and rain from May to October, about 70–90 days The average annual temperature is 28-29 degrees Celsius. Maximum temperatures average 33-34 degrees Celsius and minimum temperature averages 23–24 degrees Celsius. April is the hottest month of the year, while winters are cool in January. Air quality. Saraburi has poor air quality resulting from cement production, chiefly stone crushing. In the area of Na Pra Lan Sub-district there are 133 plants, 17 mining sites, 32 stone mill plants, and 22 stone dressing plants. Air quality in the province frequently exceeds recommended limits for particulates. Education. There are 366 schools. There are a total of 125,255 students at all levels. Economy. In 2007 Saraburi's population had an average income per capita 214,537 baht per year, making it tenth highest in the country, second in the central provinces. Annual GDP was 129,275 million baht. Religion and culture. In 2007, Saraburi's population was 89.34 percent Buddhist, 597,138 people. There are 499 temples. There are total of 3,443 monks and 274 neophytes. Muslims number 953 (0.32 percent). There are five Christian churches. Symbols. The provincial seal shows the temple Wat Phra Buddha Baat. In the 17th century a hunter found a puddle of water which looked like a large footprint. It was declared a footprint of Buddha, and a temple was built around it. Phra Phutthabat means footprint of Buddha. The provincial tree is "Lagerstroemia floribunda" and the provincial flower is the yellow cotton tree ("Cochlospermum regium"). The endemic crab, "" is the provincial aquatic animal. Administrative divisions. Provincial government. The province is divided into 13 districts ("amphoe"). The districts are further divided into 111 subdistricts ("tambon") and 965 villages ("muban"). Local government. As of 26 November 2019 there are: one Saraburi Provincial Administrative Organization - PAO ("") and 38 municipal ("thesaban") areas in the province. Saraburi, Kaeng Khoi, Phra Phutthabat and Thap Kwang have town ("thesaban mueang") status. Further 34 subdistrict municipalities ("thesaban tambon"). The non-municipal areas are administered by 70 Subdistrict Administrative Organizations - SAO ("ongkan borihan suan tambon"). Transport. Rail. Saraburi's main station is Saraburi Railway Station. There is a major rail junction at Kaeng Khoi Junction. Road. Saraburi can be reached on Phahonyothin Road (Thailand Route 1). Mittraphap Road (Thailand Route 2) is a main road in the northeastern region. It has a beginning here which is a route that separates from the right side of Phahonyothin Road. Health. The main hospital of Saraburi is Saraburi Hospital, operated by the Ministry of Public Health. Human achievement index 2017. Since 2003, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Thailand has tracked progress on human development at sub-national level using the Human achievement index (HAI), a composite index covering all the eight key areas of human development. National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB) has taken over this task since 2017. Notes. Reports (data) from Thai government are "not copyrightable" (Public Domain), Copyright Act 2537 (1994), section 7.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=920174

This is a list of the passengers on board the "Mayflower" during its trans-Atlantic voyage of September 6 – November 9, 1620, the majority of them becoming the settlers of Plymouth Colony in Massachusetts. Of the passengers, 37 were members of a separatist Puritan congregation in Leiden, The Netherlands (also known as Brownists), who were seeking to establish a colony in the New World where they could preserve their English identities but practice their religion without interference from the English government or church. The "Mayflower" launched with 102 passengers, 74 male and 28 female, and a crew headed by Master Christopher Jones. About half of the passengers died in the first winter. Many Americans can trace their ancestry back to one or more of these individuals who have become known as the Pilgrim Fathers. Members of the Leiden, Holland Congregation. Note: An asterisk on a name indicates those who died in the winter of 1620–21. Passenger activities and care. Some families traveled together, while some men came alone, leaving families in England and Leiden. Two wives on board were pregnant; Elizabeth Hopkins gave birth to son Oceanus while at sea, and Susanna White gave birth to son Peregrine in late November while the ship was anchored in Cape Cod Harbor. He is historically recognized as the first European child born in the New England area. One young man died during the voyage, and there was one stillbirth during the construction of the colony. According to the "Mayflower" passenger list, just over a third of the passengers were Puritan Separatists who sought to break away from the established Church of England and create a society along the lines of their religious ideals. Other passengers were hired hands, servants, or farmers recruited by London merchants, all originally destined for the Colony of Virginia. Four of this latter group of passengers were small children given into the care of "Mayflower" pilgrims as indentured servants. The Virginia Company began the transportation of children in 1618. Until relatively recently, the children were thought to be orphans, foundlings, or involuntary child labor. At that time, children were routinely rounded up from the streets of London or taken from poor families receiving church relief to be used as laborers in the colonies. Any legal objections to the involuntary transportation of the children were overridden by the Privy Council. For instance it has been proven that the four More children were sent to America because they were deemed illegitimate. Three of the four More children died in the first winter in the New World, but Richard lived to be approximately 81, dying in Salem, probably in 1695 or 1696. The passengers mostly slept and lived in the low-ceilinged great cabins and on the main deck, which was 75 by 20 feet large (23 m × 6 m) at most. The cabins were thin-walled and extremely cramped, and the total area was 25 ft by 15 ft (7.6 m × 4.5 m) at its largest. Below decks, any person over five feet (150 cm) tall would be unable to stand up straight. The maximum possible space for each person would have been slightly less than the size of a standard single bed. Passengers would pass the time by reading by candlelight or playing cards and games such as nine men's morris. Meals on board were cooked by the firebox, which was an iron tray with sand in it on which a fire was built. This was risky because it was kept in the waist of the ship. Passengers made their own meals from rations that were issued daily and food was cooked for a group at a time. Upon arrival in America, the harsh climate and scarcity of fresh food were exacerbated by the shortness of provisions due to the delay in departure. Living in these extremely close and crowded quarters, several passengers developed scurvy, a disease caused by a deficiency of vitamin C. At the time the use of lemons or limes to counter this disease was unknown, and the usual dietary sources of vitamin C in fruits and vegetables had been depleted, since these fresh foods could not be stored for long periods without their becoming rotten. Passengers who developed scurvy experienced symptoms such as bleeding gums, teeth falling out, and stinking breath. Passengers consumed large amounts of alcohol such as beer with meals. This was known to be safer than water, which often came from polluted sources causing diseases. All food and drink was stored in barrels known as "hogsheads". The passenger William Mullins brought 126 pairs of shoes and 13 pairs of boots in his luggage. Other items included oiled leather and canvas suits, stuff gowns and leather and stuff breeches, shirts, jerkins, doublets, neckcloths, hats and caps, hose, stockings, belts, piece goods, and haberdashery. At his death, his estate consisted of extensive footwear and other items of clothing, and made his daughter Priscilla and her husband John Alden quite prosperous. No cattle or beasts of draft or burden were brought on the journey, but there were pigs, goats, and poultry. Some passengers brought family pets such as cats and birds. Peter Browne took his large bitch mastiff, and John Goodman brought along his spaniel. "Mayflower" officers and crew. According to author Charles Edward Banks, the "Mayflower" had 14 officers consisting of the master, four mates, four quartermasters, surgeon, carpenter, cooper, cook, boatswain, and gunner, plus about 36 men before the mast for a total of 50. More recent authors estimate a crew of about 30. The entire crew stayed with the "Mayflower" in Plymouth through the winter of 1620–21, and about half of them died. The surviving crew returned to London on the "Mayflower" on April 5, 1621. Crew members per various sources. Banks states that the crew totaled 36 men before the mast and 14 officers, making a total of 50. Nathaniel Philbrick estimates between 20 and 30 sailors in her crew whose names are unknown. Nick Bunker states that "Mayflower" had a crew of at least 17 and possibly as many as 30. Caleb Johnson states that the ship carried a crew of about 30 men, but the exact number is unknown. Ship crewmen hired to stay one year. Note: "Asterisk on any name indicates those who died in the winter of 1620–21". Animals on board. Two dogs are known to have participated in settling Plymouth. In "Mourt's Relation", Edward Winslow writes that a female English Mastiff and a small English Springer Spaniel came ashore on the first explorations of Provincetown. The ship was probably also carrying small domestic animals such as goats, pigs, and chickens. Larger domestic animals came later, such as cows and sheep.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63127659

The renewable energy transition is the ongoing energy transition which is replacing fossil fuels with renewable energy. This transition can impact many aspects of life including the environment, society, the economy and governance. The foremost motivation for the transition is to limit the adverse effects of energy consumption on the environment. This includes reducing greenhouse-gas emissions and mitigating climate change. In 2019, in the United States the cost of renewable energy reached the point where it is generally cheaper to build and operate new solar photovoltaic (PV) plants than the costs of new or even existing coal-fired power plants. Investing in innovation research is considered imperative in overcoming problems related to renewable energy, such as efficiency, energy storage and variability. For energy transportation and flexibility, storage is vital for the renewable energy transition due to the intermittency of many renewable energy sources. The transition relies upon alternatives to fossil fuel and natural gas. Some companies are driving this shift, such as Ørsted which has a plan to replace coal with 99% wind energy by 2025. Drivers. Many factors are driving the increased need and interest in the renewable energy transition. Among the most important drivers are the acknowledgment of the energy system's impact on climate change, as well as the diminishing resources that threaten energy security. Climate change can be attributed to the use of fossil fuel energy and the contribution of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere. This increased level of greenhouse gas emissions creates adverse effects on a changing climate such as increased intensity and frequency of natural disasters. The IPCC has said with high certainty that society has 12 years to complete an entire transition to avoid catastrophic climate change. This reality has motivated the conversation of a renewable energy transition as a mitigation tactic. The fossil fuel industry faces risk completely separate from the impacts of climate change. Fossil fuels are a limited resource and are at risk of reaching a peak in which diminishing returns will become prevalent. Uncertainty with the supply of this resource questions the security of the industry and the investments in fossil fuel companies. Companies such as BlackRock are using sustainability measures to address their strategy and structure, as these evaluated risks impact their desired level of involvement with the industry as a result. These driving conversations are motivating organizations to reconsider the future of the energy sector. Technologies. The technologies that are considered the most important in the renewable energy transition are hydroelectricity, wind power, and solar power. Hydroelectricity is the largest source of renewable electricity in the world, providing 16.6% of the world's total electricity in 2015. However, because of its heavy dependence on geography and the generally high environmental and social impact of hydroelectric power plants, the growth potential of this technology is limited. Wind and solar power are considered more scalable, and therefore have higher potential for growth. These sources have grown nearly exponentially in recent decades thanks to rapidly decreasing costs. In 2018, wind power supplied 4.8% worldwide electricity, while solar power supplied 3% in 2019. While production from most types of hydropower plants can be actively controlled, production from wind and solar power depends entirely on the weather. Hydropower is therefore considered a dispatchable source, while solar and wind are variable renewable energy sources. These sources require dispatchable backup generation or storage to provide continuous and reliable electricity. For this reason, storage technologies also play a key role in the renewable energy transition. As of 2020, the largest scale storage technology is pumped storage hydroelectricity, accounting for the great majority of energy storage capacity installed worldwide. Other important forms of energy storage are electric batteries and power to gas. Other renewable energy sources include bioenergy, geothermal energy and tidal energy. There has been a debate around whether nuclear energy is considered renewable or not. As it is still unknown whether nuclear energy is a viable renewable energy source, it is not considered as a renewable source in this article. Economic aspects. The economics behind the renewable energy transition are unlike most economic trends. Due to the lack of knowledge behind its impacts, we know little behind the long-term economics. We turn to givens, such as its impacts on GHG emissions as economic drivers. The economics behind renewable energy rely forecasts of the future to help determine efficient production, distribution, and consumption of energy. In this transition, there is in an increase in General Algebraic Modeling Software to help determine economic factors such as levelized production costs and cost models. The dependency  of knowledge of different types of models, innovations of other countries, and different types of renewable energy markets are the key to driving the economy during this transition. Business models. Economic driving forces in the renewable energy transition take multiple approaches. Businesses that have joined the renewable energy cause do so by relying on business models. The need for business models, when dealing with the economics of the renewable energy transition, are crucial due to the lack of concrete research done in this area. These models show projections of marginal costs, efficiency, and demand in different periods of time. Business models are financial assistants that help guide businesses, companies, and individuals looking to get involved. Global rivalries. Global rivalries have contributed to the driving forces of the economics behind the renewable energy transition. Competition to reach ultimate efficiency with renewable energy is motivating countries to improve further and further. Technological innovations developed within a country have the potential to become an economic force. In Germany, the country realized to achieve this, policy would go hand in hand with economics. Policies reflect the economy, which for the economy of the country, it would need to have strong policies in place to support the transition to renewable energy. With economic growth being a priority, renewable energy transition policies would strengthen the transition status. Renewable energy growth creates winners and losers. Fossil fuel companies risk becoming losers. To stay competitive the adaptation to join the renewable energy race is considered. Global investments on renewable energy is increasing at a high rate. In 2018, the total global investment in renewable energy neared the $300 billion mark. Trends in global renewable energy such as this, that show stability in the market, investments are being made profitable for the future. Competition for dominance in the renewable energy market sparks interest in trades and investments. With the United States and European Union accounting for 60 percent of the total capacity and investment in renewable energy, the two economies are likely to become the largest suppliers and consumers for the renewable energy services. Economic players. Heating. The energy-intensive heating industry plays a central role in the renewable energy transition. When dealing with heat and the transition to renewable resources, the entire area being heated comes into play. When assessing the economic benefits of this transition, the costs are atop of the list of information needed. In order to make this transition in the heating industry costs such as if the costs to install these systems would produce a positive turnout. A system of such was implemented in Denmark that focused on wind power to help contribute to heating. The results of this showed a decrease in heating costs from 132 kWH to roughly 60 to 80 kWH. The economic improvements result from increased efficiency and use of wind power. New Hampshire has been experimenting with renewable wood fuels. Wood biomass includes various types of wood as energy alternatives. Using wood chips as fuel is amongst the most common types of wood energy. CO2 emissions can be decreased by nearly 90 percent when switching from fossil fuel to wood. Transitioning from fossil fuel to wood energy is seen as an economic booster with increased biomass production in wood plantations. Heating accounts for up to 40 percent of a businesses operating costs. Transitioning to wood energy, specifically based on wood chips, do not come cheap. Littleton Regional healthcare transitioned to this heating system; the cost was nearly $3 million. Energy market. The costs for renewable energies have decreased dramatically. For solar and wind power, the costs have dropped up to 60 to 80 percent. Wind energy is growing in usage, and much of this is due to the increase in wind energy production. Transitioning to wind energy assists in altering a countries dependency on foreign sources when it comes to energy. Allowing countries to build their economies from within, while helping the environment is a more common thought. While a setback to this method of energy is that it requires specifics in land available and location of land, there has still been an increase in wind turbines. From 2007–2017, the US wind energy consumption increased 590%. The transition is viewed as a way to ensure the economies environmental sustainability. Wind/Power systems. Power systems are economic players that take many contributors into account. When looking for economic benefits behind power systems, savings and costs are crucial topics being addressed. A determinant in addressing the costs and savings of power systems is the alternative routes to GHG emissions. Egypt introduced a plan to do so by stopping conventional power plants and converting them over to hybrid and wind farm plants. The results of this were seen to decrease carbon dioxide emissions and save the state up to $14 million. Determining the economic value of wind farms is the main predictor of production. The biggest cost occurred in wind farms are for the turbines themselves. With turbines varying in size, the smaller turbines are used at a more local and person level are more expensive on a per kilowatt of energy capacity rate, while larger ones are less expensive on these dynamics. Wind farms look at the total area of power it can produce, for a 500 MW wind farm, nearly 200,000 wind farms can be generated. Many question whether having a small number of turbines would still be beneficial or not, and worth the cost. The intermittency costs of turbines show that they are less than one percent of the price of the wind energy price. This is shown by detailing that the addition of more turbines throughout an area increase the intermittency of individual turbines, allowing the farms with a lower supply to gain by another farm with larger supply of turbines. Small residential and small commercial have the most profitability due to their low energy cost and short payback period. Specifically, this becomes more profitable with a 10 kW system. Social aspects. Influences. The energy transition discussion is heavily influenced by contributions from the oil industry. The oil industry controls the larger part of the world's energy supply and needs as petroleum continues to be the most accessible and available resource present today. With a history of continued success and sustained demand, the oil industry has become a stable aspect of society, the economy and the energy sector. To transition to renewable energy technologies, the government and economy must address the oil industry and its control of the energy sector. One way that oil companies are able to continue their work despite growing environmental, social and economic concerns is through lobbying efforts within local and national government systems. Lobbying is defined as to conduct activities aimed at influencing public officials and especially members of a legislative body on legislation Historically, the fossil fuel lobby has been highly successful in limiting regulations on the oil industry and enabling business-as-usual techniques. From 1988 to 2005, Exxon Mobil, one of the largest oil companies in the world, spent nearly $16 million in anti-climate change lobbying and providing misleading information about climate change to the general public. The oil industry acquires significant support through the existing banking and investment structure. The stable nature of oil stock throughout history makes it a great option for investors. By investing in the fossil fuel industry, it is provided with financial support to continue its business ventures. The concept that the industry should no longer be financially supported has led to the social movement known as divestment. Divestment is defined as the removal of investment capital from stocks, bonds or funds in oil, coal and gas companies for both moral and financial reasons Banks, investing firms, governments, universities, institutions and businesses are all being challenged with this new moral argument against their existing investments in the fossil fuel industry and many such as Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the University of California, New York City and more have begun making the shift to more sustainable, eco-friendly investments. Impacts. The renewable energy transition has many benefits and challenges that are associated with it. One of the positive social impacts that is predicted is the use of local energy sources to provide stability and economic stimulation to local communities. Not only does this benefit local utilities through portfolio diversification, but it also creates opportunities for energy trade between communities, states and regions. Additionally, energy security has been a struggle worldwide that has led to many issues in the OPEC countries and beyond. Energy security is evaluated by analyzing the accessibility, availability, sustainability, regulatory and technological opportunity of our energy portfolio. Renewable Energy presents an opportunity to increase our energy security by becoming energy independent and have localized grids that decrease energy risks geopolitically. In this sense, the benefits and positive outcomes of the renewable energy transition are profound. There are also risks and negative impacts on society because of the renewable energy transition that need to be mitigated. The coal mining industry plays a large part in the existing energy portfolio and is one of the biggest targets for climate change activists due to the intense pollution and habitat disruption that it creates. The transition to renewable is expected to have decrease the need and viability of coal mining in the future. This is a positive for climate change action, but can have severe impacts on the communities that rely on this business. Coal mining communities are considered vulnerable to the renewable energy transition. Not only do these communities face energy poverty already, but they also face economic collapse when the coal mining businesses move elsewhere or disappear altogether. These communities need to quickly transition to alternative forms of work to support their families, but lack the resources and support to invest in themselves. This broken system perpetuates the poverty and vulnerability that decreases the adaptive capacity of coal mining communities. Potential mitigation could include expanding the program base for vulnerable communities to assist with new training programs, opportunities for economic development and subsidies to assist with the transition. Ultimately, the social impacts of the renewable energy transition will be extensive, but with mitigation strategies, the government can ensure that it becomes a positive opportunity for all citizens. Reasons for a fast energy transition. Solving the global warming problem is regarded as the most important challenge facing humankind in the 21st century. The capacity of the earth system to absorb greenhouse gas emissions is already exhausted, and under the Paris climate agreement, emissions must cease by 2040 or 2050. Barring a breakthrough in carbon sequestration technologies, this requires an energy transition away from fossil fuels such as oil, natural gas, lignite, and coal. This energy transition is also known as the decarbonization of the energy system or "energy turnaround". Available technologies are nuclear power (fission) and the renewable energy sources wind, hydropower, solar power, geothermal, and marine energy. A timely implementation of the energy transition requires multiple approaches in parallel. Energy conservation and improvements in energy efficiency thus play a major role. Smart electric meters can schedule energy consumption for times when electricity is abundant, reducing consumption at times when the more variable renewable energy sources are scarce (night time and lack of wind). Technology has been identified as an important but difficult-to-predict driver of change within energy systems. Published forecasts have systematically tended to overestimate the potential of new energy and conversion technologies and underestimated the inertia in energy systems and energy infrastructure (e.g. power plants, once built, characteristically operate for many decades). The history of large technical systems is very useful for enriching debates about energy infrastructures by detailing many of their long-term implications. The speed at which a transition in the energy sector needs to take place will be historically rapid. Moreover, the underlying technological, political, and economic structures will need to change radically — a process one author calls regime shift. Risks and barriers. Despite the widespread understanding that a transition to renewable energy is necessary, there are a number of risks and barriers to making renewable energy more appealing than conventional energy. Renewable energy rarely comes up as a solution beyond combating climate change, but has wider implications for food security and employment. This further supports the recognized dearth of research for clean energy innovations, which may lead to quicker transitions. Overall, the transition to renewable energy requires a shift among governments, business, and the public. Altering public bias may mitigate the risk of subsequent administrations de-transitioning - through perhaps public awareness campaigns or carbon levies. Amongst the key issues to consider in relation to the pace of the global transition to renewables is how well individual electric companies are able to adapt to the changing reality of the power sector. For example, to date, the uptake of renewables by electric utilities has remained slow, hindered by their continued investment in fossil fuel generation capacity. Labor. A large portion of the global workforce works directly or indirectly for the fossil fuel economy. Moreover, many other industries are currently dependent on unsustainable energy sources (such as the steel industry or cement and concrete industry). Transitioning these workforces during the rapid period of economic change requires considerable forethought and planning. The international labor movement has advocated for a just transition that addresses these concerns. Predictions. After a transitional period, renewable energy production is expected to make up most of the world's energy production. In 2018, the risk management firm, DNV GL, forecasts that the world's primary energy mix will be split equally between fossil and non-fossil sources by 2050. A 2011 projection by the International Energy Agency expects solar PV to supply more than half of the world's electricity by 2060, dramatically reducing the emissions of greenhouse gases. The GeGaLo index of geopolitical gains and losses assesses how the geopolitical position of 156 countries may change if the world fully transitions to renewable energy resources. Former fossil fuels exporters are expected to lose power, while the positions of former fossil fuel importers and countries rich in renewable energy resources is expected to strengthen. Status in specific countries. The U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) estimates that, in 2013, total global primary energy supply (TPES) was 157.5petawatt hours or or about 18TW-year. From 2000–2012 coal was the source of energy with the total largest growth. The use of oil and natural gas also had considerable growth, followed by hydropower and renewable energy. Renewable energy grew at a rate faster than any other time in history during this period. The demand for nuclear energy decreased, in part due to nuclear disasters (Three Mile Island in 1979, Chernobyl in 1986, and Fukushima in 2011). More recently, consumption of coal has declined relative to renewable energy. Coal dropped from about 29% of the global total primary energy consumption in 2015 to 27% in 2017, and non-hydro renewables were up to about 4% from 2%. Australia. Australia has one of the fastest deployment rates of renewable energy worldwide. The country has deployed 5.2 GW of solar and wind power in 2018 alone and at this rate, is on track to reach 50% renewable electricity in 2024 and 100% in 2032. However, Australia may be one of the leading major economies in terms of renewable deployments, but it is one of the least prepared at a network level to make this transition, being ranked 28th out of the list of 32 advanced economies on the World Economic Forum's 2019 Energy Transition Index. China. China is the largest emitter of greenhouse gases, and plays a key role in the renewable energy transition and climate change mitigation. China has a goal to be carbon neutral by 2060. European Union. The European Green Deal is a set of policy initiatives by the European Commission with the overarching aim of making Europe climate neutral in 2050. An impact assessed plan will also be presented to increase the EU's greenhouse gas emission reductions target for 2030 to at least 50% and towards 55% compared with 1990 levels. The plan is to review each existing law on its climate merits, and also introduce new legislation on the circular economy, building renovation, biodiversity, farming and innovation. The president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, stated that the European Green Deal would be Europe's "man on the Moon moment", as the plan would make Europe the first climate-neutral continent. Austria. Austria embarked on its energy transition ("Energiewende") some decades ago. Due to geographical conditions, electricity production in Austria relies heavily on renewable energies, specifically hydropower. 78.4% of domestic electricity production in 2013 came from renewable energy, 9.2% from natural gas and 7.2% from petroleum. On the basis of the Federal Constitutional Law for a Nuclear-Free Austria, no nuclear power stations are in operation in Austria. Domestic energy production makes up only 36% of Austria's total energy consumption, which among other things encompasses transport, electricity production, and heating. In 2013, oil accounts for about 36.2% of total energy consumption, renewable energies 29.8%, gas 20.6%, and coal 9.7%. In the past 20 years, the structure of gross domestic energy consumption has shifted from coal and oil to new renewables. The EU target for Austria require a renewables share of 34% by 2020 (gross final energy consumption). Energy transition in Austria can be also seen on the local level, in some villages, towns and regions. For example, the town of Güssing in the state of Burgenland is a pioneer in independent and sustainable energy production. Since 2005, Güssing has already produced significantly more heating (58 gigawatt hours) and electricity (14 GWh) from renewable resources than the city itself needs. Denmark. Denmark, as a country reliant on imported oil, was impacted particularly hard by the 1973 oil crisis. This roused public discussions on building nuclear power stations to diversify energy supply. A strong anti-nuclear movement developed, which fiercely criticized nuclear power plans taken up by the government, and this ultimately led to a 1985 resolution not to build any nuclear power stations in Denmark. The country instead opted for renewable energy, focusing primarily on wind power. Wind turbines for power generation already had a long history in Denmark, as far back as the late 1800s. As early as 1974 a panel of experts declared "that it should be possible to satisfy 10% of Danish electricity demand with wind power, without causing special technical problems for the public grid." Denmark undertook the development of large wind power stations — though at first with little success (like with the Growian project in Germany). Small facilities prevailed instead, often sold to private owners such as farms. Government policies promoted their construction; at the same time, positive geographical factors favored their spread, such as good wind power density and Denmark's decentralized patterns of settlement. A lack of administrative obstacles also played a role. Small and robust systems came on line, at first in the power range of only 50-60 kilowatts — using 1940s technology and sometimes hand-crafted by very small businesses. In the late seventies and the eighties a brisk export trade to the United States developed, where wind energy also experienced an early boom. In 1986 Denmark already had about 1200 wind power turbines, though they still accounted for just barely 1% of Denmark's electricity. This share increased significantly over time. In 2011, renewable energies covered 41% of electricity consumption, and wind power facilities alone accounted for 28%. The government aims to increase wind energy's share of power generation to 50% by 2020, while at the same time reducing carbon dioxide emissions by 40%. On 22 March 2012, the Danish Ministry of Climate, Energy and Building published a four-page paper titled "DK Energy Agreement," outlining long-term principles for Danish energy policy. The installation of oil and gas heating is banned in newly constructed buildings from the start of 2013; beginning in 2016 this will also apply to existing buildings. At the same time an assistance program for heater replacement was launched. Denmark's goal is to reduce the use of fossil fuels 33% by 2020. The country is scheduled to attain complete independence from petroleum and natural gas by 2050. France. Since 2012, political discussions have been developing in France about the energy transition and how the French economy might profit from it. In September 2012, Minister of the Environment Delphine Batho coined the term "ecological patriotism." The government began a work plan to consider starting the energy transition in France. This plan should address the following questions by June 2013: The Environmental Conference on Sustainable Development on 14 and 15 September 2012 treated the issue of the environmental and energy transition as its main theme. On 8 July 2013, the national debate leaders submits some proposals to the government. Among them, there were environmental taxation, and smart grid development. In 2015, the National Assembly has adopted legislation for the transition to low emission vehicles. France is second only to Denmark as having the world's lowest carbon emissions in relation to gross domestic product. Germany. Germany has played an outsized role in the transition away from fossil fuels and nuclear power to renewables. The energy transition in Germany is known as "die Energiewende" (literally, "the energy turn") indicating a turn away from old fuels and technologies to new one. The key policy document outlining the "Energiewende" was published by the German government in September 2010, some six months before the Fukushima nuclear accident; legislative support was passed in September 2010. The policy has been embraced by the German federal government and has resulted in a huge expansion of renewables, particularly wind power. Germanys share of renewables has increased from around 5% in 1999 to 17% in 2010, reaching close to the OECD average of 18% usage of renewables. Producers have been guaranteed a fixed feed-in tariff for 20 years, guaranteeing a fixed income. Energy co-operatives have been created, and efforts were made to decentralize control and profits. The large energy companies have a disproportionately small share of the renewables market. Nuclear power stations were closed, and the existing nine stations will close earlier than necessary, in 2022. The reduction of reliance on nuclear stations has had the consequence of increased reliance on fossil fuels. One factor that has inhibited efficient employment of new renewable energy has been the lack of an accompanying investment in power infrastructure to bring the power to market. It is believed 8300 km of power lines must be built or upgraded. Different Länder have varying attitudes to the construction of new power lines. Industry has had their rates frozen and so the increased costs of the "Energiewende" have been passed on to consumers, who have had rising electricity bills. Germans in 2013 had some of the highest electricity costs in Europe. Nonetheless, for the first time in more than ten years, electricity prices for household customers fell at the beginning of 2015. South Korea. The South Korean Ministry of Trade, Industry, and Energy (MOTIE) has claimed that an energy transition is necessary in order to comply with the public's demands for their lives, their safety, and the environment. In addition, the ministry has stated that the direction of the future energy policy is "to transition (from conventional energy sources) to safe and clean energy sources." Unlike in the past, the keynote of the policy is to put emphasis on safety and the environment rather than on stability of supply and demand and economic feasibility and is to shift its reliance on nuclear power and coal to clean energy sources like renewables. In 1981, the primary energy was sourced predominantly by oil and coal with oil accounting for 58.1% and coal 33.3%. As the shares of nuclear power and liquefied natural gas have increased over the years, the share of oil has decreased gradually. The primary energy broke down as follows in 1990: 54% oil, 26% coal, 14% nuclear power, 3% liquefied natural gas, and 3% renewables. Later on, with efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the country through international cooperation and to improve environmental and safety performances, it broke down as follows in 2017: 40% oil, 29% coal, 16% liquefied natural gas, 10% nuclear power, and 5% renewables. Under the 8th Basic Plan for Long-term Electricity Supply and Demand, presented at the end of 2017, the shares of nuclear and coal are getting decreased while the share of renewables is expanding. In June 2019, the Korean government confirmed the Third Energy Master Plan, also called a constitutional law of the energy sector and renewed every five years. Its goal is to achieve sustainable growth and enhance the quality of life through energy transition. There are five major tasks to achieve this goal. First, with regards to consumption, the goal is to improve energy consumption efficiency by 38% compared to the level of 2017 and to reduce energy consumption by 18.6% below the BAU level by 2040. Second, with respect to generation, the task is to bring a transition towards a safe and clean energy mix by raising the share of renewable energy in power generation (30~35% by 2040) and by implementing a gradual phase-out of nuclear power and a drastic reduction of coal. Third, regarding the systems, the task is to raise the share of distributed generation nearby where demand is created with renewables and fuel cells and to enhance the roles and responsibility of local governments and residents. Fourth, with regards to the industry, the task is to foster businesses related to renewables, hydrogen, and energy efficiency as a future energy industry, to help the conventional energy industry develop higher value-added businesses, and to support the nuclear power industry to maintain its main ecosystem. The fifth task is to improve the energy market system of electricity, gas, and heat in order to promote energy transition and is to develop an energy big data platform in order to create new businesses. Switzerland. Due to the high share of hydroelectricity (59.6%) and nuclear power (31.7%) in electricity production, Switzerland's per capita energy-related CO2 emissions are 28% lower than the European Union average and roughly equal to those of France. On 21 May 2017, Swiss voters accepted the new Energy Act establishing the 'energy strategy 2050'. The aims of the energy strategy 2050 are: to reduce energy consumption; to increase energy efficiency ; and to promote renewable energies (such as water, solar, wind and geothermal power as well as biomass fuels). The Energy Act of 2006 forbids the construction of new nuclear power plants in Switzerland. United Kingdom. By law production of greenhouse gas emissions by the United Kingdom will be reduced to net zero by 2050. To help in reaching this statutory goal national energy policy is mainly focusing on the country's wind power, and in particular is strongly promoting the expansion of offshore wind power. The increase in national renewable power together with the 20% of electricity generated by nuclear power in the United Kingdom meant that by 2019 low carbon British electricity had overtaken that generated by fossil fuels. In order to meet the net zero target energy networks must be strengthened. Electricity is only a part of energy in the United Kingdom, so natural gas used for industrial and residential heat and petroleum used for transport in the United Kingdom must also be replaced by either electricity or another form of low-carbon energy, such as sustainable bioenergy crops or green hydrogen. Although the need for the renewable energy transition is not disputed by any major political party, in 2020 there is debate about how much of the funding to try and escape the COVID-19 recession should be spent on the transition, and how many jobs could be created, for example in improving energy efficiency in British housing. Some believe that due to post-covid government debt that funding for the transition will be insufficient. Brexit may significantly affect the energy transition, but this is unclear . The government is urging UK business to sponsor the climate change conference in 2021, possibly including energy companies but only if they have a credible short term plan for the energy transition. United States. The Obama administration made a large push for green jobs, particularly in his first term. The Trump administration, however, took action to reverse the pro-environmental policies of his predecessor, including withdrawing the United States from the Paris Climate Accords. In the United States, the share of renewable energy (excluding hydropower) in electricity generation has grown from 3.3 percent (1990) to 5.5 percent (2013). Oil use will decline in the USA owing to the increasing efficiency of the vehicle fleet and replacement of crude oil by natural gas as a feedstock for the petrochemical sector. One forecast is that the rapid uptake of electric vehicles will reduce oil demand drastically, to the point where it is 80% lower in 2050 compared with today. In December 2016, Block Island Wind Farm became the first commercial US offshore wind farm. It consists of five 6 MW turbines (together 30 MW) located "near-shore" ( from Block Island, Rhode Island) in the Atlantic Ocean. At the same time, Norway-based oil major Statoil laid down nearly $42.5 million on a bid to lease a large offshore area off the coast of New York. 100% renewable energy. "100% renewable energy" is an energy system where all energy use is sourced from renewable energy sources. The endeavor to use 100% renewable energy for electricity, heating/cooling and transport is motivated by global warming, pollution and other environmental issues, as well as economic and energy security concerns. Shifting the total global primary energy supply to renewable sources requires a transition of the energy system, since most of today's energy is derived from non-renewable fossil fuels. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change there are few fundamental technological limits to integrating a portfolio of renewable energy technologies to meet most of total global energy demand. Renewable energy use has grown more quickly than even advocates anticipated. , however, it needs to grow six times faster to limit global warming to . 100% renewable energy in a country is typically a more challenging goal than carbon neutrality. The latter is a climate mitigation target, politically decided by many countries, and may also be achieved by balancing the total carbon footprint of the country (not only emissions from energy and fuel) with carbon dioxide removal and carbon projects abroad. In 2014, renewable sources such as wind, geothermal, solar, biomass, and burnt waste provided 19% of the total energy consumed worldwide, with roughly half of that coming from traditional use of biomass. The most important sector is electricity with a renewable share of 22.8%, most of it coming from hydropower with a share of 16.6%, followed by wind with 3.1%. according to REN21 transformation is picking up speed in the power sector, but urgent action is required in heating, cooling and transport. There are many places around the world with grids that are run almost exclusively on renewable energy. At the national level, at least 30 nations already have renewable energy contributing more than 20% of the energy supply. According to a review of the 181 peer-reviewed papers on 100% renewable energy which were published until 2018, "[t]he great majority of all publications highlights the technical feasibility and economic viability of 100% RE systems." While there are still many publications which focus on electricity only, there is a growing number of papers that cover different energy sectors and sector-coupled, integrated energy systems. This cross-sectoral, holistic approach is seen as an important feature of 100% renewable energy systems and is based on the assumption "that the best solutions can be found only if one focuses on the synergies between the sectors" of the energy system such as electricity, heat, transport or industry. Professors S. Pacala and Robert H. Socolow of Princeton University have developed a series of "climate stabilization wedges" that can allow us to maintain our quality of life while avoiding catastrophic climate change, and "renewable energy sources," in aggregate, constitute the largest number of their "wedges." Mark Z. Jacobson, professor of civil and environmental engineering at Stanford University and director of its Atmosphere and Energy program, says that producing all new energy with wind power, solar power, and hydropower by 2030 is feasible, and that existing energy supply arrangements could be replaced by 2050. Barriers to implementing the renewable energy plan are seen to be "primarily social and political, not technological or economic". Jacobson says that energy costs today with a wind, solar, and water system should be similar to today's energy costs from other optimally cost-effective strategies. The main obstacle against this scenario is the lack of political will. His conclusions have been disputed by other researchers. Jacobson published a response that disputed the piece point by point and claimed that the authors were motivated by allegiance to energy technologies that the 2015 paper excluded. Similarly, in the United States, the independent National Research Council has noted that "sufficient domestic renewable resources exist to allow renewable electricity to play a significant role in future electricity generation and thus help confront issues related to climate change, energy security, and the escalation of energy costs ... Renewable energy is an attractive option because renewable resources available in the United States, taken collectively, can supply significantly greater amounts of electricity than the total current or projected domestic demand." The main barriers to the widespread implementation of large-scale renewable energy and low-carbon energy strategies are political rather than technological. According to the 2013 "Post Carbon Pathways" report, which reviewed many international studies, the key roadblocks are: climate change denial, the fossil fuels lobby, political inaction, unsustainable energy consumption, outdated energy infrastructure, and financial constraints.

prevailing belief

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20760

Montenegro (; , ) is a country in Southeastern Europe. It is located on the Adriatic Sea and is a part of the Balkans, sharing borders with Serbia to the northeast, Bosnia and Herzegovina to the north and west, Kosovo to the east, Albania to the southeast, and the Adriatic Sea and Croatia to the southwest. Podgorica, the capital and largest city, covers 10.4% of Montenegro's territory of , and is home to roughly 30% of its total population. During the Early Medieval period, three principalities were located on the territory of modern-day Montenegro: Duklja, roughly corresponding to the southern half; Travunia, the west; and Rascia proper, the north. The Principality of Zeta emerged in the 14th and 15th centuries. From the late 14th century to the late 18th century, large parts of southern Montenegro were ruled by the Venetian Republic and incorporated into Venetian Albania. The name Montenegro was first used to refer to the country in the late 15th century. After falling under Ottoman rule, Montenegro regained its independence in 1696 under the rule of the House of Petrović-Njegoš, first as a theocracy and later as a secular principality. Montenegro's independence was recognized by the Great Powers at the Congress of Berlin in 1878. In 1910, the country became a kingdom. After World War I, it became part of Yugoslavia. Following the breakup of Yugoslavia, the republics of Serbia and Montenegro together proclaimed a federation. Following an independence referendum held in May 2006, Montenegro declared its independence and the confederation peacefully dissolved. Montenegro has an upper middle-income economy and ranks 48th in the Human Development Index. It is a member of the United Nations, NATO, the World Trade Organization, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Council of Europe, and the Central European Free Trade Agreement. Montenegro is also a founding member of the Union for the Mediterranean, and is currently in the process of joining the European Union. Etymology. The country's English name derives from Venetian and translates as "Black Mountain", deriving from the appearance of Mount Lovćen when covered in dense evergreen forests. The first written mention of Montenegro in Cyrillic was in the Charter of King Milutin of 1276. In Italian sources, the name of Montenegro was mentioned for the first in its original form Crna Gora in 1348, and in 1379 it is mentioned as Cernagora in the sources from Dubrovnik. In other Italian sources Montenegro is also mentioned as Montagna Negra, Montenegro or Monte Negro and therefrom this designation came into all Western European languages. In the monuments of Kotor, Montenegro was mentioned as Montenegro in 1397, as Monte Nigro in 1443 and as Crna Gora in 1435 and 1458, but there are much older papers of Latin sources where Montenegro is mentioned as Monte nigro. The first mention of Montenegro (Latin) dates to 9 November 1053 and the others date to 1061, 1097, 1121, 1125, 1144, 1154, 1179 and 1189. The native name "Crna Gora," also meaning "black mountain" or "black hill", was mentioned for the first time in a charter issued by Stefan Milutin. It came to denote the majority of contemporary Montenegro in the 15th century. Originally, it had referred to only a small strip of land under the rule of the Paštrovići tribe, but the name eventually came to be used for the wider mountainous region after the Crnojević noble family took power in Upper Zeta. The aforementioned region became known as "Stara Crna Gora" 'Old Montenegro' by the 19th century to distinguish the independent region from the neighbouring Ottoman-occupied Montenegrin territory of "Brda" '(The) Highlands'. Montenegro further increased its size several times by the 20th century, as the result of wars against the Ottoman Empire, which saw the annexation of Old Herzegovina and parts of Metohija and southern Raška. Its borders have changed little since then, losing Metohija and gaining the Bay of Kotor. After the second session of the AVNOJ during World War II in Yugoslavia, the contemporary modern state of Montenegro was founded as the "Federal State of Montenegro" (Montenegrin: Савезна држава Црне Горе / "Savezna država Crne Gore") on 15 November 1943 within the Yugoslav Federation by the ZAVNOCGB. After the war, Montenegro became a republic under its name, the "People's Republic of Montenegro" (Montenegrin: Народна Република Црна Гора / "Narodna Republika Crna Gora") on 29 November 1945. In 1963, it was renamed to the "Socialist Republic of Montenegro" (Montenegrin: Социјалистичка Република Црна Гора / "Socijalistička Republika Crna Gora"). As the breakup of Yugoslavia occurred, the SRCG was renamed to the "Republic of Montenegro" (Montenegrin: Република Црна Гора / "Republika Crna Gora") on 27 April 1992 within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia by removing the adjective "socialist" from the republic's title. Since 22 October 2007, a year after its independence, the name of the country became simply known as "Montenegro". The ISO Alpha-2 code for Montenegro is ME and the Alpha-3 Code is MNE. History. Arrival of the Slavs. Three Slavic principalities were located on the territory: Duklja, roughly corresponding to the southern half, Travunia, the west, and Raška, the north. Duklja gained its independence from the Byzantine Roman Empire in 1042. Over the next few decades, it expanded its territory to neighbouring Rascia and Bosnia, and also became recognised as a kingdom. Its power started declining at the beginning of the 12th century. After King Bodin's death (in 1101 or 1108), several civil wars ensued. Duklja reached its zenith under Vojislav's son, Mihailo (1046–81), and his grandson Constantine Bodin (1081–1101). As the nobility fought for the throne, the kingdom was weakened, and by 1186, the territory of modern-day Montenegro became part of the state ruled by Stefan Nemanja and was a part of various state formations ruled by the Nemanjić dynasty for the next two centuries. After the Serbian Empire collapsed in the second half of the 14th century, the most powerful Zetan family, the Balšićs, became sovereigns of Zeta. By the 13th century, "Zeta" had replaced "Duklja" when referring to the realm. In the late 14th century, southern Montenegro (Zeta) came under the rule of the Balšić noble family, then the Crnojević noble family, and by the 15th century, Zeta was more often referred to as "Crna Gora" (Venetian: ""). In 1421, Zeta was annexed to the Serbian Despotate, but after 1455, another noble family from Zeta, the Crnojevićs, became sovereign rulers of the country, making it the last free monarchy of the Balkans before it fell to the Ottomans in 1496, and got annexed to the "sanjak" of Shkodër. During the reign of Crnojevićs, Zeta became known under its current name – Montenegro. For a short time, Montenegro existed as a separate autonomous "sanjak" in 1514–1528 (Sanjak of Montenegro). Also, Old Herzegovina region was part of Sanjak of Herzegovina. Early modern period. From 1392, numerous parts of the territory that is now Montenegro were controlled by Republic of Venice, including the city of Budva, in that time known as "Budua". The Venetian territory was centered on the Bay of Kotor, and the Republic also introduced governors who meddled in Montenegrin politics. Venice would control territories in present-day Montenegro until its fall in 1797. Large portions fell under the control of the Ottoman Empire from 1496 to 1878. In the 16th century, Montenegro developed a unique form of autonomy within the Ottoman Empire permitting Montenegrin clans freedom from certain restrictions. Nevertheless, the Montenegrins were disgruntled with Ottoman rule, and in the 17th century, raised numerous rebellions, which culminated in the defeat of the Ottomans in the Great Turkish War at the end of that century. Montenegro consisted of territories controlled by warlike clans. Most clans had a chieftain ("knez"), who was not permitted to assume the title unless he proved to be as worthy a leader as his predecessor. The great assembly of Montenegrin clans ("Zbor") was held every year on 12 July in Cetinje, and any adult clansman could take part. In 1515, Montenegro became a theocracy led by the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, which flourished after the Petrović-Njegoš of Cetinje became the traditional prince-bishops (whose title was "Vladika of Montenegro"). People from Montenegro in this historical period have been described as Orthodox Serbs. Principality and Kingdom of Montenegro. In 1858 one of the major Montenegrin victories over the Ottomans occurred at the Battle of Grahovac. Grand Duke Mirko Petrović, elder brother of Knjaz Danilo, led an army of 7,500 and defeated the numerically superior Ottomans with 15,000 troops at Grahovac on 1 May 1858. This forced the Great Powers to officially demarcate the borders between Montenegro and Ottoman Empire, "de facto" recognizing Montenegro's independence. In the Battle of Vučji Do Montenegrins inflicted major defeat to the Ottoman Army under Grand Vizier Ahmed Muhtar Pasha. In the aftermath of the Russian victory against the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, the major powers restructured the map of the Balkan region. The Ottoman Empire recognized independence of Montenegro in the Treaty of Berlin in 1878. The first Montenegrin constitution (also known as the Danilo Code) was proclaimed in 1855. Under Nicholas I (ruled 1860–1918), the principality was enlarged several times in the Montenegro-Turkish Wars and was recognised as independent in 1878. Nicholas I established diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Empire. Minor border skirmishes excepted, diplomacy ushered in about 30 years of peace between the two states until the deposition of Abdul Hamid II in 1909. The political skills of Abdul Hamid II and Nicholas I played a major role in the mutually amicable relations. Modernization of the state followed, culminating with the draft of a Constitution in 1905. However, political rifts emerged between the reigning People's Party, who supported the process of democratization and union with Serbia, and those of the True People's Party, who were monarchist. In 1910 Montenegro became a kingdom, and as a result of the Balkan wars in 1912 and 1913 (in which the Ottomans lost most of their Balkan lands), a common border with Serbia was established, with Shkodër being awarded to a newly created Albania, though the current capital city of Montenegro, Podgorica, was on the old border of Albania and Yugoslavia. Montenegro became one of the Allied Powers during World War I (1914–18). In the Battle of Mojkovac fought in January 1916 between Austria-Hungary and the Kingdom of Montenegro, Montenegrins achieved decisive victory despite being outnumbered five to one. From 1916 to October 1918 Austria-Hungary occupied Montenegro. During the occupation, King Nicholas fled the country and a government-in-exile was set up in Bordeaux. Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In 1922, Montenegro formally became the Oblast of Cetinje in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, with the addition of the coastal areas around Budva and Bay of Kotor. In a further restructuring in 1929, it became a part of a larger Zeta Banate of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia that reached the Neretva River. Nicholas's grandson, the Serb King Alexander I, dominated the Yugoslav government. Zeta Banovina was one of nine banovinas which formed the kingdom; it consisted of the present-day Montenegro and parts of Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia. World War II and Socialist Yugoslavia. In April 1941, Nazi Germany, the Kingdom of Italy, and other Axis allies attacked and occupied the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Italian forces occupied Montenegro and established it as a puppet Kingdom of Montenegro. In May, the Montenegrin branch of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia started preparations for an uprising planned for mid-July. The Communist Party and its Youth League organised 6,000 of its members into detachments prepared for guerrilla warfare. According to some historians, the first armed uprising in Nazi-occupied Europe happened on 13 July 1941 in Montenegro. Unexpectedly, the uprising took hold, and by 20 July, 32,000 men and women had joined the fight. Except for the coast and major towns (Podgorica, Cetinje, Pljevlja, and Nikšić), which were besieged, Montenegro was mostly liberated. In a month of fighting, the Italian army suffered 5,000 dead, wounded, and captured. The uprising lasted until mid-August, when it was suppressed by a counter-offensive of 67,000 Italian troops brought in from Albania. Faced with new and overwhelming Italian forces, many of the fighters laid down their arms and returned home. Nevertheless, intense guerrilla fighting lasted until December. Fighters who remained under arms fractured into two groups. Most of them went on to join the Yugoslav Partisans, consisting of communists and those inclined towards active resistance; these included Arso Jovanović, Sava Kovačević, Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo, Milovan Đilas, Peko Dapčević, Vlado Dapčević, Veljko Vlahović, and Blažo Jovanović. Those loyal to the Karađorđević dynasty and opposing communism went on to become Chetniks, and turned to collaboration with Italians against the Partisans. War broke out between Partisans and Chetniks during the first half of 1942. Pressured by Italians and Chetniks, the core of the Montenegrin Partisans went to Serbia and Bosnia, where they joined with other Yugoslav Partisans. Fighting between Partisans and Chetniks continued through the war. Chetniks with Italian backing controlled most of the country from mid-1942 to April 1943. Montenegrin Chetniks received the status of "anti-communist militia" and received weapons, ammunition, food rations, and money from Italy. Most of them were moved to Mostar, where they fought in the Battle of Neretva against the Partisans, but were dealt a heavy defeat. During the German operation Schwartz against the Partisans in May and June 1943, Germans disarmed large number of Chetniks without fighting, as they feared they would turn against them in case of an Allied invasion of the Balkans. After the capitulation of Italy in September 1943, Partisans managed to take hold of most of Montenegro for a brief time, but Montenegro was soon occupied by German forces, and fierce fighting continued during late 1943 and entire 1944. Montenegro was liberated by the Partisans in December 1944. Montenegro became one of the six constituent republics of the communist Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Its capital became Podgorica, renamed Titograd in honour of President Josip Broz Tito. After the war, the infrastructure of Yugoslavia was rebuilt, industrialization began, and the University of Montenegro was established. Greater autonomy was established until the Socialist Republic of Montenegro ratified a new constitution in 1974. Montenegro within FR Yugoslavia. After the dissolution of the SFRY in 1992, Montenegro remained part of a smaller Federal Republic of Yugoslavia along with Serbia. In the referendum on remaining in Yugoslavia in 1992, the turnout was 66%, with 96% of the votes cast in favour of the federation with Serbia. The referendum was boycotted by the Muslim, Albanian, and Catholic minorities, as well as the pro-independence Montenegrins. The opponents claimed that the poll was organized under anti-democratic conditions with widespread propaganda from the state-controlled media in favour of a pro-federation vote. No impartial report on the fairness of the referendum was made, as it was unmonitored, unlike in a later 2006 referendum when European Union observers were present. During the 1991–1995 Bosnian War and Croatian War, Montenegrin police and military forces joined Serbian troops in the attacks on Dubrovnik, Croatia. These operations, aimed at acquiring more territory, were characterized by a consistent pattern of large-scale violations of human rights. Montenegrin General Pavle Strugar was convicted for his part in the bombing of Dubrovnik. Bosnian refugees were arrested by Montenegrin police and transported to Serb camps in Foča, where they were subjected to systematic torture and executed. In 1996, Milo Đukanović's government severed ties between Montenegro and its partner Serbia, which was led by Slobodan Milošević. Montenegro formed its own economic policy and adopted the German Deutsche Mark as its currency and subsequently adopted the euro, although not part of the Eurozone currency union. Subsequent governments pursued pro-independence policies, and political tensions with Serbia simmered despite the political changes in Belgrade. Targets in Montenegro were bombed by NATO forces during Operation Allied Force in 1999, although the extent of these attacks was limited in both time and area affected. In 2002, Serbia and Montenegro came to a new agreement for continued cooperation and entered into negotiations regarding the future status of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This resulted in the Belgrade Agreement, which saw the country's transformation into a more decentralised state union named Serbia and Montenegro in 2003. The Belgrade Agreement also contained a provision delaying any future referendum on the independence of Montenegro for at least three years. Independence and recent history. The status of the union between Montenegro and Serbia was decided by a referendum on Montenegrin independence on 21 May 2006. A total of 419,240 votes were cast, representing 86.5% of the total electorate; 230,661 votes (55.5%) were for independence and 185,002 votes (44.5%) were against. This narrowly surpassed the 55% threshold needed to validate the referendum under the rules set by the European Union. According to the electoral commission, the 55% threshold was passed by only 2,300 votes. Serbia, the member-states of the European Union, and the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council all recognised Montenegro's independence. The 2006 referendum was monitored by five international observer missions, headed by an Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)/ODIHR team, and around 3,000 observers in total (including domestic observers from CDT (OSCE PA), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe (CLRAE), and the European Parliament (EP) to form an International Referendum Observation Mission (IROM). The IROM—in its preliminary report—"assessed compliance of the referendum process with OSCE commitments, Council of Europe commitments, other international standards for democratic electoral processes, and domestic legislation." Furthermore, the report stated that the competitive pre-referendum environment was marked by an active and generally peaceful campaign and that "there were no reports of restrictions on fundamental civil and political rights." On 3 June 2006, the Montenegrin Parliament declared the independence of Montenegro, formally confirming the result of the referendum. The Law on the Status of the Descendants of the Petrović Njegoš Dynasty was passed by the Parliament of Montenegro on 12 July 2011. It rehabilitated the Royal House of Montenegro and recognized limited symbolic roles within the constitutional framework of the republic. In 2015, the investigative journalists' network OCCRP named Montenegro's long-time President and Prime Minister Milo Đukanović "Person of the Year in Organized Crime". The extent of Đukanović's corruption led to street demonstrations and calls for his removal. In October 2016, for the day of the parliamentary election, a coup d'état was prepared by a group of persons that included leaders of the Montenegrin opposition, Serbian nationals and Russian agents; the coup was prevented. In 2017, fourteen people, including two Russian nationals and two Montenegrin opposition leaders, Andrija Mandić and Milan Knežević, were indicted for their alleged roles in the coup attempt on charges such as "preparing a conspiracy against the constitutional order and the security of Montenegro" and an "attempted terrorist act." Montenegro formally became a member of NATO in June 2017, though "Montenegro remains deeply divided over joining NATO", an event that triggered a promise of retaliatory actions on the part of Russia's government. Montenegro has been in negotiations with the EU since 2012. In 2018, the earlier goal of acceding by 2022 was revised to 2025. The Montenegrin anti-corruption protests began in February 2019 against the incumbent President Milo Đukanović and the Prime Minister Duško Marković-led government of the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which has been in power since 1991. As of late December 2019, the newly adopted Law on Religion, which de jure transfers the ownership of church buildings and estates built before 1918 from the Serbian Orthodox Church to the Montenegrin state, sparked a series of large protests followed with road blockages. Seventeen opposition Democratic Front MPs were arrested prior to the voting for disrupting the vote. Demonstrations continued into March 2020 as peaceful protest walks, mostly organised by the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral in a number of Montenegrin municipalities. In its political rights and civil liberties worldwide report in May 2020, Freedom House marked Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy because of declining standards in governance, justice, elections, and media freedom. For the first time in three decades, in the 2020 parliamentary election, the opposition won more votes than Đukanović's ruling party. Geography. Montenegro ranges from high peaks along its borders with Serbia, Kosovo, and Albania, a segment of the Karst of the western Balkan Peninsula, to a narrow coastal plain that is only wide. The plain stops abruptly in the north, where Mount Lovćen and Mount Orjen plunge into the inlet of the Bay of Kotor. Montenegro's large karst region lies generally at elevations of above sea level; some parts, however, rise to , such as Mount Orjen (), the highest massif among the coastal limestone ranges. The Zeta River valley, at an elevation of , is the lowest segment. The mountains of Montenegro include some of the most rugged terrain in Europe, averaging more than in elevation. One of the country's notable peaks is Bobotov Kuk in the Durmitor mountains, which reaches a height of . Owing to the hyperhumid climate on their western sides, the Montenegrin mountain ranges were among the most ice-eroded parts of the Balkan Peninsula during the last glacial period. Internationally, Montenegro borders Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, and Albania. It lies between latitudes 41° and 44°N, and longitudes 18° and 21°E. Montenegro is a member of the International Commission for the Protection of the Danube River, as more than of the country's territory lie within the Danube catchment area. Biodiversity. The diversity of the geological base, landscape, climate, and soil, and the position of Montenegro on the Balkan Peninsula and Adriatic Sea, created the conditions for high biological diversity, putting Montenegro among the "hot-spots" of European and world biodiversity. The number of species per area unit index in Montenegro is 0.837, which is the highest index recorded in any European country. Montenegro is home to three terrestrial ecoregions: Balkan mixed forests, Dinaric Mountains mixed forests, and Illyrian deciduous forests. It had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 6.41/10, ranking it 73rd globally out of 172 countries. Government and politics. The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22 October 2007. The President of Montenegro is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the country abroad, promulgates laws by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, and proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence in the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. In 2019, the Freedom House reported that years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by the President Đukanović have tipped his country over the edge — for the first time since 2003, Montenegro is no longer categorized as democracy and became a hybrid regime. The DPS narrowly lost the 2020 Montenegrin parliamentary election, ending its 30-year rule. Foreign relations. After the promulgation of the Declaration of Independence in the Parliament of the Republic of Montenegro on 3 June 2006, following the independence referendum held on 21 May, the Government of the Republic of Montenegro assumed the competences of defining and conducting the foreign policy of Montenegro as a subject of international law and a sovereign state. The implementation of this constitutional responsibility was vested in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was given the task of defining the foreign policy priorities and activities needed for their implementation. These activities are pursued in close cooperation with other state administration authorities, the President, the Speaker of the Parliament, and other relevant stakeholders. Integration into the European Union is Montenegro's strategic goal. This process will remain in the focus of Montenegrin foreign policy in the short term. The second strategic and equally important goal, but one attainable in a shorter time span, was joining NATO, which would guarantee stability and security for pursuing other strategic goals. Montenegro believes NATO integration would speed up EU integration. In May 2017 NATO accepted Montenegro as a NATO member starting 5 June 2017. Symbols. An official flag of Montenegro, based on the royal standard of King Nicholas I, was adopted on 12 July 2004 by the Montenegrin legislature. This royal flag was red with a silver border, a silver coat of arms, and the initials НІ, in Cyrillic script (corresponding to NI in Latin script), representing King Nicholas I. On the current flag, the border and arms are in gold and the royal cipher in the centre of the arms has been replaced with a golden lion. The national day of 13 July marks the date in 1878 when the Congress of Berlin recognized Montenegro as the 27th independent state in the world and the start of one of the first popular uprisings in Europe against the Axis Powers on 13 July 1941 in Montenegro. In 2004, the Montenegrin legislature selected a popular Montenegrin traditional song, "Oh, Bright Dawn of May", as the national anthem. Montenegro's official anthem during the reign of King Nicholas I was "Ubavoj nam Crnoj Gori" ("To Our Beautiful Montenegro"). Military. The military of Montenegro is a fully professional standing army under the Ministry of Defence and is composed of the Montenegrin Ground Army, the Montenegrin Navy, and the Montenegrin Air Force, along with special forces. Conscription was abolished in 2006. The military currently maintains a force of 1,920 active duty members. The bulk of its equipment and forces were inherited from the armed forces of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro; as Montenegro contained the entire coastline of the former union, it retained practically the entire naval force. Montenegro was a member of NATO's Partnership for Peace program and then became an official candidate for full membership in the alliance. Montenegro applied for a Membership Action Plan on 5 November 2008, which was granted in December 2009. Montenegro is also a member of Adriatic Charter. Montenegro was invited to join NATO on 2 December 2015 and on 19 May 2016, NATO and Montenegro conducted a signing ceremony at NATO headquarters in Brussels for Montenegro's membership invitation. Montenegro became NATO's 29th member on 5 June 2017, despite Russia's objections. The government plans to have the army participate in peacekeeping missions through the UN and NATO such as the International Security Assistance Force. Administrative divisions. Montenegro is divided into twenty-three municipalities ("opština"). This includes 21 District-level Municipalities and 2 Urban Municipalities, with two subdivisions of Podgorica municipality, listed below. Each municipality can contain multiple cities and towns. Historically, the territory of the country was divided into "nahije". Economy. The economy of Montenegro is mostly service-based and is in late transition to a market economy. According to the International Monetary Fund, the nominal GDP of Montenegro was $5.424 billion in 2019. The GDP PPP for 2019 was $12.516 billion, or $20,083 per capita. According to Eurostat data, the Montenegrin GDP per capita stood at 48% of the EU average in 2018. The Central Bank of Montenegro is not part of the euro system but the country is "euroised", using the euro unilaterally as its currency. GDP grew at 10.7% in 2007 and 7.5% in 2008. The country entered a recession in 2008 as a part of the global recession, with GDP contracting by 4%. However, Montenegro remained a target for foreign investment, the only country in the Balkans to increase its amount of direct foreign investment. The country exited the recession in mid-2010, with GDP growth at around 0.5%. However, the significant dependence of the Montenegrin economy on foreign direct investment leaves it susceptible to external shocks and a high export/import trade deficit. In 2007, the service sector made up 72.4% of GDP, with industry and agriculture making up the rest at 17.6% and 10%, respectively. There are 50,000 farming households in Montenegro that rely on agriculture to fill the family budget. Infrastructure. The Montenegrin road infrastructure is not yet at Western European standards. Despite an extensive road network, no roads are built to full motorway standards. Construction of new motorways is considered a national priority, as they are important for uniform regional economic development and the development of Montenegro as an attractive tourist destination. Current European routes that pass through Montenegro are E65 and E80. The backbone of the Montenegrin rail network is the Belgrade–Bar railway, which provides international connection towards Serbia. There is a domestic branch line, the Nikšić-Podgorica railway, which was operated as a freight-only line for decades, and is now also open for passenger traffic after the reconstruction and electrification works in 2012. The other branch line from Podgorica towards the Albanian border, the Podgorica–Shkodër railway, is not in use. Montenegro has two international airports, Podgorica Airport and Tivat Airport. The two airports served 1.1 million passengers in 2008. The Port of Bar is Montenegro's main seaport. Initially built in 1906, the port was almost completely destroyed during World War II, with reconstruction beginning in 1950. Today, it is equipped to handle over 5 million tons of cargo annually, though the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the size of the Montenegrin industrial sector has resulted in the port operating at a loss and well below capacity for several years. The reconstruction of the Belgrade-Bar railway and the proposed Belgrade-Bar motorway are expected to bring the port back up to capacity. Tourism. Montenegro has both a picturesque coast and a mountainous northern region. The country was a well-known tourist spot in the 1980s. Yet, the Yugoslav wars that were fought in neighbouring countries during the 1990s crippled the tourist industry and damaged the image of Montenegro for years. With a total of 1.6 million visitors, Montenegro is the 36th most visited country (out of 47 countries) in Europe. The Montenegrin Adriatic coast is long, with of beaches and many well-preserved ancient old towns. "National Geographic Traveler" (edited once a decade) ranks Montenegro among the "50 Places of a Lifetime", and the Montenegrin seaside Sveti Stefan was used as the cover for the magazine. The coast region of Montenegro is considered one of the great new "discoveries" among world tourists. In January 2010, "The New York Times" ranked the Ulcinj South Coast region of Montenegro, including Velika Plaza, Ada Bojana, and the Hotel Mediteran of Ulcinj, among the "Top 31 Places to Go in 2010" as part of a worldwide ranking of tourism destinations. Montenegro was also listed by Yahoo Travel among the "10 Top Hot Spots of 2009" to visit, describing it as being "[c]urrently ranked as the second fastest growing tourism market in the world (falling just behind China)". It is listed every year by prestigious tourism guides like Lonely Planet as a top tourist destination along with Greece, Spain and other popular locations. It was not until the 2000s that the tourism industry began to recover, and the country has since experienced a high rate of growth in the number of visits and overnight stays. Demographics. Ethnic structure. According to the 2003 census, Montenegro has 620,145 citizens. If the methodology used up to 1991 had been adopted in the 2003 census, Montenegro would officially have recorded 673,094 citizens. The results of the 2011 census show that Montenegro had 620,029 citizens. Montenegro is a multiethnic state in which no ethnic group forms a majority. Major ethnic groups include Montenegrins (Црногорци/"Crnogorci") and Serbs (Срби/"Srbi"); others are Bosniaks ("Bošnjaci"), Albanians ("Albanci – Shqiptarët") and Croats ("Hrvati"). The number of "Montenegrins" and "Serbs" fluctuates widely from census to census due to changes in how people perceive, experience, or choose to express, their identity and ethnic affiliation. Ethnic composition according to the 2011 official data: Languages. The official language in Montenegro is Montenegrin. Also, Serbian, Bosnian, Albanian, and Croatian are recognized in usage. Montenegrin, Serbian, Bosnian, and Croatian are mutually intelligible, all being standard varieties of the Serbo-Croatian language. Montenegrin is the plurality mother-tongue of the population under 18 years of age. Previous constitutions endorsed Serbo-Croatian as the official language in SR Montenegro and Serbian of the Ijekavian standard during the 1992–2006 period. According to the 2011 Census the following languages are spoken in the country: Religion. Montenegro has been historically at the crossroads of multiculturalism and over centuries this has shaped its unique form of co-existence between Muslim and Christian populations. Montenegrins have been, historically, members of the Serbian Orthodox Church (governed by the Metropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral), and Serbian Orthodox Christianity is the most popular religion today in Montenegro. The Montenegrin Orthodox Church was recently founded and is followed by a small minority of Montenegrins although it is not in communion with any other Christian Orthodox Church as it has not been officially recognized. Despite tensions between religious groups during the Bosnian War, Montenegro remained fairly stable, mainly due to its population having a historic perspective on religious tolerance and faith diversity. Religious institutions from Montenegro all have guaranteed rights and are separate from the state. The second largest religion is Islam, which amounts to 19% of the total population of the country. Montenegro has the sixth-highest proportion of Muslims in Europe, after Kosovo (96%), Turkey (90%), Albania (60%), Bosnia and Herzegovina (51%), and North Macedonia (34%), and Montenegro is the third Slavic country with highest proportion of Muslims in Europe, after Bosnia and Herzegovina (51%) and North Macedonia (34%). A little more than one-fourth of Albanians are Catholics (8,126 in the 2004 census) while the other three-fourths (22,267) are mainly Sunni Muslims; in 2012 a protocol passed that recognizes Islam as an official religion in Montenegro, ensures that halal foods will be served at military facilities, hospitals, dormitories and all social facilities; and that Muslim women will be permitted to wear headscarves in schools and at public institutions, as well as ensuring that Muslims have the right to take Fridays off work for the Jumu'ah (Friday)-prayer. Since the time of Vojislavljević dynasty Catholicism is autochthonous in the Montenegrin area. There is also a small Roman Catholic population, mostly Albanians with some Croats, divided between the Archdiocese of Antivari headed by the Primate of Serbia and the Diocese of Kotor that is a part of the Catholic Church in Croatia. Religious determination according to the 2011 census: Education. Education in Montenegro is regulated by the Montenegrin Ministry of Education and Science. Education starts in either pre-schools or elementary schools. Children enroll in elementary schools (Montenegrin: "Osnovna škola") at the age of 6; it lasts 9 years. The students may continue their secondary education (Montenegrin: "Srednja škola"), which lasts 4 years (3 years for trade schools) and ends with graduation (Matura). Higher education lasts with a certain first degree after 3 to 6 years. There is one public university (University of Montenegro) and two private ones (Mediterranean University and University of Donja Gorica). Elementary and secondary education. Elementary education in Montenegro is free and compulsory for all the children between the ages of 7 and 15 when children attend the "eight-year school". Various types of elementary education are available to all who qualify, but the vocational and technical schools (gymnasiums), where the students follow four-year course which will take them up to the university entrance, are the most popular. At the secondary level there are a number of art schools, apprentice schools and teacher training schools. Those who have attended the technical schools may pursue their education further at one of two-year post-secondary schools, created in response to the needs of industry and the social services. Secondary schools are divided in three types, and children attend one depending on choice and primary school grades: Tertiary education. Tertiary level institutions are divided into "Higher education" (Više obrazovanje) and "High education" (Visoko obrazovanje) level faculties. Higher schools (Viša škola) lasts between two and four years. Post-graduate education. Post-graduate education (post-diplomske studije) is offered after tertiary level and offers Masters' degrees, PhD and specialization education. Culture. Art. The culture of Montenegro has been shaped by a variety of influences throughout history. The influence of Orthodox, Ottoman (Turk), Slavic, Central European, and seafaring Adriatic cultures (notably parts of Italy, like the Republic of Venice) have been the most important in recent centuries. Montenegro has many significant cultural and historical sites, including heritage sites from the pre-Romanesque, Gothic and Baroque periods. The Montenegrin coastal region is especially well known for its religious monuments, including the Cathedral of Saint Tryphon in Kotor (Cattaro under the Venetians), the basilica of St. Luke (over 800 years), Our Lady of the Rocks (Škrpjela), the Savina Monastery and others. Medieval monasteries contain a number of artistically important frescoes. A dimension of Montenegrin culture is the ethical ideal of "Čojstvo i Junaštvo", "Humaneness and Gallantry". The traditional folk dance of the Montenegrins is the Oro, the "eagle dance" that involves dancing in circles with couples alternating in the centre, and is finished by forming a human pyramid by dancers standing on each other's shoulders. Literature. Montenegro's capital, Podgorica, and the former royal capital of Cetinje are the two most important centres of culture and the arts in the country. The American author Rex Stout wrote a long series of detective novels featuring his fictional creation Nero Wolfe, who was born in Montenegro. His Nero Wolfe novel "The Black Mountain" was largely set in Montenegro during the 1950s. Media. The media of Montenegro refers to mass media outlets based in Montenegro. Television, magazines, and newspapers are all operated by both state-owned and for-profit corporations which depend on advertising, subscription, and other sales-related revenues. The Constitution of Montenegro guarantees freedom of speech. As a country in transition, Montenegro's media system is under transformation. Cuisine. Montenegrin cuisine is a result of Montenegro's long history. It is a variation of Mediterranean and Oriental. The most influence is from Italy, Turkey, Byzantine Empire/Greece, and Hungary. Montenegrin cuisine also varies geographically; the cuisine in the coastal area differs from the one in the northern highland region. The coastal area is traditionally a representative of Mediterranean cuisine, with seafood being a common dish, while the northern represents more the Oriental. Sport. The Sports in Montenegro revolves mostly around team sports, such as water polo, football, basketball, handball, and volleyball. Other sports involved are boxing, tennis, swimming, judo, karate, athletics, table tennis, and chess. Water polo is the most popular sport in Montenegro, and is considered the national sport. Montenegro men's national water polo team is one of the top ranked teams in the world, winning the gold medal at the 2008 Men's European Water Polo Championship in Málaga, Spain, and winning the gold medal at the 2009 FINA Men's Water Polo World League, which was held in the Montenegrin capital, Podgorica. The Montenegrin team PVK Primorac from Kotor became a champion of Europe at the LEN Euroleague 2009 in Rijeka, Croatia. Football is the second most popular sport in Montenegro. Notable football players from Montenegro are Dejan Savićević, Predrag Mijatović, Mirko Vučinić, Stefan Savić, Stevan Jovetić, and Stefan Mugoša. Montenegrin national football team, founded in 2006, played in playoffs for UEFA Euro 2012, which is the biggest success in the history of the national team. The Montenegro national basketball team is also known for good performances and had won a lot of medals in the past as part of the Yugoslavia national basketball team. In 2006, the Basketball Federation of Montenegro along with this team joined the International Basketball Federation (FIBA) on its own, following the Independence of Montenegro. Montenegro participated on two Eurobaskets until now. Among women sports, the national handball team is the most successful, having won the 2012 European Championship and finishing as runners-up at the 2012 Summer Olympics. ŽRK Budućnost Podgorica won two times EHF Champions League. Chess is another popular sport and some famous global chess players, like Slavko Dedić, were born in Montenegro. At the 2012 Olympic Games in London, Montenegro women's national handball team won the country's first Olympic medal by winning silver. They lost in the final to defending World, Olympic and European Champions, Norway 26–23. Following this defeat the team won against Norway in the final of the 2012 European Championship, becoming champions for the first time.

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The Fourteenth Ordinary General Assembly of the Synod of Bishops, popularly referred to as the Synod on the Family, took place from 4 to 25 October 2015 with the theme of "the vocation and mission of the family in the Church and in the contemporary world." It was "reflect[ing] further on the points discussed" at the 2014 Third Extraordinary General Assembly of the Synod of Bishops "so as to formulate appropriate pastoral guidelines" for the pastoral care of the person and the family. The 2014 assembly of the synod, called to define the "status quaestionis" (current situation) and to collect the participants' experiences and proposals, can be understood as a preparation for the 2015 assembly, but they are meant to "form a single organic unity." It took place in the Synod Hall in the Paul VI Audience Hall in Vatican City. Background. A preparatory session of the synod was held in 2014 to set the stage for the larger 2015 assembly. Called by Pope Francis, it was meant to "continue the reflection and journey of the whole Church, with the participation of leaders of the Episcopate from every corner of the world," and to be the first of "two stages, forming a single organic unity" with the 2015 assembly. Pope Francis described the 2014 assembly by saying that none of the Synod Fathers "questioned the fundamental truths of the Sacrament of Matrimony, namely: indissolubility, unity, fidelity, and openness to life. This was not touched." He added, however, that there was a difference between doctrine and discipline. While not mentioning Communion specifically, he said that the Church should "open the doors a bit more" and allow divorced and remarried Catholics to participate in the life of the Church. Cardinal Christoph Schönborn, a participant in the 2014 session, compared the discussions at the Synod to a situation in which a mother says: "Watch out, be careful", and the father says: "No, that's fine, go ahead." Francesco Miano, a lay participant, said there was a tension between truth and mercy. Pope Francis said that the media coverage of the 2014 Synod "was often somewhat in the style of sports or political chronicles: often there was talk of two teams, for and against, conservatives and progressives." He added that "there was no clash between factions, as in a parliament where this is licit, but [instead] a discussion between bishops." The fifth ordinary session of the Synod of Bishops, held in 1980, was the last held on the topic of the family. It resulted in the Apostolic Exhortation "Familiaris Consortio". According to Cardinal Lorenzo Baldisseri, Secretary General of the Synod of Bishops, the "social framework has completely changed" since that time. He added that "there are new situations that must be faced, not avoided... Some of these situations never occurred before; they need a doctrinal deepening and pastoral courage to find proper solutions, always respecting truth and charity." Preparation. The synod's ordinary council met on 19–20 November 2014, to begin planning for the 2015 Synod. At the meeting they discussed publishing daily summaries of bishops' remarks so as to avoid confusion and allow for transparency. They also discussed making the committee which will draft the synod's report "more representative of the world" than was the case at the 2014 assembly. Baldisseri said the time in between the two sessions is "the most important." A lay-led novena of Eucharistic adoration took place on the first Thursday of each month for the nine months leading up to the synod. In addition to the report on the 2014 session, a questionnaire for the laity was distributed to bishops conferences, the Synods of Eastern Catholic Churches, the Union of Religious Superiors, and the dicasteries of the Roman Curia around the world on 9 December 2014. Together they form a preparatory document for the synod, known in Latin as a "lineamenta". In addition to the laity questionnaire, study groups were assembled in Rome to consider "the most sensitive issues," especially homosexuality and admitting divorced and remarried Catholics to the Eucharist. The statement accompanying the "lineamenta" asked bishops to conduct "an in-depth examination of the work initiated" at the 2014 session, and to avoid "starting over from zero." It also "stressed the need for mercy in responding to such difficult situations – even asking the bishops to avoid basing their pastoral care solely on current Catholic doctrine." The "lineamenta" included numerous quotations from Francis' apostolic exhortation "Evangelii gaudium", with a particular emphasis on mercy and on being a church that goes to the peripheries of society. The council of the Synod of Bishops met with Pope Francis from 25–26 May 2015 to review the responses received. The synod's general secretary reviewed them all, and incorporated them into a document that was used for the 2015 assembly. Pope Francis also gave a series of catechetical sessions with the theme of the family in 2014 and 2015. Questionnaire for the laity. The 46 questions in the "lineamenta" covered many of the same topics as the questionnaire sent out in advance of the 2014 Synod. They asked about "all aspects of the promotion of authentic family values, the training of clergy in family ministry, the way the Church can be more present among those living far away from the Christian faith, and the care of families that are wounded and fragile." "How would it have been possible to talk about the family without engaging families, listening to their joys and hopes, their pain and anxieties?" Pope Francis asked. Questions about same-sex marriage, divorce and remarriage, contraception, and cohabitation outside marriage were included, but "the wording was designed to make clear that the basics of Catholic doctrine aren’t in doubt." The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops stressed that the questionnaire is a way for gather pastoral insights, but not a survey or poll of the opinion of Catholics. The questionnaire was divided into three sections based on the final report of the 2014 assembly. Catholics "at all levels," including "particular churches and academic institutions, organizations, lay movement and other ecclesial associations," were invited to participate. A few days before the questionnaire was released, Pope Francis had implored theologians to listen to the faithful, and to "open their eyes and ears to the signs of the times." It has been said that Pope Francis "has been listening to the faithful and trying to break through any ecclesiastical shells that can form around the curia. His desire to consult with not just with bishops but also the lay faithful, on these important family matters on how we can support family life and reach out and show support, is quite striking." Baldisseri called for Catholic lay movements to help suggest solutions to the issues facing family life in the modern world, and to help to care for those families which are broken or wounded. Mike Phelan, director of the Office of Marriage and Respect Life for the Diocese of Phoenix, said the purpose of the survey was to determine what the Church needs to do "to support families that are deeply broken and deeply suffering," adding that "We need to be radically creative with how we go to where families actually are. So many families hurting, and how do we actually reach out to them?" The surveys were to be returned by 15 April 2015, so that the results could be included in the working document for the 2015 session of the synod, known as the "Instrumentum laboris." The synod office sent them directly to dioceses, but the responses were to be funneled back to Rome through episcopal conferences. Dioceses may also use the responses in their own planning processes. Adaptations. The synod office asked that the "lineamenta", including the questionnaire, not be "altered in any way." Despite this, many dioceses, parishes, and other groups did so. It was estimated to take between two and five hours to answer all the questions in the original. Translation from the original Italian also changed the syntax of the questions, making a clear understanding more difficult. Given the length and complexity of the questions, some bishops counseled that respondents "are not expected to answer all of the questions" and requested that they focus on those most important or pertinent to them. Diocesan adaptations. The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops offered a rewritten version to "more easily facilitate any consultations dioceses may undertake," and the Archdiocese of Boston condensed the 46 original questions into six broader questions. They also created a website for the synod, www.Synod2015.org, with videos for each of the six broad questions and other resources. The Archdiocese of Philadelphia received very few responses to the questionnaire, which was published as originally transmitted from the Vatican. The neighboring Diocese of Camden, on the other hand, "took the whole thing apart" and "translated it into [understandable] English," and received a much higher response rate. Some bishops, such as William Medley of the Diocese of Owensboro, held town hall meetings with local Catholics to get their opinions on the issues raised in the "lineamenta". The Southern African Catholic Bishops’ Conference placed their own questionnaire online with questions that are particular to African families, such as the problem of child-headed families. The Bishops' Conference of France's Family and Society Council prepared a theological analysis of single Catholics, a demographic they say was overlooked by the 2014 assembly of the synod. Other adaptations. The Association of U.S. Catholic Priests sent the questionnaire to their members, asking members to rank the questions in order of importance, and to answer those they felt were the most important. They later extended the invitation to all priests in the United States. The group Catholic Church Reform International produced a 20 question "alternate" survey, saying that "the [original] questionnaire is far too complex and, with its abstract language and juridical views of marriage, it is largely incomprehensible to even the most well educated Catholics." Call to Action called the language of the questionnaire "hard to get into" and released their own version that was not as "prescriptive" as that the simplified version produced by the bishops of England and Wales. Responses. In France, over 10,000 responses were received. Germans believed that the questions focused too heavily on an idealized version of the family, and not one that reflected the lived experience of most German Catholics. The 17-page report from the German bishops conference, which summarized over 1,000 pages of responses, said the questionnaire lacked "appreciative language for relationships which neither corresponded to the Church’s ideals nor were definitely orientated towards marriage and the family." A study of the University of Münster with participants from 42 countries showed many Catholics wished for reforms of Catholic doctrines, especially regarding sexuality. The umbrella of Catholic youth work in Germany "BDKJ" released a youth friendly edition of the official questionnaire. The questionnaire was answered by about 10,000 young Catholics living in Germany. For a majority of the interviewees, premarital sex as well as contraception and birth control was compatible with their personal religious beliefs. Furthermore, a majority wished equality for homosexual partnerships and a more sympathetic treatment of divorced people. Other events. Other family-related events took place between the 2014 and 2015 assemblies of the synod. These included the 2015 World Meeting of Families in Philadelphia which "enrich[ed] the context and reflections" of those who attended both. In addition, an interfaith conference on the "Complementarity of Man and Woman" at the Vatican was held in November 2014, and an International Conference of family and life movements was sponsored by the Pontifical Council for the Family. The European Conference on the Family had the theme "Between Two Synods: Journeying Together." The Archdiocese of Detroit, along with Courage International and others, hosted a conference in August 2015 "exploring some of the complex challenges the Catholic Church faces in ministering to those with same-sex attraction." At the end of the conference, summaries of the speeches and presentations given were compiled in a book form and sent to the synod fathers. In addition, a study day was held in May 2015 that brought together 50 bishops, theologians, Curia officials and a few journalists. They discussed the issues expected to be raised at the 2015 session of the synod. Statements made in advance of the Synod. Catholic individuals and groups from around the world made statements, wrote open letters, signed petitions, and gave speeches in advance of the 2015 assembly in an effort to let their voices be heard. Rev. Federico Lombardi, director of the Holy See Press Office, said that anyone who has "any request or proposal on the synod can naturally submit it" to the Synod Secretariat. From Pope Francis. Pope Francis said that in advance of the 2015 session of the synod, the Church "needs prayers, not gossip." He especially asked those "who feel alienated or are not accustomed to praying" to pray for the synod fathers. Regarding the hot button issues that the synod would discuss, he said that "I believe that there are disproportionate expectations," and later added that the synod fathers would work on the many difficult issues facing families. Again asking for prayers, he said he wanted Christ to "take what might seem to us impure, scandalous, or threatening, and turn it into a miracle". Pope Francis also declared a special jubilee Year of Mercy that would begin shortly after the synod opened. This was seen by some "as a motion by Francis to focus the minds of the Synod Fathers on a 'merciful' solution for divorced and remarried Catholics." From laity. A petition given the title of a "filial appeal" was signed by cultural conservatives around the world including Cardinal Raymond Burke, Chilean Cardinal Jorge Arturo Medina Estévez, and former U.S. presidential candidate Rick Santorum. It asked Pope Francis to reaffirm "categorically the Catholic teaching that divorced-and-civilly-remarried Catholics cannot receive holy Communion and that homosexual unions are contrary to divine and natural law." it had been signed by 72,000 people. Others called for the 2015 session of the Synod to provide the faithful with "more than pious advice, like 'the family that prays together, stays together,'" and to address issues facing current realities in the West such as teens who get pregnant or impregnate another before they have the education and job skills to support children, and government policies that discourage marriage. A group of progressive Catholic organizations called for a more diverse collection of lay members at the 2015 assembly of the synod, specifically asking for divorced and remarried people, cohabitating couples, interfaith families, impoverished families, single parents, families with lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender members, same-sex couples, and families torn by the violence of war and abuse to be invited. From clergy. French Archbishop Georges Pontier said Pope Francis did not want the 2015 session of the Synod to merely repeat familiar church teachings. Baldisseri commented that "We want to discuss things not in order to call things into doubt, but rather to view it in a new context and with a new awareness." He added that it would be "senseless" to hold another assembly of the Synod to just repeat existing Church teaching. Cardinal Donald Wuerl believed that "If your starting point is ‘We already have the answers,’ this process becomes difficult to deal with," and that Pope Francis "is saying, ‘We have the revelation, but we don’t have the application for all times.'" Cardinal Walter Kasper said that "a battle is going on" in the Synod Fathers' deliberations, but British Cardinal Vincent Nichols challenged that metaphor. Nichols said that it was wrong to look at it as "a battle between contesting sides. Battles have winners and losers. And often ‘collateral damage’ is the most tragic consequence of hostilities." He instead called it "a time of prayerful discernment." Argentine Cardinal Luis Villalba, a friend of Pope Francis', believed that "There are different accents, perspectives, and this is good. These might change, but doctrine will remain the same." US Cardinal Daniel DiNardo did not believe that divorce, contraception, and homosexuality are "the most significant issues" the 2015 session of the synod will take up, but will be played up in the media. Cardinal Wilfrid F. Napier said many African bishops want to focus on the positive, and emphasize that there are good marriages and families before getting sidetracked in other issues. Baldisseri added that he hoped the 2015 assembly of the synod would "listen to couples in irregular situations." A public letter from priests in England and Wales calling on the synod fathers not to make any changes regarding Communion for the divorced and remarried was signed by 461 priests. More than 500 members of the laity then wrote a letter to the editor of the same publication supporting the priests. Nichols responded by saying that while the opinion of the priests was important and welcome, they should not be attempting to communicate with their bishops through the press. The same statement was subsequently signed by nearly 1,000 priests in the United States, including seven bishops, three active and four retired. Divorce and remarriage. Ho Chi Minh city's Archbishop Paul Bùi Văn Đọc called the problem of Communion for the divorced and remarried "knotty," and said the issue required striking a balance between "truth and charity." Bishop Charles Drennan from New Zealand, however, cautioned that any proposal based on mercy should not come at the expense of "the recognition of what is true." Archbishop José María Arancedo of Argentina said that "there might be an opening on the issue of the divorced and remarried." Nichols has publicly supported allowing divorced and remarried Catholics to receive Communion after completing a "demanding penitential" process. Archbishop Charles Palmer-Buckle of Ghana supported allowing individual bishops to make decisions about divorced and remarried Catholics on a case by case basis. The Church in Africa, he said, must minister to many who were in a polygamous relationship before becoming Catholic. This position was supported by Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle of the Philippines, who said that since "every situation for those who are divorced and remarried is quite unique" that the Church "cannot give one formula for all." Palmer-Buckle later was quoted as saying that the Church could take a Protestant approach and use "the power of the keys" to allow individuals to remarry. He noted that the particular passage of the Bible which he was using as a justification (Matthew 16:19) had never been applied to marriage before, and said his "interpretation" was "daring." The Canadian bishops said that the 2014 assembly of the Synod "clearly opted for a pastoral approach that accents the positive: accompaniment, mercy, and the goodness of the good news." They added that "too often the teaching of the church is understood as a set of rules imposed from without or as a code of conduct considered by many to be out of touch with modern reality." However, Polish Archbishop Henryk Hoser said that these proposals have "betrayed" the vision Pope John Paul II set forth in his 1981 apostolic exhortation, "Familiaris consortio". Homosexuality. Palmer-Buckle said he hopes the Church in Africa learns from the Church in Europe in becoming more welcoming towards homosexuals. He said he worried that "many [would] like to make the ‘voice of the media’ the ‘voice of the Church.’" Process. Saying they have put together a "new methodology" which was personally approved by Pope Francis, Vatican officials announced a few days before the opening Mass that the 2015 assembly of the synod would be run differently than those in the past. The synod was structured into three mini-ynods, one a week, for the three-week duration. In week one, the bishops discussed challenges facing the family, in week two the topic was the vocation of the family, and the final week was devoted to the mission of the family today. Unlike at the 2014 session of the synod, a midterm report was not be produced. Instead, each week began with speeches of up to 3 minutes and ended with discussions in one of 13 small groups of about 30 people, including laity, organized by language. With the growing number of bishops in the world, and correspondingly the increased size of the 2015 assembly of the synod, the amount of time each was allowed to speak was reduced. Prior to 2005, each speaker could command the podium for eight minutes, and in 2008 it was reduced to five. The Synod did not have an interim report. The small groups, which include lay men and women, elected their own chairmen and moderators. At the end of the three weeks, the bishops would vote on a final document. The full text of each small group's report would be publicly released by the Vatican, but individual bishop's speeches would not be. Some bishops made their statements publicly available at their own initiative, and the comments of the married couples who spoke were released. Bishops used social media tools such as Facebook, Twitter, and blogs, to make points and explain happenings. Daily updates were provided to the media by participants, and a dedicated space was provided to allow the press to interview bishops. Instrumentum laboris. The "Instrumentum laboris," or working document, for the 2015 session of the synod was released on 24 June 2015. While reiterating the Church's longstanding position on marriage and sexuality, it called for a different, more welcoming way to articulate those teachings: "It is necessary to adopt a style of communication that is clear and inviting, open and not moralizing, judgmental, and controlling, which witnesses to the moral teaching of the Church while at the same time remaining sensitive to the situation of each individual person." While describing "cultural and social crises" affecting families, the "instrumentum laboris" also kept open the possibility for divorced and remarried couples to return to the sacraments. It discusses bioethics, abortion, and violence against women. On the topic of homosexuals, it says they "ought to be respected in his/her human dignity and received with sensitivity and great care in both the Church and society." It added that there were no grounds to consider the unions of two members of the same gender as equal to marriages, and that it was unacceptable for international aid organizations to make acceptance of gay marriage a prerequisite for financial assistance. Baldisseri said that the questionnaire sent to Catholics around the world was "extremely useful" in preparing the "instrumentum laboris." Outside organizations. Catholic advocacy groups had presences in Rome, trying to influence the decisions of the synod. Gay Catholics, women theologians, and African bishops opposed to homosexuality were some of the most prominent groups lobbying the synod fathers. Courage International and Ignatius Press sponsored an event at the Angelicum on homosexuality that featured Synod fathers Robert Sarah and George Pell. The Global Network of Rainbow Catholics also held an event that they said hoped would bring "LGBT voices to the Synod" at the Centre for Pilgrims Santa Teresa Couderc. A conservative group, worried that there was a "pre-determined outcome that is anything but orthodox," started an online petition calling on any "faithful" bishop to "do his sacred duty and publicly retire from any further participation in the synod before its conclusion." This call for a walkout was rejected, with conservative Cardinal Pell saying that the concerns some had at the beginning of the assembly have "substantially been addressed." Issues. Early statements. Pope Francis opened the assembly with "a stirring defense of traditional marriage," while at the same time saying that the Church must be merciful and compassionate to all, including those who have fallen short of the Church's teachings. He also decried the decline of marriage, saying that it "is increasingly viewed as a quaint relic of the past." He paid particular attention to the developed world, saying those countries had the lowest birth rates and the highest percentages of abortion, divorce, and suicide, as well as social and environmental pollution. At the opening Mass, Francis called on members of the Church to defend faithful love, the sacredness of every life, and the unity and indivisibility of marriage, but coupled that with a call for charity, and not judgement, for those who do not live up to that standard. He also said he was saddened by the lonely, and particularly the elderly, as well as widows, those abandoned by their spouse, refugees, and the youths who he said are victims of a culture of waste. He told the synod fathers that they should not be swayed by "passing fads or popular opinions." The following day, during the first session, Francis told the bishops that the synod was not a parliament where deal-making was accepted, but that the "lone method in the synod is to listen to the voice of the Holy Spirit." He also told them that they should have apostolic courage, evangelizing humility, and trusting prayer. He warned the assembled bishops against the "hardening of some hearts, which despite good intentions keep people away from God," but also that the synod should "not let itself be intimidated by the seductions of the world and passing fads." Hungarian Cardinal Péter Erdő, the synod's general relator, also spoke on the first day, drawing lines in the sand defending traditional positions on topics such as homosexuality, divorce, and contraception. In his 7,000 word address, Erdő said that there are numerous negative forces facing families today, including poverty, war, and climate change, and added “anthropological change,” by which he meant moral relativism and individualism. Erdő added that all people must be respected in their dignity, and that the Church should minister to all, but also that when Jesus forgave sinners, he also told them to "go and sin no more." It was noted that the content of the speech was consistent with his previous positions, but he delivered it so ardently that he seemed to be trying to set the tone for the rest of the assembly. In a media briefing after the first day, Cardinal Andre Vingt-Trois of Paris said those who expected radical changes to Church teaching would be "disappointed." Italian Archbishop Bruno Forte agreed, saying that it was "about pastoral attention, pastoral care" for families, but added that the "Church cannot remain insensitive to the challenges ... the synod doesn't meet for nothing." A total of 72 participants spoke in the first two days. Marriage. Despite their differences on some issues, it was said that there was "great unanimity" among the synod fathers on the "growing difference between the cultural vision of marriage and family life and what the church proposes and teaches." Diarmuid Martin said that the Church needs "to find a language which is a bridge to the day-to-day reality of marriage – a human reality, a reality not just of ideals, but of struggle and failure, of tears and joys." One small group added that the church needs to be sensitive to the many sacrifices and struggles family make. Cardinal Philippe Ouedraogo of Burkina Faso said it was fundamental that the "church has a big, large open door where everyone can go and enter with all their problems." Divorced and civilly remarried Catholics. Pope Francis, in unplanned remarks on the second day, made two points regarding marriage. First, he said that the Church's doctrine on marriage was not going to be changed, and that the previous assembly of the Synod did not propose changing it. Secondly, he warned his brother bishops not to "reduce their horizons" by boiling the synod down to a single yes or no vote on whether divorced and remarried Catholics can be readmitted to the Eucharist. Archbishop Mark Coleridge of Australia said at the beginning of the assembly that he estimated 65% of bishops were opposed to allowing remarried Catholics to the sacrament, with 35% in favor. Other bishops discussed allowing individual bishops conferences to determine their own pastoral practice with regard to divorced and remarried Catholics. Coleridge said he believed that proposal had closer to 50% support. German Archbishop Heiner Koch said that most people he spoke to understood the admittance of remarried Catholics to the Eucharist as a matter of charity and mercy, not of the indissolubility of marriage. A German language small group proposed having divorced and civilly remarried Catholics deal with the Communion issue in the "internal forum," meaning privately with a confessor or bishop, as opposed to in an "external forum," like an annulment hearing. Several groups proposed a special papal commission to give the issue further study. Marriage preparation. Speeches were also given stressing the need for better marriage preparation, as well as support for married couples after the wedding. The reality that many young people are pushing back marriage, or not marrying at all, was also acknowledged. Given the complexities of the situation, one group called for more attention to the issues and many called for better marriage preparation programs. One Synod father mentioned the need for a better approach to pastorally care for those who cohabitate before marriage. Koch spoke about the large numbers of unmarried couples who live together because they do not see marriage as important. One small group recommended that a process be instituted for civilly married or cohabitating couples to be led to the Sacrament of Marriage. Koch added that there was a need to focus on couples where one spouse was Catholic and the other was Protestant. Sexuality. Several bishops, who are male celibates, said on the floor that they needed the assistance of married couples to help them better understand sex and marital intimacy. At least one said parents often don't teach their children about sex, and the Church is not filling this void by "present[ing] the good news of human sexuality as a pathway of love, not sin." Auditor Sharron Cole, president of Parents Centres New Zealand, said it was due time "the Church re-examine its teaching on marriage and sexuality, and its understanding of responsible parenthood, in a dialogue of laity and bishops together." Another auditor, Luis Rojas, who participated in the synod with his wife María Angélica, told the synod fathers that "It’s not easy to carry out a marriage, a family, to begin with, and today it’s harder than ever." He added that the Church needs to do a better job preparing young couples for marriage, but defined the Church as laity and clergy alike. Other issues. Archbishop Eamon Martin, also of Ireland, said the Church needs also to minister to families who have suffered from domestic violence, "those for whom the proclamation of what we call the 'good news of the family' may mean little or nothing." It was noted that in different regions of the world families faced different issues. Some areas have many divorced and civilly remarried couples, it was said, while others face a culture that allows polygamy. More positive language. Many Synod fathers stressed the need for the Church to speak in a tone that was positive, clear, simple, and which upheld the ideal family life as one that was obtainable. Irish Archbishop Diarmuid Martin said that "repeating doctrinal formulations alone will not bring the gospel and the good news of the family into an antagonistic society. We have to find a language which helps our young people to appreciate the newness and the challenge of the gospel." Australian Archbishop Mark Coleridge agreed, saying "crude and bleak readings" of modern society "are not what the doctor ordered." In one press briefing, Coleridge said that this assembly of the synod was shaping up as a "language event," meaning that the Church does not betray its doctrine, but that it changes the vocabulary used to make the Church more accessible and capable of dialogue. He was among the first to use specifics when discussing how the Church could use more positive and welcoming language that would communicate Church teachings in a contemporary context. Italian Archbishop Vincenzo Paglia, president of the Pontifical Council for the Family, said "it became clear [during the Synod] that there’s a need for a new alliance between the family and the Church to proclaim the Gospel in our time," adding that it would require avoiding "ecclesiastical gobbledygook." Many participants tried to steer the conversation away from families who have not lived up to the Church's teachings, and to instead focus on those who were trying to live their familial lives in accordance with the Church. One small group called for a new way of discussing the indissolubility of marriage as a gift and not a burden. In particular, Coleridge asked if the synod could "find a language that is in fact positive, less alienating, less excluding." He mentioned the "indissolubility" of marriage, the "intrinsically disordered" nature of homosexual acts, calling divorce and civil remarriage "adultery," and the old maxim of "love the sinner but hate the sin" as phrases that could be updated. Archbishop Charles Chaput said that precision in language was of great import, especially when speaking of "inclusion" and "unity in diversity." A common theme from the small groups was that the "Instrumentum Laboris" was too negative in tone, perhaps giving a sense of "pastoral despair," and that many families are able to live out their lives in the Christian tradition. The bishops wanted the discussion to make clear that the realization of Catholic teaching on marriage and the family is something within the reach of ordinary people. One group said the final report "should begin with hope rather than failures, because a great many people already do successfully live the Gospel’s good news about marriage." Gay Catholics. The rejection of "exclusionary language" towards gays was a topic of discussion. One Synod member, who was not publicly identified, said that gay Catholics "are our children. They are family members. They are not outsiders. They are our flesh and blood. How do we speak about them [positively] and offer a hand of welcome?" According to Coleridge, there was strong support in the early days of the assembly for using a "less condemnatory approach," especially regarding language, when pastorally caring for and speaking about gay Catholics, on the order of 70% in favor and 30% opposed. Chaput echoed this thought in an interview, saying that the phrase "intrinsically disordered" turns people off and "probably isn’t useful anymore." While making clear that any new language adopted should make clear the Church's teaching, he said that this particular phrase should be put "on the shelf for a while, until we get over the negativity related to it." Diarmuid Martin also told the assembly that the successful campaign in his country to legalize gay marriage used "what was traditionally our language: equality, compassion, respect and tolerance." At least one small group called for a special assembly of the Synod to deal with issues related to homosexuality. Decentralization. Pope Francis called for a church that was far more decentralized on the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the synod. He quoted his own Evangelii Gaudium in saying that "It is not advisable for the pope to take the place of local bishops in the discernment of every issue which arises in their territory." While Francis did not speak specifically about whether divorced and civilly remarried couples could be reintroduced to the Eucharist, many other bishops did. Others also discussed decentralizing authority from Rome and giving local Churches and episcopal conferences more authority to determine their own practices. According to one count, there were roughly 20 speeches in favor of letting local bishops conferences decide what was the best way to offer pastoral care for Catholics who have fallen short of Church teaching, while only two or three opposed it in the first two weeks of speeches. Those in favor argued that the cultural context of each region or country may call for a different response. Opponents argued for unity, saying that there should be a universal approach to significant doctrinal matters. Others have spoken about having regional or continental gatherings of bishops to discuss issues before formal assemblies of the synod in Rome. Women. Canadian Archbishop Paul-Andre Durocher called on the participants of the Synod to reflect on the possibility of allowing for female deacons as this would open up more opportunities for women in church life. Furthermore, where possible, qualified women should be given higher positions and decision-making authority within church structures and new opportunities in ministry, Durocher said. Sister Maureen Kelleher, an American nun, noted that at a 1974 assembly of the synod there were two women religious invited, and in 2015, 40 years later, that number had only grown to three. Durocher also condemned the high rates of domestic violence, as did Rev. Garas Boulos Garas Bishay of Egypt, an auditor in the assembly. Kelleher called on priests to be better trained in issues relating to domestic violence "so they might accompany these families and not tell the woman to go back home." Lucetta Scaraffia, another auditor, professor, and coordinator of the Vatican newspaper's monthly insert "Women, Church, World," complained that the synod's documents said very little about women, and that they needed to be listened to in greater numbers. Agnes Offiong Erogunaye, national president of Catholic Women Organization of Nigeria, said mothers are "the heart of the family" and that their contributions must be recognized and supported. The number of single women who are caring for children and running a household is growing, Scaraffia said, giving rise to a need for a greater focus on single mothers. Discussion about families should not exclude them by speaking only about an ideal family, she said. Other issues. Durocher suggested that properly trained married couples could speak during the homily portion of Mass "so that they can testify, give witness to the relationship between God's word and their own marriage life and their own life as families." The role of women in the Church was raised again during the second week, with one group advocating giving women greater leadership roles, and another citing the need to focus on violence against women. Some felt the conversation was based primarily on European and North American family life, and did not adequately encapsulate the universality of the Church. Many bishops also consider the Church to be contributing to the problem of family life in that there is inadequate pastoral support and Christian formation for families. Poverty, unemployment, migration, war, and the continuing refugee crisis were common themes in the early speeches. Several wanted to expand the conversation to include "gender theory," or the idea that gender is fungible, and the propensity of some international aid groups to tie their assistance to liberalizing sexual policies. Participants also discussed reintroducing a communal rite for the Sacrament of Reconciliation. The "instrumentum laboris" was also criticized for, among other things, lacking a definition of marriage. Some suggested looking to the Book of Genesis, which it was said defined the institution as the union of a man and a woman based on "monogamy, permanence, and equality of the sexes." More references to Scripture in general were also called for. Others suggestion attention be given to single people, widows, and celibate Catholics. Chaput described unity within the Church as the most urgent need. Borys Gudziak, Eparch of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Eparchy of Paris, said that in many areas of the world there is no civil marriage, only a religious one, and that global poverty, homelessness, living as a refugee, and being an orphan are all "impediments to good family life." The auditors Jadwiga and Jacek Pulikowska of Poland said that while the Church should encourage families who follow Church teachings, that families in crisis need greater attention and care. Bishay, who ministers to Christian migrants, told the synod fathers that Christian women marrying Muslim men was "a profound worry and concern" and that it led to "serious crises" for mixed families. Closing statement. In his closing statement, Pope Francis highlighted the "importance of the institution of the family and of marriage between a man and a woman, based on unity and indissolubility." He added that the two year, two assembly process "was not about finding exhaustive solutions for all the difficulties and uncertainties which challenge and threaten the family," but about confronting them head on, "without burying our heads in the sand." Francis also made references to the speeches and statements made "at times, unfortunately, not entirely in well-meaning ways." He said the experience shows that the synod "does not simply rubber stamp" predetermined positions. Instead, he said, it "was about trying to open up broader horizons, rising above conspiracy theories and blinkered viewpoints, so as to defend and spread the freedom of the children of God, and to transmit the beauty of Christian newness, at times encrusted in a language which is archaic or simply incomprehensible." He also criticized those with "closed hearts which frequently hide even behind the Church’s teachings or good intentions” in order to “judge, sometimes with superiority and superficiality, difficult cases and wounded families." Final report. The final report of the synod, known as a "relatio synodi" (report of the synod), was easily passed with each of the 94 paragraphs receiving more than two-thirds of the bishops present voting for it. A committee of 10 clerics drafted the document after reviewing the 1,350 speeches given during the assembly, using largely conciliatory language. Marriage. The report called for divorced and civilly remarried Catholics to be more integrated into the Church, but did not mention any specifics. "They are baptized, they are brothers and sisters, and the Holy Spirit pours out gifts and charisms on them for the good of all," the report said; "taking care of these people is not a weakness in its own faith and its witness as to the indissolubility of marriage; indeed, the Church expresses its own charity through this care." The document was silent on the topic of whether, or how, they should be readmitted to the Eucharist. Paragraph 86, which had the highest number of negative votes, contained a general reference to the internal forum. Advocates of granting permission for divorced and remarried Catholics to receive the Eucharist have suggested that such permission could be granted through the internal forum. It also called for outreach to couples who live together before they are wed, saying they should strive for "the fullness of marriage and the family." It acknowledged the many reasons couples may choose to cohabitate. Homosexuality. The report repeated Church teaching that every person, gay or straight, should be treated with dignity and not face unjust discrimination, but also reaffirmed that marriage was between a man and a woman. It did not describe how the Church should minister directly to them, but did say that there should be outreach for their families. It also condemned international aid groups who tied development aid to the adoption of pro-gay policies, and also rejected the notion that gender isn't fixed, which if accepted "envisages a society without gender differences, and empties the anthropological foundation of the family." Other issues. The final report also discussed other issues that affect families, including poverty, migrants, refugees, those being persecuted for their faith, as well as the pastoral needs of the handicapped, the elderly, widows, and those in interfaith marriages. Additionally, it condemned "the growing phenomena of violence of which women are victims within the family," and said the Church could do more to promote appreciation of women and their promotion to positions of authority. Canonizations. On Sunday, 18 October 2015 Pope Francis canonized Louis and Marie-Azélie Guérin Martin. They were the parents of Saint Thérèse of Lisieux, and had four other daughters who became nuns. They are the first married couple to be canonized together. Pope Francis also canonized an Italian priest, Vincenzo Grossi, and a Spanish nun, Maria Cristina of the Immaculate Conception Brando, both of whom spent most of their lives helping the poor. Participants. The 2015 assembly is larger than the one held in 2014, containing "a great part of the episcopate," with many participating bishops being elected by their peers. While only the 279 appointed priests and bishops can vote, 90 experts, contributors, and delegates from other Christian churches were invited to attend and participate in discussions. Of the auditors, 17 were married couples and 17 were individuals. Of the individual auditors, 13 of the 17 are women, including three nuns. The Benedictine abbot Jeremias Schröder reported that the Catholic fraternal orders considered giving half of their ten seats to the female orders that are not eligible to vote. However, the Unione Superiori Generali finally concluded that it would be not enough if the female orders should get seats of the fraternal orders but that they should get their own seats. American Archbishop Blase Cupich said he believed that the synod would benefit from hearing from "the actual voices of people who feel marginalized, rather than having them filtered through the voices of other representatives or the bishops." He specifically cited "the elderly, or the divorced and remarried, gay and lesbian individuals, also couples." American bishop George V. Murry said the assembly would have benefited from "presentations by theologians, biblical scholars, canonists or cultural historians, to get a broader view" of the issues facing them. Murry also supported greater lay participation.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48321085

Neil Barsky is a United States-based journalist, former hedge fund manager, filmmaker, and philanthropist, best known for making the 2012 film "Koch" and for founding The Marshall Project, a journalism nonprofit intended to shed light on the United States criminal justice system. Early life and education. Barsky was born in the Bronx in New York City. He moved to Long Island and then New Jersey. In 1973, he returned to New York City, this time living in Long Island. He went to the Walden School for high school. He is Jewish and attributes his support for social justice to his Jewish schooling and upbringing. Barsky pursued his undergraduate studies at Oberlin College and a graduate degree in journalism at Columbia Journalism School. Career. Hedge fund manager. Barsky started work as an analyst for Morgan Stanley in 1993, working on commercial real estate and the gaming industry. Within a year, he got listed in the All-Star Analysts list of "Institutional Investor". In 1998, Barsky and fellow Morgan Stanley alumnus Scott M. Sipprelle started a hedge fund called Midtown Research. Barsky stayed with the fund until 2002. In November 2007, a few months before the global stock market collapse, Sipprelle closed down the fund. Sipprelle would subsequently become a venture capitalist and would also be the Republican candidate for the House of Representatives in 2010. In 2002, Barsky left Midtown Research and opened his own hedge fund, Alson Capital Partners, named after his children, Alexandra and Davidson. The fund made successful investments in Sears Holdings and shorted newspaper and furniture companies. It also exited the housing sector in early 2006 before the bursting of the housing bubble, although Barsky incorrectly believed that there was no bubble. After correctly predicting the popularity of the Atkins diet, the fund shorted Panera Bread and Krispy Kreme. At its peak, the fund would have $3.5 billion in assets under management. In 2008, as a result of the global financial crisis, Alson lost 24% of its assets, down to $1.5 billion, primarily due to its large holdings in energy and utility stocks, all of which fell more than 50% after producing big gains in previous years. At the end of May 2009, the fund shut down, returning $800 million to investors. Alson's former chief operating officer said that Barsky made sure that all employees had equity and got generous severance packages, so that the closure did not cause any of their lives to be ruined. Over his entire career as an investor (August 1998 to March 2009) Barsky made an average 12.1% a year. "New York Times" journalist Joe Nocera said that during his years as a hedge fund manager, Barsky was an important source of information about the workings of finance to Nocera, but was generally referenced anonymously because hedge fund managers feared that visibility would make investors think they weren't doing their job. Journalist. Barsky's interest in journalism was sparked by a high school project on the effect of busing legislation on communities in Boston. He failed to get a journalism job right out of college and therefore went to the Columbia Journalism School. In 1986, he started work in the news business, working the business desk at the "New York Daily News". In 1988, he moved to the "Wall Street Journal", where he covered commercial real estate and the gambling industry. He left the "Journal" in 1993 for a career in finance, where he would stay until 2009. Despite being successful in finance, Barsky continued to identify as a journalist. In 2009, after shutting down his hedge fund, Barsky renewed his exploration of journalism. Barsky has been skeptical of journalism's almost-exclusive reliance on advertising for revenue, a skepticism that also informed his decision to short newspaper companies while operating his hedge fund. As chairman of the board of overseers of the "Columbia Journalism Review", he encouraged the organization to play an important role in coming up with new business models. He similarly pushed the nonprofit Youth Communications to think about what projects would financially sustain the organization. Barsky's interest in new models for journalism would eventually lead him to co-found The Marshall Project along with former "New York Times" executive editor Bill Keller. First announced in November 2013 by Barsky, the project got Keller on board in February 2014. Journalistic coverage of Donald Trump. Barsky has reported extensively on the business career of 45th President Donald Trump since 1985, mainly for "The Wall Street Journal" and "The Daily News." He has interviewed Trump dozens of times over the course of his journalistic coverage. In 1991, Barsky won the Gerald Loeb Award for Deadline and/or Beat Writing for his "Coverage of the Collapse of Donald Trump's Financial Empire" while at "The Wall Street Journal". In August 2016, during Trump's presidential campaign, Barsky wrote a piece for "The New York Times" about his experience covering Trump as a businessman. He recounted when Trump was "on the brink of financial ruin" and noted that he was a "walking disaster as a businessman for much of his life," but also stated that he was "a skilled negotiator with an almost supernatural ability to pinpoint and attack his adversaries’ vulnerabilities, as several of his Republican primary opponents discovered." Trump threatened to sue Barsky multiple times over the course of his journalistic coverage, though he never followed through. Trump wrote of Barsky in his 1997 book, "The Art of the Comeback," "Of all the writers who have written about me, probably none has been more vicious than Neil Barsky of "the Wall Street Journal"." Journalistic coverage of Rikers Island. Following numerous revelations about stark conditions in the New York City jail complex, Barsky wrote an opinion piece for the "New York Times" titled "Shut Down Rikers Island" (July 19, 2015). In the piece, Barsky argued that "the only way to transform Rikers is to destroy it; it needs to be permanently closed. The buildings are crumbling. The guard culture of prisoner abuse and the gang culture of violence are ingrained. The complex is New York’s Guantánamo Bay: a secluded island, beyond the gaze of watchdogs, where the Constitution is no guide. It is a place that has outlived its usefulness. "In this piece, Barsky later made the case that "the closing of the country’s most notorious jail would serve as a powerful message" for national criminal justice reform. In March 2017, de Blasio announced his support for plans to close the Rikers Island complex through reducing the number of inmates from 10,000 to 5,000 and establishing a system of smaller jails in all five boroughs. These plans were released by an independent commission studying Rikers Island, created by City Council speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito. Previously, in February 2016, de Blasio had called the idea of shutting down Rikers Island a "noble concept," but described it as unrealistic due to the cost. Filmmaker. Barsky was inspired to work on documentaries after observing the success of "Waiting for Superman" and "Gasland" in sparking discussion about their respective underlying issues (charter schools and fracking). He produced and directed "Koch", a documentary released in 2012 (and theatrically released February 2013) about the role that former New York City Mayor Ed Koch played in transforming the city in the 1980s. Barsky was co-executive producer and director of the documentary "Knuckleball! ", the short documentary "Witnesses NYC", and the "Koch" episode in the TV series documentary "POV". The Marshall Project. The Marshall Project is a nonprofit journalistic organization started by Barsky that aims to cover issues related to criminal justice in the United States. In his byline for an op-ed for the "New York Times" in November 2013, Neil Barsky mentioned that he was working on The Marshall Project, with a one-sentence description and a link to a preliminary website. In February 2014, former "New York Times" executive editor Bill Keller announced that he was joining the project to lead the editorial team. The project had two of its investigative journalism pieces published in "Slate" and the "Washington Post" respectively, and it launched in November 2014 with funding from Barsky and many other sources, including the Ford Foundation.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8193177

The Seychelles blue pigeon ("Alectroenas pulcherrimus"), also known as the Seychelles blue fruit dove, is a medium-sized pigeon which inhabits woodland areas of the granitic Seychelles archipelago. Description. The Seychelles blue pigeon is about 10 inches (25.4 cm) in length. Its head and breast are silver-grey, and these feathers can be raised when the bird is excited, giving it a ruffled look. Its wings, under-body and tail are dark blue. It has a distinctive bright crimson patch of orbital skin extending from forehead to crown. Its bill is dull yellow and it has dark grey legs. The juvenile is very different, with a dark grey head and bib, dark greenish brown upperparts with pale yellow fringes, dark crown feathers with obvious green edges and a dark pink wattle around the eye. Distribution and habitat. The Seychelles blue pigeon is found on all the larger granitic islands of the Seychelles, plus Denis Island and Bird Island on the edge of the Seychelles Bank. Numbers have greatly increased since the cessation of human exploitation for food, a practice that died out around the late 1970s. Since then birds have recolonised Curieuse (early 1980s), Denis (late 1980s), Aride Island (1990) and Bird (2009). Behaviour. It can be found either singly, in pairs or in small groups. In courtship birds fly high above the tree canopy, before plummeting downward at a steep angle, wings held rigidly forward and downward. This procedure may be repeated before landing in a tree. The male bows and coos to the female, raising plume feathers on the neck and head or struts up and down a branch plumes extended, turning his head 180°, then back again. Feeding. Their diet consists mostly of seeds and fruit. Breeding. Breeding may take place at any time of the year, but is concentrated in October to April. The nest, built entirely by the female, is an untidy platform of twigs in a tree or shrub. Usually one white egg is laid, occasionally two. Incubation takes about 28 days, fledging about 21 days. Status and conservation. It was once shot for food and by farmers as an alleged pest, but now the population appears to be thriving. Habitat conservation is important to the continued survival of the species, because blue pigeons have muscular gizzards, which break down seeds to aid digestion. Consequently, unlike other pigeons, their droppings contain no viable seeds.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=34730722

Rhys Lawson is a fictional character from the Australian soap opera "Neighbours", played by Ben Barber. The actor's casting was announced on 18 May 2011 and he began filming his first scenes the week before opposite established cast members Alan Fletcher (Karl Kennedy) and Jackie Woodburne (Susan Kennedy). Barber said he loved his character and was looking forward to what was ahead. He made his debut screen appearance on 13 July 2011. In November 2012, it was announced that Barber would be leaving "Neighbours" and Rhys made his last screen appearance on 20 March 2013. Before his arrival on screen, Barber described Rhys as being determined and focused, while Daniel Kilkelly of Digital Spy said his arrival would cause a stir. Rhys is ambitious, persuasive and manipulative. His profile on the official "Neighbours" website states that he believes Erinsborough is "a bit of a backwater", while he is more of a city guy. Rhys is an enthusiastic young doctor and often riles his colleague, Karl, in his quest to become a surgeon. He wants to succeed and can justify why he does certain things, which hurt other people. Rhys is good at separating his work life from his home life and he knows how to have a good time. Barber revealed that Rhys does have a sensitive side and he can mean well. One of the character's earliest storylines saw him becoming caught up in Karl and Susan Kennedy's marital problems, while treating their friend, Jim Dolan (Scott Parmeter). Rhys was with Jim when he died and he remained affected by his death for a long time. Rhys had a one-night stand with Kate Ramsay (Ashleigh Brewer), which left Kate feeling awkward around him. Rhys became determined to join the hospital's surgical training programme and was devastated when he missed out on a place. Rhys then romantically pursued Erin Salisbury (Elise Jansen) and through his manipulative behaviour he forced her to quit the programme. Exploration of the character's backstory began after his mother was introduced and Barber believed this would allow the audience to see why Rhys has become who he is. Casting. On 18 May 2011, it was announced Barber had joined the cast of "Neighbours" as Rhys Lawson. His casting announcement came as the show lost regular cast member Scott McGregor (Mark Brennan). Barber was appearing in a small guest role in fellow Australian soap opera "Home and Away" when he was given the role of Rhys. He began filming his first scenes for "Neighbours" opposite Alan Fletcher (Karl Kennedy) and Jackie Woodburne (Susan Kennedy) the week before his casting announcement. Of appearing in "Neighbours", the actor told Matt Neal of "The Warrnambool Standard" "I catch myself and have a moment where I realise that I'm working with actors I watched on TV growing up. My first scenes were with Alan and Jackie. It was great to have them there to help out and show me how it's done. I was in safe hands." Barber revealed he loved his character and was looking forward to what was ahead. He made his first on screen appearance as Rhys in July 2011. Development. Characterisation. Shortly after his casting was announced, Barber told a reporter for the "Herald Sun" that he loved his character and said his determination and focus would get him into trouble. Daniel Kilkelly of Digital Spy said Rhys's arrival would cause a stir in Erinsborough and may not go down well with some of the local residents. Barber also called Rhys ambitious and said that while he is not a villain, he is not an entirely good guy either. The actor explained "He rides that line and that's a lot of fun to play. There are a lot of different dynamics. He can be very persuasive, bordering on manipulative, but he has a sensitive side as well, which is coming out gradually." Barber told a writer for "Inside Soap" that Rhys is good at separating his work life from his home life, and can easily switch from one to the other. Barber quipped that Rhys knows how to have a good time, while the official "Neighbours" website said he considers himself "a bit of a ladies' man". A "Herald Sun" reporter said Rhys would "rile" his colleague, Karl Kennedy. Alan Fletcher, who plays Karl, revealed that his character and Rhys would share many scenes. Fletcher explained that it can be "somewhat galling" for Karl to be faced with Rhys, who is an enthusiastic young doctor. The actor added "So expect some fun confrontation but also cleverly the writers have explored what Rhys and Karl might have in common." When asked what advice he would give to his character, Barber said "Unfortunately, I don't think he would listen to me in the first place, but if he could give me the time of day, I would say lighten up on the control because you’re never going to have it." Speaking to Channel 5, Barber revealed Rhys would not do a lot to redeem himself in the new year, but viewers would get learn more about his back story, which could explain his dark side. During a 2012 interview with Kilkelly, Barber said his character is good at getting what he wants, saying "I think at the end of the day, he just wants to win and he has this ability to justify why he does things, and if people are hurt in the process, it's their fault. His vision is the one that is most important." Barber said that deep down, Rhys is sensitive and he means well. When asked about the reaction Rhys has received from viewers, Barber believed they liked the character as he is unpredictable and manipulative. He added that the viewers are interested in seeing what Rhys does next. When asked how he felt about playing a bad boy by "DNA's" Matthew Myers, Barber revealed that he loved it, saying "It's always exciting getting the scripts because I never know which way they are going to turn or who I'm going to be turning on!" The actor quipped that he is always wondering which character he is going to manipulate or "screw over" next and added "But at the core of things Rhys has a heart of gold." Family. Rhys' mother, Elaine (Sancia Robinson), was introduced in November 2011. Barber revealed in his interview with Kilkelly that their backstory would be explored and stated that it would explain "a lot more about why Rhys is the way he is". He added that there would be "a big revelation" about Elaine coming up. Elaine suffers from a degenerative spinal condition and has to use a wheelchair. Rhys was forced to care for her when his father ran out on them both. Rhys tries to keep his life on Ramsay Street separate from his family, so when Elaine asks him if she can spend Easter with him, he makes up excuses as to why she cannot visit him. Barber revealed to an "Inside Soap" writer that Elaine realises Rhys is lying to her and she starts to wonder if he is ashamed to be seen with her. Rhys' actions when his housemates arrive appear to confirm his mother's suspicions. While they wonder who Elaine is, he makes up an excuse. Barber explained "Rhys pretends he's visiting one of his patients. Elaine is really hurt and embarrassed when he comes out with that. He realises, and feels terrible." Rhys tries to make things up to Elaine by taking her to the hospital to meet his colleagues, but when she questions his motives for "going public" and admitting who she is, Rhys has to look at himself and his attitude towards her. In a May 2012 interview with "Inside Soap's" Jason Herbison, Barber said he liked the fact that Rhys' mother had been introduced and that he had the chance to learn more about his character's background. He expressed his wish of having Rhys' father introduced in the future, saying "Rhys doesn't have a good relationship with him, as his dad abandoned the family when he was younger. It would certainly create a lot of interesting dilemmas". Early storylines. One of Rhys' first storylines saw him caught up in Karl and Susan Kennedy's marital problems. Rhys is the attending physician to Jim Dolan (Scott Parmeter), a man befriended by Susan. At first, Rhys is not aware that Karl and Susan are going through a difficult time in their marriage as he is "solely concerned" with Jim's well-being. Rhys is annoyed by Susan's interference with his patient and Barber told a columnist for "Inside Soap" "He wants him to have chemotherapy, but Karl tells Susan it will only prolong Jim's suffering, not save his life. Susan tells that to Jim, which Rhys doesn't like." Karl later takes over as Jim's physician and Rhys steps back and watches the situation unfold. Rhys is with Jim when he dies and a writer for the official "Neighbours" website said it is an event that will stay with him for a long time. Rhys has a one-night stand with Kate Ramsay (Ashleigh Brewer) not long after his introduction. Rhys meets Kate in the local bar and they have a "big night out"; the following morning Kate wakes up in Rhys' apartment. Brewer told a writer for "Inside Soap" "You don't actually see the lead-up – one minute she meets Rhys in a bar, the next minute we see that they've already slept together!" Kate feels awkward about the situation, but it is made worse when she is unable to remember Rhys' name. When Kate and Rhys meet again, they have different attitudes to their one-night stand. Brewer said Rhys is "a bit of a player", so it is not a big deal to him. He does not have any expectations of Kate, but she is uncomfortable with it and tries to cover her tracks. In November 2011, Brewer said it would be interesting to revisit the relationship between Rhys and Kate. Barber also thought it would be interesting to see where the characters could go together. The actor added that "sparks fly" when Rhys is around Kate, as he knows how to "press her buttons". Surgical program. Rhys becomes determined to join the hospital surgical program led by the head of surgery, Martin Chambers (John Wood). When Karl makes a potentially dangerous mistake on a prescription form, Rhys covers for him, but makes it clear he wants something in return. Knowing Karl plays golf with Martin, Rhys asks to join their game so he can try and impress the surgeon. Despite being warned that Martin does not like to talk shop during his golf games, Rhys reveals that he has been following his career and Martin is impressed. Barber explained to a writer for "Inside Soap" "And Karl has no choice but to agree that Rhys is a good doctor. It's a bit awkward, because Karl doesn't like the way Rhys operates — so to speak!" Martin grants Rhys an interview for a place on the surgical program; however he forgets everything he knows and makes a fool of himself due to being hungover. Rhys misses out on a place on the program and Barber told Daniel Kilkelly of Digital Spy that he is feeling "devastated and desperate." Barber described the position as the Holy Grail for Rhys and because of a stupid act, he has lost it. Shortly after missing out on the program, Rhys finds himself performing surgery on Chris Pappas (James Mason). Rhys initially treats Chris at the hospital after he is attacked at work by an unknown assailant. Chris refuses to stay for any further medical treatment and later collapses with a punctured lung. Barber said that as soon as Rhys sees Chris's X-rays, he "goes beyond the call of duty" to find him. The actor explained "When he finds him on the floor, he knows exactly what's happened, but he isn't sure how long he's been unconscious for. For all he knows, Chris could be dead within the minute — so he goes straight into emergency mode." In a bid to save Chris's life, Rhys performs an emergency procedure to get him breathing again using a screwdriver and a piece of piping. Rhys should not be conducting any type of surgery as he is not a qualified surgeon, but he does not think of the consequences. "All About Soap's" Laura Morgan said Rhys' "quick thinking" pays off and Chris starts breathing again, but at the hospital Karl warns him he will be held accountable if Chris does not pull through. Rhys tries unsuccessfully to get Robbie O'Brien (Shaun Goss) to quit the surgical program. He then turns his attention to Erin Salisbury (Elise Jansen) and plots to take her spot on the program instead. He pursues Erin romantically and tries to distract her away from her work, so she will be kicked off the program and he can take her place. Barber said the scheme sees Rhys at his manipulative best, he realises Erin is vulnerable and he strikes. Jansen told a writer for "TV Week" that Erin is a bit reluctant to accept when Rhys asks her out. She thinks that someone like Rhys would not normally be interested in her, but she is flattered by the attention. Jansen added Erin is unaware it is all an act. Kate realises what Rhys is doing and interferes with his plan. Barber explained that Kate's feelings about the matter means nothing to Rhys as his sole objective is to get into the program. He does not mind that Kate is appalled at Erin becoming a casualty of his scheme. Rhys forces Erin to miss a class and Barber revealed that Rhys feels no guilt about what he has done. He quipped "His plan is falling into place perfectly. You'll see that Kate later tries to tell Erin what Rhys is up to. But the guy is a charmer and is able to make Erin believe that Kate is the one with the problem." Rhys manages to convince Erin that Kate is a jealous ex-girlfriend and that he does not want her place on the program. Rhys charms Erin "into his bed", but he is put out when she calls time on their relationship to focus on her studies. Rhys later learns Erin has turned up late for surgery and during dinner together, he spills wine on Erin's top. When she turns up at the hospital, she smells of alcohol. Rhys then implies to Karl that she has a drinking problem. Barber explained "Rhys just has to plant the seed of doubt, fake some concern for his colleague, and rumour and innuendo does the rest..." Erin quits the program, giving Rhys the chance to successfully apply for her place. Vanessa Villante. When Vanessa Villante (Alin Sumarwata) moves into Ramsay Street, she immediately catches Rhys' eye. He later treats her when she is admitted to hospital with severe morning sickness. Rhys believes the father of her child, Lucas Fitzgerald (Scott Major), is not "pulling his weight" and he starts looking out for her. Rhys helps Vanessa lift some heavy boxes and she offers to show him how to bake a cake to say thank you. A columnist for "All About Soap" observed "While Vanessa sees it as mates having fun, it's clear Rhys has got it bad!" Rhys later returns to spend more time with Vanessa, which unnerves Lucas. Herbison commented that Rhys may have met his match in Vanessa, while Barber said her feistiness appeals to him. He stated "He finds her attractive, and she takes the mickey out of him - that's good for Rhys. He needs to be knocked off his pedestal! Vanessa also exposes a rare vulnerability in Rhys, so there's a risk he could get hurt and lash out in other ways." The actor further explained that Rhys is not put off by the fact she is carrying another man's child, he is attracted to her because of her "fire and passion". Barber added "She also doesn't play games and she says what she thinks. Rhys loves that about Vanessa and sees her as someone he can trust, which is rare for him." Vanessa and Rhys eventually give into their attraction for one another and share a kiss in Harold's Store. Barber commented that his character enjoys making the first move, so he is the one who goes in for the kiss. The actor also thought it would be interesting to see his character in a relationship. "TV Week's" Andrew Mercado observed that Rhys should prepare for a bumpy road ahead, with Vanessa living under the same roof as Lucas. Rhys and Vanessa take their relationship to the next level in a consultation room at Erinsborough Hospital. However, they are shocked when Karl walks in on them. When Rhys is offered the chance to apply for a three-month work placement in Japan, he decides to apply and then convince Vanessa to go with him. Barber revealed "He puts himself and his heart on the line like he's never done before. At first, Vanessa says no - and he's devastated. He's in a really vulnerable place and he doesn't take her knockback well. Rhys has been a bit of a ladies man all his life and he's never really committed to someone before Vanessa. She's a pretty special girl as far as Rhys is concerned." Rhys becomes determined not to give up and he is "thrilled" when Vanessa changes her mind. Barber teased that it is possible viewers could see the last of Rhys and Vanessa for a while, adding "There are definitely interesting times ahead!" Departure. On 26 November 2012, Erin Miller from "TV Week" announced that Barber would be leaving "Neighbours", along with two other cast members. Executive producer Richard Jasek stated "All the characters departing will leave a legacy on Ramsay Street which is testament to the extraordinary talents of the actors playing them. Communities are constantly changing and "Neighbours" is reflective of this." Miller believed Barber was keen to look for new projects elsewhere. The actor filmed his final scenes in December and it was later revealed that his character would be killed off. While attending Sonya Mitchell (Eve Morey) and Toadfish Rebecchi's (Ryan Moloney) wedding reception, Rhys becomes trapped inside a collapsed marquee, following a gas explosion. He appears to be unharmed and Barber explained "Rhys survives and comes to and manages to free himself from the wreckage. He seems relatively okay and unscathed." Rhys goes to the hospital as a precaution but, despite being told not to by Karl, discharges himself. Barber said that because Rhys is headstrong, he thinks he is fine, but then he collapses outside the hospital and dies. "TV Week's" Thomas Mitchell commented that Rhys's death is heartbreaking, especially as he was planning to reconcile with his father. Rhys made his last screen appearance on 20 March 2013. Storylines. Rhys meets with Jim Dolan for his first round of chemotherapy and assures him it is a simple procedure. He learns Karl and Susan Kennedy have been giving Jim advice about his treatment and he asks them to stop. A few days later, Jim informs Rhys that he wants to stop the chemotherapy. Rhys meets Kate Ramsay at the local bar and they have a one-night stand. During his rounds, Rhys checks on Jim and stays with him as he dies. Affected by Jim's death, Rhys goes to the gym looking for distraction and he befriends Kyle Canning (Chris Milligan). Rhys flirts with Jade Mitchell (Gemma Pranita), but she rebuffs his advances. Jade later asks for Rhys' help in getting her housemate, Michelle Tran (HaiHa Le), to move out. Nurse Danielle Paquette (Georgia Bolton) questions Karl and Rhys about a mistake on an unsigned prescription form and Rhys covers for Karl. He then asks Karl if he can join his golf game with Martin Chambers, the head of surgery. Kyle invites Rhys to move in with him and Jade and he accepts. Kyle defends Rhys when he flirts with Steve Barnes' (Nicholas Gunn) girlfriend, but he refuses to listen when Rhys tells him to walk away. Steve punches Kyle, who becomes angry with Rhys for leaving him. Rhys apologises and hires a cleaner for the house to make it up to Kyle. In a bid to impress Martin and his colleagues, Rhys purchases a barbecue and invites them over for dinner. He is granted an interview with the surgical board to join their training program at the hospital. Following a night out with Dane Canning (Luke Pegler), Rhys gets a hangover and is horrified to learn his interview has been moved to an earlier time. Rhys struggles to answer the panel's questions and he is not invited to join the program. He later visits his mother, Elaine, at her hospice, where he tells her he has joined the program. Rhys treats Chris Pappas (James Mason) after he is attacked, but fails to get him to stay for his X-rays. Aidan Foster (Bobby Morley) spots that Chris has a broken rib, which is pressing on his lung and Rhys finds him collapsed on the floor of Fitzgerald Motors. Rhys performs an emergency decompression on his lung and saves his life. Rhys asks senior surgeon Jessica Girdwood (Glenda Linscott) to reconsider letting him join the surgical program, but she declines. Rhys tries unsuccessfully to get Robbie O'Brien to quit the program and he turns his attentions to Erin Salisbury. He pretends to be romantically interested in her and tries to distract her from her studies. Kate tells Erin about Rhys' plan, but he convinces Erin that Kate is a jealous ex-girlfriend who is lying. Erin believes him and they have dinner together. Rhys pours wine on her shirt sleeve and at the hospital, he implies to Karl that Erin has a drinking problem. She quits the surgical program and Rhys asks Jessica if he can take her place. Karl realises he has been used and Rhys takes him to visit Elaine, to try to make him understand what getting on the program means to him. Elaine reveals she has spinal degeneration and Karl remarks that Rhys cannot help her. Rhys explains that he wants to help the next person to develop the condition. Rhys sits an exam on the material he has missed and Jessica allows him join the surgical program. Rhys makes a bet with Kate that he can seduce Jade, but when he goes to kiss her, Jade rejects him. Rhys' mother asks if she can visit him and Rhys tells her he is working over Easter. When they run into Jade and Kyle, Rhys does not introduce them to Elaine and she accuses him of being ashamed of her. Rhys then takes Elaine to meet Martin, who reveals he failed his surgical program interview. Elaine accuses him of lying to her and being like his father. Rhys denies this and Elaine tells him to fix things with the people he has hurt. Rhys treats Susan when she has an MS relapse and he tries to make sure she is prepared in case her condition becomes worse. He later looks after Vanessa Villante (Alin Sumarwata) when she is brought in with severe morning sickness. Vanessa learns Rhys has been talking about her with his friends and she tells him to stay out of her business. Rhys later helps Vanessa carry some boxes and he spends the day baking a cake with her. He buys her a new mixer and Vanessa invites him to dinner. Rhys gives the cake to Elaine and when he tells her about Vanessa, she warns him to think about what he is doing before letting it go any further. Rhys thinks about cancelling on Vanessa, but he later arrives with dessert. Rhys asks Vanessa to bid on him at a charity bachelor auction, so he can raise more money than Karl. Vanessa wins and she chooses a couples massage for them to enjoy together. Rhys learns Susan has befriended Elaine and he angrily tells her to stay away from his mother. Vanessa witnesses the scene and becomes cold towards him. Rhys apologises to Susan and opens up to Vanessa about why he did it. Rhys goes along to a cookery class that Vanessa is teaching and flirts with Tiffany Giles (Shaye Hopkins) to make Vanessa jealous. She invites him to dinner and he suffers an allergic reaction to the food. Vanessa and Rhys almost kiss, but are interrupted by Lucas. The following day, Rhys goes to Harold's Store and kisses Vanessa. Rhys opens up to her about his father and they arrange a date. When Troy Miller (Dieter Brummer) is brought into the hospital, he tells Rhys that Jade attacked him. Rhys reports this to the police and when Jade finds out, she asks him to leave the house. Rhys applies for a three-month study tour in Japan and asks Vanessa to come with him. Rhys' mother later gives him a ring so that he can propose to Vanessa. Shortly before leaving for Japan, Rhys comes across a car accident involving the street's teenagers. He rings the emergency services, before assessing their injuries. Rhys cuts his hand on a piece of wreckage, which forces him to cancel the trip to Japan. He later learns that he has only a five per cent chance of making a full recovery. Following an EMG, Rhys learns that there has been no improvement to his hand. After altering the report to say that his nerves are healing, Rhys is invited to assist Jessica in surgery. Vanessa learns that Rhys altered his test results and he begs her to keep his secret. Jessica later asks Rhys to retake the EMG and informs him that his nerves will never improve to the standard required for a surgeon. Realising Vanessa spoke to Jessica, Rhys breaks up with her. When Rhys learns that Vanessa is marrying Lucas, he urges her not to go through with it. Rhys attends the wedding and Vanessa struggles with her vows and leaves the church. Rhys then visits Vanessa and she berates him for ignoring her, before telling him she does not want his love. Both Elaine and Kate encourage Rhys to fight for Vanessa and he tries apologising to her. When Vanessa goes into labour, Rhys takes her to the hospital and stays by her side while her son is born. He tells her that he has never stopped loving her and when he proposes, Vanessa accepts. However, when Rhys discovers that her son, Patrick (Lucas MacFarlane) has ebstein's anomaly, Vanessa calls off the engagement to focus her attention on him. Rhys sets up a fund raising webpage for Patrick and sells his car to kick start the donations. He decides not to tell Vanessa, but she learns from Lucas that it was him and she tries to return Rhys' money. Rhys gives his mother her ring back and she realises that he still loves Vanessa. Rhys receives a letter from his father, Eddie (Ned Manning), but refuses to open it. Eddie calls the house, but Rhys is short with him. While Rhys is choosing whether to see his father or not, Elaine gives him all the letters he ever wrote to him and tells him to read them first. Rhys later decides to see his father. During Sonya and Toadie's wedding reception, a gas bottle explodes destroying the marquee. Rhys is initially trapped inside, but he manages to pull himself out. He suffers some minor injuries and broken ribs. Elaine comes to see him at the hospital and she tells him that she supports his decision to see his father. Rhys discharges himself, against Karl's wishes. He then collapses in the car park and dies from an undetected blood clot. Reception. For his portrayal of Rhys, Barber was included on the long list for the 2012 Most Popular New Talent Logie Award. Writers for "TV Week" branded Rhys a "handsome doc" and a "selfish surgeon-to-be." A writer for the "Daily Record" said Rhys was "deserving of a slap" for taking advantage of Karl's mistake with a prescription. The writer also called Rhys a "chancer." When Rhys tries to impress Martin, television critic Dianne Butler quipped "And I see John Wood's in the show. He's a golf-playing doctor [...] whose leg is being humped by Rhys Lawson tonight. Rhys puts on a barbecue to try to oil his way into a surgical-training program, only there's a rat under the plate when he lifts the lid to put on the snapper. Vintage "Neighbours"." Larissa Dubecki of "The Sydney Morning Herald" thought Rhys was "dastardly", while the "Herald Sun's" Cameron Adams called him "creepy" for cyber stalking Erin. Adams later wrote "dodgy doctor" Rhys was threatening Paul Robinson's (Stefan Dennis) status as the Erinsborough bad boy. Laura Morgan of "All About Soap" said that Rhys sank "to an all-time low" when he tried to sabotage Erin's career and that he thoroughly deserved a slap from her. Morgan branded the character "ruthless Rhys" and stated that he was "a creep" and "a devious doc". A columnist for "TV Choice" also thought the character was ruthless and sneaky. They added that Rhys played dirty when he spread rumours about Erin having a drink problem. But thought they had seen a "twinge of conscience" in him after Erin quit. In February 2012, Channel 5 ran a poll asking viewers "Who's Ramsay Street's biggest Mr Nasty?" out of Rhys and Paul Robinson. Rhys received 33.51% of the vote. A writer for the channel branded the characters the "show's two resident villains." Jason Herbison of "Inside Soap" commented "Since taking up his position at Erinsborough Hospital last year, Rhys has proven to be both a career-driven doctor and a shameless womaniser!" A "Daily Record" soap opera columnist observed that Rhys had gone "ga-ga" for Vanessa. A "Huddersfield Daily Examiner" reporter decided that Rhys was just a "grumpy medic".

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=21152701

Capacitors have many uses in electronic and electrical systems. They are so ubiquitous that it is rare that an electrical product does not include at least one for some purpose. Energy storage. A capacitor can store electric energy when it is connected to its charging circuit. And when it is disconnected from its charging circuit, it can dissipate that stored energy, so it can be used like a temporary battery. Capacitors are commonly used in electronic devices to maintain power supply while batteries are being changed. (This prevents loss of information in volatile memory.) Conventional electrostatic capacitors provide less than 360 joules per kilogram of energy density, while capacitors using developing technology can provide more than 2.52 kilojoules per kilogram. In car audio systems, large capacitors store energy for the amplifier to use on demand. An uninterruptible power supply (UPS) can be equipped with maintenance-free capacitors to extend service life. Pulsed power and weapons. Groups of large, specially constructed, low-inductance high-voltage capacitors ("capacitor banks") are used to supply huge pulses of current for many pulsed power applications. These include electromagnetic forming, Marx generators, pulsed lasers (especially TEA lasers), pulse forming networks, fusion research, and particle accelerators. Large capacitor banks (reservoirs) are used as energy sources for the exploding-bridgewire detonators or slapper detonators in nuclear weapons and other specialty weapons. Experimental work is under way using banks of capacitors as power sources for electromagnetic armour and electromagnetic railguns or coilguns. Power conditioning. Reservoir capacitors are used in power supplies where they smooth the output of a full or half wave rectifier. They can also be used in charge pump circuits as the energy storage element in the generation of higher voltages than the input voltage. Capacitors are connected in parallel with the DC power circuits of most electronic devices to smooth current fluctuations for signal or control circuits. Audio equipment, for example, uses several capacitors in this way, to shunt away power line hum before it gets into the signal circuitry. The capacitors act as a local reserve for the DC power source, and bypass AC currents from the power supply. This is used in car audio applications, when a stiffening capacitor compensates for the inductance and resistance of the leads to the lead-acid car battery. Power factor correction. In electric power distribution, capacitors are used for power factor correction. Such capacitors often come as three capacitors connected as a three phase Electrical load. Usually, the values of these capacitors are given not in farads but rather as a reactive power in volt-amperes reactive (VAr). The purpose is to counteract inductive loading from devices like Induction motor, electric motors and transmission lines to make the load appear to be mostly resistive. Individual motor or lamp loads may have capacitors for power factor correction, or larger sets of capacitors (usually with automatic switching devices) may be installed at a load center within a building or in a large utility electrical substation. In high-voltage direct current transmission systems, power factor correction capacitors may have tuning inductors to suppress harmonic currents that would otherwise be injected into the AC power system. Suppression and coupling. Capacitors used for suppressing undesirable frequencies are sometimes called filter capacitors. They are common in electrical and electronic equipment, and cover a number of applications, such as: Signal coupling. Because capacitors pass AC but block DC signals (when charged up to the applied DC voltage), they are often used to separate the AC and DC components of a signal. This method is known as "AC coupling" or "capacitive coupling". Here, a large value of capacitance, whose value need not be accurately controlled, but whose reactance is small at the signal frequency, is employed. Decoupling. A decoupling capacitor is a capacitor used to decouple one part of a circuit from another. Noise caused by other circuit elements is shunted through the capacitor, reducing the effect they have on the rest of the circuit. It is most commonly used between the power supply and ground. An alternative name is "bypass capacitor" as it is used to bypass the power supply or other high impedance component of a circuit. High-pass and low-pass filters. A high-pass filter (HPF) is an electronic filter that passes signals with a frequency higher than a certain cutoff frequency and attenuates signals with frequencies lower than the cutoff frequency. The amount of attenuation for each frequency depends on the filter design. A high-pass filter is usually modeled as a linear time-invariant system. It is sometimes called a low-cut filter or bass-cut filter. [1] High-pass filters have many uses, such as blocking DC from circuitry sensitive to non-zero average voltages or radio frequency devices. They can also be used in conjunction with a low-pass filter to produce a bandpass filter. A low-pass filter (LPF) is a filter that passes signals with a frequency lower than a selected cutoff frequency and attenuates signals with frequencies higher than the cutoff frequency. The exact frequency response of the filter depends on the filter design. The filter is sometimes called a high-cut filter, or in audio applications. A low-pass filter is the complement of a high-pass filter. Noise filters and snubbers. When an inductive circuit is opened, the current through the inductance collapses quickly, creating a large voltage across the open circuit of the switch or relay. If the inductance is large enough, the energy will generate an electric spark, causing the contact points to oxidize, deteriorate, or sometimes weld together, or destroying a solid-state switch. A snubber capacitor across the newly opened circuit creates a path for this impulse to bypass the contact points, thereby preserving their life; these were commonly found in contact breaker ignition systems, for instance. Similarly, in smaller scale circuits, the spark may not be enough to damage the switch but will still radiate undesirable radio frequency interference (RFI), which a filter capacitor absorbs. Snubber capacitors are usually employed with a low-value resistor in series, to dissipate energy and minimize RFI. Such resistor-capacitor combinations are available in a single package. Capacitors are also used in parallel to interrupt units of a high-voltage circuit breaker in order to equally distribute the voltage between these units. In this case they are called grading capacitors. In schematic diagrams, a capacitor used primarily for DC charge storage is often drawn vertically in circuit diagrams with the lower, more negative, plate drawn as an arc. The straight plate indicates the positive terminal of the device, if it is polarized (see electrolytic capacitor). DC motor suppression. Ceramic disc capacitors are usually used in snubber circuits for low voltage motors for their low inductance and low cost. Switched mode power supply filtering. Low ESR (equivalent series resistance) electrolytics are often required to handle the high ripple current. Mains filtering. Mains filter capacitors are usually encapsulated wound-plastic-film types, since these deliver high voltage rating at low cost, and may be made self-healing and fusible. Mains filter capacitors are often ceramic RFI/EMI suppression capacitors. The additional safety requirements for mains filtering are: Power rail filtering. Electrolytic capacitors are usually used due to high capacity at low cost and low size. Smaller non-electrolytics may be paralleled with these to compensate for electrolytics' poor performance at high frequencies. Computers use large numbers of filter capacitors, making size an important factor. Solid tantalum and wet tantalum capacitors offer some of the best CV (capacitance/voltage) performance in some of the most volumetrically efficient packaging available. High currents and low voltages also make low equivalent series resistance (ESR) important. Solid tantalum capacitors offer low ESR versions that can often meet ESR requirements but they are not the lowest ESR option among all capacitors. Solid tantalums have an additional issue which must be addressed during the design stage. Solid tantalum capacitors must be voltage derated in all applications. A 50% voltage derating is recommended and generally accepted as the industry standard; e.g. a 50V solid tantalum capacitor should never be exposed to an actual application voltage above 25V. Solid tantalum capacitors are very reliable components if the proper care is taken and all design guidelines are carefully followed. Unfortunately, the failure mechanism for a solid tantalum capacitor is a short which will result in a violent flaring up and smoking on a PCB capable of damaging other components in close proximity as well as completely destroying the capacitor. Fortunately, most solid tantalum capacitor failures will be immediate and very evident. Once in application solid tantalum capacitor performance will improve over time and the chances of a failure due to component mis-manufacturing decrease. Wet tantalums are a type of the electrolytic capacitor, using a tantalum pellet in an electrolytic material sealed in a hermetic package. This type of tantalum capacitor does not require the same derating that a solid tantalum does and its failure mechanism is open. A 10% to 20% voltage derating curve is recommended for wet tantalums when operating from 85C to 125C. Wet tantalums are not commonly referred to as just 'electrolytics' because usually 'electrolytic' refers to aluminium electrolytics. Motor starters. In single phase squirrel cage motors, the primary winding within the motor housing is not capable of starting a rotational motion on the rotor, but is capable of sustaining one. To start the motor, a secondary winding is used in series with a non-polarized "starting capacitor" to introduce a lag in the sinusoidal current through the starting winding. When the secondary winding is placed at an angle with respect to the primary winding, a rotating electric field is created. The force of the rotational field is not constant, but is sufficient to start the rotor spinning. When the rotor comes close to operating speed, a centrifugal switch (or current-sensitive relay in series with the main winding) disconnects the capacitor. The start capacitor is typically mounted to the side of the motor housing. These are called capacitor-start motors, and have relatively high starting torque. There are also capacitor-run induction motors which have a permanently connected phase-shifting capacitor in series with a second winding. The motor is much like a two-phase induction motor. Motor-starting capacitors are typically non-polarized electrolytic types, while running capacitors are conventional paper or plastic film dielectric types. Signal processing. The energy stored in capacitor can be used to represent information, either in binary form, as in DRAMs, or in analogue form, as in analog sampled filters and Charge-coupled device CCDs. Capacitors can be used in analog circuits as components of integrators or more complex filters and in negative feedback loop stabilization. Signal processing circuits also use capacitors to integrate a current signal. Tuned circuits. Capacitors and inductors are applied together in tuned circuits to select information in particular frequency bands. For example, radio receivers rely on variable capacitors to tune the station frequency. Speakers use passive analog crossovers, and analog equalizers use capacitors to select different audio bands. Sensing. Most capacitors are designed to maintain a fixed physical structure. However, various factors can change the structure of the capacitor; the resulting change in capacitance can be used to sense those factors. Changing the dielectric. The effects of varying the characteristics of the dielectric can also be used for sensing and measurement. Capacitors with an exposed and porous dielectric can be used to measure humidity in air. Capacitors are used to accurately measure the fuel level in airplanes; as the fuel covers more of a pair of plates, the circuit capacitance increases. Changing the distance between the plates. A capacitor with a flexible plate can be used to measure strain or pressure or weight. Industrial pressure transmitters used for process control use pressure-sensing diaphragms, which form a capacitor plate of an oscillator circuit. Capacitors are used as the sensor in condenser microphones, where one plate is moved by air pressure, relative to the fixed position of the other plate. Some accelerometers use microelectromechanical systems (MEMS) capacitors etched on a chip to measure the magnitude and direction of the acceleration vector. They are used to detect changes in acceleration, e.g. as tilt sensors or to detect free fall, as sensors triggering airbag deployment, and in many other applications. Some fingerprint sensors use capacitors. Changing the effective area of the plates. Capacitive touch switches are now used on many consumer electronic products. Oscillators. A capacitor can possess spring-like qualities in an oscillator circuit. In the image example, a capacitor acts to influence the biasing voltage at the npn transistor's base. The resistance values of the voltage-divider resistors and the capacitance value of the capacitor together control the oscillatory frequency. Hazards and safety. Capacitors may retain a charge long after power is removed from a circuit; this charge can cause dangerous or even potentially fatal shocks or damage connected equipment. For example, even a seemingly innocuous device such as a disposable camera flash unit powered by a 1.5 volt AA battery contains a capacitor which may be charged to over 300 volts. This is easily capable of delivering a shock. Service procedures for electronic devices usually include instructions to discharge large or high-voltage capacitors. Capacitors may also have built-in discharge resistors to dissipate stored energy to a safe level within a few seconds after power is removed. High-voltage capacitors are stored with the terminals shorted, as protection from potentially dangerous voltages due to dielectric absorption. Some old, large oil-filled capacitors contain polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs). It is known that waste PCBs can leak into groundwater under landfills. Capacitors containing PCB were labelled as containing "Askarel" and several other trade names. PCB-filled capacitors are found in very old (pre 1975) fluorescent lamp ballasts, and other applications. High-voltage capacitors may catastrophically fail when subjected to voltages or currents beyond their rating, or as they reach their normal end of life. Dielectric or metal interconnection failures may create arcing that vaporizes dielectric fluid, resulting in case bulging, rupture, or even an explosion. Capacitors used in RF or sustained high-current applications can overheat, especially in the center of the capacitor rolls. Capacitors used within high-energy capacitor banks can violently explode when a short in one capacitor causes sudden dumping of energy stored in the rest of the bank into the failing unit. High voltage vacuum capacitors can generate soft X-rays even during normal operation. Proper containment, fusing, and preventive maintenance can help to minimize these hazards. High-voltage capacitors can benefit from a pre-charge to limit in-rush currents at power-up of high voltage direct current (HVDC) circuits. This will extend the life of the component and may mitigate high-voltage hazards.

regional reservoir

13447-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4395832

Pairwise comparison generally is any process of comparing entities in pairs to judge which of each entity is preferred, or has a greater amount of some quantitative property, or whether or not the two entities are identical. The method of pairwise comparison is used in the scientific study of preferences, attitudes, voting systems, social choice, public choice, requirements engineering and multiagent AI systems. In psychology literature, it is often referred to as paired comparison. Prominent psychometrician L. L. Thurstone first introduced a scientific approach to using pairwise comparisons for measurement in 1927, which he referred to as the law of comparative judgment. Thurstone linked this approach to psychophysical theory developed by Ernst Heinrich Weber and Gustav Fechner. Thurstone demonstrated that the method can be used to order items along a dimension such as preference or importance using an interval-type scale. Overview. If an individual or organization expresses a preference between two mutually distinct alternatives, this preference can be expressed as a pairwise comparison. If the two alternatives are "x" and "y", the following are the possible pairwise comparisons: The agent prefers "x" over "y": ""x" > "y" or "xPy" The agent prefers "y" over "x": "y" > "x" or "yPx" The agent is indifferent between both alternatives: "x" = "y" or "xIy"" Probabilistic models. In terms of modern psychometric theory probabilitistic models, which include Thurstone's approach (also called the law of comparative judgment), the Bradley–Terry–Luce (BTL) model, and general stochastic transitivity models, are more aptly regarded as measurement models. The Bradley–Terry–Luce (BTL) model is often applied to pairwise comparison data to scale preferences. The BTL model is identical to Thurstone's model if the simple logistic function is used. Thurstone used the normal distribution in applications of the model. The simple logistic function varies by less than 0.01 from the cumulative normal ogive across the range, given an arbitrary scale factor. In the BTL model, the probability that object "j" is judged to have more of an attribute than object "i" is: where formula_2 is the scale location of object "formula_3"; formula_4 is the logistic function (the inverse of the logit). For example, the scale location might represent the perceived quality of a product, or the perceived weight of an object. The BTL model, the Thurstonian model as well as the Rasch model for measurement are all closely related and belong to the same class of stochastic transitivity. Thurstone used the method of pairwise comparisons as an approach to measuring perceived intensity of physical stimuli, attitudes, preferences, choices, and values. He also studied implications of the theory he developed for opinion polls and political voting (Thurstone, 1959). Transitivity. For a given decision agent, if the information, objective, and alternatives used by the agent remain constant, then it is generally assumed that pairwise comparisons over those alternatives by the decision agent are transitive. Most agree upon what transitivity is, though there is debate about the transitivity of indifference. The rules of transitivity are as follows for a given decision agent. This corresponds to (xPy or xIy) being a total preorder, P being the corresponding strict weak order, and I being the corresponding equivalence relation. Probabilistic models also give rise to stochastic variants of transitivity, all of which can be verified to satisfy (non-stochastic) transitivity within the bounds of errors of estimates of scale locations of entities. Thus, decisions need not be deterministically transitive in order to apply probabilistic models. However, transitivity will generally hold for a large number of comparisons if models such as the BTL can be effectively applied. Using a transitivity test one can investigate whether a data set of pairwise comparisons contains a higher degree of transitivity than expected by chance. Argument for intransitivity of indifference. Some contend that indifference is not transitive. Consider the following example. Suppose you like apples and you prefer apples that are larger. Now suppose there exists an apple A, an apple B, and an apple C which have identical intrinsic characteristics except for the following. Suppose B is larger than A, but it is not discernible without an extremely sensitive scale. Further suppose C is larger than B, but this also is not discernible without an extremely sensitive scale. However, the difference in sizes between apples A and C is large enough that you can discern that C is larger than A without a sensitive scale. In psychophysical terms, the size difference between A and C is above the just noticeable difference ('jnd') while the size differences between A and B and B and C are below the jnd. You are confronted with the three apples in pairs without the benefit of a sensitive scale. Therefore, when presented A and B alone, you are indifferent between apple A and apple B; and you are indifferent between apple B and apple C when presented B and C alone. However, when the pair A and C are shown, you prefer C over A. Preference orders. If pairwise comparisons are in fact transitive in respect to the four mentioned rules, then pairwise comparisons for a list of alternatives ("A"1, "A"2, "A"3, ..., "A""n"−1, and "A""n") can take the form: For example, if there are three alternatives "a", "b", and "c", then the possible preference orders are: If the number of alternatives is n, and indifference is not allowed, then the number of possible preference orders for any given "n"-value is "n"!. If indifference is allowed, then the number of possible preference orders is the number of total preorders. It can be expressed as a function of n: where "S"2("n", "k") is the Stirling number of the second kind. Applications. One important application of pairwise comparisons is the widely used Analytic Hierarchy Process, a structured technique for helping people deal with complex decisions. It uses pairwise comparisons of tangible and intangible factors to construct ratio scales that are useful in making important decisions. Another important application is the Potentially All Pairwise RanKings of all possible Alternatives (PAPRIKA) method. The method involves the decision-maker repeatedly pairwise comparing and ranking alternatives defined on two criteria or attributes at a time and involving a trade-off, and then, if the decision-maker chooses to continue, pairwise comparisons of alternatives defined on successively more criteria. From the pairwise rankings, the relative importance of the criteria to the decision-maker, represented as weights, is determined.

tall standard

6208-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1923060

Buddhism in Vietnam ("Đạo Phật" or "Phật Giáo" in Vietnamese), as practised by the ethnic Vietnamese, is mainly of the Mahayana tradition and is the main religion. Buddhism may have first come to Vietnam as early as the 3rd or 2nd century BCE from the Indian subcontinent or from China in the 1st or 2nd century CE. Vietnamese Buddhism has had a syncretic relationship with certain elements of Taoism, Chinese spirituality, and Vietnamese folk religion. History. Dynastic period. There are conflicting theories regarding whether Buddhism first reached Vietnam during the 3rd or 2nd century BCE via delegations from India, or during the 1st or 2nd century from China. In either case, by the end of the second century CE, Vietnam had developed into a major regional Mahayana Buddhist center centering on Luy Lâu in modern Bắc Ninh Province, northeast of the present day capital city of Hanoi. Luy Lâu was the capital of the Han region of Jiaozhi and was a popular place visited by many Indian Buddhist missionary monks en route to China. The monks followed the maritime trade route from the Indian sub-continent to China used by Indian traders. A number of Mahayana sutras and the āgamas were translated into Classical Chinese there, including the "Sutra of Forty-two Chapters" and the "Anapanasati". Jiaozhi was the birthplace of Buddhist missionary Kang Senghui who was of Sogdian origin. Over the next eighteen centuries, Vietnam and China shared many common features of cultural, philosophical and religious heritage. This was due to geographical proximity to one another and Vietnam being annexed twice by China. Vietnamese Buddhism is thus related to Chinese Buddhism in general, and to some extent reflects the formation of Chinese Buddhism after the Song dynasty. Theravada Buddhism, on the other hand, would become incorporated through the southern annexation of Khmer people and territories. During the Đinh dynasty (968–980), Buddhism was recognized by the state as an official faith (~971), reflecting the high esteem of Buddhist faith held by the Vietnamese monarchs. The Early Lê dynasty (980–1009) also afforded the same recognition to the Buddhist church. The growth of Buddhism during this time is attributed to the recruitment of erudite monks to the court as the newly independent state needed an ideological basis on which to build a country. Subsequently, this role was ceded to Confucianism. Vietnamese Buddhism reached its zenith during the Lý dynasty (1009–1225) beginning with the founder Lý Thái Tổ, who was raised in a pagoda. All of the kings during the Lý dynasty professed and sanctioned Buddhism as the state religion. This endured with the Trần dynasty (1225–1400) but Buddhism had to share the stage with the emerging growth of Confucianism. By the 15th century, Buddhism fell out of favor with the court during the Later Lê dynasty, although still popular with the masses. Officials like Lê Quát attacked it as heretical and wasteful. It was not until the 19th century that Buddhism regained some stature under the Nguyễn dynasty who accorded royal support. A Buddhist revival movement (Chấn hưng Phật giáo) emerged in the 1920s in an effort to reform and strengthen institutional Buddhism, which had lost grounds to the spread of Christianity and the growth of other faiths under French rule. The movement continued into the 1950s. Republican period. From 1954 to 1975, Vietnam was split into North and South Vietnam. In a country where surveys of the religious composition estimated the Buddhist majority to be approximately 50 to 70 percent, President Ngô Đình Diệm's policies generated claims of religious bias. As a member of the Catholic Vietnamese minority, he pursued pro-Catholic policies that antagonized many Buddhists. In May 1963, in the central city of Huế, where Diệm's elder brother Ngô Đình Thục was the archbishop, Buddhists were prohibited from displaying Buddhist flags during Vesak celebrations yet few days earlier, Catholics were allowed to fly religious flags at a celebration in honour of the newly seated archbishop. This led to widespread protest against the government; troops were sent in and nine civilians were killed in the confrontations. This led to mass rallies against Diệm's government, termed as the Buddhist crisis. The conflicts culminated in Thích Quảng Đức's self-immolation. President Diệm's younger brother Ngô Đình Nhu favored strong-armed tactics and Army of the Republic of Vietnam Special Forces engaged in the Xá Lợi Pagoda raids, killing estimated hundreds. Dismayed by the public outrage, the US government withdrew support for the regime. President Diệm was deposed and killed in the 1963 coup. Political strength of the Buddhists grew in the 1960s as the different schools and orders convene to form the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam. Leaders of the Church like Thích Trí Quang had considerable sway in national politics, at times challenging the government. With the fall of Saigon in 1975, the whole nation came under Communist rule; many religious practices including Buddhism were discouraged. In the North the government had created the United Buddhist Sangha of Vietnam, co-opting the clergy to function under government auspices but in the South, the Unified Buddhist Sangha of Vietnam still held sway and openly challenged the communist government. The Sangha leadership was thus arrested and imprisoned; Sangha properties were seized and the Sangha itself was outlawed. In its place was the newly created Buddhist Sangha of Vietnam, designed as the final union of all Buddhist organizations, now under full state control. Modern period. The treatment of Buddhists started to ease since Đổi mới in 1986. Since Đổi Mới (1986) many reforms have allowed Buddhism to be practiced relatively unhindered by the individuals. However no organized sangha is allowed to function independent of the state. It was not until 2007 that Pure Land Buddhism, the most widespread type of Buddhism practiced in Vietnam, was officially recognized as a religion by the government. Thích Quảng Độ the Patriarch of the Unified Buddhist Sangha, once imprisoned, remained under surveillance and restricted in his travels until his death. Today, Buddhists are found throughout Vietnam, from North to South. Buddhism is the single largest organized religion in Vietnam, with somewhere between 12.2% and 16.4% of the population identifying themselves as Buddhist. Some argued the number to be higher than reported, as many declared themselves as atheists, but still participated in Buddhist activities. On one hand, though the Communist Party of Vietnam officially promotes atheism, it has usually leaned in favor of Buddhism, as Buddhism is associated with the long and deep history of Vietnam, and also, there have rarely been disputes between Buddhists and the Government; the Communist Government also sees Buddhism as a symbol of Vietnamese patriotism. Buddhist festivals are officially promoted by the Government and restrictions are few, in contrast to its Christian, Muslim and other religious counterparts. Recently, the Communist regime in Vietnam allowed major Buddhist figures to enter the country. Thích Nhất Hạnh, a major Buddhist figure revered both in Vietnam and worldwide, is among these. In order to distance itself from the fellow communist neighbor China, the Government of Vietnam allows the publishing of books and stories of 14th Dalai Lama, who has a personal friendship with Thích Nhất Hạnh and were commonly critical of the Chinese regime after the 2008 Tibetan unrest, which was seen as an attempt to antagonize the Chinese Government and China as a whole as Beijing considers the Dalai Lama to be a terrorist. Overseas. After the fall of South Vietnam to communism in 1975 at the end of the Vietnam War, the first major Buddhist community appeared in North America. Since this time, the North American Vietnamese Buddhist community has grown to some 160 temples and centers. Proselytizing is not a priority. The most famous practitioner of synchronized Vietnamese Thiền in the West is Thích Nhất Hạnh who has authored dozens of books and founded the Plum Village Monastery in France together with his colleague, bhikṣuṇī and Zen Master Chân Không. According to Nguyen and Barber, Thích Nhất Hạnh's fame in the Western world as a proponent of engaged Buddhism and a new Thiền style has "no affinity with or any foundation in traditional Vietnamese Buddhist practices" and according to Alexander Soucy (2007) his style of Zen Buddhism is not reflective of actual Vietnamese Buddhism. These claims are contradicted by Elise Anne DeVido who examined of the life and legacy of Thich Nhat Hanh and how we can understand his teachings in terms of its Vietnamese origins. Thích Nhất Hạnh also often recounts about his early Thiền practices in Vietnam in his Dharma talks saying that he continued and developed this practice in the West which has a distinctive Vietnamese Thiền flavor. Thích Nhất Hạnh's Buddhist teachings have started to return to a Vietnam where the Buddhist landscape is now being shaped by the combined Vietnamese and Westernized Buddhism that is focused more on the meditative practices. Practice. Followers in Vietnam practice differing traditions without any problem or sense of contradiction. Few Vietnamese Buddhists would identify themselves as a particular kind of Buddhism, as a Christian might identify him or herself by a denomination, for example. Although Vietnamese Buddhism does not have a strong centralized structure, the practice is similar throughout the country at almost any temple. Gaining merit is the most common and essential practice in Vietnamese Buddhism with a belief that liberation takes place with the help of Buddhas and bodhisattvas. Buddhist monks commonly chant sutras, recite Buddhas’ names (particularly Amitābha), doing repentance and praying for rebirth in the Pure Land. The "Lotus Sutra" and the "Amitabha Sutra" are the most commonly used sutras. Most sutras and texts are in Classical Chinese and are merely recited with Sino-Xenic pronunciations, making them incomprehensible to most practitioners. Three services are practiced regularly at dawn, noon, and dusk. They include sutra reading with niệm Phật and dhāraṇī, including the Chú Đại Bi (the Nīlakaṇṭha Dhāraṇī), recitation and kinh hành (walking meditation). Laypeople at times join the services at the temple and some devout Buddhist practice the services at home. Special services such as Sam Nguyen/Sam Hoi (confession/repentance) takes place on the full moon and new moon each month. Niệm Phật practice is one way of repenting and purifying bad karma. Buddhist temples also serve a significant role in death rituals and funerals among overseas Vietnamese. At the entrance of many pagodas, especially in tourist places, the Chú Đại Bi (Vietnamese version of the Chinese 大悲咒 "Dàbēi zhòu" , the Nīlakaṇṭha Dhāraṇī or Great Compassion Dharani or Mantra), is made available to visitors, either printed on a single sheet in black and white, or as a color booklet on glossy paper. They are printed on the initiative of Buddhist practitioners who make an offering to the sangha. Branches. Mahāyāna traditions. The overall doctrinal position of Vietnamese Buddhism is the inclusive system of Tiantai, with the higher metaphysics informed by the Huayan school (); however, the orientation of Vietnamese Buddhism is syncretic without making such distinctions. Therefore, modern practice of Vietnamese Buddhism can be very eclectic, including elements from "Thiền" (Chan Buddhism), "Thiên Thai" (Tiantai), "Tịnh độ" Pure Land Buddhism. Vietnamese Buddhist are often separated not by sects but by the style in how they perform and recite texts, which monks of different regions of Vietnam are known for. According to Charles Prebish, many English language sources contain misconceptions regarding the variety of doctrines and practices in traditional Vietnamese Buddhism: The methods of Pure Land Buddhism are perhaps the most widespread within Vietnam. It is common for practitioners to recite sutras, chants and dhāraṇīs looking to gain protection through bodhisattvas. It is a devotional practice where those practicing put their faith in Amitābha (). Followers believe they will gain rebirth in his pure land by chanting Amitabha's name. A pure land is a Buddha-realm where one can more easily attain enlightenment since suffering does not exist there. Many religious organizations have not been recognized by the government; however, in 2007, with 1.5 million followers, the Vietnamese Pure Land Buddhism Association (Tịnh Độ Cư Sĩ Phật Hội Việt Nam) received official recognition as an independent and legal religious organization. Thiền is the Sino-Xenic pronunciation of "Chan" (Japanese "Zen") and is derived ultimately from Sanskrit "dhyāna". The traditional account is that in 580, an Indian monk named Vinitaruci () traveled to Vietnam after completing his studies with Sengcan, the third patriarch of Chan Buddhism. This would be the first appearance of Thiền. The sect that Vinitaruci and his lone Vietnamese disciple founded would become known as the oldest branch of Thiền. After a period of obscurity, the Vinitaruci School became one of the most influential Buddhist groups in Vietnam by the 10th century, particularly under the patriarch Vạn-Hạnh (died 1018). Other early Vietnamese Zen schools included the Vô Ngôn Thông, which was associated with the teaching of Mazu Daoyi, and the Thảo Đường, which incorporated nianfo chanting techniques; both were founded by Chinese monks. A new Thiền school was founded by King Trần Nhân Tông (1258–1308); called the Trúc Lâm "Bamboo Grove" school, it evinced a deep influence from Confucian and Taoist philosophy. Nevertheless, Trúc Lâm's prestige waned over the following centuries as Confucianism became dominant in the royal court. In the 17th century, a group of Chinese monks led by Nguyên Thiều introduced the Ling school (Lâm Tế). A more native offshoot of Lâm Tế, the Liễu Quán school, was founded in the 18th century and has since been the predominant branch of Vietnamese Zen. Some scholars argue that the importance and prevalence of Thiền in Vietnam has been greatly overstated and that it has played more of an elite rhetorical role than a role of practice. The "Thiền uyển tập anh" (, "Collection of Outstanding Figures of the Zen Garden") has been the dominant text used to legitimize Thiền lineages and history within Vietnam. However, Cuong Tu Nguyen's "Zen in Medieval Vietnam: A Study and Translation of the Thien Tap Anh" (1997) gives a critical review of how the text has been used to create a history of Zen Buddhism that is "fraught with discontinuity". Modern Buddhist practices are not reflective of a Thiền past; in Vietnam, common practices are more focused on ritual and devotion than the Thiền focus on meditation. Nonetheless, Vietnam is seeing a steady growth in Zen today. Two figures who have been responsible for this increased interest in Thiền are Thích Nhất Hạnh, and Thích Thanh Từ, who lives in Da Lat. Theravada. The central and southern part of present-day Vietnam were originally inhabited by the Chams and the Khmer people, respectively, who followed both a syncretic Śaiva-Mahayana (see History of Buddhism in Cambodia) and Theravada Buddhism. Đại Việt annexed the land occupied by the Cham during conquests in the 15th century and by the 18th century had also annexed the southern portion of the Khmer Empire, resulting in the current borders of Vietnam. From that time onward, the dominant Đại Việt (Vietnamese) followed the Mahayana tradition while the Khmer continued to practice Theravada. In the 1920s and 1930s, there were a number of movements in Vietnam for the revival and modernization of Buddhist activities. Together with the re-organization of Mahayana establishments, there developed a growing interest in Theravadin meditation as well as the Pāli Canon. These were then available in French. Among the pioneers who brought Theravada Buddhism to the ethnic Đại Việt was a young veterinary doctor named Lê Văn Giảng. He was born in the South, received higher education in Hanoi, and after graduation, was sent to Phnom Penh, Cambodia, to work for the French government. During that time he became especially interested in Theravada Buddhist practice. Subsequently, he decided to ordain and took the Dhamma name of Hộ-Tông (Vansarakkhita). In 1940, upon an invitation from a group of lay Buddhists led by Nguyễn Văn Hiểu, he went back to Vietnam in order to help establish the first Theravada temple for Vietnamese Buddhists at Gò Dưa, Thủ Đức (now a district of Hồ Chí Minh City). The temple was named Bửu Quang (Ratana Ramsyarama). The temple was destroyed by French troops in 1947, and was later rebuilt in 1951. At Bửu Quang temple, together with a group of Vietnamese bhikkhus who had received training in Cambodia such as Thiện Luật, Bửu Chơn, Kim Quang and Giới Nghiêm, Hộ Tông began teaching Buddhism in their native Vietnamese. He also translated many Buddhist materials from the Pali Canon, and Theravada became part of Vietnamese Buddhist activity in the country. In 1949–1950, Hộ Tông together with Nguyễn Văn Hiểu and supporters built a new temple in Saigon (now Hồ Chí Minh City), named Kỳ Viên Tự ("Jetavana Vihara"). This temple became the centre of Theravada activities in Vietnam, which continued to attract increasing interest among the Vietnamese Buddhists. In 1957, the Vietnamese Theravada Buddhist Sangha Congregation (Giáo Hội Tăng Già Nguyên Thủy Việt Nam) was formally established and recognised by the government, and the Theravada Sangha elected Venerable Hộ Tông as its first President, or Sangharaja. From Saigon, the Theravada movement spread to other provinces, and soon, a number of Theravada temples for ethnic Viet Buddhists were established in many areas in the South and Central parts of Vietnam. There are 529 Theravada temples throughout the country, of which 19 were located in Hồ Chí Minh City and its vicinity. Besides Bửu Quang and Kỳ Viên temples, other well known temples are Bửu Long, Giác Quang, Tam Bảo (Đà Nẵng), Thiền Lâm and Huyền Không (Huế), and the large Thích Ca Phật Đài in Vũng Tàu.

budding popularity

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=116889

Hanover is a town in Plymouth County, Massachusetts, United States. The population was 14,570 in 2019. History. The area of Hanover was first settled by English settlers in 1649 when William Barstow, a farmer, built a bridge along the North River at what is now Washington Street. When Barstow settled the town, he constructed a cabin that was located off of what is known today as Oakland Avenue (formerly Back Street). According to "Dwelley's History of Hanover (1849)," Phineas Pratt of the Wessagusset Colony apparently spent a night crossing the Indian Head or North River in the Hanover/Pembroke area during his difficult journey from what is today Weymouth to Plymouth in 1623. During its first decades of settlement, the land was the westernmost portion of the town of Scituate, and it would officially separate and be incorporated as a town on June 14, 1727. The name "Hanover" is probably a tribute to King George I, the first Hanoverian King of Great Britain. (While George I died on June 11, 1727, the reports would not have reached the colonies until after the town's incorporation.) The origin of the name "Hanover/Hannover" however, comes from the Middle Low German "ho" or "hoch" meaning "high", and "over" meaning "bank" or "shore". There are six separate villages settled within the town; North Hanover, Four Corners, West Hanover, Center Hanover, South Hanover, and Assinippi. Each village had its own school district, general store, and post offices originally. Hanover's early industry revolved around farming, small mills, anchor forging, and several shipbuilding yards along the North River. The ship named "Grand Turk" was built in Thomas Barstow's Two Oaks shipyard in Hanover along the North River. The ship was used by Elias Hasket Derby and was later adopted as the logo for Old Spice. The "first" "Grand Turk" as it was known, was the first U.S. ship to trade with China and was apart of the Derby Mercantile House. The North River in Hanover was also the home of eleven smaller shipyards, with larger ones being Smiths shipyard and Barstow's Lower Yard. Another well known ship that was built in Hanover was the Oeno (ship) in 1821 at Barstow's Lower Yard. The ship was wrecked off the coast of Fiji in 1825. Later industries would include tack factories and shoe factories along the smaller waterways in the town. The town was the site of the invention of the first tack-making machine, and making tacks and fireworks were among the industries of the later 19th century for Hanover. On the Indian Head River, the E.H. Clapp Rubber Works was an industrial stronghold for the town during the nineteenth century, the original building is preserved at Luddam's Ford Park now. Immigrants from Ireland and the British Isles settled the lands of Hanover and the North River region, also many immigrants from Northern and Eastern Europe, specifically from Germany, Poland, Lithuania, and Scandinavia, immigrated into Hanover during the nineteenth century. At one point, from the late 1920s to the early 1940s, locals of Hanover and other parts of the North River area referred to West Hanover as "Little Poland". Today, Hanover is mostly residential. The Hanover Mall, Merchants Row mall as well other shops are located near the intersection of Routes 3 and 53. Hanover Center has many war memorials dedicated to veterans who fought and died in wars throughout United States history. During the American Revolution, Hanover sent Colonel John Bailey and his men to help defend Boston Harbor and Castle Island. Later in the war, they were sent on expeditions to Rhode Island and Manchester, New Hampshire. The Four Corners area of the town was the site of Wales Tavern, which also hosted Paul Revere and Daniel Webster. An Iron Forge in West Hanover had also gone from producing anchors, to producing cannons and cannonballs. The westernmost shipping point on the North River was located at Chapman's Landing near Luddam's Ford. Iron would come from Humarock on ships traveling up the river to Chapman's Landing in Hanover, where the iron would be forged. During the mid to late 19th century, there was the Hanover Branch Railroad, which had stations from Hanover Four Corners to North Abington. It was deeded to the Old Colony Railroad system in 1887. Anchors for the ship the USS Constitution, were made in Hanover at the Curtis Anchor forge that was located at Luddam's Ford during the 1700s. Hanover also had an airport called Clark Airport, that was operational from 1927 to 1958. It was located in West Hanover. During WWI and WWII the Pilgrim Ordnance Works in West Hanover made munitions for the war effort. The Stetson House is also located in Hanover Center. Hanover Center is listed in the National Register of Historic Places as Hanover Center Historic District. The Four Corners area is where William Barstow's Two Oaks shipyard was. In the Southwest corner of the town, there was an anchor forge on Forge Pond, the rest of the area evolved into an industrial park that produced fireworks and ammunition that was controlled by the Pilgrim Ordnance Works. The Northeast served as a business sector for the town with much of Route 53 being enclosed with many shops, stores, restaurants, grocery stores, and outlets. The Cardinal Cushing Centers is also in the National Register of Historic Places, which is located at Hanover Center. One of the oldest Boy Scouts troops in the United States was founded and is still active today in Hanover, Troop 1. Hanover had several smaller shipyards during its development, however, the more prominent ones such as Barstow's Two Oaks shipyard and Lower Yards were better documented. Others such as Clarks Yard, Kingman Yard, and Wing Yard, also helped Hanover during its early development. The ships would sail down the North River and would bring pork, fish, beef, and oil, and would return with spices, rum, and sugar. At the height of the shipbuilding boom of 1812, it has been said that every Saturday night one would see at most 400 workers at the shipyards. Today, Hanover's shipyards are marked in the Four Corners area of the town, making it a point of interest. Geography. According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of , of which is land and , or 0.70%, is water. Hanover is the 240th town in terms of size in Massachusetts. Hanover is considered to be a part of the South Shore of Massachusetts. It is bordered by Norwell to the north and east, Pembroke and Hanson to the south, and Rockland to the west and northwest. Hanover is approximately east of Brockton and southeast of Boston. Much of Hanover's eastern and southern borders consist of three waterways, the North and Indian Head rivers along the south and southeast, and the Third Herring Brook along the east. (The latter two are both tributaries, and the town border is marked by their confluences.) There are also several small ponds and brooks throughout the town, the largest pond being Factory Pond, a tributary of the Indian Head River in the south of town. The town has several small parks, sanctuaries and conservation areas spread throughout the town. In South Hanover towards Winslow's Crossing, much of the area is covered by swamps and bogs. Most of West Hanover is flat woodland with streams that flow into Factory Pond. The Eastern section of Hanover is bordered by the North River and Third Herring Brook. From Chapman's Landing to where Third Herring starts, most of the shoreline is made of marshland or rocky edges. South Hanover into West Hanover has most of the town's smaller tributaries such as the Drinkwater River, French Stream, Iron Mine Brook, Cushing Brook, Longwater Brook, Shinglemill Brook, and The Silver Brook. Besides Factory Pond, Forge Pond and Hacketts Pond are the largest ponds in the town. The second-largest freshwater tidal marsh in Massachusetts is located on the North River banks of Hanover, towards the Third Herring Brook. The highest point in the town is Walnut Hill, located near Assinippi. Climate. Hanover enjoys a Hot-summer humid continental climate (Köppen climate classification "dfa"). It however has characteristics of a Ocean climate due to its near position to the atlantic ocean. Hanover has very cold, wet winters during which rainfall alternates with sunshine, sometimes for weeks. The town has warm to hot summers with average rainfall in July and August of less than per month. Demographics. As of July 1, 2017, there were 14,814 people, 4,349 households, and 3,566 families residing in the town. The population density was 843.4 people per square mile (325.6/km2). There were 4,445 housing units at an average density of 284.8 per square mile (109.9/km2). The racial makeup of the town was 97.68% White, 0.55% African American, 0.08% Native American, 0.77% Asian, 0.01% Pacific Islander, 0.27% from other races, and 0.65% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.68% of the population. There were 4,350 households, out of which 43.8% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 70.8% were married couples living together, 8.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 18.0% were non-families. 15.2% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.02 and the average family size was 3.39. In the town, the population was spread out, with 29.8% under the age of 18, 5.6% from 18 to 24, 28.8% from 25 to 44, 25.3% from 45 to 64, and 10.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 95.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.3 males. The median income for a household in the town was $73,838, and the median income for a family was $86,835. Males had a median income of $57,321 versus $35,214 for females. The per capita income for the town was $30,268. About 1.4% of families and 2.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 1.6% of those under age 18 and 7.8% of those age 65 or over. Government. On the national level, Hanover is a part of Massachusetts's 9th congressional district, and is currently represented by William R. Keating. The state's senior (Class I) member of the United States Senate, elected in 2012, is Elizabeth Warren. The junior (Class II) senator, elected in a special election in 2013, is Ed Markey. On the state level, Hanover is represented in the Massachusetts House of Representatives as a part of the Fifth Plymouth district, which includes the neighboring towns of Norwell and Rockland. The town is represented in the Massachusetts Senate as a part of the Second Plymouth and Bristol district, which includes Brockton, Halifax, Hanson, Whitman and portions of East Bridgewater and Easton. The town is patrolled on a secondary basis by the First Barracks of Troop D of the Massachusetts State Police, located in Norwell. Hanover is governed by the open town meeting form of government, and is led by a board of selectmen. The town has its own police and fire departments, with active firehouses in Center Hanover and West Hanover. The fire department operates the ambulance service, with the nearest hospitals being Brockton Hospital and South Shore Hospital in Weymouth. There are two post offices located in town, near Hanover Four Corners and West Hanover, both along Route 139. The town is home to the John Curtis Free Library, which was founded with the help of its namesake in the 1800s. The library is a part of the Old Colony Library Network. Hanover is also the site of a YMCA, near the mall. Education. Hanover operates its own school system for the town's approximately 2,700 students. There are three elementary schools, the Cedar, Center and Sylvester Elementary Schools. The Center School serves students from pre-kindergarten through second grade, the Sylvester School (located around the corner from the Center School, both at Hanover Center) serves third and fourth grade students, and the Cedar Elementary School (located next to the high school) serves from pre-kindergarten through fourth grade. The Hanover Middle School serves students from fifth through eighth grade, and Hanover High School serves students from ninth through twelfth grade. Hanover High's teams are nicknamed the Hawks (previously the Indians) and their colors are blue and gold. Hanover competes in the Patriot League, and their chief rival is Norwell. Hanover finished building its new high school in 2012; the graduating class of 2012 will be the first to graduate from the school and the second class to graduate on the new turf field. Hanover High School has also been known to have an outstanding graduation rate and expertise in preparing students for further academic fields. Hanover is also the home of the South Shore Vocational Technical High School, which is located near the Hanover/Norwell shared village of Assinippi and serves the vocational needs of the surrounding communities. There are no private schools in the town; there are, however, schools in the surrounding communities. The nearest colleges are Massasoit Community College in Brockton, and Bridgewater State University. The Cardinal Cushing Centers, a Catholic facility for intellectually and developmentally challenged individuals located on Washington Street, also has educational facilities. Transportation. A short, three-mile portion of Massachusetts Route 3, a four-lane freeway, passes through the town, providing access via an exit at Route 53 in the northeast corner of town. The town's other major routes include Route 123 and Route 139, the latter passing through the town center. Routes 139 and 53 are coextensive for a stretch of one mile in the southeast corner of town. The town has no rail or air service, though the town used to have rail service on the Hanover branch. The nearest rail service is the Kingston-Route 3 line of the MBTA's commuter rail service, which passes west of town, the closest stations being in Abington and Whitman. The nearest regional airport is Marshfield Municipal Airport, and the nearest national and international service can be reached at Logan International Airport in Boston. Seaplanes occasionally land in neighboring Hanson, on Lake Monponsett.

religious center

2784-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1856816

Laminaria is a genus of brown seaweed in the order Laminariales (kelp), comprising 31 species native to the north Atlantic and northern Pacific Oceans. This economically important genus is characterized by long, leathery laminae and relatively large size. Some species are called Devil's apron, due to their shape, or sea colander, due to the perforations present on the lamina. Others are referred to as "tangle". "Laminaria" form a habitat for many fish and invertebrates. The life cycle of "Laminaria" has heteromorphic alternation of generations which differs from "Fucus". At meiosis the male and female zoospores are produced separately, then germinate into male and female gametophytes. The female egg matures in the oogonium until the male sperm fertilizes it. Life-Cycle: The most apparent form of "Laminaria" is its sporophyte phase, a structure composed of the holdfast, the stipe, and the blades. While it spends its time predominately in the sporophyte phase, it alternates between the sporophyte and its microscopic gametophyte phase. "Laminaria japonica" (J. E. Areschoug – Japón) is now regarded as a synonym of "Saccharina japonica" and "Laminaria saccharina" is now classified as "Saccharina latissima". History. "Laminaria" arrived in China from Hokkaido, Japan in the late 1920s. Once in China, "Laminaria" was cultivated on a much larger industrial scale. The rocky shores at Dalian, the northern coast of the Yellow Sea, along with its cold waters provided excellent growing conditions for these species. "Laminaria" was harvested for food and 1949 yielded 40.3 metric tons of dry weight. "Laminaria" need cold water to survive and can only live above 36° N latitude. In 1949, the Chinese started to commercially grow "laminaria" as a crop. This increased the production of dry weight to 6,200 metric tons. Farming "laminaria" is still a large production for China. However, since the 1980s production has dropped due to new mariculture technology . Farming practices. "Laminaria" is generally farmed using the floating raft method, in which young "laminaria" sporophytes are attached to submerged ropes. These ropes are then attached to floating rafts. Ecology. "Laminaria" is found in colder ocean waters, such as arctic regions. Preferring to stay in regions where there are rocky shores, this allows the "laminaria" to attach. Due to the height of the "Laminaria", they provide protection for creatures that the open ocean does not often give. Invertebrates are just one of the organisms that live among the algae. Sea snails and other invertebrates feed on the blades (leaves) of the "laminaria". Other organisms, such as sea urchins, feed on the holdfasts, which can kill the algae. Red sea urchins, found on the North America Pacific Coast, can decimate kelp, including "Laminaria," if the urchins are not managed by sea otters. Species such as "Coelopa pilipes" feed and lay eggs on "Laminaria" when it is washed up on beaches. Life cycle. "Laminaria" expresses a haplo-diplophasic life history, in which it alternates from a macroscopic thallic sporophyte structure, consisting of the holdfast, a stipe, and the blades, to a filamentous, microscopic gametophyte. The sporophyte structure of "laminaria" can grow to , which is large in comparison to other algae, but still smaller than the giant kelps such as Macrocystis and Nereocystis, which can grow up to . On the other hand, the gametophyte structure is no more than a few millimeters in length. In opposition to the gametophyte phase, which only consists of one type of tissue, the more complex sporophyte phase is made up of different types of tissue. One of these tissues includes a sieve-like element which translocates photoassimilates. These structures are very similar to mesophyll cells found in higher plant leaves. Uses. Medical. A laminaria stick may be used to slowly dilate the cervix to induce labor and delivery, or for surgical procedures including abortions or to facilitate the placement of an intrauterine device. The stick is made up of a bundle of dried and compressed laminaria that expands as water is absorbed. "Laminaria" is a source of the relatively rare element, iodine, which is commonly used to promote thyroid health. Certain carbohydrates such as mannitol, "laminarin", and alginate can be extracted from "laminaria". Mannitol is used to decrease high intraocular pressure, and to lower excessive intracranial pressure. Laminarin has two forms, soluble and insoluble. The soluble form of "Laminarin" has high antitumor activity, can be used in the treatment of antibiotic-resistant nosocomial infections, can aid in normalizing enteric metabolism, helps to improve enzymatic processes of the intestine and does not possess antigenic or pyrogenic properties. "Laminarin" continues to be of active study in today's medical field. Food. Various species of "Laminaria" have been used for food purposes since ancient times wherever humans have encountered them. Typically, the prepared parts, usually the blade, are consumed either immediately after boiling in broth or water, or consumed after drying. The greater proportion of commercial cultivation is for algin, iodine, and mannitol, which are used in a range of industrial applications. In South Korea it is processed into a sweetmeat known as "laminaria jelly", in other countries it is also used in fresh salad form, which is also canned for preservation for deliverу and selling purposes in other regions. Many countries produce and consume laminaria products, the largest being China. Energy. Due to their ability to grow underwater and in salt water, algae are being looked into as a source of biofuel. "Laminaria" is one of the five macroalgae farmed for products such as food, chemicals and power. Those five genera contribute to 76% of the total tonnage for farmed macroalgae. "Laminaria" is less desired as a renewable energy source due to its high ash content when burned. "Laminaria" has an ash content of 33%, while wood has about a 2% ash content when burned. Algae have a high water content requiring much energy to dry the algae before being able to properly use it. More research is being done with anaerobic digestion, which is the most promising practice to extract energy from "Laminaria". There are still barriers to overcome before moving forward with anaerobic digestion, such as its cost per kwh. Metal absorption. The ability of laminaria, along with other brown algae, to absorb heavy metals is a current area of interest regarding their use to remove heavy metals from wastewater. Laminaria has been shown by recent research to have a favorable mannuronic/guluronic acid residues ratio (M/G ratio) for heavy metal absorption in its alginate. This M/G ratio is the ratio between the L-gluronate (G) and D-mannuronate (M) in the alginate, a natural anionic polymer that is found in all brown algae. This alginate is able to form a gel that contains carboxyl groups that can bind heavy metal cations such as , , and , thereby allowing these metals to be removed from wastewater. Predator. "Coelopa frigida" and related flies from the genus "Coelopa"are known to feed, mate, and create habitats out of different species of "Laminaria". This is of particular notice when the "Laminaria" is stranded on the beach and not when it is submerged under seawater. With increasing amounts of seaweed washing up on shores, there is an increasing recognition of "Laminaria" and their close pairing with "Coelopa".

hopeful method

3979-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=828845

Mushing is a sport or transport method powered by dogs. It includes carting, pulka, dog scootering, sled dog racing, skijoring, freighting, and weight pulling. More specifically, it implies the use of one or more dogs to pull a sled on snow or a rig on dry land. Origin of the term. France was the first European power established in the Canadian Shield; accordingly, the coureurs des bois and the voyageurs of New France used the French word , meaning "walk" or "move", to command to the team to commence pulling. became "mush!" for English Canadians. "Mush!" is rarely used in modern parlance. History. The practice of using dogs to pull sleds dates back to at least 2000 BC. It originated in Siberia or North America, where many Native American cultures used dogs to pull loads. In 1534, Jacques Cartier discovered the Gaspé Peninsula and claimed the land in the name of Francis I of France. For the better part of a century the Iroquois and French clashed in a series of attacks and reprisals. That is why Samuel de Champlain arranged to have young French men live with the natives, to learn their language and customs and help the French adapt to life in North America. These men, known as "coureurs des bois" (runners of the woods), were the first European mushers in North America, extended French influence south and west and in 1609, New France controlled all the Canadian Shield. In 1680, the intendant of New France, Jacques Duchesneau de la Doussinière et d'Ambault, estimated that there was not one family in New France who did not have a "son, brother, uncle or nephew" among the coureurs des bois. During the winter, sled became the ordinary transportation in the north of New France. In 1760, the British Army completed the conquest of Canada and gained control of the Canadian Shield. Many coureurs des bois accepted British rule and continued to use the sled dog. The French term became "Mush!" in English. During the Klondike Gold Rush, many prospectors came in the Yukon with sled dogs. This "Last Great Gold Rush" has been immortalized by American author Jack London in "The Call of the Wild". Sled-dog became the common mode of transportation in Yukon and in the new US Territory of Alaska. In 1911, Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen used sled dogs in a race to become the first person to reach the South Pole. He succeeded, while his competitor Robert Falcon Scott, who had instead used Siberian ponies, tragically perished. By the time of the First World War, mushing had spread to European countries such as Norway, where dog sleds were used for nature tours, as ambulances in the woodlands and mountains, and to bring supplies to soldiers in the field. During the 1925 serum run to Nome, 20 mushers and about 150 sled dogs relayed diphtheria antitoxin by dog sled across the U.S. territory of Alaska in five and a half days, saving the small city of Nome and the surrounding communities from an incipient epidemic. Practice. Mushing can be utilitarian, recreational, or competitive. Mushing as a sport is practiced worldwide, but primarily in North America, northern Europe and the Alps. Racing associations such as the International Federation of Sleddog Sports (IFSS) and the International Sled Dog Racing Association (ISDRA) are working toward organizing the sport and in gaining Olympic recognition for mushing. It is the state sport of Alaska. The most famous sled dog races in the world are : Although dogsled racing gets more publicity and is seen now as the primary form of mushing, recreational mushing thrives as an unorganized sport providing a healthy outdoor form of winter exercise for families. Mushing for utilitarian purposes includes anything from hauling wood or delivering milk or the mail to rural travel and equipment hauling. Dogs have been replaced by snowmobiles in many places, but some trappers and other isolated users have gone back to sled dogs, finding them safer and more dependable in extreme weather conditions. Dog team members. Dog team members are given titles according to their position in the team relative to the sled. These include leaders or lead dogs, swing dogs, team dogs, and wheelers or wheel dogs. "Lead dogs" steer the rest of the team and set the pace. Leaders may be single or double; the latter is more common now, though single leaders used to be more common during the mid-20th century. Sometimes a leader may be unhitched (a loose or free leader) to find the trail for the rest of the team, but the practice is uncommon and is not allowed at races. Qualities for a good lead dog are intelligence, initiative, common sense, and the ability to find a trail in bad conditions. "Swing dogs" or "point dogs" are directly behind the leader (one dog if the team is in single hitch). They swing the rest of the team behind them in turns or curves on the trail. (Some mushers use the term "swag dog" to denote a team dog.) "Team dogs" are those between the wheelers and the swing dogs, and add power to the team. A small team may not have dogs in this position. Alternatively, the term may be used to describe any dog in a dog team. "Wheel dogs" are those nearest the sled and musher, and a good wheeler must have a relatively calm temperament so as not to be startled by the sled moving just behind it. Strength, steadiness, and ability to help guide the sled around tight curves are qualities valued in "wheelers." Originally, sled dogs would run in either one or two straight lines, depending on how many people were driving the sled (two lines if there was one person, one line if there were two people). However, now, all dogs run in two lines, even if there is more than one person. Bikejoring. Bikejoring is dog mushing similar to skijoring, canicross, and dog scootering. A dog or team of dogs is attached with a towline to a bicycle. Bikejoring and canicross probably developed from skijoring and dogsled racing. Bikejoring is also sometimes used to train racing sled-dogs out of season. An easier and maybe safer alternative to bikejoring or dog-scootering, especially for use in urban and built up areas, is to attach a dog to the side of a bicycle using a number of designed dog-bicycle attachments. However, these side attachments are designed to allow a dog to run beside a bicycle, rather than to pull it from ahead. These dog-bike attachments usually include some sort of shock absorption, usually a spring. Some of these side attachments can be fitted either side of a bicycle so that two dogs can be exercised at the same time. Examples of these dog-bicycle attachments are the WalkyDog, Springer, bikejor converter and more recently the bikejoring attachment. Dog scootering. Dog scootering uses one or more dogs to pull a human riding an unmotorized kick scooter. It is similar to mushing, which is done in the winter, but generally with fewer dogs and with a scooter instead of a dogsled. The dogs wear the same harnesses that sled dogs wear, and are hooked to the scooter with a gangline. The gangline usually incorporates a bungee cord to smooth out the shocks of speeding up and takeoff. Dog scooterers get together for fun runs, where a number of dog scooterers run their dogs and scooters on the same trails. Fun runs may be just a morning run, or can be a weekend-long activity with multiple runs scheduled. This is still a maturing activity, but there are a few formal dog races that include scooter events.

break-of-dawn jaunt

12014-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=61609134

The Ngaa people were a community that according to the traditions of many Kenyan communities inhabited regions of the Swahili coast and the Kenyan hinterland at various times in history. History. Origins. According to Meru traditions, the people of Ngaa originally lived on an island recalled as Mbwaa or Mbwa. They were later driven out of the island, forcing them to move into the Kenyan hinterland. Certain traditions such as those of the hunting section of the pre-Meru community suggests that this location was in the north of Kenya. These traditions contain explicit portrayals of an "arid" place where the game hunted included Grévy's zebra and reticulated giraffe. These species are endemic to the north of Kenya. Ngaaruni. According to Meru oral literature, the Ngaa identity formed at the point when the migrants from Mbwaa turned "westward" into "what tradition explicitly calls a desert" during their journey. They named this place Ngaaruni (arid place). Tradition records that while at the arid place, the migrants would draw water from what were known in Meru as the "elephant's footsteps". Fadiman notes that this is an "ancient Meru euphemism for areas of shallow papyrus swamp so large they took several days to walk around". Kirorero. The first of these 'elephant foot-steps' was known as Kirorero (dreaming to a purpose; prophecy). Here the migrants dwelt peacefully for several seasons. The Yaaku and Mukogodo narratives indicate that over the course of this period, the Ngaa people moved south from a location around Southern Ethiopia. See; c.1730. Contact with Nilotic communities. In the narratives of various Meru informants, contact with Nilotic communities occurred on the star grass zone or lower forest ranges of Mount Kenya. The totality of traditions indicate that these communities belonged to one or more sections of the Kalenjin-speaking peoples. Lumbwa. According to Igoji and Imenti informants, the Umpua were a tall, slender, cattle-keeping people. They herded small numbers of cattle and goats and lived solely from the milk and meat of their herds. The Umpua kept their livestock in pits at night. These were dug by the herders themselves and were gradually deepened as mud was removed after the rains. The earth and dung were heaped next to the pit to form a mound, within which the Umpua are recalled as having placed their dead. Agumba. Meru traditions recorded in Mwimbi and Muthambi recount that the pastoral Lumbwa lived in association with a hunting community remembered as Agumba (or Gumba). The Gumba were said to live in "Agumba pits", large or squarish depressions, located along a line that runs roughly along the zone at 7,000–7,500 feet. This zone delineates the lowest edge of the forest from the highest point in the star-grass zone. Muku-Ngaa identity. During a period recalled as Kagairo, "perhaps in the late 1730s" the original Ngaa nucleus separated into two segments, each of which took on an identity of its own. One was known as Mukunga (or Muku Ngaa: people of Ngaa) and the other as Murutu. Both these sections are said to have moved in their traditional direction of march. At a point that tradition places near today's Ntugi Hill, however, they fragmented once more. The Muku-Ngaa appear to have divided into four or perhaps five smaller sections. 1836. Nkuthuku age-set. The narrative of the 'elephant's footsteps' notes that during their stay at Kirorero, the initiation of an age-set Nkuthuku occurred and that from this place the migrants moved 'either north or west'. The Nkuthuku Meru period appears analogous to the cognate Lkipiku period (also Il Kipkeku, starting c.1837) of the Sambur who occupied territory adjacent to the Meru at this time. It was also marked by a three-way separation, and it followed the 1830s mutai. This period was marked by an age-set named Il-kipku and followed by the Loikop period. The latter saw the emergence of descendant Kwavi communities who occupied territory north and west of Mount Kenya, one of which was the short-lived Guas'Ngishu. Thingithu. The second area of swampland large enough to sustain the group was discovered. This was named Thingithu and it supported them for three seasons. Among the actors of the Meru Thingithu was the Ngiithi community, which again finds parallels in the short-lived Uasin Gishu period. This period is further paralleled by the Nithir period of Turkana, where tradition indeed avers that about this time "some far-ranging contingents of Bantu-speaking Meru were absorbed by several Turkana clans". Loikop fragmentation. According of the traditions recorded by Fadiman, conflict with the Muoko community had been ongoing for "decades". However, a notable period of intense Tigania pressure brought the Muoko within raiding range of the Il Tikirri (recalled in Tigania as Ngiithi) and Mumunyot (recalled as Rimunyo) communities. Fadiman postulates that the absorption of former foes may have therefore significantly modified Tigania institutions and, indirectly, those of adjacent Meru regions as well. Following their stay at 'Thingithu', they moved to a third area (Rurii), a fourth (Tubaranya) and a fifth (Irikinu). The later stages of this journey are associated with extreme aridity, the people of Ngaa survived 'only by digging holes ("to the height of two men") in seasonal riverbeds". At some time during this period the people of Ngaa passed an area remembered as Kiiru (raised place) where "four white peaks" could be seen.

questing ring

5022-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=36973989

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (, ; born 29 November 1955) is a Somali politician. He is the founder and current chairman of a large political aggregation party which have majority of parliament in both chambers Union for Peace and Development Party, He was the 8th President of Somalia from 16 September 2012 until 16 February 2017. A civil and political activist, Mohamud was previously a university professor and dean. In April 2013, Mohamud was named to the "Time" 100, "TIME" magazine's annual list of the 100 most influential people in the world. His efforts at advancing national reconciliation, anti-corruption measures, and socio-economic and security sector reforms in Somalia were cited as reasons for the selection. He was born in Jalalaqsi, a small agricultural town situated in central Hiran of present-day Somalia, during the trusteeship period. and comes from a middle-class background. Hassan is married to Qamar Ali Omar and has children. He speaks Somali and English. Education. Hassan frequented primary and secondary schools in his hometown. He later moved to Somalia's capital Mogadishu in 1978, where he studied for three years at the local Somali National University. In 1981, he earned an undergraduate diploma in technology from the institution. In 1986, Hassan journeyed to India and began attending Bhopal University (now Barkatullah University). There, he completed a master's degree in technical education in 1988. Hassan is also a graduate of Eastern Mennonite University's Summer Peacebuilding Institute based in Harrisonburg, Virginia. In 2001, he completed three of the SPI's intensive courses, studying mediation, trauma healing, and designing learner-centered trainings. Early career. In a professional capacity, Hassan accepted a position as an instructor and trainer at the Lafole Technical Secondary School. He later joined the Somali National University-affiliated Technical Teachers' Training College in 1984. In 1986, he became the department's head. When the civil war broke out in the early 1990s, Hassan remained in Somalia and acted as a consultant with various NGOs, UN bureaus, and peace and development projects. He worked as an education officer for UNICEF in the central and southern parts of the country from 1993 to 1995. In 1999, he also co-established the Somali Institute of Management and Administration (SIMAD) in the capital. The institution subsequently grew into the SIMAD University, with Hassan acting as dean until 2010. Hassan entered Somali politics the following year, when he established the independent Peace and Development Party (PDP). PDP members unanimously elected him as the party's chairman in April 2011, with a mandate to serve as leader for the next three years. In August 2012, Hassan was selected as a Member of Parliament (MP) in the newly formed Federal Parliament of Somalia. Besides academic and civic work, he is also a successful entrepreneur. President of Somalia. Elections. On 10 September 2012, legislators elected Hassan President of Somalia during the country's 2012 presidential elections. Members of parliament marked their ballot papers behind a curtain before casting them in a clear box in front of foreign envoys and hundreds of Somali men and women as well as being broadcast live on television. After the first round of voting, former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed emerged as the frontrunner, amassing 64 votes. Hassan was a close second with 60 votes, and Prime Minister Abdiweli Mohamed Ali placed third with 32 votes. Along with the fourth-place finisher Abdiqadir Osoble, Ali later chose to drop out ahead of the second round. Both challengers, along with the other hopefuls that were vying for the post, thereafter reportedly instructed their supporters to back Hassan's candidacy. Hassan went on to earn a lopsided win in the final round, defeating Ahmed 71–29% (190 votes vs. 79 votes). Immediately after the final ballot results had been read out, Hassan was sworn into office. Lawmakers began singing Somalia's national anthem, and Mogadishu's residents also expressed satisfaction at the outcome, viewing it as a moment of change. In his acceptance speech, President Hassan thanked the general Somali populace, the Federal Parliament, as well as the other challengers. He also voiced support for the ongoing post-conflict reconstruction efforts in Somalia and indicated that he was prepared to work closely with the international community. Additionally, Sheikh Sharif congratulated Hassan on his victory and pledged to cooperate with the new head of state. Prime Minister Ali touted the selection as the start of a new era in Somali politics. Abdirahman Mohamud Farole, President of the autonomous Puntland region in northeastern Somalia, also thanked Hassan, the Somali people, and all of the other stakeholders that were involved in the Roadmap political process, which ultimately led to the presidential election and the end of the transitional period. Hassan's appointment was welcomed throughout the world. The UN Special Representative for Somalia Augustine Mahiga issued a statement describing the election as a "great step forward on the path to peace and prosperity[...] Somalia has proved the doubters wrong and sent a powerful message of progress to all of Africa and indeed to the entire world". Similarly, the AU Commission for Somalia hailed the selection and pledged to support the new leadership. British Prime Minister David Cameron and EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton also extended their congratulations, echoing the general sentiment that the election represented a significant achievement. The United States government in turn released a press statement felicitating Mohamud on his victory, which it qualified as "an important milestone for the people of Somalia, and a crucial step forward along the path of building a representative government". It also urged the Somali authorities to build on this momentum, and promised to continue partnering with the Somali government. In addition, President Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) cabled a message of congratulations to Somalia's new head of state, as did the UAE's Vice President and Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum as well as the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. Former President of Egypt Mohamed Morsi also phoned Mohamud to congratulate him on his victory, and wished him success in his national reconciliation and peacebuilding endeavors. On 16 September 2012, Hassan was formally inaugurated as President of Somalia at a ceremony attended by various foreign leaders and dignitaries. UN Special Envoy to Somalia Mahiga described the moment as the beginning of a "new era" for the nation as well as the conclusion of the transitional period. Cabinet. On 6 October 2012, Hassan appointed political newcomer Abdi Farah Shirdon as the new Prime Minister of Somalia. On 4 November 2012, Shirdon named a new Cabinet, which was later endorsed by the legislature on 13 November 2012. Targeted attack. On 12 September 2012, while Hassan was meeting with foreign delegates in Mogadishu, two suicide bombers and two gunmen dressed in government uniforms attempted an attack on the Jazeera Hotel where the dignitaries had convened. There were reportedly around 10 casualties, among which were three Somali security detail, one AU peacekeeper, and the assailants themselves. None of the assembled statesmen, including Kenyan Foreign Minister Sam Ongeri, were harmed. Seemingly unfazed by the incidents, Hassan continued his speech before the gathered press and foreign officials, stating that "things like what's happening now outside will continue for some time, but I'm sure and I'm confident it's the last things that's taking place here in Somalia[...] We have been hearing such events frequently, but this is a special case. We didn't hear it for the last couple of months even." He added that "first and foremost we will address the security issue. Priority number one is security and priority number two and priority number three." The Al-Shabaab militant group later claimed responsibility for the attacks. According to Somali government officials, AU forces have assumed responsibility for Hassan's security while investigations are launched into the incidents. On 3 September 2013, a roadside bomb detonated near vehicles in Hassan's convoy in Merca. One Somali soldier was injured in the blast, but Hassan was unharmed and continued on to his destination. Al-Shabaab later claimed responsibility for the explosion. Abdirahman Omar Osman, a spokesman for the president, dismissed the group's statement as propaganda, indicating that Hassan's convoy was not targeted and that it was uncertain what might have happened to an earlier convoy. On 7 October 2015, al-Shabab gunmen ambushed and killed Dr Liban Osman, nephew of Hassan, and one other man as their car was traveling through the Wadajir neighborhood of the capital city Mogadishu. Scandal. Public funds embezzlement. A 2013 report by U.N. investigators said individuals in Hassan’s government used the Somali central bank as a personal "slush fund", with an average 80 percent of withdrawals made for private purposes. The presidency and the then-central bank governor Abdusalam Omer have strongly denied that accusation. the Monitoring Group described the system of "fadlan" payments from the Bank to private individuals or to public officials for private purposes, which the Group found in 2011 amounted to 87 per cent of all withdrawals and in 2012 to 76 per cent. Those figures declined to 72 per cent following the establishment of the Federal Government. The Group has reviewed the accounts of the Bank since its previous report and estimates that the rate of "fadlan" payments to individuals from the Bank remains largely between 70 and 75 per cent. Notably, however, following the publication of the Group’s previous report in July 2013, the names of all individuals receiving payments in the Bank’s accounts were replaced with coded numbers to obscure the identity of the recipients. It is unclear who holds the master code list with the names against the numbers. Foreign held National assets looting. the UN Monitoring Group obtained documentary evidence that demonstrates that individuals close to the presidency are conspiring to take private control of recovered overseas assets, which should be under the fiduciary control of the Central Bank upon recovery. The effort was undertaken pursuant to a contract signed in July 2013 between the Federal Government and the United States law firm of Shulman, Rogers, Gandal, Pordy and Ecker, P.A., and led to the resignation of Yussur Abrar as Governor of the Bank. Death threat to the Central Bank Governor. The UN report says attempts to steal assets were thwarted after former Central Bank Governor Yussur Abrar challenged the terms of Shulman Rogers. Abrar quit after seven weeks in office. Her action generated an international scrutiny that later enabled her successor to protect some of the recovered assets. The report, however, alleges there is still "a secret architecture of misappropriation," involving Hassan, former Foreign Minister Fawzia Yusuf Adam, Shulman Rogers as well as Musa Haji Mohamed Ganjab and Abdiaziz Hassan Giyaajo Amalo. The report says Ganjab and Amalo, who vehemently deny the allegations, served as government advisors as well as facilitators for Shulman Rogers. According to the report, Abrar, the ex-governor, was appointed in part to exploit her banking background in order to get her open bank accounts whose aims were to divert public funds after her predecessor was discredited in an earlier UN report. "From the moment I was appointed," she said in her resignation letter, "I have been continuously asked to sanction deals and transactions that would contradict my personal values and violate my fiduciary responsibility to the Somali people as head of the nation's monetary authority." Abrar finally decided to leave the country for the United Arab Emirates under the pretext of signing off on a Dubai account whose aim would have been to deposit diverted funds and other bilateral assistance with no control from the central bank. SNA weapons diverted to Al-Shabaab. The UN Monitoring Group has obtained evidence implicating Musa Haji Mohamed “Ganjab”, who acted as an adviser to the President, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and who is a member of his Abgaal/Waesle subclan, in the leakage of weaponry to Al-Shabaab and other forces beyond the army. Mogadishu Port revenue diversion. The UN experts said production of the Somali port "continues to be fraught with fraud and corruption" and that fees from Mogadishu port, a key source for the government, were being diverted. It said a monthly average of "at least" 33 percent of the port fees cannot be accounted for. The monitoring group estimates that at least 30 to 35 per cent of monthly port revenue cannot be accounted for, which is largely a continuation of the previous year’s rate of diversion. Domestic policy. Easing of arms embargo. Upon assuming office, Hassan and his Cabinet resumed efforts by Somali and international stakeholders to end the 21-year UN arms embargo on Somalia, the oldest such global weapons blockade. The Security Council had imposed the prohibition in 1992, shortly after the start of the civil war and the toppling of the Siad Barre regime, in order to stop the flow of weapons to feuding militia groups. An eventual repeal of the embargo had been among the future objectives of the signatories in the transitional Roadmap political process of 2011–2012. Hassan's government, Somali security analysts and military experts argued that lifting the ban on the procurement of arms would facilitate the Somali authorities' attempts at strengthening the Somali Armed Forces, and would more effectively equip the military to quash the remnants of the Islamist insurgency. The United States, African Union, Arab League, and IGAD all backed the proposal. In March 2013, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon likewise urged Security Council members to vote to remove the sanctions so as to help the Somali authorities fortify their security apparatus and consolidate military gains. Although Britain and France reportedly expressed reservations over increasing the general flow of arms into Somalia, UK officials began drafting a resolution to ease the embargo on weapons purchases by the Somali government for a provisional period of one year. The draft resolution would require either the Somali authorities or the state supplying the military equipment to notify the council "at least five days in advance of any deliveries of weapons and military equipment[...] providing details of such deliveries and assistance and the specific place of delivery in Somalia." Additionally, the proposal mandates that the Somali government should routinely provide updates on the army's structural status, as well as information on the extant infrastructure and protocols designed to ensure the weaponry's safe delivery, storage and maintenance. In its 6 March 2013 meeting, the 15-member UN Security Council unanimously approved Resolution 2093 to suspend the arms embargo on Somalia for a one-year period. The endorsement officially lifts the purchase ban on light weapons, but retains certain restrictions on the procurement of heavy arms such as surface-to-air missiles, howitzers and cannons. In January 2014, at an African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Hassan requested an extension of the UN Security Council's weapons purchasing mandate for Somalia. He indicated that the Somali defence forces required better military equipment and arms to more effectively combat militants. On 5 March 2014, the UN Security Council unanimously voted to extend the partial easing of the arms embargo on Somalia until 25 October of the year. National reconciliation. In April 2013, Hassan resumed national reconciliation talks between the central government in Mogadishu and the regional authorities in Hargeisa. Organized by the government of Turkey in Ankara, the meeting ended with a signed agreement between Hassan and Ahmed Mahamoud Silanyo, President of the northwestern Somaliland region, agreeing to allocate fairly to the Somaliland region its portion of the development aid earmarked for Somalia as a whole and to cooperate on security. In August 2013, the Somali federal government signed a national reconciliation agreement in Addis Ababa with the autonomous Jubaland administration based in southern Somalia. Endorsed by the federal State Minister for the Presidency Farah Abdulkadir on behalf of Hassan, the pact was brokered by the Foreign Ministry of Ethiopia and came after protracted bilateral talks. Under the terms of the agreement, Jubaland will be administered for a two-year period by a Juba Interim Administration and led by the region's incumbent president, Ahmed Mohamed Islam (Madobe). The regional president will serve as the chairperson of a new Executive Council, to which he will appoint three deputies. Management of Kismayo's seaport and airport will also be transferred to the Federal Government after a period of six months, and revenues and resources generated from these infrastructures will be earmarked for Jubaland's service delivery and security sectors as well as local institutional development. Additionally, the agreement includes the integration of Jubaland's military forces under the central command of the Somali National Army (SNA), and stipulates that the Juba Interim Administration will command the regional police. UN Special Envoy to Somalia Nicholas Kay hailed the pact as "a breakthrough that unlocks the door for a better future for Somalia," with AUC, UN, EU and IGAD representatives also present at the signing. In February 2015, Hassan chaired a three-day consultation forum in Mogadishu with presidents Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, Ahmed Mohamed Islam and Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan of the Puntland, Jubaland and South West State regional administrations, respectively. Under the rubric of the New Deal for Somalia, Hassan held additional national reconciliation talks with the regional leaders in Garowe in April and May of the year. The officials therein signed a seven-point agreement in Garowe authorizing the immediate deployment of the 3,000 troops from Puntland toward the Somali National Army. They also agreed to integrate soldiers from the other regional states into the SNA. Vote of confidence #1. In November 2013, Hassan asked Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon to resign from office on the grounds that Shirdon was allegedly ineffective in the job. Hassan was reportedly acting on the advice of the State Minister for Presidency, Farah Abdulkadir. On 12 November 2013, Shirdon confirmed that there was a dispute between himself and the president, but indicated that the row was constitutional rather than political. He also asserted that the matter should be resolved in parliament. According to MP Mohamed Abdi Yusuf, the rift between Hassan and Shirdon centered over through what constitutional mechanism and by whom the Cabinet was ultimately to be formed. On 24 November 2013, 168 MPs led by former TFG Parliament Speaker Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan endorsed a document submitted to parliament, which outlined a motion against Prime Minister Shirdon's administration. A parliamentary vote of confidence was later held against Shirdon on 2 December 2013. Parliament Speaker Mohamed Osman Jawari subsequently announced that 184 of the present MPs had voted against Shirdon, whereas 65 legislators had voted to retain him. On 5 December 2013, Shirdon released a statement confirming that he and his Cabinet accepted the legislature's decision. UN Special Representative for Somalia Nicholas Kay paid tribute to the outgoing Prime Minister, noting that Shirdon had endeavoured to promote growth and progress and was an important principal in establishing the New Deal Compact between Somalia and its international partners. He also commended the legislators on adhering to procedural rules during the vote, and pledged to work constructively with the succeeding administration. On 12 December 2013, Hassan named veteran economist Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed as the new Prime Minister. Benadir administration and Chief of Staff. In February–March 2014, Hassan began a reformation of the Mogadishu Chief of Staff and Benadir regional administration in an effort to strengthen their senior leadership. On 27 February 2014, he issued a presidential decree naming former military court chairman Hassan Mohamed Hussein Mungab as the new Mayor of Mogadishu and Governor of the Banaadir region. Part of an effort to firm up on municipal security, the appointment came after consultations with Prime Minister Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed and Interior Minister Abdullahi Godah Barre. Mungab replaced Mohamed Nur (Tarsan) in the mayorship. The same month, President Mohamud also replaced Kamal Dahir Hassan "Gutale" as Chief of Staff. Through a presidential decree issued on 10 March, Hassan likewise sacked the General Secretary of the Benadir regional administration Abdikafi Hassan, as well as Benadir's Deputy Governors Ali Iikar Gure and Warsame Mohamed Ahmed "Jodah". Hassan concurrently reassigned former Chief of Staff Hassan as the Benadir administration's new Deputy Governor. Youth development initiatives. In August 2014, on the occasion of the U.S.-Africa summit in Washington, D.C., Hassan announced a number of new development projects aimed at Somalia's youth. The conference was the largest of its kind to be held by an incumbent United States administration, and was attended by the heads of state and government of all of Africa's countries. Of the new youth initiatives that the Federal Government of Somalia is slated to implement, Hassan indicated that a comprehensive youth empowerment framework would be prioritized, with attendant legislation and policies. A university accreditation system, an employment creation program, and youth enterprise would also be developed. Additionally, local and regional youth representation in civil, political and governmental activities would be enhanced. To this end, two Youth Advisers would be named to the Office of the President, and the minimum age for prospective officeholders would be lowered to 18. Leadership of Somalia's first national park would also be assigned to young managers so as to strengthen environmental preservation and potential tourism opportunities. In coastal areas, jobs in marine ecosystem management and sustainable fishing would be generated. Additional opportunities would be made available through the introduction of fiber optics and 3G. The federal government would likewise support the establishment of the Somali Film Council. According to Hassan, the Somali federal government delegation is scheduled to meet with its U.S. partners to discuss further ways to promote economic growth and investment in Somalia, with the objective of creating new opportunities, empowering youth, and strengthening ties between both nations. International Bank of Somalia. In October 2014, Hassan officially opened the International Bank of Somalia (IBS) at a ceremony in Mogadishu. A number of invited officials attended the inauguration event, including Mayor of Mogadishu and Benadir Governor Hassan Mohamed Hussein Mungab, Minister of Finance Hussein Abdi Halane, Minister of Public Works and Reconstruction Nadifo Mohamed Osman, Vice Chairman of the Central Bank of Somalia, Chamber of Commerce representatives, and businesspeople. The bank was established by a group of entrepreneurs, whom the gathered officials commended for their commitment to providing international banking services to facilitate local commercial activities. Additionally, the Chairman of the bank indicated that the institution possessed a swift code permitting internal banking, and that its emphasis would be on developing the nation's livestock, agricultural and other economic resources. Vote of confidence #2. In October–November 2014, a rift developed between Hassan and new Prime Minister Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed over a cabinet reshuffle by Ahmed. On 25 October, Premier Ahmed transferred former Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs Farah Sh. Abdulkadir Mohamed, Peace and Development Party member and former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Mahad Mohamed Salad, and other key allies of Hassan to other positions within the Council of Ministers. Hassan immediately issued a statement declaring the cabinet reshuffle null and void, arguing that he had not been consulted about the move. He also ordered all of the reassigned ministers to carry on with their ordinary duties. On 27 October, UN Special Envoy to Somalia Nicholas Kay met with Hassan and Ahmed at the Villa Somalia compound in an unsuccessful attempt to broker an agreement between the two officials. Puntland Information Minister Abdiweli Hirsi Abdulle also suggested that the row should be resolved through constitutional means, asserted that the Puntland regional administration was prepared to mediate between the two federal leaders, and called on international representatives to do the same. Similarly, Speaker of the Federal Parliament Mohamed Osman Jawari indicated that he was confident that the disagreement could be resolved through legal channels. In early November, UN Ambassador Kay and EU representatives Alexander Rondos and Michele Cervone issued separate press statements urging Hassan and Ahmed to set aside their differences for the greater communal good, and to continue instead working toward the goals enshrined in Vision 2016. Kay also expressed concern about the possibility of vote buying marring a parliamentary vote of confidence, and indicated that any such potential political disruption would be reported to the UN Security Council. Similarly, Rondos and Cervone in their capacity as financial stakeholders urged the Federal MPs to adhere to standard legislative protocols. On 3 November, President Mohamud issued a statement assuring the international community of his administration's continued commitment to fulfilling Vision 2016. He also called on foreign partners to respect Somalia's sovereignty and allow its legislative process to proceed constitutionally. On 4 November, during a special parliamentary session, several federal lawmakers expressed disappoint over Ambassador Kay's statement, asking that he either apologize or step down from office. Other legislators from Puntland supported Kay's press release, which emphasized governmental continuity and unity. Hassan and Ahmed concurrently began holding consultations with various Federal MPs to gather support ahead of a potential vote of confidence. On 6 November, IGAD Special Envoy to Somalia Ambassador Abdi Afey met with the two leaders to try and broker an agreement, and also conferred with Parliament Speaker Jawari. Additionally, almost 100 MPs concurrently lodged a no confidence motion against Prime Minister Ahmed. Although Federal Parliament Speaker Jawari received the motion, a date of deliberation in the legislature was not specified. On 9 November, Federal Parliament Speaker Jawari and international representatives began separate mediation efforts in a final attempt to resolve the differences between Hassan and Ahmed. The Egyptian government also called for an urgent meeting of the Somalia Committee within the Arab League to assist in the reconciliation talks. On 10 November, the U.S. Department of State issued a statement likewise indicating that a parliamentary vote of confidence would be counterproductive. It instead urged the Federal Government of Somalia's leaders to unite, and suggested that the U.S. authorities would not attend a conference in Copenhagen on Somalia's New Deal as long as the FGS's leadership was divided. On 11 November, legislators met in parliament to deliberate on the no-confidence motion. Supporters of Ahmed subsequently began to make noise, effectively precluding any discussion. Consequently, Federal Parliament Speaker Jawari indefinitely adjourned the session. On 11 November, a spokesman for the UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office reiterated the international community's call for all Somali parties to set aside their differences, respect parliamentary protocol, and work together for the greater good. Due to the political infighting, the Danish government also canceled a planned meeting in Copenhagen between Hassan and global Somali community members ahead of the New Deal conference on Somalia. On 14 November, the U.S. government likewise warned that it would cut financial assistance to Somalia if the top Somali Federal Government officials did not resolve their differences. On 15 November, a second attempt to hold a parliamentary vote of confidence again failed. Over 100 lawmakers sang the national anthem and held up placards supporting Ahmed, prompting Federal Parliament Speaker Jawari to indefinitely adjourn the session. On 16 November, MP supporters of Hassan presented a letter to Federal Parliament Speaker Jawari calling for him to convene the legislature so that the vote of confidence could take place. Deputy Prime Minister Ridwan Hersi Mohamed and a number of cabinet ministers and lawmakers supporting Ahmed concurrently met in the capital, and issued a four-point statement defending the cabinet's independence and demanding an end to outside interference with its functions. On 17 November, 14 ministers within the 50 member cabinet signed a counter-petition asking the Prime Minister to resign in order to safeguard national interests. Believed to be supporters of the President, the ministerial officials also indicated that they themselves would step down from their positions if the Premier declined to do so within 24 hours. On 18 November, Ahmed convened the first Cabinet meeting in several weeks, after which Deputy Prime Minister Ridwan Hersi Mohamed announced that any minister who was unable to work with the government was free to resign and make way for a replacement. On 24 November, a third attempt to hold a parliamentary vote of confidence ended in chaos. Lawmakers supporting Ahmed shredded the attendance register as well as their copies of the motion. They also immediately began yelling when Federal Parliament Speaker Jawari entered the hall, prompting the legislative leader to indefinitely adjourn the session. Jawari subsequently issued a statement postponing all parliamentary sessions until a lasting and effective resolution to the rift could be found. On 24 November, Ahmed released a statement indicating that he made the Cabinet reshuffle to ameliorate the performance of the Council of Ministers and resolve internal wrangles. He likewise indicated that the directive was in line with Article 100 (a) and (b) of the Provisional Constitution, and that the Office of the President's decree attempting to nullify the reshuffle contravened those constitutional clauses. Additionally, Ahmed asserted that the ensuing motion of no confidence was motivated by displeasure over the transfer of one particular Cabinet minister to another portfolio. He also suggested that the motion was regarded by most legislators and the general public as having been driven by graft, that the attempts to table it bypassed the rules and procedures of the parliament, and that it ultimately was an obstacle toward fulfilling the goals enshrined in Vision 2016. Ahmed also commended lawmakers for countering the motion, and applauded the House of the People's leadership for acknowledging that the motion was an impediment on the legislature's functions and instead calling for reconciliatory dialogue to resolve the impasse. On 4 December, a League of Arab States delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister of Kuwait Sabah Al-Khalid Al-Sabah held a meeting in Mogadishu with the federal government leaders, wherein they discussed the parliamentary motion and Arab League affairs. On 6 December, the Federal Parliament again convened to hold the vote of confidence. 153 of the present MPs voted in favor of the motion, 80 voted against it, and 2 abstained, thereby ending Ahmed's term as Prime Minister of Somalia. On 17 December 2014, Hassan appointed former Premier Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke as the new Prime Minister. Somali language regulation. In January 2015, at an event commemorating the 42nd anniversary of the official adoption of the Somali Latin script, Hassan announced that the Somali language would be used for all government documents at every state office in Somalia. The President indicated that foreign languages would thereafter be reserved for communication with foreign representatives. He also noted that Somali was part of UNESCO's cross-border languages category, and asserted that no nation achieved significant development without first ensuring the primacy of its native language. Additionally, Mohamud announced several associated initiatives that are slated to be implemented, including a new educational curriculum with Somali as the primary language of instruction, rehabilitation of monuments for fallen heroes, completion of renovations on the National Museum, and finalization of the Regional Somali Language Academy in conjunction with the governments of Djibouti and Ethiopia. Judicial Service Commission. In March 2015, Hassan issued a presidential decree dissolving the extant Judicial Service Commission. The order did not pertain to the Attorney General and Chief Judge of the High Court positions. Additionally, the dissolution letter from the Office of the President indicated that the panel was inconsistent with the Provisional Constitution and the judicial service law. It recommended instead reformation of the Judicial Service Commission in accordance with Article 109 of the national constitution. Somali Disabled People Council. In March 2015, Hassan held a meeting with Somali Disabled People Council (SDPC) representatives in Mogadishu. The officials touched on ways in which the government can assist differently abled individuals, among various other matters. Hassan therein vowed to earmark a governmental agency for the disabled, which would liaise with other state offices and gather data on the subpopulation. Additionally, he indicated that the government would organize a nationwide conference devoted to the differently abled. SDPC representative Ali Abdullahi Salad in turn applauded Hassan for his dedication to the disabled cause. Special Task Force on Remittances. In April 2015, Hassan and Prime Minister Sharmarke in conjunction with the Federal Cabinet officially launched the Special Task Force on Remittances (STFR). The multi-agency initiative is mandated with facilitating the Federal Government of Somalia's new national policy pertaining to the money transfer industry. Its main priority is centered on establishing a comprehensive strategy and a consultative implementation plan for the formalization of the local financial sector. Additionally, the STFR is tasked with helping to foster a business environment and financial infrastructure conducive to growth. It is also empowered to coordinate and speed up the endorsement of financial governance instruments and transparency associated legislation, such as the laws on Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Counter Financing of Terrorism (CFT). In accordance with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)'s recommendations, the STFR is in turn slated to oversee the Somali federal government's campaign to ratify various international treaties. The Task Forces' membership is scheduled to be announced shortly, and will be drawn from government institutions, the remittance industry, banks and other key private sector stakeholders. National Tree Week. In April 2015, Hassan officially inaugurated National Tree Week at a ceremony in Mogadishu. He therein planted a tree at the Daljirka-Daahsoon junction as a symbol of the environmental importance of plants. Hassan also announced that his administration was slated to launch an ecological preservation project as part of the broader national reconstruction process, and noted the centrality of flora in human society and wildlife. Additionally, he encouraged the citizenry to avail itself of the occasion to plant as many trees as possible. Foreign policy. Cotonou Agreement. In June 2013, attendants at the ministerial meeting of the European Union and over 70 nations in the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) approved the Somali government's request to join the Cotonou Agreement. Somalia was immediately granted observer status, with full membership earmarked for 2014. The Cotonou Agreement promotes sustainable development and the reduction and eventual elimination of poverty in ACP member nations. It also aims to integrate ACP countries into the world economy via stronger participation in the drafting of national development strategies, and to advance criminal justice and fight against impunity through the International Criminal Court. President Mohamud welcomed the decision and asserted that the treaty would facilitate the ongoing national reconstruction process, as Somalia would be eligible to receive EU development projects. According to Joe Costello, Ireland's Minister of State for Trade and Development, the endorsement "opens a new chapter in relations between the EU and Somalia and constitutes a visible sign that Somalia has regained its status as a fully-fledged member of the international community." New Deal Compact for Reconstruction and Development. In November 2014, Hassan along with UN Under-Secretary for Political Affairs Jeffrey D. Feltman co-chaired an international conference in Copenhagen on the New Deal Compact for Reconstruction and Development. Representatives from Somalia's Puntland, Jubaland, Galmudug and Southwestern federal states also attended the summit, as well as delegations from over 140 countries. Hassan indicated therein that the New Deal Compact was a Somali-led initiative, through which the Federal Government of Somalia developed legal frameworks, initiated state and political reform, re-structured key institutions, and established a foundation for allocating international development assistance toward the central authorities' priority areas. Additionally, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Egypt Sameh Shoukry reaffirmed his administration's support for Somalia's social and security sectors, and noted the Egyptian government's various political brokering efforts. Convention on the Rights of the Child. In January 2015, Hassan signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child on behalf of the Federal Republic of Somalia at a ceremony in Mogadishu. It is the most widely ratified global human rights treaty, with all but two countries party to it. The signing event was held at the Hamar Jab Jab School in the capital and was attended by various domestic and international officials, including Interim Minister for Information Mustaf Sheikh Ali Dhuhulow, Interim Minister for Women and Human Rights Khadijo Mohamed Diriye, Interim Minister for Agriculture Abdi Mohamed Bafo, Interim Minister for Justice Farah Sheikh Abdulkadir, various federal legislators, UN Special Representative for Somalia Nicholas Kay, and UNICEF Representative for Somalia Steven Lauwerier. The Federal Parliament had already ratified the agreement in December 2014. Following the subsequent signing of the treaty by Hassan, the Federal Government is now slated to formulate and adopt child friendly systems and policies, implement steps geared toward child development, survival, protection and participation, and produce periodic reports on its progress toward that end for the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Honours. In April 2013, Hassan was named to the "Time" 100, "TIME" magazine's annual list of the 100 most influential people in the world. His efforts at advancing national reconciliation, anti-corruption measures, and socio-economic and security sector reforms in Somalia were cited as reasons for the selection.

30-day typical amount

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9612321

Harcourt Assessment was a company that published and distributed educational and psychological assessment tools and therapy resources and provided educational assessment and data management services for national, state, district and local assessments. On January 30, 2008, Harcourt Assessment was merged into Pearson's Assessment & Information group after being acquired from Reed Elsevier for $950 million. History. Harcourt Assessment's history dates to the early part of the 20th century. Although the company name derives from Harcourt Brace & Company, which was established in 1919, the corporate heritage goes back to 1905 and the founding of World Book Company. Many of the educational products produced by Harcourt Assessment originated at World Book. The psychological assessments originated at The Psychological Corporation, which was founded in 1921. Harcourt Brace & Company (1919). Alfred Harcourt and Donald Brace were friends at Columbia University in New York, and both worked for Henry Holt & Company before founding their own publishing company in 1919. Harcourt Brace & Company published the works of a number of world-renowned writers, including Sinclair Lewis, Virginia Woolf, T. S. Eliot, James Thurber, George Orwell and Robert Penn Warren. By 1960, Harcourt Brace led the market in high school textbook publishing, but had little presence in the elementary school market. That year, William Jovanovich, who had become president of the company in 1954, took the company public and merged Harcourt Brace & Company with World Book Company to create Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. This was a strategic move that had a long-term impact on the company because World Book was an established elementary textbook publisher and a test publisher. In 1970, the company became known as Harcourt Brace Jovanovich (HBJ), with William Jovanovich as chairman. That same year, the company acquired The Psychological Corporation. Under Jovanovich's leadership, the company diversified into non-publishing businesses such as insurance and business consulting. It also bought several theme parks—including SeaWorld, which it acquired in 1976 for $46 million. The company divested its theme park division in 1989 for $1.1 billion. World Book Company (1905). World Book Company opened its first office in Manila in 1905 and published English-language educational materials for schools in the Philippines. The company later moved to New York City, where it became a test publisher. Much of the company's success was based on the work of Arthur S. Otis, who was best known for the intelligence tests he developed for the U.S. Army. Millions of World War I draftees took Otis’ tests. World Book Company became the first publisher of group-administered tests measuring mental ability when it published Otis’ Group Intelligence Scale in 1918. Otis joined World Book in 1921. By the time World Book merged with Harcourt Brace in 1960, it had a portfolio of educational tests, including the Stanford Achievement Test (1923), the Metropolitan Achievement Test (1932) and the Otis Mental Ability Test (1936). World Book Company was not related to World Book, Inc., the Chicago-based publisher of encyclopedias and other reference books. The Psychological Corporation (1921). Psychologist James McKeen Cattell founded The Psychological Corporation in New York in 1921. Cattell was a leading figure in psychology and was the president of the American Psychological Association, as well as founder and editor of Scientific Monthly and head of Columbia University’s psychology department. At age 60, when Columbia dismissed him because of his public opposition to the draft in World War I, Cattell decided to pursue his interest in publishing. He joined forces with two former graduate students, Robert Sessions Woodworth and Edward Lee Thorndike. Both were eminent psychologists, and Thorndike was regarded as the foremost authority on the analysis and measurement of learning. The three men started a business to market psychological tests and related materials to educational, corporate and government clients. In 1939, the company published the Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence Scales. David Wechsler was a former student of Woodworth at Columbia University. In 1970, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich acquired The Psychological Corporation and, in 1976, merged its educational testing department, acquired from World Book Company in 1960, into The Psychological Corporation. In the 1980s and 1990s, The Psychological Corporation (TPC) expanded through a number of acquisitions. In 1986, the company acquired Merrill Publishing's test division with its portfolio of tests for language, speech and hearing. In 1993, it acquired Cognitronics Corporation. In 1994, the company acquired Communication Skill Builders/Therapy Skill Builders and its therapy products for speech-language pathologists, occupational therapists and physical therapists. In 1983, The Psychological Corporation moved from New York to Cleveland. When the company moved to San Antonio, Texas, in 1985, it established its own operational services, including customer service, warehouse, distribution, information technology, scoring and reporting services. In order to establish a stronger identity for its educational assessment products, and to link them more closely to the Harcourt name, The Psychological Corporation's education testing unit was branded as Harcourt Brace Educational Measurement in 1995. The name was shortened in 1999 to Harcourt Educational Measurement. Harcourt General, Harcourt, Inc. and Harcourt Assessment, Inc.. In 1991, General Cinema Corporation, a diversified company that operated retailers such as Neiman Marcus and Bergdorf Goodman, as well as a national chain of movie theaters, acquired Harcourt Brace Jovanovich for more than $1.5 billion. In 1993, General Cinema Corporation renamed itself Harcourt General and restored the publishing division's name to the historic Harcourt Brace & Company. At the end of the year, Harcourt General divested its cinema division. In 1999, Harcourt General divested its retail division and shortened the publishing division's name to Harcourt, Inc. That same year, Harcourt, Inc. adopted the brand name Harcourt Assessment for its testing businesses. At the time, Harcourt Assessment comprised The Psychological Corporation, which was known as the clinical division, and Harcourt Educational Measurement, which was known as the education division. In late 2003, the testing business legally changed its name to Harcourt Assessment, Inc., and unified its two divisions into one operating company. The company retired the two division names – Harcourt Educational Measurement and The Psychological Corporation – although it retained “PsychCorp” as a brand imprint for select products. Reed Elsevier Group plc. In 2001, the Anglo-Dutch publishing company Reed Elsevier acquired Harcourt General and Harcourt, Inc., including the business then known as Harcourt Assessment, Inc. Harcourt Assessment encountered two straight years with mass layoffs as a result of poor management and a failed strategy to expand into the state assessment market. In January 2006, more than 70 workers were laid off. Shortly after the layoffs, division president Jeff Galt left the company, and was replaced by Michael E. Hansen, who moved from Bertelsmann. Then again in January 2007, 122 workers lost their jobs. On February 15, 2007, Reed Elsevier announced its intention to sell its education arm, Harcourt Education, of which Harcourt Assessment is a part. According to Reed Chief Executive Crispin Davis, "This is essentially a strategic decision that we want to focus more sharply on our three existing businesses ... with better growth rates". Pearson Education plc. On May 4, 2007, Pearson, the international education and information company, announced that it had agreed to acquire Harcourt Assessment and Harcourt Education International from Reed Elsevier for $950m in cash. The sale of the two units left Reed Elsevier with most of Harcourt Education still to sell, comprising its large U.S. textbook business and a number of supplemental publishing businesses. Pearson already held a market-leading position in the U.S. textbook market and would not be interested in the main Harcourt business on account of regulatory concerns. Reed stated that it expected to complete the sale in the second half of the year and would use the funds raised to return cash to shareholders. On January 30, 2008, Pearson completed the acquisition of Harcourt Assessment, Inc., having obtained all necessary regulatory approvals. Doug Kubach, president of Pearson's Assessment & Information group, led the integration of Harcourt Assessment into Pearson.

intellectual capability

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=32625688

The 1264–1265 papal election (12 October 1264 – 5 February 1265) was convened after the death of Pope Urban IV and ended by electing his successor Pope Clement IV. It met in Perugia, where Urban IV had taken refuge after being driven out of Orvieto. He had never been in Rome as Pope, but spent his entire reign in exile. It was the second election in a row where a pope was elected "in absentia"; the phenomenon would be repeated in the Conclave of 1268–1271, and again in the Conclave of 1292–1294. In the last two cases, the person elected was not even a Cardinal. According to Salimbene di Adam, the archbishop of Ravenna, Filippo da Pistoia, had hopes of being elected. Cardinals. At the time of Pope Urban's death there were twenty-one cardinals. At least two did not attend the Election, Cardinal Simon de Brion, Legate to King Philip III of France, and Cardinal Guido Grosso Fulcodi, Legate to King Henry III. Cardinal Simon Paltineri, governor of Campania for Urban IV and later for Clement IV, might or might not have attended.

two most recent elections

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1599519

Southern United States literature consists of American literature written about the Southern United States or by writers from the region. Literature written about the American South first begun during the colonial era, and developed significantly during and after the period of slavery in the United States. Traditional historiography of Southern United States literature emphasized a unifying history of the region; the significance of family in the South's culture, a sense of community and the role of the individual, justice, the dominance of Christianity and the positive and negative impacts of religion, racial tensions, social class and the usage of local dialects. However, in recent decades, the scholarship of the New Southern Studies has decentralized these conventional tropes in favor of a more geographically, politically, and ideologically expansive "South" or "Souths". Overview. In its simplest form, Southern literature consists of writing about the American South. Often, "the South" is defined, for historical as well as geographical reasons, as the states of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Oklahoma, Kentucky, West Virginia and Arkansas. Pre-Civil War definitions of the South often included Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware as well. However, "the South" is also a social, political, economic, and cultural construct that transcends these geographical boundaries. Southern literature has been described by scholars as occupying a liminal space within wider American culture. After the American Revolution, writers in the U.S. from outside the South frequently othered Southern culture, in particular slavery, as a method of "[standing] apart from the imperial world order". These negative portrayals of the American South eventually diminished after the abolition of slavery in the U.S., particularly during a period after the Spanish-American War when many Americans began to re-evaluate their anti-imperialistic views and support for imperialism grew. Changing historiographical trends have placed racism in the American South as emblematic, rather than exception to U.S. racism as a whole. In addition to the geographical component of Southern literature, certain themes have appeared because of the similar histories of the Southern states in regard to American slavery, the Civil War, and the reconstruction era. The conservative culture in the American South has also produced a strong focus within Southern literature on the significance of family, religion, community in one's personal and social life, the use of Southern dialects, and a strong sense of "place." The South's troubled history with racial issues also continually appears in its literature. Despite these common themes, there is debate as to what makes a literary work "Southern." For example, Mark Twain, a Missourian, defined the characteristics that many people associate with Southern writing in his novel "Adventures of Huckleberry Finn". Truman Capote, born and raised in the Deep South, is best known for his novel "In Cold Blood", a piece with none of the characteristics associated with "southern writing." Other Southern writers, such as popular authors Anne Rice and John Grisham, rarely write about traditional Southern literary issues. John Berendt, who wrote the popular "Midnight in the Garden of Good and Evil", is not a Southerner. In addition, some famous Southern writers moved to the Northern U.S. So while geography is a factor, the geographical location of the author is not "the" defining factor in Southern writing. Some suggest that "Southern" authors write in their individual way due to the impact of the strict cultural decorum in the South and the need to break away from it. History. Early and antebellum literature. The earliest literature written in what would become the American South dates back to the colonial era, in particular Virginia; the explorer John Smith wrote an account of the founding of the colonial settlement of Jamestown in the early 17th century, while planter William Byrd II kept a diary of his day-to-day affairs during the early 18th century. Both sets of recollections are critical documents in early Southern history. After the American Revolution, in the early 19th century, the expansion of Southern plantations fueled by slave labor began to distinguish Southern society and culture more clearly from the other states of the young nations. During this antebellum period, South Carolina, and particularly the city of Charleston, rivaled and perhaps surpassed Virginia as a literary community. Writing in Charleston, the lawyer and essayist Hugh Swinton Legare, the poets Paul Hamilton Hayne and Henry Timrod, and the novelist William Gilmore Simms composed some of the most important works in antebellum Southern literature. Simms was a particularly significant figure, perhaps the most prominent Southern author before the American Civil War. His novels of frontier life and the American revolution celebrated the history of South Carolina. Like James Fenimore Cooper, Simms was strongly influenced by Scottish author Walter Scott, and his works bore the imprint of Scott's romanticism. In "The Yemassee", "The Kinsmen", and the anti-"Uncle Tom's Cabin" novel The Sword and the Distaff, Simms presented idealized portraits of slavery and Southern life. While popular and well regarded in South Carolina—and highly praised by such critics as Edgar Allan Poe—Simms never gained a large national audience. In Virginia, George Tucker produced in 1824 the first fiction of Virginia colonial life with "The Valley of Shenandoah". He followed in 1827 with one of the country's first science fictions, "A Voyage to the Moon: With Some Account of the Manners and Customs, Science and Philosophy, of the People of Morosofia, and Other Lunarians". Tucker was the first Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Virginia. In 1836 Tucker published the first comprehensive biography of Thomas Jefferson - "The Life of Thomas Jefferson, Third President of the United States". Some critics also regard Poe as a Southern author—he was raised in Richmond, attended the University of Virginia, and edited the "Southern Literary Messenger" from 1835 to 1837. Yet in his poetry and fiction Poe rarely took up distinctly Southern themes or subjects; his status as a "Southern" writer remains ambiguous. In the Chesapeake region, meanwhile, antebellum authors of enduring interest include John Pendleton Kennedy, whose novel "Swallow Barn" offered a colorful sketch of Virginia plantation life; and Nathaniel Beverley Tucker, whose 1836 work "The Partisan Leader" foretold the secession of the Southern states, and imagined a guerrilla war in Virginia between federal and secessionist armies. Not all noteworthy Southern authors during this period were white. Frederick Douglass's "Narrative" is perhaps the most famous first-person account of black slavery in the antebellum South. Harriet Jacobs, meanwhile, recounted her experiences in bondage in North Carolina in Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. And another Southern-born ex-slave, William Wells Brown, wrote "Clotel; or, The President's Daughter"—widely believed to be the first novel ever published by an African-American. The book depicts the life of its title character, a daughter of Thomas Jefferson and his black mistress, and her struggles under slavery. The "Lost Cause" years. In the second half of the 19th century, the South lost the Civil War and suffered through what many white Southerners considered a harsh occupation (called Reconstruction). In place of the anti-Tom literature came poetry and novels about the "Lost Cause of the Confederacy." This nostalgic literature began to appear almost immediately after the war ended; "The Conquered Banner" was published on June 24, 1865. These writers idealized the defeated South and its lost culture. Prominent writers with this point of view included poets Henry Timrod, Daniel B. Lucas, and Abram Joseph Ryan, and fiction writer Thomas Nelson Page. Others, like African American writer Charles W. Chesnutt, dismissed this nostalgia by pointing out the racism and exploitation of blacks that happened during this time period in the South. in 1856 George Tucker completed his final multivolume work in his "History of the United States, From Their Colonization to the End of the 26th Congress, in 1841". In 1884, Mark Twain published what is arguably the most influential Southern novel of the 19th century, "Adventures of Huckleberry Finn". Ernest Hemingway said of the novel, "All modern American literature comes from one book by Mark Twain called "Huckleberry Finn"." This statement applies even more to Southern literature because of the novel's frank dealings with issues such as race and violence. Kate Chopin was another central figure in post-Civil War Southern literature. Focusing her writing largely on the French Creole communities of Louisiana, Chopin established her literary reputation with the short story collections "Bayou Folk" (1894) and "A Night in Acadie" (1897). These stories offered not only a sociological portrait of a specific Southern culture but also furthered the legacy of the American short story as a uniquely vital and complex narrative genre. But it was with the publication of her second and final novel "The Awakening" (1899) that she gained notoriety of a different sort. The novel shocked audiences with its frank and unsentimental portrayal of female sexuality and psychology. It paved the way for the Southern novel as both a serious genre (based in the realism that had dominated the Western novel since Balzac) and one that tackled the complex and untidy emotional lives of its characters. Today she is widely regarded as not only one of the most important female writers in American literature, but one of the most important chroniclers of the post-Civil War South and one of the first writers to treat the female experience with complexity and without condescension. During the first half of the 20th century, the lawyer, politician, minister, orator, actor, and author Thomas Dixon, Jr., wrote a number of novels, plays, sermons, and non-fiction pieces which were very popular with the general public all over the USA. Dixon's greatest fame came from a trilogy of novels about Reconstruction, one of which was entitled "The Clansman" (1905), a book and then a wildly successful play, which would eventually become the inspiration for D. W. Griffith's highly controversial 1915 film "The Birth of a Nation". Overall Dixon wrote 22 novels, numerous plays and film scripts, Christian sermons, and some non-fiction works. The Southern Renaissance. In the 1920s and 1930s, a renaissance in Southern literature began with the appearance of writers such as William Faulkner, Katherine Anne Porter, Caroline Gordon, Allen Tate, Thomas Wolfe, Robert Penn Warren, and Tennessee Williams, among others. Because of the distance the Southern Renaissance authors had from the American Civil War and slavery, they were more objective in their writings about the South. During the 1920s, Southern poetry thrived under the Vanderbilt "Fugitives". In nonfiction, H.L. Mencken's popularity increased nationwide as he shocked and astounded readers with his satiric writing highlighting the inability of the South to produce anything of cultural value. In reaction to Mencken's essay, "The Sahara of the Bozart," the Southern Agrarians (also based mostly around Vanderbilt) called for a return to the South's agrarian past and bemoaned the rise of Southern industrialism and urbanization. They noted that creativity and industrialism were not compatible and desired the return to a lifestyle that would afford the Southerner leisure (a quality the Agrarians most felt conducive to creativity). Writers like Faulkner, who won the Nobel Prize in Literature for 1949, also brought new techniques such as stream of consciousness and complex narrative techniques to their writings. For instance, his novel "As I Lay Dying" is told by changing narrators ranging from the deceased Addie to her young son. The late 1930s also saw the publication of one of the best-known Southern novels, "Gone with the Wind" by Margaret Mitchell. The novel, published in 1936, quickly became a bestseller. It won the 1937 Pulitzer Prize, and in 1939 an equally famous movie of the novel premiered. In the eyes of some modern scholars, Mitchell's novel consolidated white supremacist Lost Cause ideologies (see Lost Cause of the Confederacy) to construct a bucolic plantation South in which slavery was a benign, or even benevolent, institution. Under this view, she presents white southerners as victims of a rapacious Northern industrial capitalism and depicts black southerners as either lazy, stupid, and over sexualized, or as docile, childlike, and resolutely loyal to their white masters. Southern literature has always drawn audiences outside the South and outside the United States, and "Gone with the Wind" has continued to popularize harmful stereotypes of southern history and culture for audiences around the world Despite this criticism, "Gone with the Wind" has enjoyed an enduring legacy as the most popular American novel ever written, an incredible achievement for a female writer. Since publication, "Gone with the Wind" has become a staple in many Southern homes. Post World War II Southern literature. Southern literature following the Second World War grew thematically as it embraced the social and cultural changes in the South resulting from the Civil Rights Movement. In addition, more female and African-American writers began to be accepted as part of Southern literature, including African Americans such as Zora Neale Hurston and Sterling Allen Brown, along with women such as Eudora Welty, Flannery O'Connor, Ellen Glasgow, Carson McCullers, Katherine Anne Porter, and Shirley Ann Grau, among many others. Other well-known Southern writers of this period include Reynolds Price, James Dickey, William Price Fox, Davis Grubb, Walker Percy, and William Styron. One of the most highly praised Southern novels of the 20th century, "To Kill a Mockingbird" by Harper Lee, won the Pulitzer Prize when it was published in 1960. New Orleans native and Harper Lee's friend, Truman Capote also found great success in the middle 20th century with "Breakfast at Tiffany's" and later "In Cold Blood". Another famous novel of the 1960s is "A Confederacy of Dunces", written by New Orleans native John Kennedy Toole in the 1960s but not published until 1980. It won the Pulitzer Prize in 1981 and has since become a cult classic. Southern poetry bloomed in the decades following the Second World War in large part thanks to the writing and efforts of Robert Penn Warren and James Dickey. Where earlier work primarily championed a white, agrarian past, the efforts of such poets as Dave Smith, Charles Wright, Ellen Bryant Voigt, Yusef Komunyakaa, Jim Seay, Frank Stanford, Kate Daniels, James Applewhite, Betty Adcock, Rodney Jones, and former U.S. Poet Laureate Natasha Trethewey have opened up the subject matter and form of Southern poetry. Contemporary Southern literature. Today, in the early twenty-first century, the American South is undergoing a number of cultural and social changes, including rapid industrialization/deindustrialization, climate change, and an influx of immigrants. As a result, the exact definition of what constitutes Southern literature is changing. While some critics specify that the previous definitions of Southern literature still hold, with some of them suggesting, only somewhat in jest, that all Southern literature must still contain a dead mule within its pages, most scholars of the twenty-first century South highlight the proliferation of depictions of "Souths": urban, undead, queer, activist, televisual, cinematic, and particularly multiethnic (particularly Latinos, Native American, and African American) Not only do these critics argue that the very fabric of the South has changed so much that the old assumptions about southern literature no longer hold, but they argue that the U.S. South has always been a construct. Selected journals. South Today, Published by Lillian Smith. Ceased in 1946. Notable works. Around 2000 "the 'James Agee Film Project' conducted a poll of book editors, publishers, scholars and reviewers, asking which of the thousands of Southern prose works published during the past century should be considered 'the most remarkable works of modern Southern Literature." Results of the poll yielded the following titles:

distinguishable type

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=12950394

Jane Wells (born March 31, 1961) is a CNBC special correspondent, based in Los Angeles, where she covers stories about funny business, strange successes and other special assignments. Wells writes offbeat stories for CNBC.com and serves as a contributor for radio stations. One recent story was about a 34-year-old Portland woman who got paid for cuddling people and a college student who invented a special beer shelf that made him a millionaire. She has worked for CNBC for more than 20 years, including earlier stints covering retail, agriculture and defense as well as news about the California economy, West Coast real estate and Las Vegas trends. Wells came from CNBC's "Upfront Tonight" where she was senior correspondent. Career. Wells was a correspondent for the Fox News Channel and Los Angeles reporter for NBC's flagship television station, WNBC, New York City. She then joined CNBC in 1996, where she provided special coverage of the O.J. Simpson civil case for "Rivera Live" starring Geraldo Rivera. Her career includes reporter positions with KTTV, Los Angeles; WTVJ, Miami; and, KOB, Albuquerque. She has also taken part in several international reports for CNN. Wells started as a news writer for KTLA in Los Angeles. In 1989, while working for KTTV she ventured into the infamous Watts' Imperial Courts housing project to uncover the story of gangs threatening local residents. She and her cameraman narrowly escaped after they were threatened by a gun-toting gang member. The experience was broadcast to give others a sense of the daily struggles of residents living in inner-city public housing projects. Wells once said her most fascinating assignment was covering the death of Mother Teresa. After the Roman Catholic nun's death, she recalls visiting a leper colony in India. Wells is perhaps best known for having a bit part in the cultural event of the late 1990s, the "Seinfeld" finale. She plays an on-scene reporter holding a conversation with Rivera regarding the "Seinfeld Four," making a reference to another of the rumors regarding the ending of Seinfeld. Wells says, "There's no love lost with that group. There seems to be some friction between Jerry Seinfeld and Elaine Benes. The rumor is that they once dated and that it ended badly." Rivera responds, "Maybe this trial will end up bringing them closer together. Maybe they'll end up getting married." Jane continues to receive residual checks for that role on Seinfeld to this day. Wells has a bachelor's degrees in broadcast journalism and philosophy. She graduated with honors from the University of Southern California. After college, she married and had two children with her husband where they currently live in Los Angeles, California. Awards. Wells has received honors, including a 1992 Peabody Award and a DuPont Award for live coverage of the Rodney King Trial. She earned a Los Angeles Emmy Award for her investigative reporting in 1992, as well. She has received UPI, Press Club and Emmy Awards for feature reporting. Wells has received three Florida Emmy Awards for news reporting. For team reporting, she received the Investigative Reporters and Editors Award.

extended reporting

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3650175

"A Hole in the World" is episode 15 of season 5 in the television show "Angel". Written and directed by series creator Joss Whedon, it was originally broadcast on February 25, 2004 on the WB television network. In this episode, Fred is infected by the spirit of Illyria, an ancient demon who existed before recorded time. The entire crew searches for a cure, but give up hope when Spike and Angel discover that the only way to save Fred's life would kill thousands of people. Wesley comforts Fred as she dies and witnesses the emergence of Illyria. Plot. In a flashback to Texas, Fred's parents are helping her pack for her move to Los Angeles. As she packs her stuffed bunny Feigenbaum, Fred promises her worried parents that she will live a boring life. In the present day, at Wolfram & Hart's science lab, Knox accepts the delivery of a sarcophagus. When Fred touches the lid, a puff of dusty air is released, making her cough. Later, she meets Wesley downstairs and they kiss, thrilled to finally be dating. Lorne starts singing "You Are My Sunshine" to Fred, who picks up the song. Lorne immediately realizes that something is wrong. Fred suddenly coughs up blood and collapses. When Fred regains consciousness in the medical wing, her friends assure her that she'll be okay, even though they don't know what's wrong with her. Gunn goes to the White Room where he meets the conduit. Gunn wants to make a deal for Fred's life and offers to give up his own but the conduit tells him that the Senior Partners already own Gunn's life. Angel, Spike, and Lorne go to Lindsey's apartment, where they encounter Eve. She claims not to know anything about what's happening to Fred. Eve sings a little of "L.A. Song" and Lorne determines that she's not involved. Eve suggests they look through the oldest scrolls for information on the Deeper Well. In Wesley's office, he tells the group that the demon in question is called Illyria and it is hollowing Fred out so that it can come back. Angel and Spike travel to England where the Deeper Well is guarded. Wesley takes Fred home so she can rest. In her apartment, Fred asks for Feigenbaum, but cries when she can't remember who he is. Wesley reads "A Little Princess" to comfort her as she deteriorates. Angel and Spike arrive in the Cotswolds and meet Drogyn, the keeper of the Deeper Well. As they head into the Deeper Well, Angel explains to Spike that Drogyn cannot lie. Gunn and Knox discuss trying to cryogenically preserve Fred. Knox makes a slip of the tongue which Gunn catches, causing Knox to admit he is one of Illyria's acolytes. He tells Gunn that everything was planned millions of years ago and it can't be stopped. He also reveals that Gunn contributed by unknowingly getting the sarcophagus through US customs by signing the contract to make his law knowledge permanent after finding out it was temporary. Drogyn leads Angel and Spike into the Deeper Well, explaining that Illyria's sarcophagus disappeared a month before as it was predestined to do but the demon's essence can be drawn back to the well by a champion. However, if Illyria leaves Fred now, it would kill every person between Fred's body in L.A. and the Deeper Well. Angel realizes that he can't allow that many people to die, even to save Fred. As Wesley weeps and holds Fred's body in his arms, she begins to convulse, throwing them both to the floor. Fred rises from the floor as Ilyria. Acting. Sarah Thompson sings "LA Song", which was written by series co-creator David Greenwalt and Christian Kane for Lindsey McDonald to perform on-stage in the "Angel" episode "Dead End". Thompson, who grew up doing musical theater, had begged Joss Whedon to allow her character to sing. Production details. Joss Whedon admits he became emotional during the scene in which Fred dies: "I cried man tears when I wrote it, and when I filmed it and when I edited it...it's one of the most beautiful things I've ever filmed." Amy Acker agrees, saying, "We kept crying while we were just reading the script; saying, 'We're not going to have any tears left!' Of course that didn't really hold true..." The final death scene was challenging for Alexis Denisof as well, who says, "There's a sort of tightening that happens with each scene where you feel it just getting worse and worse and I remember when we were shooting it that that was what kept choking me up. The situation of losing Fred was becoming more and more real and closer." The scene where Gunn is fighting himself in the White Room was done by filming J. August Richards twice in two shots, as he switched between good and evil Gunn. Richards says of the experience, "It was one of the most fun things I've ever done on the show." After filming the scene where Fred dies, Whedon, Acker, and Denisof "went out for drinks and ended up just sitting around quietly, exhausted from the day's events". Whedon would later use this moment as inspiration for the post-credits scene in "The Avengers" in which the Avengers silently eat in a shawarma restaurant after the film's climactic battle. Writing. Whedon and the other writers decided to kill the character of Fred so that Amy Acker could "play somebody new, somebody who's regal and scary and different than anything she's gotten to do on the show. The best way to do that of course is to kill her and have her become somebody else." The character Drogyn – who is established as someone who cannot lie – was introduced so that when he says Fred cannot be saved, the audience believes it, explains Whedon. Reception and reviews. This episode was rated as one of the series' top five episodes in a poll done by "Angel Magazine".

documented history

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1934572

Noble Group Holdings Limited (commonly known as Noble) is a commodity trader based in Hong Kong. It trades energy products and industrial raw materials. Its predecessor, Noble Group Ltd was embroiled in an accounting fraud controversy started in 2015 which eventually necessitated a debt restructuring. Milestones. 1997. Listed on the Singapore Stock Exchange. 2000. Included in the Fortune 500. 2009. China's sovereign wealth fund, China Investment Corp (CIC), took a 14.9% stake (573 million shares) in the company. CIC cut its stake to less than 10% in 2014. 2012. Completion of Gloucester coal and Yancoal merger. 2014. Agreement reached for a COFCO-led consortium to acquire 51% of Noble's agricultural business, forming JV Noble Agri. Accounting fraud controversy and restructuring (2015-2019). In 2015, Noble's share price tumbled as it was accused of accounting fraud by Iceberg Research, while its credit rating was downgraded to junk. The remaining 49% of its agricultural business was also sold. Noble recorded net losses of $1.7 billion in 2015. On 29 May 2016, CEO Yusuf Alireza was terminated by Elman. In 2017, Alireza sued Noble for compensation. In 2018, Noble Group Ltd was de-listed from the Singapore Stock Exchange. The share price had collapsed 99% since Iceberg exposed Noble. Declaring a default, it went through a restructuring process that eventually led to the creation of Noble Group Holdings Ltd, while Noble Group Ltd, which incorporated in Bermuda is undergoing an winding up process through till end of 2019. The Singapore Stock Exchange blocked the listing of the restructured group on the uncertainty of the Noble's financial position. A criminal investigation on the alleged wrongdoings of Noble Group Ltd is under way in Singapore. In 2019, Noble made several hires to rebuild its liquefied natural gas business.

revamped association

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=867746

Stilts are poles, posts or pillars that allow a person or structure to stand at a height above the ground. In flood plains, and on beaches or unstable ground, buildings are often constructed on stilts to protect them from damage by water, waves or shifting soil or sand. Stilts for walking have platforms for the feet and may be strapped to the user's legs. Stilts have been used for many hundreds of years. Types. Hand-held. Hand-held stilts are used as childhood toys and in circus skills workshops and are of two main types: string and can/bucket stilts and pole stilts. Unlike other forms of stilts, hand-held stilts are not tied or strapped to the wearer. Hand-held pole stilts consist of two long poles, each with a foot support. The stilt walker holds onto the upper end of the pole, rests his feet on the foot plates and pulls upward on the pole while taking a step. A second type of hand-held pole stilts are similar to the first type but ends in a handle so the walker has more control and flexibility to move his stilts. Those type of stilts can be very high (more than under feet). Hand-held string stilts (also known as tin can or bucket stilts) are platforms with strings attached to them. The platforms, most commonly made of tin cans or small plastic upturned buckets hold the stilt walker's weight while the strings are used to pull the cans to the feet as they take a step. Peg. Peg stilts, also known as Chinese stilts, are commonly used by professional performers. These stilts strap on at the foot, ankle, and just below the knee. Peg stilts are often made from wood but can also be made of aluminium or tubular steel. This type of stilts are the most lightweight ones and allow a user to walk quickly, to turn suddenly, and even to jump rope or dance. The stilt walker must keep moving at all times to keep their balance. Drywall or Dura. Drywall or Dura stilts are designed to allow the stilt walker to stand still or to walk. They were originally designed for people to work at an elevated height during drywall or plasterboard construction, painting and other such activities. Drywall stilts are heavier than peg stilts and are usually mostly made of aluminium. The design means they are safer for walking but often means they are less versatile than peg stilts in use. Spring. Spring stilts also known as bounce stilts are spring-loaded and allow the user to run, jump and perform various acrobatics. Spring stilts using fiberglass leaf springs were patented in the United States in 2004 under the trademark "PowerSkip", marketed for recreational and extreme sports use. Using these stilts is also called powerbocking, named for the stilts' inventor, Alexander Boeck. Spring stilts are often mostly made of aluminium. Spring stilts using steel coil springs, an antecedent of the pogo stick, were attempted in the 19th century. Digitigrade. The digitigrade stilt is a peg stilt whose line follows the foot and not the shin bone. This allows costumers to mimic the walk of an animal. Because of the extreme stresses on this type of design they tend to be more rare; that is, fewer successful home-made designs. Articulated. This type of stilt is similar to drywall stilts in that they allow the walker to stand in one place without having to shift weight from foot to foot to stay balanced. Articulated stilts feature a flexing joint under the ball of the foot and, in one variant, under the heel. These stilts are commonly used in theme parks such as Walt Disney World and Universal Studios because they allow performers to safely dance and perform stunts that would easily damage other types of stilts. Two brands of articulated stilts include "Bigfoots" manufactured by Gary Ensmenger of Orlando, Florida, and "Jay Walkers", manufactured by Stilt Werks of Las Vegas, Nevada. Articulated stilts can be adjusted anywhere from 18" to 30" high. History. Archaeological ruins and texts show that stiltwalking was practised in ancient Greece as far back as the 6th century BCE. The ancient Greek word for a stilt walker was κωλοβαθριστής ("kōlobathristēs"), from κωλόβαθρον ("kōlobathron"), "stilt", a compound of κῶλον ("kōlon"), "limb" and βάθρον ("bathron"), "base, pedestal". Some stilt use traditions are very old. In Namur, Belgium, stilt walkers of Namur have practiced fights on stilts since 1411. The inhabitants of marshy or flooded areas sometimes use stilts for practical purposes, such as working in swamps or fording swollen rivers. The shepherds of the Landes region of southern France used to watch their flocks while standing on stilts to extend their field of vision, while townspeople often used them to traverse the soggy ground in their everyday activities. Stilts were used by workers to attach hop grass to wires at 12 feet above the ground. This technique was documented up to the mid 20th century before being superseded. Modern uses. Stilts can be used as a prop in entertainment, as a tool to enable other types of work to be achieved and as part of a hobby or recreation. Entertainment. Stilts are used widely in many countries for entertainment. Stilt walkers perform in parades, festivals, street events and at corporate functions. The local festivals of Anguiano (La Rioja, Spain) feature a dance on stilts in which dancers go down a stepped street while turning. Other stilt walking and dancing festivals are held in Deventer, Netherlands, in early July each year, and in Namur, Belgium. Early stilt walking acts were mostly of the style of a very tall person with the costume having long trousers or skirt to cover the stilts. More recently stilt walkers have created a wide variety of costumes that do not resemble a tall person. Examples are flowers and animals. The tall person type has also expanded to include a wide variety of themes. Examples include sportsmen, historical acts and acts based on literary or film characters. One of the most recent varieties of stilt walking acts is a stilt walker riding a "stilt bicycle" with an extended seat post and handlebar stem. With Light festivals being very popular around the world, Stilt walkers have incorporated technology in their costumes making. It is very common to see LED Robots on stilts or other light costumes at public or private events. Work. Aluminium stilts are commonly used by fruit farmers in California to prune and harvest their peach, plum, and apricot trees. Stilts have been used for washing large windows, repairing roofs, and installing or painting high ceilings. Stilts are used for drywall construction, finish painting, and hanging suspended ceiling tiles. Recreation. Stilts are available to be purchased as a children's skill toy and stilts are commonly taught in circus skills workshops at schools and summer fairs and other events. Records. In 1891 Sylvain Dornon , a stilt-walker from the Landes region of France, walked from Paris to Moscow in 58 days. On 1 October 2001 Saimaiti Yiming of China walked on stilts in 24 hours in Shanshan County, Xinjiang, China. On 14 September 2002 Doug Hunt of Canada walked on the heaviest stilts used. They weighed for the pair. He managed 29 steps unaided on these stilts. On 15 November 2006 Saimaiti Yiming of China took 10 steps on stilts to break the Guinness World Record for walking on the tallest stilts. In 2008 Roy Maloy of Australia took five steps on stilts high, an unofficial record for the tallest stilts. On 30 March 2008 Ashrita Furman of the US ran in 7minutes 13 seconds on spring stilts in Dachau, Germany.

stair-step avenue

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7322279

Fast fashion is a term used to describe a highly profitable business model based on replicating catwalk trends and high-fashion designs, and mass-producing them at low cost. The term "fast fashion" is also used to generically describe the products of the fast fashion business model. The fast fashion business model was made possible during the late 20th century as manufacturing of cloth became cheaper and easier, through new materials like polyester and nylon, efficient supply chains and quick response manufacturing methods, and inexpensive labour in sweatshop production (e.g. in Los Angeles) and low-labour protection bulk clothing manufacturing industries in South, South East, and East Asia. Companies like H&M and Zara, built business models based on inexpensive clothing from the efficient production lines, to create more seasonal and trendy designs that are aggressively marketed to fashion-conscious consumers. Fast fashion applies an extreme version of planned obsolescence to clothing. Because these designs are changing so quickly and are so cheap, consumers buy more clothing than they would previously, so expectations for those clothes to last decrease. This decrease in quality, increase in purchasing, and speed of replacement creates a large amount of clothing waste—much clothing produced under the fast fashion model is lower quality thus harder to reuse or recycle. Moreover, the rapid and cheap production processes of fast fashion create increased pollution and other environmental and social impacts—i.e. pesticide use in industrial cotton growth, fossil fuel extraction for synthetic materials or slave labour in sweatshops. In response to these impacts, environmentally or socially responsible consumers and designers have begun demanding zero-waste fashion or sustainable fashion. This increasing trend is creating pressure on fast fashion companies globally to change manufacturing and sales practices. Origins. Before the 1800s, fashion was an extensive and almost primitive process where one had to source materials like wool or leather, prepare and weave them into garments. However, the Industrial Revolution amplified the world of fashion by introducing new technology – like the sewing machine, textile machines, ready-made clothing factories and mass production of clothes. All of this resulted in clothes becoming cheaper, easier and quicker to make. Meanwhile, localized dressmaking businesses started to emerge to cater to the middle classes, and they employed workroom employees along with garment workers, who worked from home for meager wages. These types of operations would, later on, lead to the growth of the ‘sweatshops’ that would provide the basis of modern clothing production. During World War II, the trend of more functional styles and fabric restrictions led to the standardized production of clothes. Once the middle-class consumers got accustomed to it, they became more receptive to the idea of mass-produced clothing. The fashion industry produced and ran clothes for four seasons a year up until the mid-twentieth century, and the designers would work many months in advance to predict what the customers would want. It was in the 1960s and 1970s that this method changed drastically when the young generation started to create new trends and used cheaply-made clothing as a form of personal expression. Although most fashion brands tried to find ways of keeping up with the increasing demand for affordable clothes, there was still a clear distinction between the high-end and High Street fashion. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, fast fashion became a booming industry in America with people enthusiastically partaking in consumerism. Fast fashion retailers such as Zara, H&M, Topshop and Primark took over high street fashion. Initially starting as small stores located in Europe, they were able to infiltrate and gain prominence in the American market by examining and replicating the looks and design elements from runway shows and top fashion houses and quickly reproducing and selling them at a fraction of a cost. When it comes to question of who was the pioneer of the "fast fashion" phenomenon, it is difficult to pinpoint one particular brand or company. Nevertheless, there is some evidence that suggest the popular fashion brands that helped start the phenomenon. Amancio Ortega, founder of Zara, founded his clothing company in 1963 in Galicia and it featured products that were affordable replications of popular higher-end clothing fashions in addition to producing its own unique designs. Later on in 1975 Ortega opened the first retail outlet in Europe in order to sell his collections in the short run and also to integrate production and distribution in the long run. He eventually was able to move to New York in the early 1990s where the "New York Times" first coined the term “fast fashion” to describe the mission of his store which said that “it would only take 15 days for a garment to go from a designer's brain to being sold on the racks”. In the article "“Fast Fashion Lessons”" Donald Sull and Stefano Turconi studies how Zara pioneered an approach to navigate the volatile world of the fast fashion industry. According to Sull and Turconi one of the reasons for Zara's success was that it built a supply chain and production network where they maintained complicated and capital-intensive operations (like computer-guided fabric cutting) in-house, while it outsourced labour-intensive operations (like garment sewing) to a network of local subcontractors and seamstress operatives based in Galicia. Thus with shorter lead times the company was able to respond very quickly when the sale of their products exceeded their expectations and also cut off production for items that didn't have very high demands. Unlike many fashion companies, Zara hardly invests in television or press promotional campaigns and instead relies on store windows to convey the brand image, spread of word-of-mouth and locating their shops strategically in areas with high consumer traffic. Similar to Zara, the origin story of H&M also has common traits and technically it has also been the longest running retailer. In 1946 Erling Persson, a Swedish entrepreneur, goes on a trip to the USA where he was greatly intrigued and impressed by the concept of efficient and high-volume production stores that he witnessed in New York. The following year in 1947 Persson establishes a women's wear store called Hennes (which is Swedish for “Hers”) & Mauritz (also commonly known as H&M) in Västerås, Sweden and then between the years of 1960 and 1979 the company rapidly expands not only in terms of location, with 42 stores across Europe, but also in terms of its clothing to include the whole family. The initial foundation for its global expansion is laid when in the 1980s H&M decides to acquire Rowells, a Swedish mail order company, and use it to shift the sale of their fashion products directly into the customer's homes. After that in the 1990s H&M decides to invest and capitalize on the transition to large city billboard advertising for their products by using famous celebrities and supermodels wearing their clothes. Finally H&M opens its first flagship store on Fifth Avenue in New York in 2000, which marked the commencement of its international expansion outside of Europe. Zaw Thiha Tun examines the secret of H&M's success as a company and mentions that the distinct business model of H&M is unlike Zara since they don't manufacture any of their products in-house. Rather it outsources its production to more than 900 independent suppliers that are mainly located in Europe and Asia and overseen by 30 strategically located oversight offices. At the same time it primarily depends on its state-of-the-art IT infrastructure and network to connect between the central national office and the production offices. This fact proves to be very crucial to their operations since they don't own factories or secure the fabrics in advance, and thus they have been able to reduce their lead times through continuous developments in the buying process. Concept. Fast fashion brands produce pieces to get the newest style on the market as soon as possible. They emphasize optimizing certain aspects of the supply chain for the trends to be designed and manufactured quickly and inexpensively and allow the mainstream consumer to buy current clothing styles at a lower price. This philosophy of quick manufacturing at an affordable price is used in large retailers such as H&M, Zara, C&A, Peacocks, Primark, ASOS, Forever 21, and Uniqlo. It particularly came to the fore during the vogue for "boho chic" in the mid-2000s. According to the UK Environmental Audit Committee's report "Fixing Fashion," fast fashion "involves increased numbers of new fashion collections every year, quick turnarounds and often lower prices. Reacting rapidly to offer new products to meet consumer demand is crucial to this business model.” Fast fashion has developed from a product-driven concept based on a manufacturing model referred to as "quick response" developed in the U.S. in the 1980s and moved to a market-based model of "fast fashion" in the late 1990s and first part of the 21st century. The Zara brand name has become almost synonymous with the term, but other retailers worked with the concept before the label was applied, such as Benetton. Fast fashion has also become associated with disposable fashion because it has delivered designer product to a mass market at relatively low prices. Slow fashion counter. The slow fashion or conscious fashion movement has risen in opposition to fast fashion, naming responsibility for pollution (both in the production of clothes and in the decay of synthetic fabrics), poor workmanship, and emphasizing very brief trends over classic style. Elizabeth L. Cline's 2012 book "Overdressed: The Shockingly High Cost of Cheap Fashion" was one of the first investigations into the human and environmental toll of fast fashion. Fast fashion has also come under criticism for contributing to poor working conditions in developing countries. The 2013 Dhaka garment factory collapse in Bangladesh, the deadliest garment-related accident in world history, brought more attention to the safety impact of the fast fashion industry. In the rise of slow fashion, emphasis has been given to quality, considerate clothing. In recent Spring/Summer Fashion Show 2020, high end designers are leading the movement of slow fashion by creating pieces that develop environmental friendly practices in the industry. Stella McCartney is one luxury designer who focuses on sustainable and ethical practices, and has done so since the nineties. British Vogue explains that the process of designing and creating clothing in slow fashion involves consciousness of materials, consumers demand, and the climate impact. In her recent article titled “Doing Good and Looking Good: Women in ‘Fast Fashion’ Activism”, Rimi Khan criticizes the slow fashion movement, particularly the work of high-profile designers and slow fashion advocates Stella McCartney and Vivienne Westwood, as well as other well known industry professionals such as Livia Firth, for creating slow fashion products which cater to a mostly western, wealthy, and female demographic. Khan points out that because most slow fashion products are significantly more expensive than fast fashion items, consumers are required to have a certain amount of disposable income in order to participate in the movement. Khan argues that by proposing a solution to fast-fashion that is largely inaccessible to many consumers, they are positioning wealthier women as “agents of change” in the movement against fast fashion, whereas the shopping habits of lower income women and people of other genders are often considered “problematic”. Andrea Chang provides a similar critique of the slow fashion movement in her article “The Impact of Fast Fashion on Women”. Chang argues that the slow fashion and ethical fashion movements place too much responsibility on the consumers of fast fashion clothing, most of whom are women, to influence the industry through their consumption. Chang suggests that because most consumers are limited in their ability to choose where and how they purchase clothing, largely due to financial factors, anti-fast fashion activists should target lawmakers, manufacturers, and investors with a stake in the fast fashion industry rather than create an alternative industry that is only accessible to some. Strategy. Management. The primary objective of fast fashion is to quickly produce a product in a cost-efficient manner to respond to fast-changing consumer tastes in as near real time as possible. This efficiency is achieved through the retailers’ understanding of the target market's wants, which is a high fashion-looking garment at a price at the lower end of the clothing sector. Primarily, the concept of category management has been used to align the retail buyer and the manufacturer in a more collaborative relationship. This collaboration occurs as many companies’ resources are pooled to further develop more sophisticated and efficient supply chain models to increase the market's total profit. The fast fashion market utilizes this by uniting with foreign manufacturers to keep prices at a minimum. Quick response method. Quick Response (QR) was developed to improve manufacturing processes in the textile industry with the aim of removing time from the production system. The U.S. Apparel Manufacturing Association initiated the project in the early 1980s to address a competitive threat to its own textile manufactures from imported textiles in low labour cost countries. During the project lead times in the manufacturing process were halved; the U.S. industry became more competitive for a time, and imports were lowered as a result. The QR initiative was viewed by many as a protection mechanism for the American textile industry with the aim of improving manufacturing efficiencies. The concept of quick response (QR) is now used to support "fast fashion," creating new, fresh products while also drawing consumers back to the retail experience for consecutive visits. Quick response also makes it possible for new technologies to increase production and efficiency, typified by the introduction of the complementary concept of Fast Fit. The Spanish mega chain Zara, owned by Inditex, has become the global model for how to decrease the time between design and production. This production short cut enables Zara to manufacture over 30,000 units of product every year to nearly 1,600 stores in 58 countries. New items are delivered twice a week to the stores, reducing the time between initial sale and replenishment. As a result, the shortened time period improves consumer's garment choices and product availability while significantly increasing the number of per customer visits per annum. In the case of Renner, a Brazilian chain, a new mini-collection is released every two months. Marketing. Marketing is the key driver of fast fashion. Marketing creates the desire for consumption of new designs as close as possible to the point of creation. Marketing closes the gap between creation and consumption by promoting this as something fast, low priced, and disposable. The continuous release of new products essentially makes the garments a highly cost effective marketing tool that drives consumer visits, increases brand awareness, and results in higher rates of consumer purchases. Fast fashion companies have also enjoyed higher profit margins in that their markdown percentage is only 15% compared to competitors’ 30% plus. The fast fashion business model is based on reducing the time cycles from production to consumption such that consumers engage in more cycles in any time period. For example, the traditional fashion seasons followed the annual cycle of summer, autumn, winter and spring, but in fast fashion cycles have compressed into shorter periods of 4–6 weeks and in some cases less than this. Marketers have thus created more buying seasons in the same time-space. Two approaches are currently being used by companies as market strategies; the difference is the amount of financial capital spent on advertisements. While some companies invest in advertising, fast fashion mega firm Primark operates with no advertising. Primark instead invests in store layout, shop-fit and visual merchandising to create an instant hook. The instant hook creates an enjoyable shopping experience, resulting in the continuous return of customers. Research shows that 75 percent of consumers' decisions are made in front of the fixture within three seconds. The alternative spending of Primark also "allows the retailer to pass the benefits of a cost saving back to the consumer and maintain the company's price structure of producing garments at a lower cost". Production. "Supermarket" market. The consumer in the fast fashion market thrives on constant change and the frequent availability of new products. Fast fashion is considered to be a "supermarket" segment within the larger sense of the fashion market. This term refers to fast fashion's nature to "race to make apparel an even smarter and quicker cash generator". Three crucial differentiating model factors exist within fast fashion consumption: market timing, cost, and the buying cycle. Timing's objective is to create the shortest production time possible. The quick turnover has increased the demand for the number of seasons presented in the stores. This demand also increases shipping and restocking time periods. Cost is still the consumer's primary buying decision. Costs are largely reduced by taking advantage of lower prices in markets in developing countries. In 2004 developing countries accounted for nearly seventy five percent of all clothing exports and the removal of several import quotas has allowed companies to take advantage of the even lower cost of resources. The buying cycle is the final factor that affects the consumer. Traditionally, fashion buying cycles are based around long term forecasts that occur one year to six months before the season. Yet, in the fast fashion market the quick response philosophy can result in higher forecast accuracy because the time period is significantly shortened. A higher sell-through for the goods produced is also a result of the shortened production period. Supply chain, vendor relationships and internal relationships. Supply chain. Supply chains are central to the creation of fast fashion. Supply chain systems are designed to add value and reduce cost in the process of moving goods from design concept to retail stores and finally through to consumption. Efficient supply chains are critical to delivering the retail customer promise of fast fashion. The selection of a merchandising vendor is a key part in the process. Inefficiency primarily occurs when suppliers can't respond quickly enough, and clothing ends up bottlenecked and in back stock. Two kinds of supply chains exist, agile and lean. In an agile supply chain the principal characteristics include the sharing of information and technology. The collaboration results in the reduction in the amount of stock in the megastores. A lean supply chain is characterized as the correct appropriation of the commodity for the product. The combination of the two supply chains is called "leagile". Vendor relationships. The companies in the fast fashion market also utilize a range of relationships with the suppliers. The product is first classified as "core" or "fashion". Suppliers close to the market are used for products that are produced in the middle of a season, meaning trendy, "fashion" items. In comparison, long-distance suppliers are utilized for cheap, "core" items, sometimes referred to as "capsule" clothing, that are used in collections every season and have a stable forecast. Internal relationships. Productive internal relationships within the fast fashion companies are as important as the company's relationships with external suppliers, especially when it comes to the company's buyers. Traditionally with a "supermarket" market the buying is divided into multi-functional departments. The buying team uses the bottom-up approach when trend information is involved, meaning the information is only shared with the company's fifteen top suppliers. On the other hand, information about future aims, and strategies of production are shared downward within the buyer hierarchy so the team can consider lower cost production options. The buyers also interact closely with merchandising and design departments of the company because of the buyer's focus on style and color. The buyer must also consult with the overall design team to understand the cohesion between trend forecasting and consumer's wants. The close relationships result in flexibility within the company and an accelerated response speed to the demands of the market. Sustainable labour costing and efficiency dilemma in fast fashion. Published by University of Manchester, the Working Papers of "Capturing the Gains, global summit" brings together an international network of experts from North and South. The Working Paper 14 focuses on a specific feature of buying behaviour in the UK fashion retail industry: the negotiation of a manufacturing price (cut-make-trim, CMT, cost) with suppliers that does not separately itemize labour cost. This practice, tacitly supported by both buyers and suppliers, is examined against the backdrop of ongoing wage defaulting and import price deflation in the global apparel industry. For obvious reasons, the make-up of standard time using Predetermined Time standards (PTS), Predetermined motion time system (PMTS); is highly technical and ‘synthetic’. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), as of 1992 there were some 200 different PTS systems, offered by consultancies for adoption by manufacturing companies. In apparel manufacture, three PTS (aka PMTS) consultancy firms specializing in methods-time measurement (MTM) appear to be operating in the sector– the US-based Modular Arrangement of Predetermined Time Standards (MODAPTS), the Sri Lankan-based Seweasy and the UK-headquartered GSD (Corporate) Ltd. All three forms of work measurement for arriving at a standard time should normally make provision for relaxation, contingency and special allowances. Environmental impact. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe, the fast fashion system provides opportunities for economic growth but the entire fashion industry hinders sustainability efforts by contributing to 20% of wastewater. In addition, fast fashion is responsible for nearly 10 percent of global gas emissions. Providing insight, the Ellen Macarthur Foundation released study results on fashion and suggests a new circular system. A singular t-shirt requires over 2,000 liters of water to make. Clothing is not utilized to its full potential, the Ellen MacArthur Foundation explains that linear systems are contributing to unsustainable behavior and the future of fashion may need to transition towards a circular system of production and consumer behavior. Journalist Elizabeth L. Cline, author of "Overdressed: The Shockingly High Cost of Cheap Fashion" and one of the earliest critics of fast fashion, notes in her article "Where Does Discarded Clothing Go?" that Americans are purchasing five times the amount of clothing than they did in 1980. Due to this rise in consumption, developed countries are producing more and more garments each season. The United States imports more than 1 billion garments annually from China alone. United Kingdom textile consumption surged by 37% from 2001 to 2005. The Global Fashion Business Journal reported that in 2018, the global fiber production has reached the highest all-time, 107 million metric tons. The average American household produces of textile waste every year. The residents of New York City discard around 193,000 tons of clothing and textiles, which equates to 6% of all the city's garbage. In comparison, the European Union generates a total of 5.8 million tons of textiles each year. As a whole, the textile industry occupies roughly 5% of all landfill space. The clothing that is discarded into landfills is often made from non-biodegradable synthetic materials. Greenhouse gases and various pesticides and dyes are released into the environment by fashion-related operations. The United Nations estimated that the business of what we wear, including its long supply chains, is responsible for 10 percent of the greenhouse gas emissions heating our planet. The growing demand for quick fashion continuously adds effluent release from the textile factories, containing both dyes and caustic solutions. In comparison, greenhouse gas emissions from textile production companies is more than international flights and maritime shipping combined annually. The materials used not only affect the environment in textile product, but also the workers and the people who wear the clothes. The hazardous substances affect all aspects of life and release into the environments around them. Optoro estimates that 5 billion pounds of waste is generated through returns each year, contributing 15 million metric tons of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere. Fast fashion production has doubled since 2000, with brands such as Zara producing 24 collections a year and H&M producing about 12 to 16 collections a year. Sustainability. Recycling. Due to the amount of pollution and waste caused by the fashion industry, for-profit groups, like Viletex, and retailers, such as H&M, are working to decrease the industry's environmental footprint and adopt sustainable technologies. Both companies have created programs that encourage recycling from the general public. These programs provide consumers with bins that allow them to dispose of their unwanted garments that will ultimately be transformed into insulation and carpet padding, as well as being used to produce other garments. While these brands are taking initiatives towards sustainability, the authenticity of these initiatives are questionable. By offering this discount, H&M is further promoting or encouraging people to shop more, hence making the intent behind such initiatives taken by fast-fashion brands questionable. Advances in technologies have offered new methods of using dyes, producing fibers, and reducing the use of natural resources. To decrease the consumption of traditional textiles, Anke Domaske has produced "QMilch," an eco-milk fiber; Virus has produced high-tech sportswear from recycled coffee beans; and Suzanne Lee has created vegetable leather from fermented tea. Many companies have also created various ways to reduce the amount of dyes emitted into the world's waterways as well as the level of water consumption. For example, AirDye saves between 7 and 75 gallons of water per pound of textiles produced while digital printing reduces water usage by 95 percent. Design strategies & techniques. According to FutureLearn, which is an online platform offering a plethora of courses to its users, the following design strategies and techniques can be applied to make fast fashion more sustainable: Technology. Fast fashion brands like ASOS.com, Levi's, Macy's, North Face have turned to sizing technology that use algorithms to solve sizing issues, and give accurate size recommendations on their website to reduce environmental impact on returns. H&M's design team is implementing 3D design, 3D sampling and 3D prototyping to help cut waste, while artificial intelligence can be used to produce small garment runs for specific stores. Companies are helping support the circular system in fashion production and consumer behavior by renting out clothes to customers with recycled or reuse items. New York & Company Closet and American Eagle Style Drop are examples of rental services that can be offered to customers when subscribed to the program. Tulerie, a smartphone application offers borrowing, renting, or sharing of clothes in local communities across the globe; users have the opportunity to profit by renting clothes as well. As our global society has become even more interconnected as a result of increased technological innovation, consumers have become more and more aware of the environmental and ethical detriments that the industry causes, and have been initiating waves of smaller social movements via various social media platforms in hopes to slow the impacts of fast fashion. Social media has directly helped increase consumer awareness of the issue behind the fast fashion industry. Rather than placing sole responsibility for radical change in the hands of the companies or designers themselves, social media has allowed for anyone to vocalize their perspectives on this issue, or even take it a step further and take action into their hands. Considering that the Fast Fashion movement calls its user base to expose the harsh environmental and humanitarian injustices imposed by select corporations, it can be perceived that social media platforms facilitate the widening of the Overton Window, or allow for a broader range of unrestricted ideas and discourses. For this particular social movement, Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, LinkedIn and independent blog forums were the primary platforms that inspired individuals, or activist groups would use to educate others on the horrors of the Fast Fashion Movement. While there are certain demographic changes across the realm of these social media platforms, activists used various hashtags to centralize all the relevant content as well as establishing a more consistent and powerful virtual presence. As advocacy groups and concerned individuals started popularizing select hashtags and keywords, the centrality of coverage would allow for the movement to establish stronger network internalities across a plethora of groups and organizations. Twitter posts using these keywords and hashtags are more frequently referenced by journalists or other media publications as opposed to Facebook groups or Instagram posts. The fact that there are a plethora of popular hashtags that renounce the environmental impacts of Fast Fashion, such as #WhoMadeMyClothes, #SecondHandSeptember, #SustainableFashion, #Sustainability and #SlowFashion allows for this movement to maximize the user base that sees the content in hopes that it would lead to a greater level of user engagement. Overconsumption. In contrast to modern overconsumption, fast fashion traces its roots to World War II austerity, where high design was merged with utilitarian materials. The business model of fast fashion is based on consumers’ desire for new clothing to wear. In order to fulfill consumer's demand, fast fashion brands provide affordable prices and a wide range of clothing that reflects the latest trends. This ends up persuading consumers to buy more items which leads to the issue of overconsumption. Dana Thomas, author of Fashionopolis, stated that Americans spent 340 billion dollars on clothing in 2012, the same year of the Rana Plaza collapse. Planned obsolescence plays a key role in overconsumption. Based on the study of planned obsolescence in "The Economist", fashion is deeply committed to planned obsolescence. Last year's skirts; for example, are designed to be replaced by this year's new models. In this case, fashion goods are purchased even when the old ones are still wearable. The quick response model and new supply chain practices of fast fashion even accelerate the speed of it. In recent years, the fashion cycle has steadily decreased as fast fashion retailers sell clothing that is expected to be disposed of after being worn only a few times. A 2014 article about fast fashion in Huffington Post pointed out that in order to make the fast moving trend affordable, fast-fashion merchandise is typically priced much lower than the competition, operating on a business model of low quality and high volume. Low quality goods make overconsumption more severe since those products have a shorter life span and would need to be replaced much more often. Furthermore, as both industry and consumers continue to embrace fast fashion, the volume of goods to be disposed of or recycled has increased substantially. However, most fast-fashion goods do not have the inherent quality to be considered as collectables for vintage or historic collections. Labour concerns. Sweatshops. A sweatshop is a factory where manual workers are employed for their hard labour under very poor working conditions with severe health and safety risks, at extremely low wages, including child labour. The fashion industry is known as the most labour dependent industry, as one in every six person works in acquiring raw materials and manufacturing clothing. With an annual revenue of 19.8 billion dollars last year, H&M - a fast-fashion conglomerate, is the largest producer of clothing in under-developed South Asian and Southeast Asian countries such as India, Bangladesh and Cambodia. Nike has received backlash over its use of sweatshops. Bangladesh – a country known for its cheap labour, is home to four million garment production workers in over 5000 factories, out of which 85% are women. These women are forced to work in unsafe and poor working conditions while receiving a minimum wage of less than US$3, being unable to provide themselves with a livelihood. The only justification for this is the need to achieve unfathomably low costs in order to sell at low prices, which in turn leads to mass impoverishment. The Rana Plaza was a garment factory in Bangladesh that collapsed in 2013, killing over a thousand workers and being recorded as the deadliest garment-factory incident in history. The five-story building collapsed due to a structural failure. Although the workers noticed cracks appearing on the walls and it was declared as an unsafe environment to work in, employees were still forced to come to work the next day. Garment factory owners do not abide by health and safety regulations due to the fear of disrupting production and losing profits. Women and export processing zones. The International Labour Organization defines export processing zones as “industrial zones with special incentives set up to attract foreign investors, in which imported materials undergo some degree of processing before being re-exported”. These zones have been used by developing countries to bolster foreign investment, and produce consumer goods that are labour-intensive, like clothing. Many export processing zones have been criticized for their substandard working conditions, low wages, and suspension of international and domestic labour laws. Women account for 70-90% of the working population in some export processing zones, such as in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and the Philippines. Despite their overrepresentation in export processing zone informal sector (informal economy) employment, women are still likely to earn less than men. Mainly, this discrepancy is due to employer's preferring to hire men in technical and managerial positions and women in lower-skilled production work. Moreover, employers tend to prefer hiring women for production jobs because they are seen as more compliant and less likely to join labour unions. In addition, a report that interviewed Sri Lankan women working in export processing zones found that gender-based violence “emerged as a dominant theme in their narratives”. For example, 38% of women reported seeing or experiencing sexual harassment within their workplace. However, proponents of textile and garment production as a means for economic upgrading in developing countries (global value chain) have pointed out that clothing production work tends to have higher wages than other available jobs, such as agriculture or domestic service work, and therefore provides women with a larger degree of financial autonomy. Design lawsuits and legislation. Lawsuits and proposed legislation in the U.S.. As of 2007, Forever 21, one of the larger fast fashion retailers, was involved in several lawsuits over alleged violations of intellectual property rights. The lawsuits contended that certain pieces of merchandise at the retailer can effectively be considered infringements of designs from Diane von Furstenberg, Anna Sui and Gwen Stefani's Harajuku Lovers line as well as many other well-known designers. Forever 21 has not commented on the state of the litigation but initially said it was "taking steps to organize itself to prevent intellectual property violations". H.R. 5055. H.R. 5055, or Design Piracy Prohibition Act, was a bill proposed to protect the copyright of fashion designers in the United States. The bill was introduced into the United States House of Representatives on March 30, 2006. Under the bill designers would submit fashion sketches and/or photos to the U.S. Copyright Office within three months of the products’ "publication". This publication includes everything from magazine advertisements to the garment's first public runway appearances. The bill as a result, would protect the designs for three years after the initial publication. If infringement of copyright was to occur the infringer would be fined $250,000, or $5 per copy, whichever is a larger lump sum. The bill was suspended after the House of Representatives session concluded in 2006, this resulted in H.R. 5055 being cleared from the agenda. H.R. 2033. The Design Piracy Prohibition Act was reintroduced as H.R. 2033 during the first session of the 110th Congress on April 25, 2007. It had goals similar to H.R. 5055, as the bill proposed to protect certain types of apparel design through copyright protection of fashion design. The bill would grant fashion designs a three-year term of protection, based on registration with the U.S. Copyright Office. The fines of copyright infringement would continue to be $250,000 total or $5 per copied merchandise.

expanding fashion

14200-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=41554548

Fine Prints of the Year was an annual series of books that reported and discussed the etchings, engravings, woodcuts and lithographs published each year between 1923 and 1938 by major artists of the period. All volumes reproduced in monochrome on high quality glossy paper a selection of about 100 limited edition prints published during the preceding year. The series provides an important record of the work of artists in the last years of the etching revival and during the collapse of the market for prints. History. The first volume of "Fine Prints of the Year" was published in London in 1924 by Halton and Truscott Smith as a review of the prints issued during the year up to October, 1923. The volume reproduced 150 etchings, drypoints, lithographs or woodcuts by major British and American printmakers of the day such as Stanley Anderson, Frank Benson, Edmund Blampied, Frank Brangwyn, Gerald Brockhurst, F.L. Griggs, Childe Hassam, James McBey, Henry Rushbury, Frank Short and William Walcot as well as the work of many artists whose work is less well known. Some copies of volume two, for the year 1924, contained as a frontispiece an unsigned, original etching by Frank Brangwyn. From the third volume "Fine Prints of the Year" was also published in the USA by Minton, Balch and Company of New York. The first 13 volumes, from 1923 to 1935, contained an introductory essay by Malcolm Salaman, an art critic and Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Painter-Etchers and Engravers, now the Royal Society of Painter-Printmakers. From 1936 to 1938 the introduction was provided by Campbell Dodgson, who was Keeper of Prints and Drawings at the British Museum. From 1926 to 1930 each volume contained a short introduction to American prints by Helen Fagg; from 1931 to 1934 the introduction was written by Susan A. Hutchinson. From the second volume, published in 1924, the series also published a directory of the publishers of prints and a directory of the name and address of the etchers, engravers and lithographers then working in Great Britain, France, the United States of America and elsewhere with the titles, dimensions, publishers and sometimes with the prices of the prints designed or released by each artist during the previous year. This constitutes an important record of the work of many artists which, until the print boom ended in around 1930, were seen as an investment and were the subject of substantial trading and inflated prices. For example, an etching entitled "Mersea, Sunset" by James McBey, whose work was highly sought after in the 1920s, was issued to subscribers in an edition of 76 artist's proofs in 1926 at a price of 10 guineas. A proof of this print from the edition of 76 was sold at auction at Sotheby's in December of the same year for just under 105 guineas, a ten times higher price. The Wall Street Crash in the USA and the worldwide Great Depression greatly diminished the market for prints, but many artists continued to design plates, though fewer in number, in smaller editions and at lower prices, as the volumes of "Fine Prints of the Year" between 1930 and 1938 show. For example, the artist Edmund Blampied issued 76 etchings between 1920 and 1929, typically in editions of 100 proofs, but in the following decade only published 23 etchings, some in editions of less than 50 proofs. "Fine Prints of the Year" continued as a record of the work of etchers and engravers until the sixteenth and last annual volume for 1938, just before the start of the Second World War in Europe brought about rationing of paper and presumably put an end to the series. The 16 volumes published in the series reproduced over 1,700 prints and remains an important visual and factual record of the work of etchers and engravers, many of whom were once well known and whose prints commanded high prices.

prior annual period

1398-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=349768

To be used efficiently, all computer software needs certain hardware components or other software resources to be present on a computer. These prerequisites are known as (computer) system requirements and are often used as a guideline as opposed to an absolute rule. Most software defines two sets of system requirements: minimum and recommended. With increasing demand for higher processing power and resources in newer versions of software, system requirements tend to increase over time. Industry analysts suggest that this trend plays a bigger part in driving upgrades to existing computer systems than technological advancements. A second meaning of the term of system requirements, is a generalisation of this first definition, giving the requirements to be met in the design of a system or sub-system. Recommended system requirements. Often manufacturers of games will provide the consumer with a set of requirements that are different from those that are needed to run a software. These requirements are usually called the recommended requirements. These requirements are almost always of a significantly higher level than the minimum requirements, and represent the ideal situation in which to run the software. Generally speaking, this is a better guideline than minimum system requirements in order to have a fully usable and enjoyable experience with that software. Hardware requirements. The most common set of requirements defined by any operating system or software application is the physical computer resources, also known as hardware, A hardware requirements list is often accompanied by a hardware compatibility list (HCL), especially in case of operating systems. An HCL lists tested, compatible, and sometimes incompatible hardware devices for a particular operating system or application. The following sub-sections discuss the various aspects of hardware requirements. Architecture. All computer operating systems are designed for a particular computer architecture. Most software applications are limited to particular operating systems running on particular architectures. Although architecture-independent operating systems and applications exist, most need to be recompiled to run on a new architecture. See also a list of common operating systems and their supporting architectures. Processing power. The power of the central processing unit (CPU) is a fundamental system requirement for any software. Most software running on x86 architecture define processing power as the model and the clock speed of the CPU. Many other features of a CPU that influence its speed and power, like bus speed, cache, and MIPS are often ignored. This definition of power is often erroneous, as AMD Athlon and Intel Pentium CPUs at similar clock speed often have different throughput speeds. Intel Pentium CPUs have enjoyed a considerable degree of popularity, and are often mentioned in this category. Memory. All software, when run, resides in the random access memory (RAM) of a computer. Memory requirements are defined after considering demands of the application, operating system, supporting software and files, and other running processes. Optimal performance of other unrelated software running on a multi-tasking computer system is also considered when defining this requirement. Secondary storage. Data storage device requirements vary, depending on the size of software installation, temporary files created and maintained while installing or running the software, and possible use of swap space (if RAM is insufficient). Display adapter. Software requiring a better than average computer graphics display, like graphics editors and high-end games, often define high-end display adapters in the system requirements. Peripherals. Some software applications need to make extensive and/or special use of some peripherals, demanding the higher performance or functionality of such peripherals. Such peripherals include CD-ROM drives, keyboards, pointing devices, network devices, etc. Software requirements. Software requirements deal with defining software resource requirements and prerequisites that need to be installed on a computer to provide optimal functioning of an application. These requirements or prerequisites are generally not included in the software installation package and need to be installed separately before the software is installed. Platform. A computing platform describes some sort of framework, either in hardware or software, which allows software to run. Typical platforms include a computer's architecture, operating system, or programming languages and their runtime libraries. Operating system is one of the requirements mentioned when defining system requirements (software). Software may not be compatible with different versions of same line of operating systems, although some measure of backward compatibility is often maintained. For example, most software designed for Microsoft Windows XP does not run on Microsoft Windows 98, although the converse is not always true. Similarly, software designed using newer features of Linux Kernel v2.6 generally does not run or compile properly (or at all) on Linux distributions using Kernel v2.2 or v2.4. APIs and drivers. Software making extensive use of special hardware devices, like high-end display adapters, needs special API or newer device drivers. A good example is DirectX, which is a collection of APIs for handling tasks related to multimedia, especially game programming, on Microsoft platforms. Web browser. Most web applications and software depend heavily on web technologies to make use of the default browser installed on the system. Microsoft Internet Explorer is a frequent choice of software running on Microsoft Windows, which makes use of ActiveX controls, despite their vulnerabilities. Other requirements. Some software also has other requirements for proper performance. Internet connection (type and speed) and resolution of the display screen are notable examples. Examples. Following are a few examples of system requirement definitions for popular PC games and trend of ever-increasing resource needs: For instance, while "StarCraft" (1998) requires: "Doom 3" (2004) requires: "" (2009) requires: "Grand Theft Auto V" (2015) requires:

recurrent option

14585-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3593399

Rat-baiting is a blood sport that involves placing captured rats in a sunken pit or other enclosed area surrounded by spectators and then betting on how long a dog, usually a terrier, takes to kill them by taking rats in its mouth and shaking them to death. Often, two dogs competed, with the winner receiving a cash prize. It is now illegal in most countries. History. In 1835, the Parliament of the United Kingdom implemented an act called the Cruelty to Animals Act 1835, which prohibited the baiting of some animals such as the bull, bear, and other large animals. However, the law was not enforced for rat baiting and competitions came to the forefront as a gambling sport. At one time, London had at least 70 rat pits. Atmosphere. James Wentworth Day, a follower of the sport of rat baiting, described his experience and the atmosphere at one of the last old rat pits in London during those times. Rules. The officials included a referee and timekeeper. Pits were sometimes covered above with wire mesh or had additional security devices installed on the walls to prevent the rats from escaping. Rules varied from match to match. In one variation, a weight handicap was set for each dog. The competing dog had to kill as many rats as the number of pounds the dog weighed, within a specific, preset time. The prescribed number of rats was released and the dog was put in the ring. The clock started the moment the dog touched the ground. When the dog seized the last rat, his owner grabbed it and the clock stopped. Rats that were thought still to be alive were laid out on the table in a circle before the referee. The referee then struck the animals three times on the tail with a stick. If a rat managed to crawl out of the circle, it was considered to be alive. Depending on the particular rules for that match, the dog may be disqualified or have to go back in the ring with these rats and kill them. The new time was added to the original time. A combination of the quickest time, the number of rats, and the dog's weight decided the victory. A rate of five seconds per rat killed was considered quite satisfactory; 15 rats in a minute was an excellent result. Cornered rats will attack and can deliver a very painful bite. Not uncommonly, a ratter was left with only one eye in its retirement. Rat-catcher. Before the contest could begin, the capture of potentially thousands of rats was required. The rat catcher would be called upon to fulfill this requirement. Jack Black, a rat catcher from Victorian England supplied live rats for baiting. Technique. Faster dogs were preferred. They would bite once. The process was described as "rather like a sheepdog keeping a flock bunched to be brought out singly for dipping," where the dog would herd the rats together, and kill any rats that left the pack with a quick bite. Breeds. The ratting dogs were typically working terrier breeds, which included the bull and terrier, Bull Terrier, Bedlington Terrier, Fox Terrier, Jack Russell Terrier, Rat Terrier, Black and Tan Terrier, Manchester Terrier, Yorkshire Terrier, and Staffordshire Bull Terrier. The degree of care used in breeding these ratters is clear in their pedigrees, with good breeding leading to increased business opportunities. Successful breeders were highly regarded in those times. In modern times, the Plummer Terrier is considered a premiere breed for rat-catching. Billy. A celebrated bull and terrier named "Billy" weighing about 12 kg (26 lb), had a proud fighting history and his pedigree reflects the build-up over a period of years. The dog was owned by Charles Dew and was bred by breeder James Yardington. On the paternal side is "Old Billy" from the kennel of John Tattersal from Wotton-under-Edge, Gloucestershire, and was descended from the best line of all Old English Bulldogs. On the maternal side is "Yardington's Sal" descended from the Curley line. The pedigree of all these dogs can be traced back more than 40 years and numerous old accounts exist about them. The October 1822, edition of "The Sporting Magazine" provided descriptions of two rat pit matches with Billy, quoted as: Billy's best competition results are: Billy's career was crowned on 22 April 1823, when a world record was set with 100 rats killed in five and a half minutes. This record stood until 1862, when it was claimed by another ratter named "Jacko". Billy continued in the rat pit until old age, reportedly with only one eye and two teeth remaining. Jacko. According to the "Sporting Chronicle Annual", the world record in rat killing is held by a black and tan bull and terrier named "Jacko", weighing about 13 lb and owned by Jemmy Shaw. Jacko had these contest results: Jacko set two world records, the first on 29 July 1862, with a killing time of 2.7 seconds per rat and the second on 1 May 1862, with his fight against 100 rats, where Jacko worked two seconds faster than the previous world record holder "Billy". The feat of killing 1,000 rats took place over a 10-week period, with 100 rats being killed each week ending on 1 May 1862. Tiny the Wonder. Tiny the Wonder was a famous mid-19th century English Toy Terrier (Black & Tan) that could kill 200 rats in an hour, which he achieved twice, on 28 March 1848 and 27 March 1849, with time to spare. For a period of time Tiny maintained the record for killing 300 rats in under 55 minutes. Tiny only weighed five and a half pounds with a neck so small, a woman's bracelet could be used as a dog collar. From 1848 to 1849, Tiny was owned by Jemmy Shaw, the landlord of the Blue Anchor Tavern at 102 Bunhill Row, St. Luke's, London Borough of Islington; the pub is now named the Artillery Arms. Tiny was a star attraction at the Blue Anchor Tavern, with crowds gathering to watch the action in the rat pit. Shaw preferred to acquire the rats from Essex as opposed to sewer rats to decrease potential health risks to Tiny. Shaw was able to keep up to 2,000 rats at his establishment. This is a commentary about Tiny from a poster published from those times: Jack. Jack was a Black and Tan Terrier owned by Kit Burns in New York City in the mid- to late 19th century. Jack was a prized ratter, and Burns claimed that Jack killed 100 rats in 5 minutes and 40 seconds. Burns had Jack taxidermied and mounted him, alongside other prized dogs, on the bar of his tavern called the Sportsmen's Hall, located at 273 Water Street. Burns' first-floor amphitheatre could hold 100 spectators who were charged an admission of $1.50 to $5.00 depending on the dogs' quality, nearly a skilled labourer's daily wages. The rat pit was about 8 ft square with 4-ft-high walls. On the New York City waterfront rat baiting was quite lucrative with a purse of $125 not uncommon. This created a high demand for rats with some rat catchers earning $0.05-0.12 per rat. Kit Burns' rat-pit activities are described by author James Dabney McCabe in his book "Secrets of the Great City", published in 1868, at page 388, as follows: On November 31, 1870, Henry Bergh the founder of the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals raided the Sportsman's Hall and arrested Burns under an antianimal cruelty law passed by the New York state legislature four years prior. The Sportsman Hall stayed permanently closed after the raid. Although little of the original structure remains, Sportsman's Hall occupied the land where the Joseph Rose House and Shop, a four-unit luxury apartment house, now lies and is the third oldest house in Manhattan after St. Paul's Chapel and the Morris-Jumel Mansion. Decline. The last public competition in the United Kingdom took place in Leicester in 1912. The owner was prosecuted and fined, and had to give a promise to the court that he would never again promote such entertainment. Toward the latter half of Queen Victoria's reign, a more humane attitude toward canines gradually emerged, with the queen's love of animals setting the example. Baiting sports diminished in popularity and the exhibition of dogs slowly replaced the attractions of the dog pit. Ratting in modern times. Ratting and rat-baiting are not the same activities. Ratting is the legal use of dogs for pest control of non-captured rats in an unconfined space, such as a barn or field. Due to rat infestations, terriers are now being used for ratting to hunt and kill rats in major cities around the world, including the United Kingdom, the United States and Vietnam. Although ratting with working terriers is far less efficient than using rodenticide or rat traps, the potential for the killing of nontarget species is zero.

canine's neck band

7871-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=32080935

South African property law regulates the "rights of people in or over certain objects or things." It is concerned, in other words, with a person's ability to undertake certain actions with certain kinds of objects in accordance with South African law. Among the formal functions of South African property law is the harmonisation of individual interests in property,the guarantee and protection of individual (and sometimes group) rights with respect to property, and the control of proprietary relationships between persons (both natural and juristic), as well as their rights and obligations. The protective clause for property rights in the Constitution of South Africa stipulates those proprietary relationships which qualify for constitutional protection. The most important social function of property law in South Africa is to manage the competing interests of those who acquire property rights and interests. In recent times, restrictions on the use of and trade in private property have been on the rise. Property law straddles private and public law, and hence "covers not only private law relations in respect of particular types of legal objects that are corporeal or incorporeal, but also public law relations with a proprietary character, and the resultant rights and interests." Property in the private-law sense refers to patrimonial assets: those, that is, which comprise a person's estate. The law of property defines and classifies proprietary rights (for instance, as either real or personal), and determines the methods whereby they are acquired, lost and protected, as well as the consequences of their exercise and the limitations imposed by factual proprietary relationships which do not qualify as rights. History. Until the Constitution was passed in 1994, South African property law was most heavily influenced by Roman-Dutch civil law, and, to a much lesser extent, English property law. English and Roman-Dutch law have very different conceptions of property rights, and these differences had a profound impact on the development of property rights in South Africa. English property law is derived from John Locke's theory that rights to property arise from the realization of the monetary value of property through the application of labour. Locke expressly rejected the idea that conquest can transfer property rights, with certain exceptions. He considered war to be a competition over lives rather than material items, which meant that lives but not items are forfeited or gained. As such, English property law recognizes the possession of property rights through mechanisms such as cession or improvement, but not through conquest. Roman-Dutch law is the opposite. Roman-Dutch property law is derived from Hugo de Groot's theory that property rights arise from just acquisition, and acquisition includes violence. Thus, while English property law forbids the acquisition of property rights through conquest, Roman-Dutch law does not. This fundamental difference between English and Roman-Dutch theories of property would have a major influence on the colonization of South Africa, in which British land acquisitions occurred predominantly by cession and Afrikaner land acquisitions occurred predominantly by conquest. One example of how these two disparate theories of property law impacting South African property law is the legal mechanism of prescription. Under English law, prescription-like devices like limitation periods (equivalent to extinctive prescription) and adverse possession and prescriptive easements (equivalent to acquisitive prescription) operated by creating a procedural bar on raising legal proceedings, but could never completely create or extinguish property rights to land. According to John Salmond, ‘one of the most striking differences between our own [English] and foreign laws of prescription, is that by our own law a title to corporeal things cannot be made by prescription […] “no prescription in lands maketh a right”’. Under Roman-Dutch law, prescription creates and extinguishes rights and obligations, rather than barring court action. Early 20th-century statutory enactment in South Africa enshrined the Roman-Dutch understanding over that of the English. Certain property law principles are directly attributable to Roman-Dutch law, such as (1) the view that ownership is an indivisible right which confers on the owner the widest possible powers; (2) restrictions on an owner's absolute right of pursuit ("ius persequendi") in favour of certain "bona fide" purchasers; (3) recognition that a long lease of land creates a real right; (4) recognition of a way of necessity out of landlocked land; (5) emphasis on delivery as a requirement for the transfer of ownership in movables; (6) use of movable bonds ("obligatio bonorum") under the name notarial bonds as real security, etc. English law's influence has been more limited, e.g. the (1) introduction of perpetual quitrent and leasehold; (2) penetration of the English tort of nuisance into neighbour law; (3) recognition of ‘atornment’ as a mode of delivery of movables; (4) adoption of technical aspects of the Torrens system; and (5) legislation on apartment ownership. Development. The Dutch East India Company established Cape Town in 1652. Dutch colonists initially took the land by force from the native San and Khoikhoi during the Khoikhoi–Dutch Wars. The wars were followed by systematic land grabs of water resources (springs, rivers) and pastureland, legitimised after the fact by exclusive land grants issued by the Company to colonial settlers. As the British slowly assumed control from 1795 to 1806 and the sovereignty over Cape Colony was formally ceded under the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814, some Afrikaners fled inland to the northeast to establish their own colonies, the Boer Republics, taking land from Bantu peoples. Conflicts grew over the later half of the 19th century, as the rich mineral wealth of South Africa became evident. In 1867, diamonds were discovered in the Kimberley and in 1886 gold was discovered in Johannesburg. In 1889, the British South Africa Company was given a Royal Charter to further seek out and exploit areas across Southern Africa where mining could be profitable. Meanwhile, some more simple property rules, such as streamlined land-registration system had been implemented under John Cradock, 1st Baron Howden, and in the early 20th century registration practices were codified by the Deeds Registries Acts of 1918 and 1937. In 1910, the Union of South Africa Act united the post Boer War British and Afrikaner communities, but excluded black South Africans from political involvement. Indian or ‘coloured’ South Africans were also excluded, prompting a younger Mohandas Gandhi to leave in 1914. From this point a series of laws secured white control of South African land and civic property. The Land Act 1913 reserved 92% of South Africa's territory for whites, and only 8% for blacks. This was enlarged to around 13.6% by the Native Trust and Land Act, 1936, although the population of the country that was black stood around 61%. In the Urban Areas Act 1923, it was decreed that blacks could only enter into towns to work. In the 1930s, ideas of racial supremacy became stronger among many white South Africans, and after the war the Afrikaner National Party won a majority at the 1948 election. From this point, the apartheid system was built up through legislation. In the Group Areas Act 1950 the country was categorised into various race-based regions, leading to forced removals and evictions of black people from their homes. The Group Areas Development Act, 1955 excluded non-white people from living in white areas altogether. The Reservation of Separate Amenities Act 1953 stated that separate toilets, parks and beaches were allocated. As the apartheid regime continued, the Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act 1970 and the Bantu Homelands Constitution Act 1971 purported to ‘constitutionalise’ the separate states within the South African state, where black South Africans had to live. Through the 1980s, the world's condemnation of the regime, the slow recognition of its deep injustice unsustainability, and the mounting civil disobedience led to a referendum and new constitution. By 1991 there had been approximately 17,000 statutory measures implemented to regulate land control and racial diversity. The Discriminatory Legislation regarding Public Amenities Repeal Act, 1990 and the Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act, 1991 started a process leading to the constitution. This ‘excessive law making and manipulation of existing notions of property resulted in the collapse of administrative and legal certainty and, moreover, massive underdevelopment’, and left the post-1994 dispensation with ‘a severely compromised system of land rights’. The new constitution explicitly protects the right to property, including land, in section 25(1), under the Bill of Rights. Section 25(2) and (3) states how property can be regulated and expropriated, with limited compensation from people who were dispossessed after 1913 by racial discrimination. Under section 26, the Constitution created a fundamental right to housing. In 2000, in "Government of the Republic of South Africa v Grootboom", the Constitutional Court held that although there was a justiciable right under section 26 to housing, this had to be interpreted in the light of administrative difficulties of achieving social and economic rights in practice. The claimant, Irene Grootboom, had been living temporarily in a shack on land that was being repossessed for redevelopment. It was accepted in the course of argument that she would be given temporary housing, but the court did no more than state that the government should aim to fix the housing and slum crisis. In political terms, the 1997 White Paper on Land Policy has been influential in setting up objectives. These were said to be to (1) redress apartheid-era inequities (2) nurture national reconciliation and stability (3) to support economic growth; and (4) to improve welfare and relieve poverty. The new constitutional arrangement supports the regulation and protection of property, mandates the reform of land law, provides explicitly for basic rights like access to housing, and gives equal recognition to common- and customary-law principles. A host of policies have been implemented, and statutory measures promulgated, in the fulfilment of this mandate, which ‘has already had a significant influence on property law’. Sources. The traditional sources of the law of property in South Africa are common law, precedent and legislation. Roman-Dutch principles have always provided the backbone, but they have lately been filled out considerably by statute, as well as by the courts, among whose functions is to interpret and develop the common law. All sources of South African law, however, are now subordinate to and must be viewed and interpreted in light of the Constitution. The Constitution is itself, therefore, now a source of property law, as the Constitutional Court demonstrated by its application in "Port Elizabeth Municipality v Various Occupiers". Since 1994, the court has entrenched the notions of justice and fairness (especially as articulated in the property-rights clause) in determining property relations. The move to constitutionalism has given additional importance to sources of law such as customary law, which is now, where appropriate, accorded equivalent consideration with common law, case law and statutory law. This elevation, and at the same the subservience of customary law to the Constitution, was made apparent in the judgments of the Constitutional Court in the dispute between the Richtersveld community and the diamond miner Alexkor, concerning the restoration of ancestral lands to an indigenous community; in "Bhe v Magistrate, Khayelitsha", with its finding that male primogeniture is unconstitutional; and in "Gumede v President of Republic of South Africa", which struck down on grounds of inequality certain provisions in legislation dealing with the property regime of customary marriages. These cases illustrate the changing nature of customary property relations under the new constitution. Protection of ownership. South African law "jealously protects the right of ownership and the correlative right of the owner in regard to his property, unless, of course, the possessor has some enforceable right against the owner." There exists a variety of remedies for the protection of ownership. They may be divided into three distinct categories: real, delictual and unjustified-enrichment remedies. Real remedies. Real remedies are concerned with physical control. They give the owner the power to exclude others from access to and enjoyment of his property. Real remedies either restore physical control of the property to the owner or prevent infringement of the owner's entitlements. (An interdict and a declaratory order are also available to owners and possessors of property.) There are two real remedies used to protect the right of ownership: the "rei vindicatio" and the "actio negatoria" "Rei vindicatio". Ownership includes the entitlement of exclusive possession of "res". The "rei vindicatio", or vindicatory action, is a remedy available to the owner to reclaim his property from wherever it is found and from whosoever is unlawfully holding it. The remedy entitles him to "exclusive possession." It is founded on the "nemo plus iuris" rule, which holds that one cannot transfer more rights than one has; more succinctly, that one cannot give what one does not have. The remedy is available to the owner in respect of both movable and immovable property, taking, in the latter case, the form of an eviction order, and applying only to business or trade or industrial property. It is important to note that the remedy merely restores proprietary interest; it does not award damages. The decision in "Mlombo v Fourie" has been criticised, accordingly, for blurring the distinction between the "rei vindicatio" and the "actio ad exhibendum". The former is a restorative proprietary remedy, whereas the latter is a delictual one. Three requirements must be met for a claim to be based on the "rei vindicatio": In "Chetty v Naidoo", Chetty brought a "rei vindicatio" action against Naidoo in respect of property occupied by Naidoo, who claimed, but could not prove, that she had bought the property. The case sets out the following rules: The "facta probanda" may be challenged in defence against the "rei vindicatio". There are four main defences: Good faith may not be used as a defence against the "rei vindicatio". Estoppel may be raised as a defence to the "rei vindicatio" only in certain circumstances; in others—see below—it may simply vary the effect of the action. There are two types of limitations, statutory and common-law, on the use of the "rei vindicatio". The effect of these limitations is to prevent the claimant from vindicating his rights. The common-law limitation of estoppel may act as a defence, or it may vary or limit the effect of the "rei vindicatio". As a limitation on the action, estoppel blocks its vindicatory function. Ownership is not disputed, but the owner may not regain possession for the duration of the estoppel. This amounts to a suspension of the owner's entitlement to vindicate his property—he is estopped from vindicating it—but it is important to note that it does not vest that entitlement on the defendant. Mostly estoppel is deployed in respect of movable property, but it may also be used for immovable property. It is required for estoppel that the owner have negligently or culpably made a misrepresentation, through conduct or otherwise, that the property had been transferred to the controller, so that the controller had the power to transfer it in turn. The person who raises the estoppel must have acted on that misrepresentation and suffered harm or loss as a result. As for statutory limitations, the Insolvency Act provides that property sold and transferred after an insolvency action cannot be subject to the "rei vindicatio", while, in terms of the Magistrates Courts Act, a sale in execution of property cannot be impeached against a good-faith purchaser in the absence of a defect. There are several constitutional limitations on the application of the "rei vindicatio" to immovable property. Constitutional intervention has resulted in legislation relating to eviction, redistribution and the regulation of tenure. The Constitution holds that no-one may be evicted from his home without a court order. The procedure to be followed is set out in the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land Act (PIE), which excludes the "rei vindicatio" and other common-law remedies. It was decided in "Ndlovu v Ngcobo; Bekker v Jika" that PIE has application also where the occupation was lawful to begin with but became unlawful later. Different procedures are set out under PIE for private owners, urgent applications and organs of state. Notice must be given within fourteen days of the hearing and should include the following: In the case of private owners, the court will consider the length of the occupation. If it has been less than six months, an eviction order will be made only if it is "just and equitable" to do so, "after considering all the relevant circumstances, including the rights and needs of the elderly, children, disabled persons and households headed by women." If it has been more than six months, the eviction order must still be just and equitable, but the circumstances to consider are compounded by the question of "whether land has been [...] or can reasonably be made available [...] for the relocation of the unlawful occupier." An exception to this is "where the land is sold in a sale of execution pursuant to a mortgage." Urgent applications are granted where harm is eminent "to any person or property if the unlawful occupier is not forthwith evicted from the land,", where "the likely hardship to the owner or any other affected person [...] exceeds the likely hardship to the unlawful occupier," and where no other effective remedy is available. In "Residents of Joe Slovo Community v Thubelisha Homes", an application was brought by the authorities in Cape Town seeking the eviction of persons in the Joe Slovo informal settlement under of PIE, arguing that the property was needed for the development of affordable housing for poor people. The High Court granted the order, and the residents appealed to the Constitutional Court on the grounds that they were not unlawful occupiers, having obtained the consent of the authorities, and therefore could not be evicted. The court granted the eviction but ordered that alternative accommodation be provided to the occupiers. In "Port Elizabeth Municipality v Various Occupiers", the municipality sought an eviction order against unlawful occupiers of municipal land, at the behest of adjacent land owners. The High Court granted the order, but on appeal to the Supreme Court of Appeals the order was quashed. The Municipality, in turn, appealed to the Constitutional Court, which held that there is no unqualified constitutional duty on local government to provide alternative housing in terms of PIE. "In general terms, however," wrote Sachs J, "a court should be reluctant to grant an eviction against relatively settled occupiers unless it is satisfied that a reasonable alternative is available, even if only as an interim measure pending ultimate access to housing in the formal housing programme." In "Blue Moonlight Properties v Occupiers of Saratoga Avenue", the respondent, a private landowner, served a notice of eviction on the occupiers. They resisted, claiming protection under PIE and alleging that they were entitled to continue their occupation until the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality provided alternative accommodation. The City disputed this duty; the respondents argued that its policy was arbitrary and discriminatory. The issue, then, was whether private landowners are obliged to provide alternative accommodation to unlawful occupiers in terms of PIE, or whether the burden should fall on the city. The court found that it should balance the rights of property owners under the Constitution with those of indigents and occupiers, and ruled that the landowners' right to equality would be infringed if the state were to burden them with providing alternative accommodation without compensation. The obligation to provide access was the City's, and the City could not transfer that obligation to private landowners. The court ordered compensatory relief to Blue Moonlight Properties and found that the City was in breach of its constitutional duty to provide adequate housing on a progressive basis. It was obliged to make monetary payment each month until such accommodation was found. The Extension of Security of Tenure Act applies to occupiers The Act distinguishes between occupiers as of 4 February, 1997, and occupiers after that date. The procedures for and limitations on eviction are set out in section 9: "Not less than two calendar months' written notice [must be given] of the intention to obtain an order for eviction, which notice shall contain the prescribed particulars and set out the grounds on which the eviction is based." The "just and equitable" principle is invoked repeatedly. The Land Reform (Labour Tenants) Act, which regulates the establishment of landownership by "labour tenants," also places certain limitations on eviction. The procedures for eviction (which must, again, be just and equitable) are set out in sections 7 and 15. "Actio negatoria". The "actio negatoria" permits the owner to resist or deny the existence of an alleged servitude or other right for the defendant to cause physical disturbance of the land. It can also be used when movable property has been alienated without the owner's consent, and delivered notwithstanding, pending the institution of the "rei vindicatio"; and in situations where a person has interfered with the owner's enjoyment, to compel that person to restore the "status quo ante". With the "actio negatoria", the owner may demand the removal of any structures that have been unlawfully placed on the land (that is, without his consent). The remedy can be used to obtain a declaration of rights, to claim damages or to obtain security against any future disturbance of the claimant's rights. The claimant must prove the following essential elements in order to be successful in bringing the action: Delictual remedies. Delictual remedies offer the owner compensation or damages for interference with the exercise of his rights of ownership. Most often the delict is a wrongful alienation resulting in financial loss. Delictual remedies are appropriate where physical restoration of the property is impossible: that is, where the property has been lost or destroyed or damaged, in which case the owner is entitled to be compensated for his patrimonial loss. Three delictual remedies are relevant to the law of property: the "condictio furtiva", the "actio ad exhibendum" and the "actio legis Aquiliae". They are all personal remedies rather than real ones. "Condictio furtiva". The "condictio furtiva" is used in cases where property has been stolen, in order to recover the patrimonial loss. The action is available only against the thief, but it may be brought by all persons with a lawful interest in the property. It is essential, however, that the claimant be the owner or have the lawful interest at all relevant times: that is, the interest must exist at the time of the theft and must still endure at the time the action is instituted. "Actio ad exhibendum". The "actio ad exhibendum" is a general personal action with a delictual function. It is instituted by the owner of the property against the person who wrongfully and deliberately disposed of it. The claim is for the value of the property which cannot be recovered, and the basis for liability is bad faith ("mala fide"). There are several requirements: "Actio legis Aquiliae". Whereas the "condictio furtiva" and the "actio ad exhibendum" each has its own particular application (theft and bad-faith disposal respectively), the "actio legis Aquiliae" is a general delictual action to claim compensation in all cases where property has been destroyed or damaged by the defendant in a wrongful and culpable manner. The usual requirements for delictual liability pertain: There must be (i) an action or omission (ii) performed with a culpable disposition (intent or negligence) which (iii) results in damage or injury to the owner. Unjustified enrichment. Remedies for unjustified enrichment apply when a person other than the owner receives benefit at the expense of the owner. The owner may institute an action ("condictio sine causa") against one who has benefited, without cause, from the possession of his property, when that benefit ought to have accrued to him. The benefit could derive from consumption or alienation of the property, and the claim may be made only in situations where no consideration was given ("ex causa lucrativa"); that is, where no money changed hands. In certain circumstances, the "condictio sine causa" may be the only remedy available to the owner, especially in respect of "bona fide" possessors who consumed or alienated the property. To be successful in his enrichment claim, the owner must show Real security. Whenever someone borrows money from another, a relationship is created between the lender (the creditor) and the borrower (the debtor). The lender takes on the risk that the borrower may not repay the money he owes. To reduce this risk, the law has devised a process which offers some protection to the lender, so that he may recover the money he is owed in the event that the borrower does not meet his obligations. The process distinguishes between cases in which the borrower is unwilling and cases in which he is unable to pay. The lender, in such cases, may seek an order for repayment and a declaration of insolvency respectively. These actions, however, do not resolve the risk. There is consequently the additional protection of security, which can be either real or personal. In contrast to real security, personal security right gives the creditor a personal right to settle the principal debt if the debtor fails to do so, whereas a real security right gives the creditor a limited real right in property belonging to the debtor. In terms of the limited real right, the debtor (or third party) agrees that the creditor may use the property to settle the principal debt if the debtor fails to do so. Personal security rights are regulated by the law of obligations (contract and delict), whereas real security rights are governed by the law of property. Real security is important to commerce, as it provides a mechanism which allows owners to maximise their potential to generate wealth by offering their existing property as security for credit. Real security gives the creditor limited real rights over the debtor's bonded property. There has been significant judicial activity in South Africa involving security rights and constitutional property protection, as well as security rights and the guarantee against eviction. Categories. There are three distinct categories of real security: Functions. The property that secures the principal debt is referred to as the security object. The security parties are the debtor, known as the secured party, and the creditor, known as the security holder. Real security rights give the security holder the power to prevent the secured party from disposing of it, as well as a right of preference ("ius praeferendi"). Where the secured party is unwilling to repay the principal debt, or is insolvent, the security holder may, after the security object has been attached and sold in execution, claim the proceeds from that sale before any other creditor. Real security rights are limited real rights (or "iura in re aliena", or rights in someone else’s property). They confer limited and specific entitlements on their holders and are enforceable against third parties. Creation. Several legal transactions are entered into to create a real security right. These may be categorised as follows: Preconditions. A number of preconditions must be fulfilled before a real security right can come into existence: Credit agreement. The credit agreement, which describes the agreement between the creditor and the debtor, creates personal rights only. It establishes the principal debt and is governed by the law of contract and the National Credit Act. Security agreement. In the security agreement, which also creates only personal rights, the debtor undertakes to provide security for the principal debt established in the credit agreement. The security agreement determines the nature of the security: whether, for instance, it is a mortgage or a pledge. It, too, is governed by the law of contract. Perfection. The security agreement is not sufficient for the creation of a real security right. For the right to exist, the parties must comply with the publicity principle which holds that limited real rights are perfected by due publicity. Thus, the right must be publicised, although the manner will differ depending on whether the security object is movable (in which case it must be delivered to the security holder) or immovable (in which case it must be registered in the Deeds Registry). Once publicity has taken place, a real security right will vest in the security holder. Nature. Real security rights have certain common characteristics with other limited real rights: for example, the conferral of entitlements and enforceability. They are distinguished from other limited real rights in that they are accessory or contingent in nature: they depend for their creation and continued existence on a valid underlying debt. In "Kilburn v Estate Kilburn", the court found that, as the principal debt was invalid, the limited real right (in that case a notarial bond) was invalid, too. Similarly, a real security right will be terminated automatically when the principal debt is extinguished. The principal debt usually arises out of a contract, but it may also arise out of a delict or unjustified enrichment, a natural obligation (valid but not legally enforceable) and a conditional obligation. The principal debt may be intended to secure an existing or future obligation, in which event it will be suspended until that obligation arises. Although it will usually take the form of money, it need not necessarily do so; for example, one may secure an obligation to perform an act. It is customary, though, to express the debt as one sounding in money for a liquid amount, which gains the advantages of provisional sentencing proceedings to facilitate the satisfaction of the creditor’s claim if the debtor defaults or becomes insolvent. Unless otherwise agreed by the parties, a real security right is indivisible, securing the entire debt and binding the secured party (or debtor) until it is paid. Also unless otherwise agreed, a real security right secures not only the principal debt but all its “incidents” as well. These may include: Real security rights do not entitle the security holder to use and enjoyment of the security object, unless otherwise agreed by the parties. Security object. In accordance with the specificity principle, the security object must be clearly determined and described in the security agreement. It cannot be property belonging to the security holder, because, by definition, one cannot have a limited real right in one’s own property. It may be movable or immovable; it may be a single thing ("res singula") or an aggregate of things ("universitas rerum"); it may even be incorporeal, as with a servitude. The secured party must be the owner of the security object, or at least a duly-authorised representative of the owner. Express real security. Express real security rights are established by express agreement and include pledges, mortgages and notarial bonds. The two most important forms of express real security are special mortgages in immovable property and pledges of movable property. Special mortgages. Mortgage refers to real security which hypothecates immovable property to secure payment of a debt. A mortgage is perfected by registration in the Deeds Registry, pursuant to an agreement between the parties—the mortgagor (debtor) and the mortgagee (creditor). A special mortgage is taken over specific immovable property, but both incorporeal and corporeal immovables can be mortgaged. The property must, however, be in existence. General mortgages are prohibited. To be valid, a mortgage must be evidenced in writing in the form of a mortgage bond. The bond must be executed by the mortgagor, attested by the Registrar of Deeds and entered into the register. Creating a mortgage requires two constitutive acts: A mortgage bond, as per "Thienhaus v Metje & Ziegler", is an instrument of hypothecation, a record of the mortgage agreement, a record of the principal debt and a debt instrument. It establishes the mortgagee’s right of mortgage ("ius hypothecarium"). Registration does not depend on the validity of the underlying "causa", as South Africa applies the abstract system of transfer of real rights. The mortgage agreement, governed by the law of contract, is an undertaking to secure the underlying principal debt by passing a mortgage bond over immovable property in favour of the mortgagee. It is subject to the National Credit Act: that is, Writing is not a requirement for a mortgage agreement. It is important to note that registration serves to publicise the right of mortgage, not the debt which it secures. Although the details of the debt (the amount, nature and origin) are not an essential requirement for a valid mortgage, the mortgage right is an accessory right which depends on the existence of the debt. It is custom in drafting mortgage bonds to incorporate an admission of liability by the mortgagor to facilitate a quick and easy remedy. Form and content. With only a few exceptions, no specific form is prescribed by law for the mortgage bond. Certain standard forms, however, have been developed over the years. The mortgage bond provides identification of the parties and property, and an unconditional acknowledgement of debt. As for the contractual aspects of the principal debt or obligation, mortgage bonds usually include clauses dealing with the repayment scheme, charges and the possibility of foreclosure, and also use and enjoyment of the mortgaged property, and maintenance and procedures. Clauses not to be included are the forfeiture clause ("pactum commissorium") and the summary execution clause ("parate executie"). The former provides that, if the mortgagor defaults, the mortgagee may keep the property for his own. The latter provides that, if the mortgagor defaults, the mortgagee may take possession of the mortgaged property and arrange for a private sale. However, after mortgagor default, the parties may agree that the mortgagee can take over the mortgaged property or sell it extrajudicially at a fair valuation. Operation. To understand how a mortgage bond operates, it is necessary to take note of at least the following three aspects: Termination. Termination of the mortgage bond occurs: Pledges. A pledge is a limited real right that one person acquires in another person's movable property in order to secure payment of a debt. It is created by delivery of the movable property, pursuant to an agreement between the parties, who are known as the pledgor and the pledgee. A pledge does not give the pledgor (or debtor) the option of retaining the property while burdening it with the real security right, but it can be created in respect both of corporeal and of incorporeal property. A pledge in respect of incorporeal property is commonly referred to as a security cession ("cessio in securitatem debiti"), meaning that a claim against a third party is ceded to the pledgee; in this case, personal rights vest in the pledgee. Control that vests in the pledgee is known as quasi-control. The primary claim, however, remains vested in the pledgor. An act of publicity may be required: for example, sending notice of cession to the pledgor's debtors. The creation of a pledge usually takes place in two stages: For a pledge to come into existence as a real security right, it is essential that delivery occur. Delivery can be actual or constructive, but the pledgee must retain possession of the pledged object. The transfer of possession is intended to publicise the fact that a real security right, in the form of a pledge, has been established over the pledged object. The transfer serves to protect the pledgee's real security right by preventing the pledgor from alienating the pledged object or pledging it to some other person. This is why "constitutum possessorium" is not permitted. One of the disadvantages of the transfer of possession is that (unlike the mortgage bond, where possession is usually retained) it does not promote commerce, as most businesses cannot afford to give up possession of their movable property. To avoid the requirement of transfer, the parties sometimes enter into a simulated transaction, which appears to be one type while it is actually another: a sale, for example, which is actually a pledge. The courts' treatment of simulated transactions is best illustrated in the classic case of "Vasco Dry Cleaners v Twycross". Operation. The most important of the entitlements conferred by the pledge on the pledgee is his right of preference to the proceeds of the sale in execution. Although the pledgee is entitled to possession, he is not entitled to use it, enjoy it or take any of its fruits. He is also obliged to take reasonable care of the pledged property, and has a further obligation, on the termination of the pledge, to restore pledged property (plus its fruits) to the pledgor. The pledgee is entitled to protect his possession by means of an interdict. If he has incurred necessary expenses in maintaining the pledged property, he may claim maintenance costs and retain the property until they are paid. If the pledgee gives up possession voluntarily, the pledge is terminated, but a third party may exercise possession on his behalf. Notarial bonds. A notarial bond is a limited real security which hypothecates movable property in an attempt to secure the bondholder’s ranking for the satisfaction of a debt. To be valid, a notarial bond must be notarially executed, and to be enforceable against third parties, it must be registered in the Deeds Registry at the bond debtor’s place of residence or registered office within three months of execution. A notarial bond can only be taken over movable property and merely grants the bondholder a right of preference (prior ranking) over unsecured creditors and hypothec holders at the debtor’s insolvency. Generally, the bondholder does not possess the bonded property, and therefore notarial bonds usually contain “perfection clauses” allowing the bondholder to seize and dispose of the bonded property when the debtor defaults. A notarial bondholder does not acquire a security right until the bond is perfected by taking possession of the bonded property, which may be construed by an attachment by a sheriff or messenger on the bondholder’s behalf. In other words, the requirements for a valid pledge must be fulfilled. A bondholder may not exercise this right without a court order or the debtor’s consent; moreover, the perfection clause must be included in the bond. Notarial bonds take two forms: general and special. General bonds. A general notarial bond, governed by the common law, applies generally to all movable property, both corporeal and incorporeal (including liquor licenses, book debts, and goodwill), in the bond debtor’s possession, which may include movables acquired after executing the bond. Despite registration in the Deeds Registry, the real right of security merely “attaches” to the bonded property and is inchoate, so that the property may be alienated without the consent of the bondholder, and the bond does not bind any third party who acquires property. That is to say the bondholder’s right of preference is defeated following a sale in execution; when, however, the bond debtor’s estate is sequestrated as insolvent, the bondholder’s preference is still perfectable. Special bonds. A special notarial bond is taken over a specific corporeal movable of the bond debtor. Whereas the common law governs the general bond, the special bond is a creature of statute, subject to the Security by Means of Movable Property Act 1993. Before 1993, the legal principles governing special bonds were different in Natal from those in the rest of the country; they were set out in the Notarial Bonds (Natal) Act 1932, which dictated that a duly registered notarial bond over movable property be deemed to have been delivered to the bondholder in pledge. In the rest of the country, the principles set out in "Cooper v Die Meester" were applicable, so that the special notarial bondholder ranked equally with all other creditors in cases of insolvency. As of 1993, movable property is deemed, if registered, to have been pledged and delivered; in other words, the 1993 Act extended the Natalian principles to the rest of the country, so that the common law of pledges is now applied to special bonds. It also made perfection clauses unnecessary for special bonds. The importance of specifying and describing the movable in the notarial bond was illustrated in "Ikea Trading und Design v BOE Bank". The test is whether a third party is able to identify the property from the terms of the bond itself, without recourse to extrinsic evidence. The reason for this requirement is that one of the bond’s functions is to publicise the fact that a real security right has been established. Tacit real security. Tacit real security rights include the lessor’s tacit hypothec, the hire purchase tacit hypothec, liens and statutory security rights. They are created by operation of law. Tacit hypothecs. The only common-law tacit hypothec recognised in South Africa is that of the lessor of immovable property. The other hypothecs are statutory, the most important being the tacit hypothec of the seller under a hire purchase agreement. Lessor’s hypothec. The lessor’s tacit hypothec, also known as the landlord’s hypothec, arises out of the relationship between a lessor and a lessee. Its purpose is to secure the lessee’s obligation to pay the rent stipulated in the lease agreement, and it is triggered (by operation of law) as soon as the rent is in arrears. The hypothec is accessory to the debt obligation; accordingly, it falls away (by operation of law) as soon as the rent is paid. Property subject to the tacit hypothec ("invecta et illata") includes goods (corporeal movables) brought to the premises by the lessee, as well as any fruits of the property that the lessee has collected but not yet removed from the property. The goods must, however, be present on the premises at the time of enforcement of the hypothec. The lessor’s knowledge of the existence of the goods is not required before the hypothec may be enforced. To create a real security right, the lessor must perfect the tacit hypothec by obtaining a court order which interdicts the alienation or removal of the "invecta et illata", or else attaches them. Once the lessor’s hypothec has been perfected, the lessor acquires a real security right: a right of preference following a sale in execution of the movable property. The lessor may also prevent the lessee from removing the "invecta et illata" from the premises. If the "invecta et illata" are insufficient to cover the rent arrears, the hypothec may be extended to "invecta et illata" that belong to a sub-lessee. If both are insufficient, the hypothec may be extended to property belonging to a third party, so long as: The lessor's tacit hypothec will be nullified if the third party informs the lessor of his ownership of the property in question prior to the perfection of the hypothec. In "Bloemfontein Municipality v Jacksons", the Appellate Division held that, where a third party has not taken reasonable steps to protect his property from the lessor’s hypothec, the courts will infer that the property was brought onto the leased premises with the implied knowledge and consent of that party. It is important to note that the Security by Means of Movable Property Act excludes the lessor’s hypothec in respect of property purchased in terms of a hire purchase agreement. Similarly, movable property subject to a special notarial bond, and in the possession of a third party—that is to say, anyone other than the bondholder—is excluded from the lessor’s hypothec unless the hypothec was perfected before the registration of the bond. Hire purchase hypothec. A hire purchase agreement, also known as an instalment sale, allows the purchase price to be paid in instalments after delivery of the hired property. Ownership remains with the seller until the hirer has paid the last hire instalment. The seller’s tacit hypothec is triggered by the sequestration of the hirer. The seller has a secured claim to the outstanding instalments due in terms of the hire purchase agreement. The seller’s hypothec under a hire purchase agreement secures the seller’s claim to outstanding instalments, so that the seller has a preferential claim. Lien. A lien, also known as a right of retention, may be a real security right which arises by operation of law, or it may be a personal right. Its purpose is to secure the repayment of money or labour that the lienholder has expended on the lienor’s movable or immovable property. It operates as a defence to the lienor’s "rei vindicatio" and entitles the lienholder to retain possession of the property until compensated for the expenditure incurred. It does not include the right to have the property sold in execution. In "Singh v Santam", the court held that the lienholder must have been in physical possession of the property at the time he incurred the expense. (A lien differs from a tacit hypothec most obviously in this respect.) As soon as the lienholder’s claim has been paid, the lien terminates automatically; it is accessory to the principal debt. There are two types of lien: A lien may be terminated in the same way as other real security rights: Judicial real security. When a creditor has taken judgment against a debtor who has failed to comply, the creditor may enforce the judgment by applying for a writ of execution. The writ serves as a warrant which authorises the sheriff to attach the debtor's movable or immovable property, which creates a real security right in favour of the creditor. This real security right, established by court order, is usually referred to These real security rights provide the creditor with a preferential claim to the proceeds of the sale of the attached property. Servitudes and restrictive conditions. Both servitudes and restrictive conditions are limited real rights in property, or "iura in re aliena". They both, then, are limitations on the right of ownership, and constitute a burden on the property in question; they must be registered against the title deeds of a property. Servitudes. Servitudes are real rights that are "carved out of the full "dominium" of the owner" and confer benefit to another, either by affording him the power of use and enjoyment, or else by requiring the owner to refrain from exercising his entitlement. Conversely, the notion of servitude implies that the property serves either another property or another person, and that the "dominium" of the owner of the servient or burdened property must be diminished by the servitude. One cannot, by definition, have a servitude on one's own property ("nemini res sua servit"), because a servitude can only be a limited real right in the property of another. There is a rebuttable presumption of unencumbered ownership. The burden of proof, which should be on a balance of probabilities, is on the person alleging the existence of a servitude. Nature. The holder of the servitude has priority, in principle, as regards the exercise of the particular entitlement covered by the servitude. The servient owner may exercise all the usual rights of ownership, but he may not impair the rights of the servitude holder, and hence may not exercise those rights which are inconsistent with the servitude, or grant further servitudes that would infringe on the existing servitude ("servitus servitutis esse non potest"). The servitude holder is entitled to perform all acts necessary for the proper exercise of the servitude, but must do so such that as little inconvenience as possible is caused to the servient owner, and such that the burden on the servient property is not increased beyond the express or implied terms of the servitude. South African law does not have a closed list of real rights in land, but new types of real rights in land are permitted only with great caution, in keeping with the view that land should not be unnecessarily burdened. It was held in "Linvestment v Hammersley" that the court may be required to reinterpret servitudes which have existed for a generation in a different setting to render them continuously useful for modern society. Servitudes are classified according to whether or not they benefit successive owners. Two types are recognised: praedial servitudes and personal servitudes. Whether a servitude should be classified as a personal or a praedial servitude depends on whether it benefits a particular piece of land or a particular person: If the benefit favours land, then, regardless of the identity of the owner at any given point, successive owners will benefit from the interest in the servient land; if the benefit favours a particular person, then, at best, the benefit will exist for the lifetime of that person. Both praedial and personal servitudes are limited real rights, as they burden ownership, and both may be either positive or negative. Positive servitudes confer on the servitude-holder the entitlement "to enter upon the servient proprietor's land to do something positive," to perform a positive act; negative servitudes restrict the entitlements of the owner of the servient tenement. Praedial servitudes. Praedial servitudes are limited real rights existing only in respect of land. They are vested in successive owners of one piece of land, called the dominant tenement, which derives a benefit from another piece of land, the servient tenement, belonging to someone other than the owner of the dominant tenement. In other words, praedial servitudes always involve at least two pieces of land, one of which serves the other. They benefit successive owners and are inseparably bound to the land they benefit. It is required of a praedial servitude that it benefit the owner of the dominant tenement in his capacity as owner of the land (rather than merely in his personal capacity). This is referred to as the requirement of utility (or "utilitas"). The question is whether or not the value derived from the dominant tenement is enhanced by the servitude. In determining "utilitas", the following factors are considered: The rights and duties of the dominant and servient owners depend primarily on the terms of the agreement that constitutes the servitude. That agreement is construed strictly, and in a manner which is least burdensome for the servient owner. The dominant owner must exercise his rights "civiliter modo", with due regard, that is, to the rights of the servient owner. Either party may approach the courts for a declaration of rights. Specific duties may be enforced by way of interdict, and damages may be awarded by a court where either party has exceeded the terms of the servitude and has suffered patrimonial loss. There are several conventional types of servitude: Personal servitudes. Personal servitudes are limited real rights in either the movable or the immovable property (not just the land) of another. They vest only in one particular person (rather than successive holders). A personal servitude cannot be transferred by its holder (in much the same way that praedial servitudes are said to ‘run with the land’); it is extinguished when the period expires for which it has been granted, or when the holder dies: It cannot exist beyond his lifetime and cannot be transferred to a third party. Where the holder is a juristic person, it lasts for 100 years. Unlike its praedial counterpart, the personal servitude is divisible. There is no "numerus clausus" of personal servitudes. The most common and conventional forms inherited from Roman-Dutch law are the usufruct ("usufructus"), the "usus" and the "habitatio". Other forms of the personal servitude borrowed from English law include the so-called ‘irregular servitude’ (i.e. the English easement "in gross" which has content usually associated with praedial servitudes, but which is constituted in favour of an individual), restrictive conditions (i.e. English real covenant), trading rights and the right of a developer to extend a section title scheme. Usufructs. A usufruct is a limited real right, typically employed when a testator wishes to provide for surviving family members after his death, but wants the property to go to someone other than the usufructuary. The usufructuary may use and enjoy the property, which can be either movable or immovable, corporeal or incorporeal, and draw and acquire ownership of the property's fruits, which may be either natural (like crops and the young of livestock) or civil (such as rental income and interest on a capital investment). The usufructuary must gather the natural fruits in order to obtain ownership of them. Civil fruits, on the other hand, are acquired by the usufructuary as soon as they become due. A usufruct cannot extend beyond the life of the usufructuary, who, not being the owner of the property, is not entitled to alienate or consume or destroy it. The usufructuary interest may, however, be alienated or pledged or mortgaged or sold in execution. In "Durban v Woodhaven", the court questioned the fine distinction drawn between the usufruct itself and the right of enjoyment comprised by the usufructuary's interest. This decision implies that the nature and purpose of a particular personal servitude should determine whether the rights under the servitude are alienable. The usufructuary's rights include possession, administration, use and enjoyment of the property, as well as its natural and civil fruits. Consumable property cannot be the object of a usufruct, since the usufructuary must be able to give the property back to the owner "salva rei substantia" (or substantially intact) at the end of the usufructory period. The usufructuary must use the property reasonably: that is, for the purpose for which it was intended. The owner of the property retains all the rights of ownership, subject to the usufruct, and may therefore alienate or mortgage the property, subject to the usufruct. Creation. Personal and praedial servitudes are created through agreement between the owner of the dominant tenement and the owner of the servient tenement. The terms of the agreement will provide for the nature, scope and extent of the servitude; the price to be paid by the owner of the dominant tenement as a consideration for the grant of the servitude; and the duration of the servitude. A praedial servitude can be granted in perpetuity, or it may exist for a specified period of time or until the fulfilment of a specified condition. The agreement gives rise to a personal right to claim registration of the servitude. Registration creates its real nature. A personal servitude may also be created by agreement, but it is more common for a personal servitude, such as a usufruct, to be created in terms of a will. A servitude may also be created by state grant. Both personal and praedial servitudes may be created by statute. Acquisition of a servitude may also occur, in terms of the Prescription Act, by acquisitive prescription. Servitudes may also result from a court order (e.g. "via necessitatis"). Extinction. Servitudes may be terminated by agreement. They can usually be abandoned (although proof of the intention to abandon is necessary) and may also be extinguished by the effluxion of time (although different rules pertain to positive and negative servitudes). A servitude terminates if the property to which it relates is destroyed, but it will revive if the property is restored. A servitude which is constituted for a limited period, or under specific conditions, expires at the end of the stipulated period, or when the specified conditions are fulfilled and a court order confirms the termination. A servitude may also expire in terms of a statute. Praedial servitudes. If, in the case of praedial servitudes, the dominant and servient tenements are merged, the servitude will be terminated: If the merger was not intended to be permanent, the servitude will revive when the properties are separated again; if the merger was intended to be permanent, the servitude will not revive when the properties are again separated. Praedial servitudes also terminate when the requirements for their constitution can no longer be fulfilled. Personal servitudes. A personal servitude will expire when the holder of the servitude dies. A personal servitude may also expire upon the fulfilment of a resolutive condition. The Deeds Registries Act provides for the registration of the expiry of a personal servitude. Enforcement. Most of the remedies available to an owner are also available, "mutatis mutandis", to a servitude holder. The following remedies, therefore, are generally available to a servitude holder: Restrictive conditions. Restrictive conditions are a unique set of limited real rights which are utilised in the context of town planning and the management of land use. This area of the law has become ‘so specialised and so important’ that it warrants a section of its own. Restrictive conditions are in the nature of urban praedial servitudes. They consist of a wide range of restrictions on the use of land and are usually contained in a deed of transfer. The purpose of a restrictive condition is: Definition. In a broad sense, a restrictive condition includes a registered restrictive condition of title, which is registered in the deed of transfer, but which also includes any other restriction in any other deed or other instrument in terms of which a right in land is held. An example of this is a provision in a town-planning scheme. Restrictive conditions work hand-in-hand with town planning, zoning and land-use schemes. In a narrow sense, restrictive conditions are those registered restrictions on the use of land. They include those conditions inserted into a deed of transfer during the process of township development. Below are examples: It is important to note that much of the terminology used in this area of the law—"restrictive condition," "condition of title," "restrictive title condition," "restrictive title deed condition," "title deed restriction," "title deed condition"—all refers to the same thing. Restrictive conditions must, however, be distinguished from restrictions of town-planning and land-use schemes. Nature and character. As previously noted, restrictive conditions are in the nature of urban praedial servitudes. All concerned parties, therefore, are mutually and reciprocally bound to one another to adhere to the provisions of the restrictive condition. In "Ex parte Optimal Property Solutions", the court held that registered praedial servitutal rights are incorporated into the constitutional concept of property, such that the removal or deletion of a restrictive condition may amount to a deprivation of property. In "Van Rensburg v Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality", it was found that restrictive conditions operate in private sphere but also bear a public character, so that both private citizens and the state are bound to honour and uphold them. The responsibility was placed on the municipality to be aware of the restrictive condition and to act in accordance with it. A conflict may arise between the provisions of a restrictive condition and a town-planning or land-use scheme. Where this occurs, the restrictive condition usually takes precedence. Restrictive conditions cannot be removed automatically. Before an owner may implement or take advantage of the terms of a town-planning scheme, he must remove any existing legal impediment. Failing that the Town Planning Authority may institute proceedings against such an owner to compel him/her to comply with the town planning regulations. Enforcement and defences. When an owner uses his property in a manner contrary to the provisions of a restrictive condition, a number of remedies are available to the person or entity whose rights are thereby infringed: A possible defence to an action instituted to enforce the provisions of a restrictive condition is that the character of the area has changed so much that the original restrictive condition is no longer applicable, has become valueless and need not be enforced. Removal or amendment. The removal of and amendments to a restrictive condition can occur in a number of different ways, most broadly by court application and by statute. "Ex parte Optimal Property Solutions" confirms the procedure for an "ex parte" application, while the Removal of Restrictions Act, for example, contains procedures whereby certain restrictions and obligations in respect of land, including restrictive conditions, may be altered, suspended or removed. The procedure stipulates, "inter alia", that the application must be in a prescribed form and accompanied by payment of fees and notice in the provincial gazette, to provide for the raising of objections. There are numerous advantages and disadvantages to these procedures. Minerals. The acquisition, use and disposal of mineral rights is now governed by the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA), which came into effect on 1 May, 2004. The old common-law principles relating to the acquisition, use and disposal of mineral rights are therefore no longer applicable. The MPRDA entrenches state power and control over the mineral and petroleum resources of the country. History. Historically, the right to minerals fell within the ambit of property law. Mineral rights could be severed from the title to the land. Severance of the mineral rights from the surface rights enabled third parties to become holders of the mineral rights. The right to minerals could thus exist separately from ownership of the land once the right had been severed. To determine the nature and content of mineral rights, the courts relied on the established property-law principles of servitudes. In its conventional, common-law sense, a mineral right comprised the entitlements to enter land, to prospect and to mine upon it and to remove minerals, along with all ancillary rights which enable extraction of the minerals. Mineral rights were valuable assets. Ownership of minerals passed from the landowner to the mineral rights holder. Under the common law, the mineral rights holder was under no obligation to exploit the rights: to mine, in other words. The new mineral-law dispensation introduced a system of state custodianship as the basis for regulatory control over minerals and mining, and also made it clear that the only way to acquire new rights is to obtain them from the state. The Mining Titles Registration Act (MTRA) contains transitional provisions which facilitate the conversion of mining rights obtained under the previous legislative dispensation into rights in terms of the new legislative system. The five-year transitional period created by the MPRDA has now lapsed. Ownership. The common-law principle of "cuius est solum eius est usque ad coelum et ad inferos" has it that the owner of land is the owner not only of the surface but of everything above and below it. The MPRDA provides, however, that mineral and petroleum resources are the common heritage of all people in South Africa, for whose benefit the state is the custodian, although the MPRDA does not expressly reserve ownership of "unsevered" minerals or petroleum to the state. According to one view, ownership of minerals and petroleum not yet extracted from the land is vested in the state; another view seeks to distinguish mineral and petroleum resources from minerals and petroleum as such, so that the collective wealth of minerals and petroleum vests in the state, while ownership of unsevered minerals still vests in the owner of the land, even though the owner may not be able to exploit such minerals. A third view holds that the state's "custodianship" of mineral and petroleum resources does not amount to ownership of unsevered minerals and petroleum: Subject to the public-trust doctrine, the landowner remains the owner of unextracted minerals and petroleum. A fourth view is that it is irrelevant where ownership of minerals and petroleum in the soil lies. "AgriSA v Minister of Minerals and Energy; Van Rooyen v Minister of Minerals and Energy", however, shows that this is not merely an academic question. "Res publicae". A fifth view is that, in terms of the MPRDA, mineral and petroleum resources are a new category of "res publicae", placing mineral and petroleum resources under the custodianship of the state. The underlying property rights of the landowner in unextracted minerals have not been destroyed in theory, but such rights can no longer be of much practical use. The state, in its custodial role, is endowed with the capacity to regulate access to the resources and is obliged to ensure their optimal exploitation. The MPRDA's provisions are not exhaustive. It is silent about ownership of minerals and petroleum once these are extracted, whether lawfully or not. It has been submitted that the common law applies residually, so that the holders of various rights (prospecting rights, mining permits, mining rights, exploration rights or production rights) who are entitled to remove and dispose of the minerals or petroleum acquire ownership of the minerals or petroleum upon extraction. Important concepts. Three basic concepts are important for an understanding of this area of the law, namely "land," "minerals" and "petroleum." "Land" includes not only "dry" land but also, in terms of the MPRDA, the sea. Ownership of dry land lies with the person in whose name it is registered. To qualify as a "mineral," a substance must be in solid, liquid or gaseous form, and occur naturally in or on the earth or water; it must, furthermore, be a product of a geological process, or it must occur in residue stockpiles or deposits. Petroleum is a substance which may be any liquid or solid hydrocarbon or combustible gas existing in a natural condition in the earth's crust. Rights. The state may grant or refuse different kinds of rights in respect of mineral or petroleum resources and the land to which the rights relate. Such rights include As explained previously, the granting of prospecting or mining rights does not as such confer ownership of unsevered minerals. Expropriation and compensation. Some commentators have argued that the provisions of the MPRDA amount to "institutional expropriation" of mineral rights. Other scholars have preferred a case-by-case analysis to determine how conventional common-law rights have been substituted by new rights under the MPRDA, while yet others argue that the MPRDA amounts to nothing more than a legitimate exercise of the state's regulatory powers over property law. The procedure for expropriation is set out in the MPRDA, and the state has certain obligations in respect of compensation. Nature. The MPRDA classifies a prospecting right, mining right, exploration right or production right granted by the Minister (or delegated person in the case of prospecting rights) as "a limited real right in respect of the mineral or petroleum and the land to which such right relates." A contract of prospecting, mining, exploration or production must be in notarial form to be registered. The MPRDA is silent about the nature of the other rights to minerals or petroleum that it recognises. These may only be recorded and filed. It has been suggested, accordingly, that these rights are personal in nature. All rights granted by the Minister are personal rights. In "Meepo v Kotze", the court indicated that the rights come into existence once the Minister, as representative of the custodian state, agrees to grant the applicant a right to prospect for minerals on specified land for a specified period. Prospecting rights, mining rights, exploration rights and production rights become limited real rights upon registration. Content. The MPRDA provides descriptions of the scope of the rights that may be created. These include The MPRDA details the content of these rights. The most prominent duty of right holders is payment (of levies or fees or other consideration) to the state. Competing rights of the surface owner. In the event of an irreconcilable difference between a landowner and the holder of a mineral right, the mineral right holder takes precedence. This principle was confirmed in the case of "Anglo Operations v Sandhurst Estates" The Minister is expressly empowered by the MPRDA to expropriate property for the purposes of prospecting or mining if this is necessary to achieve the MPRDA's objectives. As per "Meepo v Kotze", compensation must be paid by the state to a person who can prove that his property has been expropriated in terms of a provision of the MPRDA. Transfer and termination. Registered mineral or petroleum rights can be alienated. Where a different right-holder is envisaged, the written consent of the Director-General of the Department of Minerals and Energy is required. Mineral or petroleum rights that are not registered may not be transferred or leased or encumbered by mortgage. Mineral and petroleum rights are not infinite; they last for a predetermined period of time. When that period expires, the rights expire with it. The rights also lapse when the right-holder dies. In the case of a juristic person, the rights lapse when the juristic person is deregistered without a successor in title. Social and environmental responsibility. In addition to regulating access to mineral and petroleum resources, the MPRDA seeks to promote various social objectives. Two of the most important of these are the protection of the natural environment and the achievement of Black Economic Empowerment: Right-holders are responsible for rehabilitating and managing negative environmental impacts, while the MPRDA seeks to expand substantially and meaningfully the opportunities for historically-disadvantaged persons, including women, to enter the mineral and industries. This latter objective is reflected, "inter alia", in the requirements for the conversion of old-order mining rights to new-order rights and the requirements for applications for new mining rights. Holders of mineral and petroleum rights are required, furthermore, to demonstrate compliance with black economic empowerment on an annual basis. Water. Water as a natural resource is now governed by the National Water Act (NWA) and the Water Services Act (WSA) In terms of these statutes, water as a natural resource has been placed under the custodianship and responsibility of the South African government. Previously, categories of public and private water existed, and private rights in water formed an integral part of landownership. The NWA terminated the distinction between public and private water in 1998, so that all water is now regarded as public water. Automatic private rights in water have been abolished and replaced with use rights or licences. Rights in water therefore no longer form part of the content of ownership. They must now be dealt with in terms of limited real rights in property, rather than in terms of ownership and its entitlements. History. In the period prior to 1997, ownership entitlements in respect of water were the point of departure. A landowner was the owner of all water arising on or beneath the surface of his land. His ownership rights entitled him to use the water, within the limits of the law, as he wished, and to grant water servitudes to non-owners where appropriate. Hence water could be owned privately, or a limited real right in water could vest in another person: for example, where neighbouring landowners did not have sufficient water on their own properties. The focus since 1997 has been on access to water as a basic human right, linked with the constitutional right to dignity. Ownership entitlements in respect of water have developed into limited real rights or use rights (licences). Common law. The common-law principle of "riparian ownership" dominated the South African water dispensation until 1998. Unlike so much of South African common law (and indeed most of the South African common law relating to water), the principle did not originate in the Netherlands; it developed with reference to English law. The twofold foundations of South African water law, Roman-Dutch and English, were not best suited to the South African context, where water is a scarcer resource. Water Act. The distinction between public and private water was embodied in the Water Act (WA), the main focus of which was to regulate access to and use of water, which the WA attempted to classify as either public or private. Classification was essential, since it determined whether or not landowners could use the water as they pleased. The WA acknowledged the private claims of riparian landowners regarding public water, as well as all claims of landowners in relation to private water. New water paradigm. The new water dispensation, introduced in 1997 and 1998, did away with private control of water in favour of firm state control. The changes in water law were prompted by a fundamental political and legal change in the country: the advent of democracy and the enactment of the Constitution. The Constitution specifically mandated reform of water law, guaranteeing the right of access to sufficient food and water, imposing duties on the state in this regard, stipulating that property, not limited to land, includes water, and providing for the right to a safe environment. The WSA sets out who has the responsibility for realising access to water in practice, as well as how this is to be done. The NWA embodies the departure from the common-law approach to private and public water; the point of departure is now "authorisation to use water," as opposed to ownership of water. The Water Services Act provides the technical and practical framework within which the water-services providers operate at various levels. Water services comprise the provision of water supply and sanitation services. The WSA also prescribes norms and standards, as well as a monitoring system, in respect of water supply and services. A water-services authority, responsible for ensuring access to water services, is a municipality, including a district or rural council, as defined in the Local Government Transition Act. The National Water Act aims fundamentally to reform water law in South Africa. It takes as its point of departure the fact that water is a scarce natural resource. Government is required to take steps to regulate and preserve this resource, taking into account environmental and sustainable-development considerations. The NWA effectively "opens up" the notion of water in South Africa, that it may be accessed more equitably. The new premise is that a person is entitled to use water only if that use is permissible under the Act. The state acts as a trustee or custodian in respect of water, and is therefore responsible for the use and flow and control of all water in South Africa. Any person (including a juristic person) who wants access to and use of water may access and use it only in accordance with the NWA. Existing lawful water use may continue under certain conditions, but for other purposes a licence is required to gain access to and make use of water. The NWA makes provision for personal or praedial servitudes where there is a need to take water from one property to another. These are statutory servitudes which differ from common-law water servitudes, not only with respect to content and transferability, but also with respect to their overall aim and purpose.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=35740340

The 2012 United Nations Climate Change Conference was the 18th yearly session of the Conference of the Parties (COP) to the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the 8th session of the Meeting of the Parties (CMP) to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol (the protocol having been developed under the UNFCCC's charter). The conference took place from Monday 26 November to Saturday 8 December 2012, at the Qatar National Convention Centre in Doha. The conference reached an agreement to extend the life of the Kyoto Protocol, which had been due to expire at the end of 2012, until 2020, and to reify the 2011 Durban Platform, meaning that a successor to the Protocol is set to be developed by 2015 and implemented by 2020. Wording adopted by the conference incorporated for the first time the concept of "loss and damage", an agreement in principle that richer nations could be financially responsible to other nations for their failure to reduce carbon emissions. Background. The United Nations Climate Change Conferences are annual multi-lateral meetings of governments held in different locations around the world under the sponsorship of the United Nations that serve as a forum for countries to discuss climate change matters. The conferences seek to address the threat of global warming caused by greenhouse gas emissions like carbon dioxide. Between 2000 and 2011 carbon dioxide growth in the atmosphere was 20% of the total concentration growth since prehistoric level (391,57 ppm in 2011 and 369,52 ppm in 2000) The concentration of carbon dioxide in Earth's atmosphere has reached 391 ppm (parts per million) versus the pre-industrial concentration was 280 ppm which the consensus of world climate scientists agree is unsustainable. The conferences are attended by dignitaries and sometimes heads of state from most countries and generally draw significant activity by various environmental advocacy groups. Consequently, the conferences are generally well covered by the world media agencies. The 2012 conference is held at the Qatar National Convention Centre in Doha, and with a projected attendance of 17,000 participants it is expected to be the largest conference to have ever been held in Qatar. The conference is casually called the COP18/CMP 8 conference but these are technically different but closely related and sometimes integrated conferences. In 2012, the UNFCCC conference serves as an umbrella for seven concurrent and interrelated meeting groups collectively called the Doha 2012 UNFCCC conference. The main conference is also preceded by several topical pre-sessions. Concurrent conferences under the umbrella of the 2012 UNFCCC conference. The Doha 2012 United Nations Climate Change Conference is an agglomeration of multiple related conferences being conducted roughly in parallel and in a semi-integrated fashion over the two weeks that the conference is in session: Conference focus. The conference focused on five aspects of climate change: Conference structure. The conference is generally a two-week conference consisting of the following activities: The conference will sometimes see late night (or all night) working sessions when diplomats cannot agree to the terms and conditions of agreements and sometimes staged walk-outs by some parties is not uncommon. The last several conferences of this type have suffered from impasses in the first week and a half of talks, followed by a series of rounds of very late night discussions, sometimes followed by an extension of the conference which finally yields a modest progress agreement. External to the conference, the conference generally attracts well organized protests, rallies and demonstrations by various environmental groups urging the participants to reach agreement on the topic of climate change policy. In recent conferences, some activist groups have given daily informal awards to countries that they see as advancing or detracting from their particular ideological position. Conference outcomes. The Conference produced a package of documents collectively titled "The Doha Climate Gateway" over objections from Russia and other countries at the session. The documents collectively contained: Russia, Belarus and Ukraine objected at the end of the session, as they have a right to under the session's rules. In closing the conference, the President said that he would note these objections in his final report. Reaction to the conference outcomes. Reaction to the conference outcomes was characterized as "modest, at best" by NPR. Kieren Keke, Foreign Minister of Nauru and the representative of the Alliance of Small Island States at the conference, was quoted by the BBC as saying, Others like Martin Khor of the South Center, an association of developing nations saw a more positive outcome, specifically regarding the Loss and Damage Mechanism: Jennifer Morgan of the World Resources Institute told NPR about the Loss and Damage Mechanism that: Regarding the path to the $100 billion in Green Climate Fund financing, Jennifer Morgan told NPR the following: Criticisms of the conference and UNFCCC Process. The overall umbrella and processes of the UNFCCC and the adopted Kyoto Protocol have been criticized by some as not having achieved its stated goals of reducing the emission of carbon dioxide (the primary culprit blamed for rising global temperatures of the 21st century). At a speech given at his alma mater, Todd Stern — the US Climate Change envoy — has expressed the challenges with the UNFCCC process as follows, "Climate change is not a conventional environmental issue...It implicates virtually every aspect of a state's economy, so it makes countries nervous about growth and development. This is an economic issue every bit as it is an environmental one." He went on to explain that, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change is a multilateral body concerned with climate change and can be an inefficient system for enacting international policy. Because the framework system includes over 190 countries and because negotiations are governed by consensus, small groups of countries can often block progress. Participant statements and conference activity. Statement by UN climate chief Christiana Figueres. Governments will decide how and timetable to reach an effective universal climate agreement adopted in 2015 and to enter into force from 2020. Christiana Figueres, the UNFCCC executive secretary: "The necessary technology and policy tools are available to governments and societies, but time is very short — only 36 months to reach a universal agreement before 2015. What we now need is to urgently implement the decisions that have been taken at the inter-governmental level and to further strengthen actions already under way," she said. Statement by New Zealand Prime Minister John Key. The New Zealand government said it would not be signing up to a second commitment to the Kyoto Protocol, a decision criticised by the World Wildlife Fund. Prime Minister John Key said New Zealand would not lead the way on climate change, instead opting to be a "fast follower". Statement by Philippine Envoy Naderev Sano. The Philippine Government called for urgent action to halt climate change, emphasizing their recent experience with a deadly typhoon and believing that countries may face more extreme weather disturbances frequently if climate change is left unchecked. "As we vacillate and procrastinate here, we are suffering. There is massive and widespread devastation back home. Heartbreaking tragedies like this are not unique to the Philippines." said Philippine envoy Naderev Sano, who is a member of the Philippines' Climate Change Commission. Statement by Japanese Masahiko Horie. "Only developed countries are legally bound by the Kyoto protocol and their emissions are only 26% [of global emissions]. If we continue the same, only one quarter of the world is legally bound and three-quarters of countries are not bound at all." United Nations and UNEP: methane thawing from permafrost. The United Nations gave a strong warning on the threat to the climate from methane in the thawing permafrost. This has not yet been included in models of the future climate. Permafrost contain 1,700 gigatonnes of carbon – twice the amount currently in the atmosphere. When it thaws, it could push global warming past one of the key "tipping points" that scientists believe could lead to runaway climate change. UNEP called IPCC to provide governments with the most up-to-date knowledge in the next IPCC reports next year. Non-participant statements. World Bank. World Bank published a report in November 2012 demanding the moral responsibility to take action on behalf of future generations. 4 °C warmer world must be avoided – we need to hold warming below 2 °C. Even with the current mitigation commitments there is roughly a 20 percent likelihood of exceeding 4 °C by 2100. The World Bank and the International Energy Agency warned that the world is heading for unprecedented warming – of between 4 °C and 6 °C – if trends are not reversed. That scale would result in droughts, floods, heatwaves and fiercer storms, decline agricultural productivity, bring plant and animal extinctions, and wide human migration. Youth. The first time in history an Arab country is hosting the U.N. conference for climate change negotiations. Youth in more than 13 Arab countries, launch the Arab Youth Climate Movement, a group established to lobby the region's governments on an ongoing basis to take action against climate change: "It's basically our role as civil society to make sure that the government is doing its best to provide us with the best quality of life and it's our right as human beings to ensure a healthy future for us and generations to come." The New Zealand Youth Delegation heavily criticised its own government at the start of the conference, saying New Zealand's withdrawal from a second period of commitment under the Kyoto Protocol was "embarrassing, short-sighted and irresponsible". New Zealand received two 'Fossil of the Day' awards for "actively hampering international progress". Friends of the Earth International. "An open letter to governments and their negotiators" posted on Friends of the Earth International's website stated, "To really address climate change UNFCCC-COP18 should decide to leave under the soil more than 2/3 of the fossil reserves." Greenpeace. Lauri Myllyvirta from Greenpeace Nordic states that the key reason we are heading for 4 °C of warming is coal burning. Massive expansion in the use of coal has caused more than two-thirds of the increase in global CO2 emissions in recent years. Also the World Bank made plea for governments to avoid 4 °C Warmer World. No new coal plants were constructed in Europe after 2007, but 1,200 coal plants are now being planned elsewhere: they can be stopped. The EU spent two-thirds of its energy research funding on nuclear technologies in 2011. Some countries maintain direct subsidies to oil consumption and coal mining. Others are providing decisive economic benefits to nuclear, oil and gas installations by legislation socialising the costs of accidents and of decommissioning. According to Greenpeace removing these subsidies and imposing environmental taxes would increase the cost and price of old energy supplies, and make energy efficiency more profitable. Keepers of prosperity. Eren Swobodan of the German group "Keepers of prosperity - Bewahrer des Wohlstandes" criticized the inaction of the German government. He called for crime charges against people who express doubts on the scientific consensus. In an open letter to non-attendees of his group's 2012 meeting he wrote "the world can't afford another event like 2004 and 2007" and "everything has to be done to avoid it", but he also added for consideration that "they won't make it easy for us". According to Swobodan there is time until 2018, anything beyond that would be too late. In a national campaign published by several German newspapers the group showed heartbreaking pictures of children getting a sunburn and some more severe injuries from to the climate change-enhanced sunny weather in many parts of Germany. Although the campaign raised awareness of global warning in Germany and some German speaking parts of France and even 4 TV stations reported about it, some observers doubt whether it would convince enough politicians to "do what it takes to make it happen".

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=53065869

is the oldest tea house in the world, founded in 1160 in Uji city, Kyoto Prefecture, Japan. It is also the 13th oldest company in Japan, and the 30th oldest in the world, appearing on the List of oldest companies. Located across from Uji Station on the Keihan Uji line, just east of Uji Bridge (originally constructed in 646), successive generations of Tsuen owners provided tea to travelers as "bridge guardians." The shop is the subject of a Kyōgen farce called "Tsuen" and also appears in Eiji Yoshikawa's epic novel Musashi. Today it is operated by the 24th generation of the Tsuen family. History. The founder of Tsuen was Furukawa Unai, a samurai vassal of Minamoto no Yorimasa. After retiring in his later years, Furukawa adopted the last character of his master's name (政 Masa), and called himself Tsuen Masahisa (通圓政久). He became a monk and took up residence at the east end of Uji Bridge. His descendants carried on the Tsuen surname, serving as guardians of Uji Bridge, by praying for the durability of the bridge as well as the safety and health of the people who used it. As part of this role, they also served tea to travelers. Various historical figures have been recorded as having tea at Tsuen, including the shoguns Ashikaga Yoshimasa, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu. Building. The current building incorporates the remains of a merchant residence built in 1672. Viewed from the front, it has overhanging eaves with a wide frontage and few support pillars. This method of construction is from the early Edo period, and makes it easy for people to come and go from the shop. Inside the entrance there is a display of ceramic tea jars that are several hundred years old, along with a small wooden statue of the Tsuen founder presented by Ikkyū Oshō. A wooden well bucket reputed to have been made by Sen no Rikyū can also be seen. Main products. Today the shop sells tea products including the following:

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=52584701

There are a range of shark attack prevention techniques employed to reduce the risk of shark attack and keep people safe. They include removing sharks by various fishing methods, separating people and sharks, as well as observation, education and various technology-based solutions. Techniques that involve culling sharks are contentious. Environmental groups have voiced concern over the impact of reduced shark numbers on ocean ecosystems and the problem of by-catch of other marine life, particularly endangered species. Because sharks are important to the ecosystem, killing them harms the ecosystem. Nets. Shark net. The majority of shark nets used are gillnets, which is a wall of netting that hangs in the water and captures the targeted sharks by entanglement. The nets may be as much as long, set at a depth of , have a mesh size of and are designed to catch sharks longer than in length. Shark nets do not offer complete protection but work on the principle of "fewer sharks, fewer attacks". They reduce occurrence via shark mortality. Shark nets such as those in New South Wales are designed to entangle and kill sharks and other animals that pass near them. Historical shark attack figures suggest that the use of shark nets does markedly reduce the incidence of shark attack when implemented on a regular and consistent basis. A downside with shark nets is that they do result in bycatch, including threatened and endangered species. Between September 2017 and April 2018, 403 animals were killed in the nets in New South Wales, including 10 critically endangered grey nurse sharks, 7 dolphins, 7 green turtles and 14 great white sharks. However note that bycatch from shark nets is minor compared to bycatch from commercial fishing with estimates of 50 million sharks caught unintentionally each year. Total cost for the shark netting program in New South Wales for the 2009/10 year was approximately , which included the cost of the nets, contractors, observers and shark technicians, shark meshing equipment (dolphin pingers and whale alarms etc. ), and compliance audit activities. For the 51 beaches protected, this represents a financial cost of approximately per beach per year. Shark nets have been criticized by environmentalists and conservationists; they say shark nets damage the marine ecosystem. The current net program in New South Wales has been described as being "extremely destructive" to marine life; it has also been called "outdated and ineffective". The New South Wales government prohibits people from rescuing entangled animals — this prohibition has been called "heartless and cruel". Shark barrier. A shark barrier (otherwise known as a "shark-proof enclosure" or "beach enclosure") is seabed-to-surface protective barrier that is placed around a beach to separate people from sharks. Shark barriers form a fully enclosed swimming area that prevents sharks from entering. Shark barrier design has evolved from rudimentary fencing materials to netted structures held in place with buoys and anchors. Recent designs have used plastics to increase strength and versatility. When deployed in sheltered areas shark barriers offer complete protection and are seen as a more environmentally friendly option as they largely avoid bycatch. However barriers are not effective on surf beaches because they usually disintegrate in the swell and so are normally constructed only around sheltered areas such as harbour beaches. A shark barrier installed at Middleton beach in Albany, Western Australia cost to install, with annual maintenance budgeted at per annum. On Réunion Island in 2015 two shark proof enclosures cost €2 million to install and €1 million a year to maintain. Drum lines. A drum line is an unmanned aquatic trap used to lure and capture large sharks using baited hooks. They are typically deployed near popular swimming beaches with the intention of reducing the number of sharks in the vicinity and therefore the probability of shark attack. Drum lines were first deployed to protect users of the marine environment from sharks in Queensland, Australia in 1962. During this time, they were just as successful in reducing the frequency of shark attacks as the shark nets. More recently, drumlines have also been used with great success in Recife, Brazil where the number of attacks has been shown to have reduced by 97% when the drumlines are deployed. While shark nets and drum lines share the same purpose, drum lines are more effective at targeting the three sharks that are considered most dangerous to swimmers: the bull shark, tiger shark and great white shark. SMART drumlines can also be utilised to move sharks, which greatly reduces mortality of sharks and bycatch to less than 2%. In 2014 a three-month trial utilising up to 60 drum lines in Western Australia cost . Drum line programmes that involve culling have been criticized for being environmentally destructive and speciesist, and have sparked public demonstrations and vocal opposition, particularly from environmentalists, animal welfare advocates and ocean activists. Conservationists say killing sharks on drum lines harms the marine ecosystem. In 2018, endangered hammerhead sharks were found dead on Queensland's drum lines. The current drum line program in Queensland has been called "outdated, cruel and ineffective". However environmental damage from drumlines is minor compared to commercial fishing with estimates of 50 million sharks caught unintentionally each year. Other protection methods. Moving sharks. Moving sharks is a way of reducing shark attacks and reducing shark mortality, by capturing, transporting and releasing the sharks further shore. In Recife, Brazil, sharks that were near shore were captured and physically moved offshore with 70% of potentially aggressive sharks and 78% of other animals caught released alive. Sharks that were moved did not return to the same location. This technique has also been successfully demonstrated in the NSW North Coast SMART drumline trial (Australia) where 99% of targeted sharks and 98% of other animals caught were released alive. The West Australian Government are now trialling the same technique along Western Australia's South West coast, near Gracetown. Electronic shark deterrents. Electronic devices create an electromagnetic field to deter shark attacks and is used by surfers, scuba divers, spearfishing, and ocean kayak fishing. It has been considered one of the few electrical devices on the market that has performed independent trials to determine the effectiveness at deterring shark attacks, noting the Ocean Guardian Shark Shield Technology does not work in all situations and divers have been attacked whilst wearing Shark Shield. The West Australian government in 2017 announced that they are supporting the Ocean Guardian FREEDOM7 and the Ocean Guardian FREEDOM+ Surf via a $200 subsidiary. Shark tagging and tracking. Across the world a sample of sharks have been tagged with electronic devices that transmit their location. Acoustic tags transmit pulses which are detected by underwater listening stations when the sharks swim close by, typically within 500 metres. Fin-mounted satellite tags are also commonly used. These tags allow shark movements and behaviour to be monitored and studied and swimmers and surfers can be warned if a shark is detected close to shore. However a limitation with the system is the tagging will only highlight a very small portion of the dangerous sharks present. It also may lead people into a false sense of security. Shark spotting. Shark-spotting programs using drones, fixed-wing aircraft, helicopters, patrol boats, beach patrols, observation towers and even blimps, are being used and trialled in various locations across the globe. However visibility issues with water clarity can be a problem particularly with aerial patrols, which have been found to identify less than 20% of sharks present. There is also the financial cost of hiring aircraft and/or personnel to conduct the surveillance. Personal shark repellents. A shark repellent is any method of driving sharks away from an area and includes magnetic shark repellent, electropositive shark repellents, electrical repellents (including Shark Shield) and semiochemicals. One example is a product called Anti-Shark 100 which is an aerosol can that contains an extract of dead shark tissue. There is a range of evidence that supports the effectiveness of this product. Chemical repellents have been researched since before the 1940s, some of which have raised concerns as to their effectiveness. The semiochemical used in the Anti-shark 100 product have been independently tested & verified on Caribbean reef sharks, however there are concerns it may attract Tiger and White sharks. Other examples of personal shark protection technologies include wearing interruption patterned or camouflage wetsuits, magnetic repellents incorporating a small magnet in a band worn on the wrist or ankle, acoustic repellents that mimic the sound of orcas and changing surf board colours. However, either the products associated with these technologies have not been independently tested, or independent tests highlighted that they did not work. In 2018 independent tests were carried out on five Shark Repellent technologies using Great white sharks. Only Shark Shield’s "Ocean Guardian Freedom+ Surf" showed measureable results, with encounters reduced from 96% to 40%. Rpela (electrical repellent technology), SharkBanz bracelet & SharkBanz surf leash (magnetic shark repellent technology) and Chillax Wax (semiochemical) showed no measureable effect on reducing shark attacks. Protection by dolphins. There are documented instances of bottlenose dolphins protecting humans from shark attacks, one off the coast of New Zealand in 2004 and one attack on a surfer in northern California in August 2007. There is no accepted explanation for this behavior; as mentioned in the "Journal of Zoology", "The importance of interactions between sharks and cetaceans has been a subject of much conjecture, but few studies have addressed these interactions". In some cases, sharks have been seen attacking, or trying to attack dolphins. The presence of porpoises does not indicate the absence of sharks as both eat the same food and surfers have been attacked by sharks whilst in the presence of dolphins. Shark sonar. In September 2015, a shark sonar created by Ric Richardson was tested in Byron Bay, Australia. It is a passive sonar device that does not interfere with animals like dolphins. The final device will sit on the ocean floor and claimed to detect sharks over 2,5 meters long when they are 100 meters away. An alarm will notify people that they have to go out of the water. Other shark sonar systems have been tested, however results have concluded that the shark sonar systems are not effective. By country. Australia. Queensland and New South Wales. In Queensland and NSW systematic long term shark control programs using shark nets and drumlines are utilised to reduce the risk of shark attack. Since 1936 sharks nets have been utilised off Sydney beaches. Nowadays they are employed on both NSW and Queensland beaches; 83 beaches are meshed in Queensland compared with NSW's current 51. The technique of setting drum lines is also used in Queensland and New South Wales, where they have been used in association with shark nets. Before 1962, there were 82 recorded attacks. Since the policy was implemented there has only been one recorded death, at Amity Point in January 2006. 21-year-old Sarah Kate Whiley was attacked by as many as three sharks in Rainbow Channel. The attack occurred in an unpatrolled area. Queensland Fisheries Minister John McVeigh has described the longevity of the netting and drum line program as being "a good indicator that it had the support of most Queenslanders". The baited drum lines attract sharks from within a 3–5 km radius, preventing sharks from reaching swimming areas. They also capture less bycatch than shark nets. There were a total of 97 fatalities attributed to shark attacks in Queensland between 1858 and 2014. In New South Wales there were a total of 96 fatalities attributed to shark attack between 1771 and 2014. The current shark-killing programs in Queensland and New South Wales have been called culls, and have been criticized by environmentalists, who say killing sharks harms the marine ecosystem. Between 1950 and 2008, 577 great white sharks and 352 tiger sharks were killed in the nets in New South Wales — also during this period, 15,135 marine animals were caught and killed in the nets, including whales, turtles, rays, dolphins, and dugongs. In Queensland, from 2001 to 2018, a total of 10,480 sharks were killed on lethal drum lines. NSW North Coast shark net and smart drumline trial. Following 11 shark attacks along the NSW north coast between 2014 and 2016, including two fatalities, Shark nets and SMART drumlines were deployed in December 2016 to cover five additional beaches along the NSW North Coast in a two-year trial. Five nets were deployed off Seven Mile Beach off Lennox Head; Sharpes, Shelly and Lighthouse beaches off Ballina; and Main Beach at Evans Head. Twenty five drumlines were also deployed among nets at Ballina and Evans Head beaches (15 off Ballina; 10 off Evans Head). The trial was successful with no shark attacks occurring at the protected beaches. The SMART drumline caught 230 targeted sharks with 99% of targeted sharks and 98% of other animals caught were released alive. The SMART drumlines are now being expanded to other NSW regions. The shark net trial caught 11 targeted sharks and had a 54% survival rate for all animals caught and will not be continued. Western Australia. In August 2018 following continual shark attacks and public pressure the West Australian state government announced a 12-month trial of "smart" drumlines along Western Australia's South West coast, near Gracetown. Western Australia also deploys shark enclosures in a range of locations as well as aerial shark spotters, beach patrols, shark tagging efforts and associated tracking and notification systems. There were a total of 114 unprovoked shark attacks in West Australia between 1870 and 2016, including 16 fatalities since 2000. South Australia. In South Australia, spotter planes and a small number of patrolled swimming beaches are the only methods used to mitigate the risk of shark attack. On 6 February 2014, Port Lincoln tuna "baron" Hagen Stehr expressed his support for the Western Australian shark cull. He also stated that his business' spotter planes had observed increases in great white shark numbers off the west coast of Eyre Peninsula. He acknowledged that his tuna farming operations attract some sharks. He told "The Advertiser" that he believed "selected culling of sharks is a must. It is crazy stuff to put them under protection so it becomes a major offence to kill them." Critics of Stehr's stance note that a cull of sharks in SA would be beneficial to his business, as tuna is a major source of food for sharks. Shark attack survivor turned conservationist Rodney Fox has spoken out against the cull, saying "When a shark attacks someone, we go 'the shark needs to be punished'. They don't live under our laws. It's a different world down there and it should be treated differently." At September 2014, there had been a total of 82 shark attacks in South Australia since 1836, including 20 fatalities. South Africa. In KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa a long term shark control program utilising a combination of shark nets and drum lines are used to mitigate the risk of shark attack. The region's shark attack statistics primarily reflect the effectiveness of netting, as drum lines were only introduced recently, following their successful use for over 40 years in Queensland, Australia. The KwaZulu-Natal Sharks Board (KZNSB) says "Both types of equipment function by reducing shark numbers in the vicinity of protected beaches, thereby lowering the probability of encounters between sharks and people at those beaches." The KZNSB says, "At Durban, from 1943 until the installation of shark nets in 1952, there were seven fatal attacks. Since the installation of nets there have been no fatalities at Durban and no incidents resulting in serious injury." The KZNSB also says, "At KwaZulu-Natal's other [netted] beaches, from 1940 until most of those beaches were first netted in the 1960s, there were 16 fatal attacks and 11 resulting in serious injury. In the three decades since nets were installed, there have been no fatal attacks at those beaches and only four resulting in serious injury." The presence of nets has greatly reduced the number of shark attacks along Natal beaches. It is unclear whether more sharks caught on drum lines survive when compared to shark net captures in KwaZulu-Natal, but the lines have shown reduced non-target species bycatch. Drum lines set in the region are baited with 500 grams of meat per hook and are believed to only attract sharks from several hundred metres away. Seasonal and temporary bathing bans and "discretionary bathing" are additional strategies employed in the region. Bans often follow net displacement or damage due to storms or swell, or net removal due to whale stranding. Nets are also removed during the annual sardine run to limit the degree of bycatch during the event. Pressure from the tourism industry to reinstate nets during the sardine run has previously proven "disastrous", resulting in large numbers of shark and dolphin mortalities. The "shark control" program in KwaZulu-Natal has been called "archaic" and "disastrous to the ecosystem" (by environmentalists). In a 30-year period, more than 33,000 sharks have been killed in KwaZulu-Natal's shark-killing program — also during this period, 2,211 turtles, 8,448 rays, and 2,310 dolphins were killed. Environmental groups say KwaZulu-Natal's "shark control" program is unethical and harms the marine ecosystem. Activists in Durban say that Durban's shark nets serve no purpose. United States. In Hawaii, seven short term shark culls utilising long-lines took place between 1959 and 1976. During this time, 4,668 sharks were caught, at a cost of US$300,000. Although the Hawaiian resident and tourist human population increased dramatically, the number of shark attacks remained constant (in contrast to Florida, where the number of shark attacks has increased in line with human population increases) and the short term programs were not considered a success by the authors of a shark culling study. The study concluded that the culls "do not appear to have had measurable effects on the rate of shark attacks in Hawaiian waters". The publication came at a time during intense community debate over culling in Hawaii, documented by local journalist Jim Borg in his 1993 book, "Tigers of the Sea, Hawaii’s Deadly Tiger Sharks". Borg detailed the debates between the study's authors and other scientists who argued that the experiences of South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal Shark Board demonstrated the effectiveness of the culling. The debate began with the November 1991 shark attack killing of Martha Morrell off Maui and embroiled the subsequently formed Hawaii Shark Task Force, Borg writes. Statistics from 2013 showed the number of shark attacks in Hawaii was spiking. Brazil. Drumlines and long lines have been used successfully in Recife in a long term program, where shark attacks have been reduced by around 97%. Sharks are initially caught on baited drum lines. Once captured, the sharks (if found alive) are humanely handled and tagged. They are then relocated offshore and their movements are tracked. The project is known as the Shark Monitoring Program of Recife (SMPR). A report assessing the program's performance was published in 2013. It stated: "Overall, the SMPR seems to be less detrimental than shark meshing strategies while clearly contributing for enhancing bather safety; thus, it may provide an effective, ecologically balanced tool for assisting in shark attack mitigation." Réunion Island (France). The prevalence of shark attacks at Réunion Island—there were 19 attacks between 2011 and 2016, including seven which were fatal—prompted Réunion island's government to carry out a range of systematic long term shark protection activities, including a shark cull, utilising "smart" drumlines and longlines. In the five years to August 2016, more than 170 sharks were killed as part of the cull. In 2015, two shark-proof fences were strung at beaches to the west of the island, at a cost of €2 million. Maintenance of the fences is projected to cost €1 million a year. The protective nets / shark enclosures at the two beaches have a total length of just under 1 mile and are subject to damage from heavy swell. On 27 August 2016 a surfer lost an arm and a foot from a shark attack while surfing within one of the enclosures. It was reported that at the time of the attack there was a two-meter hole in the nets, most probably caused by the swell.

agenda's achievements

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=689441

La Honda is a census-designated place (CDP) in southern San Mateo County, California, United States. The population was 928 at the 2010 census. It is located in the Santa Cruz Mountains between the Santa Clara Valley and the Pacific coast of California. La Honda is near the La Honda Creek Open Space Preserve and State Route 84 on the ocean side of the Coastal Range. La Honda is derived from Spanish meaning "the sling". The ZIP Code for La Honda is 94020 and the area code is 650. Land-line numbers in the La Honda telephone exchange follow the pattern 747-xxxx while wired telephones in and around the Middleton Tract (along Portola State Park Road) work out of the Los Altos exchange with 94x-xxxx numbers. Per the U.S. Geological Survey, "Lahonda" is a historic variant of the modern spelling. Geography. According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP covers an area of 4.3 square miles (11.0 km), 99.65% of it land, and 0.35% of it water. Habitat. La Honda is home to diverse habitats, from cool, moist forests of coast redwood and coast Douglas fir, to mixed woodland, chaparral, and grassy hillsides. Climate. This region experiences warm (but not hot) and dry summers, with no average monthly temperatures above . According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, La Honda has a warm-summer Mediterranean climate, abbreviated "Csb" on climate maps. In addition, like much of California, the town receives most of its rain between November and April. Due to El Niño, the region sometimes receives extra winter rains, making it vulnerable to landslides. Scenic Drive, a local road, has seen three landslides since 1998. With elevations ranging from about 300 feet where La Honda Creek meets Alpine Creek, to more than 1200 feet in the hills, the weather may vary between the town's hillsides and valleys. Sometimes the marine layer is too low to reach the hills, leaving the lower elevations foggy or overcast while the mountains enjoy clearer weather. On some winter nights, similar thermal inversions trap cold air in the valleys, leading to frost, with higher elevations remaining generally milder. These same weather patterns are at play in much of the coast-facing Santa Cruz Mountains. Demographics. The 2010 United States Census reported that La Honda had a population of 928. The population density was 217.7 people per square mile (84.1/km). The racial makeup of La Honda was 811 (87.4%) White, 13 (1.4%) African American, 0 (0.0%) Native American, 16 (1.7%) Asian, 2 (0.2%) Pacific Islander, 18 (1.9%) from other races, and 68 (7.3%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 69 persons (7.4%). The Census reported that 916 people (98.7% of the population) lived in households, 0 (0%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and 12 (1.3%) were institutionalized. There were 411 households, out of which 98 (23.8%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 203 (49.4%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 31 (7.5%) had a female householder with no husband present, 16 (3.9%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 40 (9.7%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 10 (2.4%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 101 households (24.6%) were made up of individuals, and 16 (3.9%) had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.23. There were 250 families (60.8% of all households); the average family size was 2.64. The chronological age of residents was spread out, with 153 people (16.5%) under the age of 18; 50 people (5.4%) aged 18 to 24; 202 people (21.8%) aged 25 to 44; 442 people (47.6%) aged 45 to 64; and 81 people (8.7%) who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 47.6 years. For every 100 females, there were 113.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 107.8 males. There were 472 housing units at an average density of 110.8 per square mile (42.8/km), of which 293 (71.3%) were owner-occupied, while 118 (28.7%) were occupied by renters. The homeowner vacancy rate was 2.3%; the rental vacancy rate was 3.3%. A reported 689 people (74.2% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units, and 227 people (24.5%) lived in rental housing units. Early history. The Ohlone lived in San Mateo County for at least 3,000 years prior to European arrival and had more than 40 communities in the region. The La Honda Ohlone were hunter gatherers and lived without farming or herd animals. The creek that runs through the town is listed as Arroyo Ondo on several diseños on the Mexican land grants and as Arroyo Hondo on the 1856 Rancho Cañada de Raymundo map. Hondo is Spanish for 'deep'. The post office was listed as La Honda in 1880 and revised to Lahonda after 1895. The name was restored in 1905 owing to Z. S. Eldredge's efforts. In 1862 John Howell Sears purchased 400 acres and settled in La Honda after his prior residence in Searsville was sold to the water company due to the decline of lumber and flooding issues. The early days of La Honda were built around the lumber industry and the Old Store at La Honda was one of the earliest buildings. Recent history. Ken Kesey, the author of "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest" (pages of which were written all over the restroom wall of his La Honda residence) and other books, owned a home in La Honda, which served as the base of operations for The Merry Pranksters where they used LSD and other drugs. The escapades of Kesey and the Merry Pranksters are documented in Tom Wolfe's "The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test", which describes the wildly painted school bus, 'Furthur', driven by Neal Cassady, who had been the hyperkinetic driver in Jack Kerouac's "On the Road". The La Honda house where Kesey's adventures became famous—one mile (1.6 km) west of Apple Jack's Inn—has been faithfully restored after years of neglect and a near-catastrophic flood in 1998. Schools. The town has a single school, "La Honda Elementary", located within the La Honda-Pescadero Unified School District. Festivals. The town hosts the La Honda Fair & Music Festival each June, and holds an annual Fourth of July picnic at Play Bowl.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=16732826

Mo' Money: Original Motion Picture Soundtrack is the soundtrack to the 1992 film of the same name. It was released June 23, 1992 on Perspective Records. The soundtrack peaked at six on the "Billboard" 200 chart. By September 1992, it was certified platinum in sales by the RIAA, after sales exceeding 1,000,000 copies in the United States. Release and reception. The album peaked at number six on the U.S. "Billboard" 200 and reached the second spot on the R&B albums chart. The album was certified platinum in September 1992. Adam Greenberg of Allmusic gave the soundtrack a mixed review, stating that "the album is a perfect blend for a fan of the early-'90s R&B sound, but doesn't really meet the same standard as music of later years." Charts. Singles. "—" denotes releases that did not chart. Personnel. Information taken from Allmusic.

following first place

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=54566587

The Bohus granite () is a type of granite that crops out along the Swedish West Coast in Bohuslän. In Norway the same granites are termed Iddefjord granite (), Østfold granite and Halden granite. A large quarrying industry has developed around the granites, mainly producing blocks. Large scale extraction begun in the 1840s and employment in the quarries peaked in the 1920s with over 7,000 people working in the industry. The rock is valued for its durability. In the first half of the 20th century the transport of quarried Bohus granite was done with the aid of by the Lysekil Line. In Norway Iddefjord granite has been a relatively common rock in architecture, further many of the renown statues of Frogner Park in Oslo are made of Iddefjord granite. Iddefjord granite is the official county rock of Østfold in Norway. Geology. Geologically the Bohus is a monzogranite, a subtype of granite. Besides the main minerals plagioclase, K-feldspar and quartz the Bohus granites contain lesser amounts of magnetite, apatite, zircon, titanite, garnet and monazite. In restricted areas alteration of the original rock has added prehnite, calcite and chlorite to the mineral assemblage. The texture of the granites varies from fine grained to coarse grained. The granites have pegmatite dykes associated to them. In terms of geochemistry the rocks have a narrow range of high silica contents (68–75 wt% SiO2) and are mildly peraluminous. The Bohus granites have also high uranium and thorium contents. The magma that formed the granites cooled about 920 million years ago after the end of the Sveconorwegian orogeny. The intrusion of the Bohus granite was the last in a period of widespread intrusion of plutons in southwestern Sweden. The Bohus granites intruded and cooled in the brittle middle crust, thereafter being rapidly exhumed so that by the time of the formation of the Sub-Cambrian peneplain in the Late Neoproterozoic the rocks were at surface. Subsequently, the granites were buried in sediments and then intruded by NNW-SSE oriented basic dykes in the Permian. In the Mesozoic the rocks were subject to significant weathering resulting in the formation an irregular grand-scale relief called the Sub-Mesozoic hilly peneplain. At a smaller scale the weathering is thought to have produced numerous small rock basins now seen near the coast.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5079427

Kronoberg Castle (Swedish: Kronobergs slott) is a medieval ruined castle ("slottsruin") located on an island in Helgasjön ("the Helga Lake"), north of Växjö in Kronoberg County, which is named after the castle. The castle ruin is open to tourists in the summer months. History. In 1444 Lars Mikaelson, Bishop of Växjö, built a stone building on the lakeshore, which was destroyed by Danish forces during the Dano-Swedish War (1470–71), but reconstructed and fortified after restored peace in 1472. During the Reformation in Sweden, the castle and its estate were confiscated by King Gustav I. In 1542, during the Dacke War ("Dackefejden") Kronoberg was taken over by rebels led by Nils Dacke. The revolt was suppressed in 1543, and control reverted to the crown. Due to its strategic location near the border between Sweden and Denmark at the time, the castle was further fortified and became a stronghold in this part of Småland. The king's son John III ordered additional improvements that never were carried out. The castle had great military significance during the Northern Seven Years' War (1564–70). In the winter of 1568, Eric XIV used Kronoborg as a support point while beating back a Danish attack from Skåne. In 1570 the castle was successfully besieged and burned by the Danes. Between 1576 and 1580 construction continued, after which the castle had at least 50 cannons. Duke Charles continued work on the fortifications, but in the end of January 1612, the castle was again taken and burned by Danish troops under Breide Rantzau (1556–1618).Reconstruction was not started until 1616. As late as the reign of King Charles XI, Kronoberg castle was in good condition. However, after the Treaty of Roskilde was signed in 1658, the Swedish-Danish border was moved to Øresund, and Kronoberg castle lost its military significance. Neglected, the building began to decay and became a ruin.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=178605

Torsken is a former municipality that was located on the western coast of the large island of Senja in the old Troms county, Norway. The municipality existed from 1902 until its dissolution in 2020 when it was merged into the new Senja Municipality. The administrative centre of the municipality was the village of Gryllefjord. Other larger villages in Torsken municipality included the villages of Torsken, Medby, and Flakstadvåg. The historic Torsken Church in the village of Torsken dates back to the 18th century. Ånderdalen National Park was partially located inside the old borders of Torsken and neighboring Tranøy municipalities. At the time of its dissolution as a municipality on 1 January 2020, the municipality was the 310th largest by area out of the 422 municipalities in Norway. Torsken was also the 401st most populous municipality in Norway with a population of 943. The municipality's population density was and its population has decreased by 0.6% over the previous decade. General information. The municipality of Torsken was established on 1 January 1902 when it was separated from the municipality of Berg. The initial population of Torsken was 1,229. During the 1960s, there were many municipal mergers across Norway due to the work of the Schei Committee. On 1 January 1964, the Rødsand area of Torsken (population: 160) was transferred to the neighboring Tranøy Municipality. In March 2017, the Parliament of Norway voted to merge the municipalities of Berg, Torsken, Lenvik, and Tranøy. The new municipality will encompass the whole island of Senja plus part of the mainland. The new municipality will be established on 1 January 2020 as Senja Municipality. Name. The municipality (originally the parish) is named after the old "Torsken" farm (Old Norse: "Þoskar"), since the first Torsken Church was built there. The farm is named after Torsken mountain, and that name is probably derived from Norse "þo(r)skr" which means "cod". (Several mountains in Norway are named after their likeness with a fish.) Coat of arms. The coat of arms is from modern times; they were granted on 23 March 1990. The arms show a gold-colored anchor cross () on a black background. It is a symbol for both Christianity and the importance of the local harbor. The economy of Torsken is largely dependent on its harbors and an anchor is an appropriate symbol. Churches. The Church of Norway has one parish "(sokn)" within the municipality of Torsken. It is part of the Senja prosti (deanery) in the Diocese of Nord-Hålogaland. Economy. Most of the inhabitants live in the fishing village of Gryllefjord in the northern part of the municipality. The second most important village is Torsken, only a few kilometers to the south. Kaldfarnes/Medby, Grunnfarnes, and Flakstadvåg are other fishing villages further south. The municipality is close to the resources of the major fishing grounds off the Vesterålen archipelago, and 2004 landed 9.8 million tons of fish with a value of for fish-processing in Torsken, Gryllefjord, Kaldfarnes, and Grunnfarnes. Most people work in the fields of fishing or fish processing. The municipality has few productive forests, but there are some spruce trees planted in sheltered areas. In the southern parts of Torsken there is some usable farmland. There are five farms with more than of agricultural land in the entire municipality (as of 1999). Transportation. The Andenes–Gryllefjord Ferry that goes across the Andfjorden to Andenes on the island of Andøya is operated during about two months each summer. The road from the northern part of the municipality to Kaldfarnes, Grunnfarnes, and Flakstadvåg is far from direct. One must drive north and then east to Berg and then south to Tranøy before turning northwest and returning to Torsken. These are the only road connections from the rest of Norway to Torsken. Government. All municipalities in Norway, including Torsken, are responsible for primary education (through 10th grade), outpatient health services, senior citizen services, unemployment and other social services, zoning, economic development, and municipal roads. The municipality is governed by a municipal council of elected representatives, which in turn elect a mayor. The municipality falls under the Senja District Court and the Hålogaland Court of Appeal. Municipal council. The municipal council of Torsken was made up of 15 representatives that were elected to four year terms. The party breakdown of the final municipal council was as follows: Geography. Torsken is a rugged area on the west coast of the island of Senja. Many different fjords cut into its mountainous coastline including Sifjorden, Selfjorden, Torskefjorden, Gryllefjorden, and Skipsfjorden. Between mountain peaks that range from , there are deep valleys and narrow depressions. Many of the valleys contain marshes or lakes. The bedrock under Torsken consists mostly of gneiss and granite.

applicable representation

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=34071505

Rent the Runway is an online service that provides designer dress and accessory rentals. It was started by Jennifer Hyman and Jennifer Fleiss, who launched the company in November 2009. Initially a purely e-commerce company, it later opened brick-and-mortar retail locations in New York City, Chicago, and elsewhere. History. In 2008, Hyman and Fleiss met as sectionmates at Harvard Business School. They regularly met up to discuss entrepreneurial ideas, one of which was Rent the Runway. The company has received approximately $126 million in venture capital from Bain Capital Ventures, Highland Capital, Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers, Condé Nast’s parent company Advance Publications, American Express, and Novel TMT Ventures. As of October 2016, the firm has over 6 million customers, 975 employees, and over 400 designer partners. In 2015, the company suffered negative press after the departure of several executives such as CTO Camille Fournier and Linda Honan (now of BBDO). However, it was reported to have a positive bounce back by the end of 2016 with a Series E venture investment from Fidelity Investments and the launch of new physical retail shops. As of March 2019, Rent the Runway received a new round of financing that increased its valuation to the unicorn level of $1 billion. Business model. Customers can rent one of the firm's designer clothing for a 4- or 8-day period for as low as 10% of the retail price through their traditional platform, RTR Reserve. There are also monthly subscription options that allow items to be shipped either "unlimited" or 4 items per month for a lower cost. Rent the Runway carries apparel in sizes 0 to 22, depending on the designer. Each dress rental includes a back-up size at no additional cost to ensure it fits. Customers can get a second dress style for an additional fee. Rental prices include the dry cleaning and care of the garments. The company also rents children's clothing, accessories, including jewelry and handbags, and sells “essentials,” including lingerie, tights, shapewear, and cosmetics. Rent the Runway has physical locations in New York City, Washington, D.C., Chicago, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. Customers can visit any of Rent the Runway’s five stores, work with a personal stylist, and either take items directly with them or book dresses and accessories for future events. The company has the biggest dry cleaning warehouse in the world, processing 2,000 items per hour. In September 2019, Rent the Runway experienced an 11-day operational glitch and halted service. Awards and honors. Rent the Runway was recently named #5 on CNBC's Disruptor 50 2019 list. In 2018, Rent the Runway was listed as #9 on the CNBC Disruptor 50 list. Rent the Runway has been named one of Fast Company's Most Innovative Companies for two consecutive years in 2018 and 2019. In 2018, Fast Company recognized RTR Unlimited as a World Changing Idea and The New York State Society for Human Resource Management honored Rent the Runway as one of the best companies to work for in New York State in 2014. In 2013, the firm was named one of the 50 companies disrupting the status-quo by CNBC, one of the 10 most innovative fashion companies by Fast Company in 2011, and one of the 50 best websites of 2010 by TIME magazine. In 2019, "Time" recognized Rent the Runway's CEO and co-founder, Jennifer Hyman, as one TIME's 100 Most Influential People of 2019. The firm and Hyman were named one of the “12 Most Disruptive Names in Business” in 2013 by Forbes and Hyman was included on Fortune’s “Trailblazers” list of individuals changing the face of business in 2013. Both Hyman and co-founder Jennifer Fleiss have been named Inc. Magazine’s “Top 30 Under 30,” Fortune’s “40 Under 40,” Fast Company’s “Most Influential Women in Technology,” and Fashion Group International’s 14th annual Rising Stars in Retail, by Forbes in 2016 as "Women Entrepreneurs to Watch", and as "The Creatives" on the 2016 Upstart 100.

supplemental payment

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=250259

Queue areas are places in which people queue (first-come, first-served) for goods or services. Such a group of people is known as a "queue" (British usage) or "line" (American usage), and the people are said to be waiting or standing "in a queue" or "in line", respectively. (In the New York City area, the phrase "on line" is often used in place of "in line".) Occasionally, both the British and American terms are combined to form the term "queue line". Examples include checking out groceries or other goods that have been collected in a self service shop, in a shop without self-service, at an ATM, at a ticket desk, a city bus, or in a taxi stand. Queueing is a phenomenon in a number of fields, and has been extensively analysed in the study of queueing theory. In economics, queueing is seen as one way to ration scarce goods and services. Types. Physical. History. The first written description of people standing in line is found in an 1837 book, "" by Thomas Carlyle. Carlyle described what he thought was a strange sight: people standing in an orderly line to buy bread from bakers around Paris. Typical applications. Queues can be found in railway stations to book tickets, at bus stops for boarding and at temples as well. Queues are generally found at transportation terminals where security screenings are conducted. Large stores and supermarkets may have dozens of separate queues, but this can cause frustration, as different lines tend to be handled at different speeds; some people are served quickly, while others may wait for longer periods of time. Sometimes two people who are together split up and each waits in a different line; once it is determined which line is faster, the one in the slower line joins the other. Another arrangement is for everyone to wait in a single line; a person leaves the line each time a service point opens up. This is a common setup in banks and post offices. Organized queue areas are commonly found at amusement parks. The rides have a fixed number of guests that can be served at any given time, so there has to be some control over additional guests who are waiting. This led to the development of formalized queue areas—areas in which the lines of people waiting to board the rides are organized by railings, and may be given shelter from the elements with a roof over their heads, inside a climate-controlled building or with fans and misting devices. In some amusement parks – Disney Parks being a prime example – queue areas can be elaborately decorated, with holding areas fostering anticipation, thus shortening the perceived wait for people in the queue by giving them something interesting to look at as they wait, or the perception that they have arrived at the threshold of the attraction. Design. When designing queues, planners attempt to make the wait as pleasant and as simple as possible. They employ several strategies to achieve this, including: Psychology. People experience "occupied" time as shorter than "unoccupied" time, and generally overestimate the amount of time waited by around 36%. The technique of giving people an activity to distract them from a wait has been used to reduce complaints of delays at: Other techniques to reduce queueing anxiety include: Cutting in line, also known as queue-jumping, can generate a strong negative response, depending on the local cultural norms. Virtual. Physical queueing is sometimes replaced by virtual queueing. In a waiting room there may be a system whereby the queuer asks and remembers where his place is in the queue, or reports to a desk and signs in, or takes a ticket with a number from a machine. These queues typically are found at doctors' offices, hospitals, town halls, social security offices, labor exchanges, the Department of Motor Vehicles, the immigration departments, free internet access in the state or council libraries, banks or post offices and call centres. Especially in the United Kingdom, tickets are taken to form a virtual queue at delicatessens and children's shoe shops. In some countries such as Sweden, virtual queues are also common in shops and railway stations. A display sometimes shows the number that was last called for service. Restaurants have come to employ virtual queueing techniques with the availability of application-specific pagers, which alert those waiting that they should report to the host to be seated. Another option used at restaurants is to assign customers a confirmed return time, basically a reservation issued on arrival. Virtual queueing apps are available that allow the customers to view the virtual queue status of a business and they can take virtual queue numbers remotely. The app can be used to get updates of the virtual queue status that the customer is in. Alternate activities. A substitute or alternative activity may be provided for people to participate in while waiting to be called, which reduces the perceived waiting time and the probability that the customer will abort their visit. For example, a busy restaurant might seat waiting customers a bar. An outdoor attraction with long virtual queues might have a side marquee selling merchandise or food. The alternate activity may provide the organisation with an opportunity to generate additional revenue from the waiting customers. Mobile. All of the above methods, however, suffer from the same drawback: the person arrives at the location only to find out that they need to wait. Recently, queues at DMVs, colleges, restaurants, healthcare institutions, government offices and elsewhere have begun to be replaced by mobile queues or queue-ahead, whereby the person queuing uses his/her phone, the internet, a kiosk or another method to enter a virtual queue, optionally prior to arrival, is free to roam during the wait, and then gets paged at his/her mobile phone when his/her turn approaches. This has the advantage of allowing users to find out the wait forecast and get in the queue before arriving, roaming freely and then timing their arrival to the availability of service. This has been shown to extend the patience of those into the queue and reduce no-shows.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37830837

Non Violent Resistance (NVR) is a psychological approach for overcoming destructive, aggressive, controlling and risk-taking behaviour. It was originally developed to address serious behaviour problems in young people, although it is now also being utilised in many different areas, such as adult entitled dependence, anxiety-related problems, problems linked to paediatric illness, internet dependency and misuse, and domestic violence perpetrated by adults. Empirical research is on-going and relatively new. However, the outcome studies carried out so far has shown it to be effective for reducing childhood violence and aggression, improved relationships within the family, as well as increasing parents’ confidence levels and improving parental mental health. NVR's principles are based on the socio-political practice of nonviolent resistance (or nonviolent action), which refers to achieving goals through nonviolent methods, such as symbolic protests, civil disobedience, and economic or political noncooperation. The modern leading father of nonviolent resistance as a form of political struggle is Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian leader who used peaceful protests to seek independence from the British. NVR draws upon the approaches used by Gandhi to develop interventions aimed at the violent or self-destructive behaviour of young people who act in controlling ways. More recently, the practice of NVR has spawned the concept of the “anchoring function of attachment”, a contribution to attachment theory which emphasises the child's need to become secure in the relationship with a ‘strong and wise adult’, as well as the conceptualisation of the “New Authority”, which is based on principles such as transparency, inter-personal closeness, accountability of the adult within the community, rather than the principles of positional power, hierarchy and distance which marked more traditional forms of authority. Description. As a therapeutic or coaching process, NVR involves the individual's family, and generally extends to include family friends, professionals, schools and members of the community in its network. The approach believes parents, carers or teachers overcome their isolation by adopting such a large support network, and drawing on interpersonal support. A course of NVR lasts for about 3 months, or longer in more serious cases. Parents or carers of the aggressive young person typically attend one session with an NVR practitioner weekly, and may receive additional support such as telephone calls 1-2 times a week initially, gradually reducing as the intervention progresses. The violent child does not have to participate; NVR has been designed specifically to help families in which a young person does not cooperate in the therapeutic process. It is thought that the parents’ perseverance in the face of the child's non-cooperation sends a message of resistance. The purposes of NVR is to help adults develop a positive form of authority, develop effective, non-punitive strategies of addressing the young person's controlling behaviour without escalation, restore a sense of balance in the family, and improve family relationships. NVR is a stable alternative to violent conflict and unproductive attempts at verbal persuasion. The intervention is used for a variety of aggressive people, including children, adolescents and adults. It is currently used with children in care, children with mental health issues, and people with autistic spectrum disorder (ASD). The methods are concrete, specific, and are not overly reliant on the spoken word, which is why the approach is offered to families of people with ASD. The techniques can also be easily adapted into story boards and other methods, which may help the child understand what changes are being made to resist their behaviour. The Principles and Aims of NVR. The intervention is based on a number of principles and assumptions. Most young people who act in defiant, aggressive or violent ways do this to control others around them. A key element of NVR is an understanding of the concept of ‘parental (or adult) presence.’ This refers to an awareness of the person of the parent and their authority at home, in school, and when the child is with their peers. It also includes parents not being pushed aside, and regaining their parental space in the family unit. Practitioners find that parents of violent children often feel helpless and isolated, and claim this is largely due to a lowered parental presence. NVR aims to increase the parents’ presence in their child's mind, and to reduce the parent's helplessness. One necessary measure in achieving this is the development of an adult support network. This is an essential element in this therapeutic process, where supporters in the network play vital roles, such as mentor, mediator, witness and protector. Some of the other methods for raising parental presence are briefly mentioned in the next section. Another important principle in NVR is that of a delayed reaction: this refers to ‘striking when the iron is cold,’ or not reacting immediately to a situation, which avoids escalation. Instead, the issue is dealt with later at the resistor's choosing. This gives back power to the parent, and helps them regain parental authority and presence. Finally, the therapy works on the premise of using action, not words. This is particularly useful when NVR is applied to people with ASD, who struggle with social communication. The approach endeavours to help parents gain authority. This is achieved through supporting parents to become active in five main areas: De-escalation. De-escalation refers to refusing to be drawn into a battle with the other (escalation). Escalation can be symmetrical where parent and child each attempt to gain control over the other and raise levels of aggression in an upward spiral, or complementary, where parents give in to child demands or the threat of violence or other controlling responses and acquiesce to the child. In each case, the parents are believed to lose more of their authority, and family members are weakened and left more vulnerable. By developing strategies to manage risk with an NVR practitioner, the aim is that parents can build up their authority without getting involved in fruitless power struggles. Breaking taboos. The parents seen in NVR therapy often attempt to “keep the peace” by following rules explicitly or implicitly set in place by their child. It is important to break the rules, in order to resist the violence. Parents therefore learn to break the rules that their child has set up; this ‘parental disobedience,’ is a key principle of the approach. Taking non-violent action. NVR does not rely mainly on punishments or consequences for reducing unacceptable behaviours, but instead on increasing the parents ability to become present and resist aggressive or self-risk behaviours. Reconciliation gestures. Reconciliation gestures play an important role in the therapy process. The purpose of the gestures is to show the young person that their families care for and love them. The gestures are also thought to help the individual and their parents relate to one another beyond the aggression, and reestablish a loving connection. Child focus. It is believed within the NVR field that when young people have experienced physical or sexual child abuse or neglect, their aggressive or dismissive behaviour can mask vulnerability, such as anxiety or fear, and/or an unmet need. Some areas of unmet needs are said to be: The child's behavioural problems divert the attention of adult and child away from any unmet need and vulnerability. NVR claims that by raising their own sense of agency and strength in resisting the destructive behaviour, and then using their efforts at reconciliation to address the child's unmet needs, the adults can re-sensitise themselves for the child's distress and re-instate themselves in a caring position. The Techniques NVR uses. NVR uses a variety of methods, many of which are outlined in the NVR parents’ manual. The resistance process is developed step by step with the NVR practitioner, in order to increase the parents’, carers’ or teachers’ confidence. Initially, the intervention begins with a written announcement; the therapist or NVR coach/practitioner supports and guides the parents and/or other adults in writing and planning how to carry out the announcement without escalation or engaging in unproductive communication. A support network is developed by the parents with the aid of a NVR practitioner throughout the process. The aim of this is to help them to remove the secrecy and expose the violence, and help them to feel supported in their actions. The support network also plays a role in carrying out action, such as participating in ‘sit ins,’ where parents and supporters sit in with the child after an aggressive incident and express their expectation that the child will develop a solution to the violence. Parents are encouraged to document acts of violence or self-destructive acts, as well as their own behaviour and responses around these, and to pass this information on to their supporters, in order to enable public accountability for their own and the young person's behaviour. The supporters also play a role in a ‘campaign of concern’ or ‘message campaign,’ by contacting the young person and expressing their concern for them and others affected by their aggression. This is done to reinforce the parents’ or carers’ message of resistance. After any demonstration of resistance to the child's aggression, adults use reconciliation gestures to communicate their unconditional care, respect and love for the young person. Further techniques are the telephone round and tailing, which are used as methods for raising adult presence where young people withdraw from their families into dangerous environments. Parents and other adults use these and other methods, draw upon their inter-personal resources, to effectively resist their child's violence and self-destructive behaviour by raising parental (adult) presence. Applications. NVR can be utilised with a range of difficulties such as anxiety and aggression in young people on the autistic spectrum, Obsessive Compulsive Disorder (OCD) and other severe anxiety-related problems, when the child does not collaborate in treatment. NVR is now being used for self-isolation, adult entitled dependency, and a variety of other problem areas. Recently NVR has been developed as an intervention in a variety of different settings, such as residential care and foster care (Jakob and van Holen, in process). It is also being developed for other problematic areas, such as childhood obesity and chronic paediatric illness. History. NVR is a relatively new intervention amongst other psychological interventions. It was developed by Haim Omer and colleagues at the University of Tel Aviv, to support parents/carers in developing effective resistance against violence. NVR is widely used in Israel, Germany and a number of other European countries. In the English – speaking world, it has been mainly introduced to the UK. Family therapy roots. Reviews indicate that systemic and multi-modal approaches are effective in decreasing destructive behaviour in adolescents with behavioural problems. The NVR approach applies traditions of Systemic (Family) Therapy, involving family members and institutions surrounding the individual in the therapy process, and change is brought about through the interactions between them. Other roots. NVR has its roots in the philosophy and methods of socio-political nonviolent resistance, such as those used by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. Gandhi practised and advocated non-violence when leading protests against those seeking to oppress him and his fellow men and women. He famously spoke out about non-violently fighting the British without arms, through being peaceful and non-retaliatory. The principle of non-violently resisting a child's controlling behaviour derives from the same ideas and beliefs. Gandhi also promoted solidarity, which is one of the aims the supporters’ network strives to evoke in the parents. Finally, the stance of de-escalation and refusal to be drawn into conflict can be summed up by a famous quote from Gandhi: “An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind”. It is these non-violent beliefs that provided the foundation for NVR. Evaluation of Effectiveness. NVR has an emerging evidence base. A recent study showed that NVR was highly effective at improving the problematic behaviour of a large percentage of young people, with no differences between children and adolescents. It was further found that NVR reduced parents’ feelings of helplessness, increased their confidence, and it also improved parental mental health. Parental escalation also decreased within the first four months of the intervention. There was also a very low drop-out rate: over 90% of all families completed the programme. A study conducted in Germany compared NVR against TEEN Triple-P (a parenting programme for parents of teenagers) and a waiting list group. It was found that the TEEN triple-P and NVR groups showed significant improvements in parenting behaviour, parental presence, reduced parental depression and helplessness. NVR was superior to TEEN Triple-P in showing significant improvements in the 11- to 18-year-old children's externalising behaviour problems, assessed by Achenbach's, Child Behaviour Checklist (CBCL). Finally, research has shown an improvement in reduced parental submission, fewer power struggles and improvements in children's behaviour. Presently, there is a Randomized controlled trial (RCT) of NVR for looked after children being conducted in Belgium (Opvang).

major foundation

1691-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=52903635

Convenience sampling (also known as grab sampling, accidental sampling, or opportunity sampling) is a type of non-probability sampling that involves the sample being drawn from that part of the population that is close to hand. This type of sampling is most useful for pilot testing. Definition. A convenience sample is a type of non-probability sampling method where the sample is taken from a group of people easy to contact or to reach. For example, standing at a mall or a grocery store and asking people to answer questions would be an example of a convenience sample. This type of sampling is also known as grab sampling or availability sampling. There are no other criteria to the sampling method except that people be available and willing to participate. In addition, this type of sampling method does not require that a simple random sample is generated, since the only criterion is whether the participants agree to participate. Applications. Convenience sampling is not often recommended for research due to the possibility of sampling error and lack of representation of population. But it can be handy depending on the situation. In some situations, convenience sampling is the only possible option. For example, a college student who is doing a term project and wants to know the average consumption of coke in that college town on Friday night will most probably call some of his friends and ask them how many cans of coke they drink, or go to a nearby party to do an easy survey. There is always a trade-off between this method of quick sampling and accuracy. Collected samples may not represent the population of interest and therefore be a source of bias. In the example above, if said college town has a small population and mostly consists of students, and that particular student chooses a graduation party for survey, then his sample has a fair chance to represent the population. Larger sample size will reduce the chance of sampling error occurring. Another example would be a gaming company that wants to know how one of their games is doing in the market one day after its release. Its analyst may choose to create an online survey on Facebook to rate that game. The major challenge of this approach will be reaching to the people who play games. As social media is a vast place, it's always difficult to collect samples from the population of interest. Most people may not be interested or take the survey seriously while completing it, which results in sampling error. The survey may be improved greatly if the analyst posts it to fan pages dedicated to game-lovers. He may find a lot more people in that group who would be inclined to judge and rate the game critically. Advantages. Convenience sampling can be used by almost anyone and has been around for generations. One of the reasons that it is most often used is due to the numerous advantages it provides. This method is extremely speedy, easy, readily available, and cost effective, causing it to be an attractive option to most researchers. Expedited data collection When time is of the essence, many researchers turn to convenience sampling for data collection, as they can swiftly gather data and begin their calculations. It is useful in time sensitive research because very little preparation is needed to use convenience sampling for data collection. It is also useful when researchers need to conduct pilot data collection in order to gain a quick understanding of certain trends or to develop hypotheses for future research. By rapidly gathering information, researchers and scientists can isolate growing trends, or extrapolate generalized information from local public opinion. Ease of research For researchers who are not looking for an accurate sampling, they can simply collect their information and move on to other aspects of their study. This type of sampling can be done by simply creating a questionnaire and distributing it to their targeted group. Through this method, researchers can easily finish collecting their data in a matter of hours, free from worrying about whether it is an accurate representation of the population. This allows for a great ease of research, letting researchers focus on analyzing the data rather than interviewing and carefully selecting participants. Ready availability Since most convenience sampling is collected with the populations on hand, the data is readily available for the researcher to collect. They do not typically have to travel great distances to collect the data, but simply pull from whatever environment is nearby. Having a sample group readily available is important for meeting quotas quickly, and allows for the researcher to even do multiple studies in an expeditious fashion. Cost effectiveness One of the most important aspects of convenience sampling is its cost effectiveness. This method allows for funds to be distributed to other aspects of the project. Oftentimes this method of sampling is used to gain funding for a larger, more thorough research project. In this instance, funds are not yet available for a more complete survey, so a quick selection of the population will be used to demonstrate a need for the completed project. Disadvantages. Even though convenience sampling can be easy to obtain, its disadvantages usually outweigh the advantages. This sampling technique may be more appropriate for one type of study and less for another. Bias The results of the convenience sampling cannot be generalized to the target population because of the potential bias of the sampling technique due to under-representation of subgroups in the sample in comparison to the population of interest. The bias of the sample cannot be measured. Therefore, inferences based on the convenience sampling should be made only about the sample itself. Power Convenience sampling is characterized with insufficient power to identify differences of population subgroups.

designated congregation

8737-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1799454

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Morocco face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. Both male and female same-sex sexual activity is illegal in Morocco. Law regarding same-sex sexual activity. Article 489 of the Penal Code of Morocco criminalises "lewd or unnatural acts with an individual of the same sex". Same-sex sexual activity is illegal in Morocco and can be punished with anything from six months to three years' imprisonment and a fine of 120 to 1,200 dirhams. The Moroccan government uses the law as a way to police members of the LGBT+ community. When one is arrested in Morocco for a suspected homosexual act, their name becomes publicized outing the individual regardless as to whether they are homosexual or not. However, the law is sporadically enforced by the authorities, with a degree of tolerance extended to homosexuality in the holiday resorts like Marrakesh. The legal status of LGBT people living in Morocco stems largely from traditional Islamic morality, which views homosexuality and cross dressing as signs of immorality. In 2016, two girls were arrested in Marrakesh after one's cousin took a photo of them kissing. This sparked international outcry and the use of the hashtag #freethegirls. Their case was postponed until December 2016. In early December 2016, the two girls were acquitted. In May 2019, in the evaluation by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe on the partnership with the Moroccan Parliament in the framework of the Partnership for Democracy Status, the parliamentary assembly called the Moroccan Parliament to stop enforcing the "criminal law provisions criminalising homosexual relations or relations between two persons of the opposite-sex do not have a marriage union" until its repeal. Government policy. None of the major or minor political parties have made public statements in favour of LGBT-rights and no LGBT rights legislation has been enacted. Government attitudes towards homosexuality tend to be in the interests of the protection of the tradition of the country, in keeping with the culture's traditional gender roles and religious mores. It has banned books on homosexuality and required schools to teach a curriculum that "emphasises...the danger and depravity of "unnatural acts". Moreover, on 21 March 2008, a statement issued by the Ministry of Interior revealed the full and wide scope of the government's agenda: to "preserve citizens' ethics and defend our society against all irresponsible actions that mar our identity and culture". In terms of foreign policy, the government opposed the participation of an International Gay and Lesbian Rights Representative at the 2001 United Nations Conference on AIDS-HIV. They also opposed a United Nations joint statement condemning violence against LGBT people. Recognition of same-sex relationships. There is no legal recognition of same-sex couples. Discrimination protections. There is no law against discrimination or harassment on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity in Morocco. Gender identity and expression. Traditional cultural and religious mores tend to associate cross-dressing with homosexuality. Culturally, certain forms of cross-dressing have been tolerated in areas where women were not a part. The initial lack of female actors meant that the roles often went to men, who were generally assumed to be homosexual, but were shown a modicum of tolerance. In the 1950s, the publicity surrounding Coccinelle helped to establish Casablanca as being a place where certain doctors were willing to perform sex change operations, albeit in clandestine circumstances. Today, it is unclear whether this reputation still exists or what the current government policy is for transgender people. A Moroccan transgender woman named Randa did reportedly publish a book, although little is known about its contents or commercial success. Living conditions. Moroccan public opinion towards the LGBT community is generally negative, in alignment with attitudes about LGBT rights in much of the Muslim world. The country has a male-dominated culture, a patriarchal society with traditional gender roles, that prefers a male and a female to get married and have children. The government has continued to enforce the laws on homosexuality with several public arrests in a laid back fashion, although the laws are only enforced sporadically nonetheless. A court in Ksar el-Kebir, a small city about 120 kilometres south of Tangier, convicted six men on 10 December 2007 of violating article 489 of Morocco's penal code. However, according to the defendants' lawyers, the prosecution failed to present any evidence that the men actually had engaged in the prohibited conduct. The men were sentenced to varying terms on 17 December 2007, after a video circulated online—including on YouTube—purporting to show a private party, allegedly including the men, taking place in Ksar el-Kebir on 18 November. Press reports claimed the party was a "gay marriage". Following the arrests, dozens of men and women marched through the streets of Ksar el-Kebir, denouncing the men's alleged actions and calling for their punishment. In 2010, the government permitted openly gay singer Elton John to give a performance during the Mawazine Festival, despite objections from the Justice and Development Party, which was, at the time, the biggest opposition party in parliament. The festival was condoned by King Mohammed VI and was a part of the king's plans to create a more open and modern nation. Abdellah Taïa and Rachid O., both successful writers, have written openly about gender roles and sexual identity in Morocco, but they do not reside in Morocco. Beyond these writers, the government has tolerated the existence of one magazine for the gay community as well as one gay rights organization. The LGBT publication "Mithly" has been allowed to be discreetly distributed to adults in Morocco, although the government still will not grant the publication a distribution license and the magazine itself has to be made in neighboring Spain. In a similar sense, the government will not officially recognize the LGBT rights organization, Kif-Kif, but has allowed it to exist and co-sponsor some educational seminars. In 2017, following the Universal Periodic Review in Geneva, Mustafa Ramid, former Minister of Justice and Liberties in Abdelilah Benkirane's and Saadeddine Othmani's governments, has called homosexuals "trash" in an interview. This was criticised by local human rights associations which together signed a petition addressed to the Prime Minister of Morocco Othmani to open an investigation with Minister Ramid "on his discriminatory and unconstitutional statements towards sexual minorities". In the 2018-19 Arab Barometer survey, 21% of the Moroccan respondents said homosexuality is acceptable. In April, 2020 the Human Rights Watch reported of a campaign of online harassment in Morocco where people would go on same-sex dating apps to out other users, and on April 24, the Moroccan national security stated that the police have opened a "preliminary investigation" for "incitement to hatred and discrimination". Advocacy for LGBT rights. Kif-Kif is the only organization to advocate on behalf of the LGBT community in Morocco and publishes the "Mithly" magazine in Spain. Established in 2004, it has not been given legal recognition by the Department of the Interior, but it has been unofficially permitted to organize certain educational seminars. Hajar Moutaouakil, a young Moroccan lesbian, posted a video on YouTube on human rights day calling for love and tolerance, but the video created controversy. She later posted her biography online.

Federal legislation

2841-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=45579

Queens is a borough of New York City, coextensive with Queens County, in the U.S. state of New York. It is the largest borough of New York City in area and is adjacent to the borough of Brooklyn at the western end of Long Island, with Nassau County to the east. Queens also shares water borders with the boroughs of Manhattan, the Bronx, and Staten Island (via the Rockaways). Queens is the second-largest in population of the five New York City boroughs with a population of 2,230,722 as of the last official U.S census count in 2010. If each borough were ranked as a city, Queens would rank as the fifth-most-populous in the U.S., after Los Angeles, Chicago, Brooklyn, and Houston. Approximately 47 percent of the residents of Queens are foreign-born. Queens County also is the second-most-populous county in New York State, behind Kings County. Queens is the most linguistically diverse place on Earth and is one of the most ethnically diverse counties in the United States. Queens was established in 1683 as one of the original 12 counties of the Province of New York. The settlement was presumably named for the English Queen Catherine of Braganza (1638–1705). From 1683 to 1899, the County of Queens included what is now Nassau County. Queens became a borough during the consolidation of New York City in 1898, combining the separate towns of Long Island City, Newtown, Flushing, Jamaica, and western Hempstead. With the exception of Hempstead, all are today considered neighborhoods of Queens. Queens has the most diversified economy of the five boroughs of New York City. It is home to John F. Kennedy International Airport and LaGuardia Airport. Landmarks in Queens which support its economy include Flushing Meadows–Corona Park; Citi Field, home to the New York Mets baseball team; the USTA Billie Jean King National Tennis Center, site of the U.S. Open tennis tournament; Kaufman Astoria Studios; Silvercup Studios; and the Aqueduct Racetrack. Flushing is undergoing rapid gentrification with investment by Chinese transnational entities, while Long Island City is undergoing gentrification secondary to its proximity across the East River from Manhattan. The borough has diverse housing, ranging from high-rise apartment buildings in some areas of western and central Queens, such as Ozone Park, Jackson Heights, Flushing, Astoria, and Long Island City, to neighborhoods with many low-rise structures in the eastern part of the borough. The Queens Night Market in Flushing Meadows-Corona Park attracts thousands nightly to sample food from dozens of countries. History. Colonial and post-colonial history. The first European settlement in the region were the Dutch, who established the colony of New Netherland. The first settlements were established in 1635 followed by further settlement at Maspeth in 1642 (ultimately unsuccessful), and Vlissingen (now Flushing) in 1645. Other early settlements included Newtown (now Elmhurst) in 1652 and Jamaica in 1655. However, these towns were mostly inhabited by English settlers from New England via eastern Long Island (Suffolk County) who were subject to Dutch law. After the capture of the colony by the English and its subsequent renaming as "New York" in 1664, the area (and all of Long Island) became known as Yorkshire. The Flushing Remonstrance signed by colonists in 1657 is considered a precursor to the United States Constitution's provision on freedom of religion in the Bill of Rights. The signers protested the Dutch colonial authorities' persecution of Quakers in what is today the borough of Queens. Originally, Queens County included the adjacent area now comprising Nassau County. It was an original county of New York State, one of twelve created on November 1, 1683. The county is assumed to have been named after Catherine of Braganza, since she was queen of England at the time (she was Portugal's royal princess Catarina daughter of King John IV of Portugal). The county was founded alongside Kings County (Brooklyn, which was named after her husband, King Charles II), and Richmond County (Staten Island, named after his illegitimate son, the 1st Duke of Richmond). However, the namesake is disputed. While Catherine's title seems the most likely namesake, no historical evidence of official declaration has been found. On October 7, 1691, all counties in the Colony of New York were redefined. Queens gained North and South Brother Islands as well as Huletts Island (today known as Rikers Island). On December 3, 1768, Queens gained other islands in Long Island Sound that were not already assigned to a county but that did not abut on Westchester County (today's Bronx County). Queens played a minor role in the American Revolution, as compared to Brooklyn, where the Battle of Long Island was largely fought. Queens, like the rest of what became New York City and Long Island, remained under British occupation after the Battle of Long Island in 1776 and was occupied throughout most of the rest of the Revolutionary War. Under the Quartering Act, British soldiers used, as barracks, the public inns and uninhabited buildings belonging to Queens residents. Even though many residents opposed unannounced quartering, they supported the British crown. The quartering of soldiers in private homes, except in times of war, was banned by the Third Amendment to the United States Constitution. Nathan Hale was captured by the British on the shore of Flushing Bay and hanged in Manhattan. From 1683 until 1784, Queens County consisted of five towns: Flushing, Hempstead, Jamaica, Newtown, and Oyster Bay. On April 6, 1784, a sixth town, the Town of North Hempstead, was formed through secession by the northern portions of the Town of Hempstead. The seat of the county government was located first in Jamaica, but the courthouse was torn down by the British during the American Revolution to use the materials to build barracks. After the war, various buildings in Jamaica temporarily served as courthouse and jail until a new building was erected about 1787 (and later completed) in an area near Mineola (now in Nassau County) known then as Clowesville. The 1850 United States census was the first in which the population of the three western towns exceeded that of the three eastern towns that are now part of Nassau County. Concerns were raised about the condition and distance of the old courthouse, and several sites were in contention for the construction of a new one. In 1870, Long Island City split from the Town of Newtown, incorporating itself as a city, consisting of what had been the village of Astoria and some unincorporated areas within the town of Newtown. Around 1874, the seat of county government was moved to Long Island City from Mineola. On March 1, 1860, the eastern border between Queens County (later Nassau County) and Suffolk County was redefined with no discernible change. On June 8, 1881, North Brother Island was transferred to New York County. On May 8, 1884, Rikers Island was transferred to New York County. In 1886, Lloyd's Neck, which was then part of the town of Oyster Bay and had earlier been known as Queens Village, was set off and separated from Queens County and annexed to the town of Huntington in Suffolk County. On April 16, 1964, South Brother Island was transferred to Bronx County. Incorporation as borough. The New York City borough of Queens was authorized on May 4, 1897, by a vote of the New York State Legislature after an 1894 referendum on consolidation. The eastern of Queens that became Nassau County was partitioned on January 1, 1899. Queens Borough was established on January 1, 1898. "The city of Long Island City, the towns of Newtown, Flushing and Jamaica, and that part of the town of Hempstead, in the county of Queens, which is westerly of a straight line drawn through the middle of the channel between Rockaway Beach and Shelter Island, in the county of Queens, to the Atlantic Ocean" was annexed to New York City, dissolving all former municipal governments (Long Island City, the county government, all towns, and all villages) within the new borough. The areas of Queens County that were not part of the consolidation plan, consisting of the towns of North Hempstead and Oyster Bay, and the major remaining portion of the Town of Hempstead, remained part of Queens County until they seceded to form the new Nassau County on January 1, 1899. At this point, the boundaries of Queens County and the Borough of Queens became coterminous. With consolidation, Jamaica once again became the county seat, though county offices now extend to nearby Kew Gardens also. In 1899, New York City conducted a land survey to determine the exact border of Queens between the Rockaways and Lawrence. This proved difficult because the border was defined as "middle of the channel between Rockaway Beach and Shelter Island" (now called Long Beach Island), and that particular channel had closed up by 1899. The surveyors had to determine where the channel had been when the consolidation law was written in 1894. The surveyors did so in part by speaking with local fishermen and oystermen who knew the area well. From 1905 to 1908 the Long Island Rail Road in Queens became electrified. Transportation to and from Manhattan, previously by ferry or via bridges in Brooklyn, opened up with the Queensboro Bridge finished in 1909, and with railway tunnels under the East River in 1910. From 1915 onward, much of Queens was connected to the New York City Subway system. With the 1915 construction of the Steinway Tunnel carrying the IRT Flushing Line between Queens and Manhattan, and the robust expansion of the use of the automobile, the population of Queens more than doubled in the 1920s, from 469,042 in 1920 to 1,079,129 in 1930. In later years, Queens was the site of the 1939 New York World's Fair and the 1964 New York World's Fair. LaGuardia Airport, in northern Queens, opened in 1939. Idlewild Airport, in southern Queens and now called JFK Airport, opened in 1948. In one of several notable incidents, TWA Flight 800 took off from the airport on July 17, 1996. In another, American Airlines Flight 587 took off from the latter airport on November 12, 2001, but ended up crashing in Queens' Belle Harbor area, killing 265 people. In late October 2012, much of Queens' Breezy Point area was destroyed by a massive six-alarm fire caused by Hurricane Sandy. Geography. Queens is located on the far western portion of geographic Long Island and includes a few smaller islands, most of which are in Jamaica Bay, forming part of the Gateway National Recreation Area, which in turn is one of the National Parks of New York Harbor. According to the United States Census Bureau, Queens County has a total area of , of which is land and (39%) is water. Brooklyn, the only other New York City borough on geographic Long Island, lies just south and west of Queens, with Newtown Creek, an estuary that flows into the East River, forming part of the border. To the west and north is the East River, across which is Manhattan to the west and The Bronx to the north. Nassau County is east of Queens on Long Island. Staten Island is southwest of Brooklyn, and shares only a 3-mile-long water border (in the Outer Bay) with Queens. North of Queens are Flushing Bay and the Flushing River, connecting to the East River. The East River opens into Long Island Sound. The midsection of Queens is crossed by the Long Island straddling terminal moraine created by the Wisconsin Glacier. The Rockaway Peninsula, the southernmost part of all of Queens, sits between Jamaica Bay and the Atlantic Ocean, featuring of beaches. Climate. Under the Köppen climate classification, using the coldest month (January) isotherm, Queens and the rest of New York City have a humid subtropical climate (Cfa) with partial shielding from the Appalachian Mountains and moderating influences from the Atlantic Ocean. Queens receives precipitation throughout the year, with an average of per year. In an average year, there will be 44 days with either moderate or heavy rain. An average winter will have 22 days with some snowfall, of which 9 days have at least of snowfall. Summer is typically hot, humid, and wet. An average year will have 17 days with a high temperature of or warmer. In an average year, there are 14 days on which the temperature does not go above all day. Spring and autumn can vary from chilly to very warm. The highest temperature ever recorded at LaGuardia Airport was on July 3, 1966. The highest temperature ever recorded at John F. Kennedy International Airport was , also on July 3, 1966. LaGuardia Airport's record-low temperature was on February 15, 1943, the effect of which was exacerbated by a shortage of heating oil and coal. John F. Kennedy International Airport's record-low temperature was , on February 8, 1963, and January 21, 1985. On January 24, 2016, of snow fell, which is the record in Queens. Tornadoes are generally rare; the most recent tornado, an EF0, touched down in College Point on August 3, 2018, causing minor damage. Before that, there was a tornado in Breezy Point on September 8, 2012, which damaged the roofs of some homes, and an EF1 tornado in Flushing on September 26, 2010. Neighborhoods. Four United States Postal Service postal zones serve Queens, based roughly on those serving the towns in existence at the consolidation of the five boroughs into New York City: Long Island City (ZIP codes starting with 111), Jamaica (114), Flushing (113), and Far Rockaway (116). Also, the Floral Park post office (110), based in Nassau County, serves a small part of northeastern Queens. Each of these main post offices has neighborhood stations with individual ZIP codes, and unlike the other boroughs, these station names are often used in addressing letters. These ZIP codes do not always reflect traditional neighborhood names and boundaries; "East Elmhurst", for example, was largely coined by the USPS and is not an official community. Most neighborhoods have no solid boundaries. The Forest Hills and Rego Park neighborhoods, for instance, overlap. Residents of Queens often closely identify with their neighborhood rather than with the borough or city. The borough is a patchwork of dozens of unique neighborhoods, each with its own distinct identity: Demographics. In 2018's American Community Survey, the population of Queens was estimated by the United States Census Bureau to have increased to 2,278,906, a rise of 2.2%. Queens' estimated population represented 27.1% of New York City's population of 8,398,748; 29.6% of Long Island's population of 7,701,172; and 11.7% of New York State's population of 19,542,209. The 2019 estimates reported a decline to 2,253,858. In 2018, there were 865,878 housing units, and 777,904 households, 2.97 persons per household, and a median value of $481,300. There was an owner-occupancy rate of 44.5. In the 2010 United States census, Queens recorded a population of 2,230,722. There were 780,117 households enumerated, with an average of 2.82 persons per household. The population density was 20,465.3 inhabitants per square mile (7,966.9/km2). There were 835,127 housing units at an average density of 7,661.7 per square mile (2,982.6/km2). The racial makeup of the county in 2010 was 39.7% White, 19.1% Black or African American, 0.7% Native American, 22.9% Asian, 0.1% Pacific Islander, 12.9% from other races, and 4.5% from two or more races. A total of 27.5% of the population were Hispanic or Latin American of any race. The non-Hispanic white population was 27.6%. In 2019, non-Hispanic whites made up an estimated 24.4% of the population, and Blacks or African Americans were 17.3%. The largest minority groups for the borough were Hispanic and Latin Americans (28.2%), and Asians (26.0%). In Queens, residents consisted of 6.2% under 5, 13.9% 6-18, 64.2% 19–64, and 15.7% over 65. Females made up 51.5% of the population. An estimated 47.5% of residents are foreign-born in 2018. The per capita income was $28,814, and the median household income was $62,008. In 2018, 12.2% of residents lived below the poverty line. The New York City Department of City Planning was alarmed by the negligible reported increase in population between 2000 and 2010. Areas with high proportions of immigrants and undocumented aliens are traditionally undercounted for a variety of reasons, often based on a mistrust of government officials or an unwillingness to be identified. In many cases, counts of vacant apartment units did not match data from local surveys and reports from property owners. Ethnic groups. According to a 2001 Claritas study, Queens was the most diverse county in the United States among counties of 100,000+ population. A 2014 analysis by "The Atlantic" found Queens County to be the 3rd most racially diverse county-equivalent in the United States—behind Aleutians West Census Area and Aleutians East Borough in Alaska—as well as the most diverse county in New York. Meanwhile, a 2017 study by Axios found that, although numerous smaller counties in the United States had higher rates of diversity, Queens was the United States' most diverse populous county. In Queens, approximately 48.5% of the population was foreign born as of 2010. Within the foreign born population, 49.5% were born in Latin America, 33.5% in Asia, 14.8% in Europe, 1.8% in Africa, and 0.4% in North America. Roughly 2.1% of the population was born in Puerto Rico, a U.S. territory, or abroad to American parents. In addition, 51.2% of the population was born in the United States. Approximately 44.2% of the population over 5 years of age speak English at home; 23.8% speak Spanish at home. Also, 16.8% of the populace speak other Indo-European languages at home. Another 13.5% speak a non-Indo-European Asian language or language of the Pacific Islands at home. Among the Asian population in 2010, people of Chinese ethnicity made up the largest ethnic group at 10.2% of Queens' population, with about 237,484 people; the other East and Southeast Asian groups are: Koreans (2.9%), Filipinos (1.7%), Japanese (0.3%), Thais (0.2%), Vietnamese (0.2%), and Indonesians and Burmese both make up 0.1% of the population. People of South Asian descent made up 7.8% of Queens' population: Indians (5.3%), Bangladeshi (1.5%), Pakistanis (0.7%), and Nepali (0.2%). In 2019, Chinese Americans remained the largest Asian ethnicity (10.9%) followed by Asian Indians (5.7%). Asian Indians had estimated population of 144,896 in 2014 (6.24% of the 2014 borough population), as well as Pakistani Americans, who numbered at 15,604. Queens has the second largest Sikh population in the nation after California. Among the Hispanic or Latin American population, Puerto Ricans made up the largest ethnic group at 4.6%, next to Mexicans, who made up 4.2% of the population, and Dominicans at 3.9%. Central Americans made up 2.4% and are mostly Salvadorans. South Americans constitute 9.6% of Queens's population, mainly of Ecuadorian (4.4%) and Colombian descent (4.2%). The 2019 American Community Survey estimated Mexicans and Puerto Ricans were equally the largest groups (4.5% each) in Queens, and Cuban Americans were the third largest single group. Other Hispanic and Latinos collectively made up 18.9% of the population. The Hispanic or Latino population increased by 61% to 597,773 between 1990 and 2006 and now accounts for over 26.5% of the borough's population. Queens has the largest Colombian population in the city, accounting for over 35.6% of the city's total Colombian population, for a total of 145,956 in 2019; it also has the largest Ecuadorian population in the city, accounting for 62.2% of the city's total Ecuadorian population, for a total of 101,339. Queens has the largest Peruvian population in the city, accounting for 69.9% of the city's total Peruvian population, for a total of 30,825. Queens has the largest Salvadoran population in the city, accounting for 50.7% of the city for a total population of 25,235. The Mexican population in Queens has increased 45.7% since 2011 to 71,283, the second-highest in the city, after Brooklyn. Queens is also home to 49.6% of the city's Asian population. Among the five boroughs, Queens has the largest population of Chinese, Indian, Korean, Filipino, Bangladeshi and Pakistani Americans. Queens has the largest Asian American population by county outside the Western United States; according to the 2006 American Community Survey, Queens ranks fifth among US counties with 477,772 (21.18%) Asian Americans, behind Los Angeles County, California, Honolulu County, Hawaii, Santa Clara County, California, and Orange County, California. Some main European ancestries in Queens as of 2000 include: Italian (8.4%), Irish (5.5%), German (3.5%), Polish (2.7%), Russian (2.3%), and Greek (2.0%). Of the European American population, Queens has the third largest Bosnian population in the United States behind only St. Louis and Chicago, numbering more than 15,000. The "Jewish Community Study of New York 2011", sponsored by the UJA-Federation of New York, found that about 9% of Queens residents were Jews. In 2011, there were about 198,000 Jews in Queens, making it home to about 13% of all people in Jewish households in the eight-county area consisting of the Five Boroughs and Westchester, Nassau, and Suffolk counties. Russian-speaking Jews make up 28% of the Jewish population in Queens, the largest in any of the eight counties. In Queens, the Black and African American population earns more than non-Hispanic whites on average. Many of these Blacks and African Americans live in quiet, middle-class suburban neighborhoods near the Nassau County border, such as Laurelton and Cambria Heights which have large black populations whose family income is higher than average. The migration of European Americans from parts of Queens has been long ongoing with departures from Ozone Park, Woodhaven, Bellerose, Floral Park, and Flushing (most of the outgoing population has been replaced with Asian Americans). Neighborhoods such as Whitestone, College Point, North Flushing, Auburndale, Bayside, Middle Village, and Douglaston–Little Neck have not had a substantial exodus of white residents, but have seen an increase of Asian population, mostly Chinese and Korean. Queens has experienced a real estate boom making most of its neighborhoods desirable for people who want to reside near Manhattan but in a less urban setting. Languages. Queens is the most linguistically diverse place on Earth, according to the Endangered Language Alliance. According to the office of the New York State Comptroller, 138 languages are spoken in the borough. As of 2010, 43.84% (905,890) of Queens residents aged five and older spoke only English at home, while 23.88% (493,462) spoke Spanish, 8.06% (166,570) Chinese, 3.44% (71,054) various Indic languages, 2.74% (56,701) Korean, 1.67% (34,596) Russian, 1.56% (32,268) Italian, 1.54% (31,922) Tagalog, 1.53% (31,651) Greek, 1.32% (27,345) French Creole, 1.17% (24,118) Polish, 0.96% (19,868) Hindi, 0.93% (19,262) Urdu, 0.92% (18,931) other Asian languages, 0.80% (16,435) other Indo-European languages, 0.71% (14,685) French, 0.61% (12,505) Arabic, 0.48% (10,008) Serbo-Croatian, and Hebrew was spoken as a main language by 0.46% (9,410) of the population over the age of five. In total, 56.16% (1,160,483) of Queens's population aged five and older spoke a language at home other than English. Religion. In 2010 statistics, the largest religious group in Queens was the Diocese of Brooklyn, with 677,520 Roman Catholics worshiping at 100 parishes, followed by an estimated 81,456 Muslims with 57 congregations, 80,000 Orthodox Jews with 110 congregations, 33,325 non-denominational Christian adherents with 129 congregations, 28,085 AME Methodists with 14 congregations, 24,250 Greek Orthodox with 6 congregations, 16,775 Hindus with 18 congregations, 13,989 AoG Pentecostals with 64 congregations, 13,507 Seventh-day Adventists with 45 congregations, and 12,957 Mahayana Buddhists with 26 congregations. Altogether, 49.4% of the population was claimed as members by religious congregations, although members of historically African American denominations were underrepresented due to incomplete information. In 2014, Queens had 738 religious organizations, the thirteenth most out of all U.S. counties. Culture. Queens has been the center of the punk rock movement, particularly in New York; Ramones originated out of Forest Hills, it has also been the home of such notable artists as Tony Bennett, Francis Ford Coppola, Paul Simon, and Robert Mapplethorpe. The current poet laureate of Queens is Paolo Javier. Queens has notably fostered African American culture, with establishments such as The Afrikan Poetry Theatre and the Black Spectrum Theater Company catering specifically to African Americans in Queens. In the 1940s, Queens was an important center of jazz; such jazz luminaries as Louis Armstrong, Charlie Parker, and Ella Fitzgerald took up residence in Queens, seeking refuge from the segregation they found elsewhere in New York. Additionally, many notable hip-hop acts hail from Queens, including Nas, Run-D.M.C., Kool G Rap, A Tribe Called Quest, LL Cool J, MC Shan, Mobb Deep, 50 Cent, Nicki Minaj, Tony Yayo, Tragedy Khadafi, N.O.R.E., Capone (rapper), Ja Rule, Heems of Das Racist and Action Bronson. Queens hosts various museums and cultural institutions that serve its diverse communities. They range from the historical (such as the John Bowne House) to the scientific (such as the New York Hall of Science), from conventional art galleries (such as the Noguchi Museum) to unique graffiti exhibits (such as 5 Pointz). Queens's cultural institutions include, but are not limited to: The travel magazine "Lonely Planet" also named Queens the top destination in the country for 2015 for its cultural and culinary diversity. Stating that Queens is "quickly becoming its hippest" but that "most travelers haven’t clued in… yet," the "Lonely Planet" stated that "nowhere is the image of New York as the global melting pot truer than Queens." Food. The cuisine available in Queens reflects its vast cultural diversity. The cuisine of a particular neighborhood often represents its demographics; for example, Astoria hosts many Greek restaurants, in keeping with its traditionally Greek population. Jackson Heights is known for its prominent Indian cuisine and also many Latin American eateries. Economy. Queens has the second-largest economy of New York City's five boroughs, following Manhattan. In 2004, Queens had 15.2% (440,310) of all private-sector jobs in New York City and 8.8% of private-sector wages. In 2012, private-sector employment increased to 486,160. Queens has the most diversified economy of the five boroughs, with occupations spread relatively evenly across the health care, retail trade, manufacturing, construction, transportation, and film and television production sectors, such that no single sector is overwhelmingly dominant. The diversification in Queens' economy is reflected in a large amount of employment in the export-oriented portions of its economy—such as transportation, manufacturing, and business services—that serve customers outside the region. This accounts for more than 27% of all Queens jobs and offers an average salary of $43,727, 14% greater than that of jobs in the locally oriented sector.The borough's largest employment sector—trade, transportation, and utilities—accounted for nearly 30% of all jobs in 2004; in 2012, its largest employment sector became health care and social services. Queens is home to two of the three major New York City area airports, JFK International Airport and LaGuardia Airport. These airports are among the busiest in the world, leading the airspace above Queens to be the most congested in the country. This airline industry is particularly important to the economy of Queens, providing almost one-quarter of the sector's employment and more than 30% of the sector's wages. Education and health services were the next largest sector in Queens and comprised almost 24% of the borough's jobs in 2004; in 2012, transportation and warehousing, and retail were the second largest at 12% each. The manufacturing and construction industries in Queens are among the largest of the city and accounted for nearly 17% of the borough's private sector jobs in 2004. Comprising almost 17% of the jobs in Queens is the information, financial activities, and business and professional services sectors in 2004. , Queens had almost 40,000 business establishments. Small businesses act as an important part of the borough's economic vitality with two-thirds of all businesses employing between one and four people. Several large companies have their headquarters in Queens, including watchmaker Bulova, based in East Elmhurst; internationally renowned piano manufacturer Steinway & Sons in Astoria; Glacéau, the makers of Vitamin Water, headquartered in Whitestone; and JetBlue Airways, an airline based in Long Island City. Long Island City is a major manufacturing and back-office center. Flushing is a major commercial hub for Chinese American and Korean American businesses, while Jamaica is the major civic and transportation hub for the borough. Sports. Citi Field is a 41,922-seat stadium opened in April 2009 in Flushing Meadows–Corona Park that is the home ballpark of the New York Mets of Major League Baseball. Shea Stadium, the former home of the Mets and the New York Jets of the National Football League, as well as the temporary home of the New York Yankees and the New York Giants Football Team stood where Citi Field's parking lot is now located, operating from 1964 to 2008. The U.S. Open tennis tournament has been played since 1978 at the USTA Billie Jean King National Tennis Center, located just south of Citi Field. With a capacity of 23,771, Arthur Ashe Stadium is the biggest tennis stadium in the world. The U.S .Open was formerly played at the West Side Tennis Club in Forest Hills. South Ozone Park is the home of Aqueduct Racetrack, operated by the New York Racing Association and offers Thoroughbred horse-racing from late October/early November through April. Belmont Park Racetrack is mostly in Nassau County, New York however a section of the property including the Belmont Park station on the Long Island Rail Road is in Queens. Government. Since New York City's consolidation in 1898, Queens has been governed by the New York City Charter that provides for a strong mayor–council system. The centralized New York City government is responsible for public education, correctional institutions, public safety, recreational facilities, sanitation, water supply, and welfare services in Queens. The Queens Library is governed by a 19-member Board of Trustees, appointed by the Mayor of New York City and the Borough President of Queens. Since 1990 the Borough President has acted as an advocate for the borough at the mayoral agencies, the City Council, the New York state government, and corporations. Queens' Borough President is Melinda Katz, elected in November 2013 as a Democrat with 80.3% of the vote. Queens Borough Hall is the seat of government and is located in Kew Gardens. The Democratic Party holds most public offices. Sixty-three percent of registered Queens voters are Democrats. Local party platforms center on affordable housing, education, and economic development. Controversial political issues in Queens include development, noise, and the cost of housing. Each of the city's five counties has its criminal court system and District Attorney, the chief public prosecutor who is directly elected by popular vote. Richard A. Brown, who ran on both the Republican and Democratic Party tickets, was the District Attorney of Queens County from 1991 to 2018. The new DA as of January 2020 is Melinda Katz. Queens has 12 seats on the New York City Council, the second-largest number among the five boroughs. It is divided into 14 community districts, each served by a local Community Board. Community Boards are representative bodies that field complaints and serve as advocates for residents. Although Queens is heavily Democratic, it is considered a swing county in New York politics. Republican political candidates who do well in Queens usually win citywide or statewide elections. Republicans such as former Mayors Rudolph Giuliani and Michael Bloomberg won majorities in Queens. Republican State Senator Serphin Maltese represented a district in central and southern Queens for twenty years until his defeat in 2008 by Democratic City Councilman Joseph Addabbo. In 2002, Queens voted against incumbent Republican Governor of New York George Pataki in favor of his Democratic opponent, Carl McCall by a slim margin. On the national level, Queens has not voted for a Republican candidate in a presidential election since 1972, when Queens voters chose Richard Nixon over George McGovern. Since the 1996 presidential election, Democratic presidential candidates have received over 70% of the popular vote in Queens. Since the election of Donald Trump, Queens has become known in the United States for its surge in progressive politics and grassroots campaigning. Representatives in Congress. In 2018, seven Democrats represented Queens in the United States House of Representatives. Education. Elementary and secondary education. Elementary and secondary school education in Queens is provided by a vast number of public and private institutions. Public schools in the borough are managed by the New York City Department of Education, the largest public school system in the United States. Most private schools are affiliated with or identify themselves with the Roman Catholic or Jewish religious communities. Townsend Harris High School is a Queens public magnet high school for the humanities consistently ranked as among the top 100 high schools in the United States. One of the nine Specialized High Schools in New York City is located in Queens. Located in the York College, City University of New York Campus in Jamaica, the Queens High School for the Sciences at York College, which emphasizes both science and mathematics, ranks as one of the best high schools in both the state and the country. It is one of the smallest Specialized High Schools that requires an entrance exam, the Specialized High Schools Admissions Test. The school has a student body of around 400 students. Queens Public Library. The Queens Public Library is the public library system for the borough and one of three library systems serving New York City. Dating back to the foundation of the first Queens library in Flushing in 1858, the Queens Public Library is one of the largest public library systems in the United States. Separate from the New York Public Library, it is composed of 63 branches throughout the borough. In the fiscal year 2001, the Library achieved a circulation of 16.8 million. The Library has maintained the highest circulation of any city library in the country since 1985 and the highest circulation of any library in the nation since 1987. The Library maintains collections in many languages, including Spanish, Chinese, Korean, Russian, Haitian Creole, Polish, and six Indic languages, as well as smaller collections in 19 other languages. Transportation. According to the 2010 U.S. census, 36% of all Queens households did not own a car; the citywide rate is 53%. Therefore, mass transit is also used. Airports. Queens has crucial importance in international and interstate air traffic, with two of the New York metropolitan area's three major airports located there. John F. Kennedy International Airport, with 27.4 million international passengers in 2014 (of 53.2 million passengers, overall), is the busiest airport in the United States by international passenger traffic. Owned by the City of New York and managed since 1947 by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, the airport's runways and six terminals cover an area of on Jamaica Bay in southeastern Queens. The airport's original official name was New York International Airport, although it was commonly known as Idlewild, with the name changed to Kennedy in December 1963 to honor the recently assassinated president. LaGuardia Airport is located in East Elmhurst, in northern Queens, on Flushing Bay. Originally opened in 1939, the airport's two runways and four terminals cover , serving 28.4 million passengers in 2015. In 2014, citing outdated conditions in the airport's terminals, Vice President Joe Biden compared LaGuardia Airport to a "third world country". In 2015, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey began a $4 billion project to renovate LaGuardia Airport's terminals and entryways. The project is expected to be complete by 2021. Public transportation. Twelve New York City Subway routes traverse Queens, serving 81 stations on seven main lines. The A, G, J/Z, and M routes connect Queens to Brooklyn without going through Manhattan first. The F, M, N, and R trains connect Queens and Brooklyn via Manhattan, while the E, W, and 7/<7> trains connect Queens to Manhattan only. Trains on the M service go through Queens twice in the same trip; both of its full-length termini, in Middle Village and Forest Hills, are in Queens. A commuter train system, the Long Island Rail Road, operates 22 stations in Queens with service to Manhattan, Brooklyn, and Long Island. Jamaica station is a hub station where all the lines in the system but one (the Port Washington Branch) converge. It is the busiest commuter rail hub in the United States. There are also several stations where LIRR passengers can transfer to the subway. Sunnyside Yard is used to store Amtrak intercity and NJ Transit commuter trains from Penn Station in Manhattan. The US$11.1 billion East Side Access project, which will bring LIRR trains to Grand Central Terminal in Manhattan, is under construction and is scheduled to open in 2022; this project will create a new train tunnel beneath the East River, connecting Long Island City in Queens with the East Side of Manhattan. The elevated AirTrain people mover system connects JFK International Airport to the New York City Subway and the Long Island Rail Road along the Van Wyck Expressway; a separate AirTrain system is planned alongside the Grand Central Parkway to connect LaGuardia Airport to these transit systems. Plans were announced in July 2015 to entirely rebuild LaGuardia Airport itself in a multibillion-dollar project to replace its aging facilities, and this project would accommodate the new AirTrain connection. About 100 local bus routes operate within Queens, and another 20 express routes shuttle commuters between Queens and Manhattan, under the MTA New York City Bus and MTA Bus brands. A streetcar line connecting Queens with Brooklyn was proposed by the city in February 2016. The planned timeline calls for service to begin around 2024. Water transit. New York Water Taxi operates service across the East River from Hunters Point in Long Island City to Manhattan at 34th Street and south to Pier 11 at Wall Street. In 2007, limited weekday service was begun between Breezy Point, the westernmost point in the Rockaways, to Pier 11 via the Brooklyn Army Terminal. Summertime weekend service provides service from Lower Manhattan and southwest Brooklyn to the peninsula's Gateway beaches. In the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy on October 29, 2012, ferry operator SeaStreak began running a city-subsidized ferry service between a makeshift ferry slip at Beach 108th Street and Beach Channel Drive in Rockaway Park and piers in Manhattan and Brooklyn. The service was extended multiple times. finally ending on October 31, 2014. In February 2015, Mayor Bill de Blasio announced that the city government would begin a citywide ferry service called NYC Ferry to extend ferry transportation to communities in the city that have been traditionally underserved by public transit. The ferry opened in May 2017, with the Queens neighborhoods of Rockaway and Astoria served by their eponymous routes. A third route, the East River Ferry, serves Hunter's Point South. Roads. Highways. Queens is traversed by three trunk east–west highways. The Long Island Expressway (Interstate 495) runs from the Queens Midtown Tunnel on the west through the borough to Nassau County on the east. The Grand Central Parkway, whose western terminus is the Triborough Bridge, extends east to the Queens/Nassau border, where its name changed to the Northern State Parkway. The Belt Parkway begins at the Gowanus Expressway in Brooklyn, and extends east into Queens, past Aqueduct Racetrack and JFK Airport. On its eastern end at the Queens/Nassau border, it splits into the Southern State Parkway which continues east, and the Cross Island Parkway which turns north. There are also several major north–south highways in Queens, including the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway (Interstate 278), the Van Wyck Expressway (Interstate 678), the Clearview Expressway (Interstate 295), and the Cross Island Parkway. Queens has six state highways that run west–east largely on surface roads. From north to south, they are New York State Route 25A (Northern Boulevard), New York State Route 25B (Hillside Avenue), New York State Route 25 (Queens Boulevard, Hillside Avenue, and Braddock Avenue), New York State Route 24 (Hempstead Avenue), and New York State Route 27 (Conduit Avenue). The only state highway that primarily uses an expressway is New York State Route 878, which uses the Nassau Expressway in southern Queens. Streets. The streets of Queens are laid out in a semi-grid system, with a numerical system of street names (similar to Manhattan and the Bronx). Nearly all roadways oriented north–south are "Streets", while east–west roadways are "Avenues", beginning with the number 1 in the west for Streets and the north for Avenues. In some parts of the borough, several consecutive streets may share numbers (for instance, 72nd Street followed by 72nd Place and 72nd Lane, or 52nd Avenue followed by 52nd Road, 52nd Drive, and 52nd Court), often confusing non-residents. Also, incongruous alignments of street grids, unusual street paths due to geography, or other circumstances often lead to the skipping of numbers (for instance, on Ditmars Boulevard, 70th Street is followed by Hazen Street which is followed by 49th Street). Numbered roads tend to be residential, although numbered commercial streets are not rare. A fair number of streets that were country roads in the 18th and 19th centuries (especially major thoroughfares such as Northern Boulevard, Queens Boulevard, Hillside Avenue, and Jamaica Avenue) carry names rather than numbers, typically though not uniformly called "Boulevards" or "Parkways". Queens house numbering was designed to provide convenience in locating the address itself; the first half of a number in a Queens address refers to the nearest cross street, the second half refers to the house or lot number from where the street begins from that cross street, followed by the name of the street itself. For example, to find an address in Queens, 14-01 120th Street, one could ascertain from the address structure itself that the listed address is at the intersection of 14th Avenue and 120th Street and that the address must be closest to 14th Avenue rather than 15th Avenue, as it is the first lot on the block. This pattern doesn't stop when a street is named, assuming that there is an existing numbered cross-street. For example, Queens College is situated at 65–30 Kissena Boulevard, and is so named because the cross-street closest to the entrance is 65th Avenue. Many of the village street grids of Queens had only worded names, some were numbered according to local numbering schemes, and some had a mix of words and numbers. In the early 1920s, a "Philadelphia Plan" was instituted to overlay one numbered system upon the whole borough. The Topographical Bureau, Borough of Queens, worked out the details. Subway stations were only partly renamed, and some, including those along the IRT Flushing Line (), now share dual names after the original street names. In 2012, some numbered streets in the Douglaston Hill Historic District were renamed to their original names, with 43rd Avenue becoming Pine Street. The Rockaway Peninsula does not follow the same system as the rest of the borough and has its own numbering system. Streets are numbered in ascending order heading west from near the Nassau County border, and are prefixed with the word "Beach." Streets at the easternmost end, however, are nearly all named. Bayswater, which is on Jamaica Bay, has its numbered streets prefixed with the word "Bay" rather than "Beach". Another deviation from the norm is Broad Channel; it maintains the north–south numbering progression but uses only the suffix "Road," as well as the prefixes "West" and "East," depending on location relative to Cross Bay Boulevard, the neighborhood's major through street. Broad Channel's streets were a continuation of the mainland Queens grid in the 1950s; formerly the highest-numbered avenue in Queens was 208th Avenue rather than today's 165th Avenue in Howard Beach & Hamilton Beach. The other exception is the neighborhood of Ridgewood, which for the most part shares a grid and house numbering system with the Brooklyn neighborhood of Bushwick. The grid runs east–west from the LIRR Bay Ridge Branch right-of-way to Flushing Avenue; and north–south from Forest Avenue in Ridgewood to Bushwick Avenue in Brooklyn before adjusting to meet up with the Bedford-Stuyvesant grid at Broadway. All streets on the grid have names. Bridges and tunnels. Queens is connected to the Bronx by the Bronx–Whitestone Bridge, the Throgs Neck Bridge, the Triborough Bridge (also known as the Robert F. Kennedy Bridge), and the Hell Gate Bridge. Queens is connected to Manhattan Island by the Triborough Bridge, the Queensboro Bridge, and the Queens–Midtown Tunnel, as well as to Roosevelt Island by the Roosevelt Island Bridge. While most of the Queens/Brooklyn border is on land, the Kosciuszko Bridge crosses the Newtown Creek connecting Maspeth to Greenpoint, Brooklyn. The Pulaski Bridge connects McGuinness Boulevard in Greenpoint to 11th Street, Jackson Avenue, and Hunters Point Avenue in Long Island City. The J. J. Byrne Memorial Bridge (a.k.a. Greenpoint Avenue Bridge) connects the sections of Greenpoint Avenue in Greenpoint and Long Island City. A lesser bridge connects Grand Avenue in Queens to Grand Street in Brooklyn. The Cross Bay Veterans Memorial Bridge, built in 1939, traverses Jamaica Bay to connect the Rockaway Peninsula to Broad Channel and the rest of Queens. Constructed in 1937, the Marine Parkway–Gil Hodges Memorial Bridge links Flatbush Avenue, Brooklyn's longest thoroughfare, with Jacob Riis Park and the western end of the Peninsula. Both crossings were built and continue to be operated by what is now known as MTA Bridges and Tunnels. The IND Rockaway Line parallels the Cross Bay, has a mid-bay station at Broad Channel which is just a short walk from the Jamaica Bay Wildlife Refuge, now part of Gateway National Recreation Area and a major stop on the Atlantic Flyway. Notable people. Many public figures have grown up or lived in Queens. Musicians raised in the borough include The Ramones, Nas, LL Cool J, A Tribe Called Quest, Mobb Deep, Onyx, Ja Rule, 50 Cent, Lloyd Banks, Tony Yayo, Run–D.M.C., Nicki Minaj, Lil Tecca, Rich The Kid, Tony Yayo, Action Bronson, Nadia Ali and Tony Bennett. Jazz greats Louis Armstrong and Norman Mapp both resided in Corona, as well as rock duo Simon & Garfunkel and guitarists Scott Ian and Johnny Ramone. K-pop rapper Mark Lee from the boy group NCT grew up in Queens before moving to Canada. Actors such as Adrien Brody, Zoe Saldana, Lucy Liu, John Leguizamo, Susan Sarandon, and Idina Menzel were born or raised in Queens. Actress Mae West also lived in Queens. Writers from Queens include John Guare ("The House of Blue Leaves") and Laura Z. Hobson ("Gentleman's Agreement"). Physician Joshua Prager was born in Whitestone. Mafia boss John Gotti lived in Queens for many years. Richard Feynman, a scientist who was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics, was born in Queens and grew up in Far Rockaway. Lee "Q" O'Denat, founder of WorldStarHipHop was from Hollis, Queens. Donald Trump, a businessman who became the 45th President of the United States, was born in Jamaica Hospital Medical Center and raised at 81-15 Wareham Place in Jamaica Estates, later moving to Midland Parkway. He was preceded in the White House by former First Ladies Nancy Reagan, who lived in Flushing as a child.Theodore Roosevelt, the 26th President, lived at Sagamore Hill in Oyster Bay from the mid-1880s until he died; the area was considered part of Queens until the formation of neighboring Nassau County in 1899. Queens has also been home to athletes such as professional basketball player Rafer Alston Basketball players Kareem Abdul-Jabbar and Metta World Peace were both born in Queens, as was Olympic athlete Bob Beamon. Tennis star John McEnroe was born in Douglaston. Hall of Fame baseball pitcher Whitey Ford grew up in Astoria. Journalist Marie Colvin was a native of Queens. In popular culture. Queens has also served as a setting for various fictional characters, one of the more famous being Peter Parker / Spider-Man from Marvel Comics. He grew up in Forest Hills with his Aunt May and Uncle Ben.

1-4 persons

1957-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=67521823

Squatting in Taiwan is the occupation of unused land or derelict buildings without the permission of the owner. Squatting was fuelled by migrants from China from the 1950s onwards and in addition cities such as Taipei were swelled by internal migrants from the countryside. In order to create Daan Forest Park, 12,000 squatters were evicted. The informal settlement at Treasure Hill has been recognized as cultural heritage. History. From the 1950s onwards, many immigrants from China squatted on public land in Taiwan, in informal settlements. The government began to rehouse the squatters from the 1970s onwards, demolishing 900 settlements by 1984. In 2006, it mandated the removal of squatters under the Principles for the Disposal of Occupied National Public Use Real-Estate Managed by Administrative Authorities, with no provision for alternative housing. Taipei. Taipei grew rapidly as more immigrants arrived and also migrants from rural areas moved to the city; in 1989 the Public Housing Department estimated there were 196 hectares of land occupied by squatters. In 1997, the clearance of 996 squatter households on land reserved for parks 14 and 15 beside the Linsen North Road resulted in the suicide of an elderly squatter. Daan Forest Park was created in the 1990s after 12,000 squatters were evicted to make way for it. Squatting at Treasure Hill began in the 1940s when farmers illegally occupied hilly land. By the 1980s, there were 200 houses in the informal settlement and the authorities began an eviction process, which then stalled. The settlement was then recognized as cultural heritage and turned into an artist village, which opened in 2010. Ruin Academy is an occupied building used as an architectural research centre.

ejection agenda

12579-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=11784654

The pygmy blue whale ("Balaenoptera musculus brevicauda") is a subspecies of the blue whale ("Balaenoptera musculus") found in the Indian Ocean and the southern Pacific Ocean. Reaching lengths of up to 24 metres (79 ft) it is smaller than the other commonly recognized subspecies, "B. m. musculus" and "B. m. intermedia", the former reaching 28 m (92 ft) and the latter 30 m (98 ft), hence its common name. The pygmy blue whale is the only one of the three identifiable subspecies to be found regularly in tropical waters. It occurs from the sub-Antarctic zone to the southern Indian Ocean and southwestern Pacific Ocean, breeding in the Indian and South Atlantic oceans, and travelling south to above the Antarctic to feed, although they very rarely cross the Antarctic Convergence. A fourth subspecies, "B. m. indica", was identified by Blyth in 1859 in the northern Indian Ocean, but difficulties in identifying distinguishing features for this subspecies lead to it being used a synonym for "B. m. musculus". It is now thought to be the same subspecies as the pygmy blue whale. Records for Soviet catches seem to indicate the female adult size is closer to that of the pygmy blue than "B. m. musculus", although the populations of "B. m. indica" and "B. m. brevicauda" appear to be discrete, and the breeding seasons differ by almost six months. Pygmy blue whales are believed to be more numerous than the other subspecies, possibly making up half of all blue whales alive today. Although the designation is widely accepted, because of the relatively healthy stocks of pygmy blues compared to the other subspecies, The Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada has questioned whether the subclassification of the pygmy blue whale has been driven by the interests of the whaling industry. Physical characteristics. According to observations made since the subspecies was first described in 1966, the pygmy blue whale differs from the "true" blue whales in a number of physical characteristics. It has: Pygmy blue whales reach sexual maturity at 10 years of age and a length of 19.2 meters (63 feet), weighing on average 52.5 tonnes (58 tons). As adults, males average 21.1 meters (69 feet) and females 21.9 meters (72 feet), with most probably between 20.7 and 22.5 meters (68 and 74 feet). The calculated average weight is 75.5 tonnes (83.5 tons) for males and 90 tonnes (99 tons) for females. A whale at the maximum known size of 24 meters (79 feet) would weigh in the range of 129.5 tonnes (143 tons). The shorter tail gives the pygmy blue whale more of a tadpole-like shape, and reflects in differences in diving behavior: whereas in the "true" blues, there is a delay between the submergence of the dorsal fin and the caudal peduncle; in pygmy blue whales, the dorsal and peduncle submerge simultaneously. Pygmy blue whales also tend to be darker than the other subspecies of blue whales, and the shape of their blowhole is different. Evolutionary history. The pygmy blue whale formed from a founder group of Antarctic blue whales about 20,000 years ago, around the Last Glacial Maximum. This is likely because blue whales were driven north by expanding ice, and some have stayed there ever since. The pygmy blue whale's evolutionarily recent origins cause it to have a relatively low genetic diversity. Conservation status. The pygmy blue whale is covered by the Memorandum of Understanding for the Conservation of Cetaceans and Their Habitats in the Pacific Islands Region (Pacific Cetaceans MOU)

creator class

2005-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10412749

Manapullikavu is in the Palakkad district in the Kerala State of India. The village is most famous for the temple Manappullikavu Vela. Sree Manappully Bhagavathy Temple is situated very near to the Palghat Town. It is on the Palghat–Chittur road and hardly 200 meters away from the NH-47. Earlier the temple was under the private ownership of ‘Kenath Family’. Now the temple is under Malabar Devaswom Board (MDB). Kariyannur Manakkal Bavathrathan Namboothiripad of Pattambi is the Thanthri (Head Priest) of the temple now. Sri Manappully Bhagavathy Temple has a very ancient history. It is believed that the temple originally belonged to Sri Mattappilly Bhadrakali Mana, a famous Kerala Brahmin family of Kerala. Numerous Bhrahmin families living on the banks of Holi River Sokanasini (Bharathapuzha) used to perform ‘Yagas’ on the river bed. Thus the area came to be known as ‘Yaga-kara’ which later came to be known as ‘Yakkara’. The eastern part of Yakkara where the temple is located, is called East Yakkara and the other side as ‘West Yakkara’. It is believed that the ‘Moolasthanam’ of Bhagavathy was at West Yakkara and it was subsequently shifted to the present Sanctum Santorum of the East Yakkara temple. (It is believed that a saintly Brahmin of Yagakkara conducted his prayers in his kitchen which is also called as ‘madappalli’. It is considered that in the course of time and usage, the area came to be known as "Manappulli"). Sree Manappulli Bhagavathi is Bhadrakaali and was born out of the sacred "Jada" of Lord Shiva during Dakshayaga. She is black in colour, with four hands, each one having Soolam, Kapalam, Gadkam and Khedam. She is with three eyes, two ‘Dhamshtram’, with ‘Pattudayada’ and valuable ornaments. The Prathishta is in ‘Shanta Bhava’. During ‘Chandattam’ ceremony She turns to ‘Rudra Bhava’ and becomes ‘Shanta Swaroopini ‘after accepting the ‘Kadummadura Payasa Nivedyam’. She is believed to satisfy the desires, hopes and aspirations of her true devotees and also protect them from all evils. According to a legendary myth about the temple, an Asura called Neelan was disturbing the people with his misdeeds and became a menace to them. The people, complained about this to Parasuraman and he in turn sought a remedy from Lord Paramasiva. Paramasiva incarnating his female personality to Bhadra Kali and sent her to Akamalavaram to kill Neelan. After killing Neelan, Kali became Manappulli Bhagavathy showering prosperity to her devotees. The Palghat district where the temple is situated, has mainly paddy cultivation as the main occupation of the people. The district is called the ‘Rice Bowl’ of Kerala. The social and cultural customs of the people are, therefore, one way or other, connected with paddy cultivation. They believe that the Goddesses of ‘Kavu’ (temple) protect them in their ‘Thattakam’ (meaning the area where they live, surrounds the ‘Kavu’). The people make offerings to the Goddesses in their ‘Thattakam’ in the form agricultural produces having bearing on the seasonal agriculture. The people prayed for good harvest and as an offering for this, they celebrates ‘Kathir’ in the third Friday of the Malayalam month of ‘Vrichikam’. On this day, a procession carrying ‘Sarodam’, in a very ornately decorated form is taken out in the evening from the premises of Lord Muniyappan temple, situated at the southern side of the Bhagavathy temple and it culminates at the Manappully Bhagavathy temple at dusk, passing through the streets of Manappullikavu Nair Thara. Another procession from Kenathuparambu, also joins the procession at the Manappullikavu junction and culminates at the temple. An attractive part of this ‘Kathir’ is the procession carrying decorative umbrellas made of palm leaves tied to freshly cut bamboo poles accompanied by ‘drum beating’. The Kathir literally announces the ensuing ‘Vela’ festival. The procession also carries ‘Kathir Koodu’, small balls made of tender palm leaves containing freshly plucked ‘Nel kathir’ (paddy bunches) which are distributed to all the houses in the area and hung in the front yard of each house till the next ‘Kathir’. These practices continue to be observed even now with great pomp and show. After the ‘Kathir’, the next preparatory function of the Vela is ‘Kanyar’ (Kodiyettam), which is performed on the first Friday of the Malayalam Month ‘Kumbam’. The huge freshly cut bamboo pole (flag post) with a typical flag - Koora is hoisted in front of the temple with rituals. This declares and denotes the ensuing Manappully Bhagavathy Vela. Festivals. Sree Manapullikavu Vela Some of the major festivals here are Vishu, Onam, Diwali & the great Manapulli Vela. This place is also well known for its temple processions, which would be normally conducted with nearly seventeen tuskers in minimum. The Manapulli Vela is glorified also by the firework displays, panchavadya-performances, Kathakali, Ootam Thullal, Katha Prasangam and various other cultural arts. As mentioned, the Vela is celebrated between last week of February and first week of March based on the Malayalam Calendar year. ‘Kanyar’ is conducted on the Ist Friday of the Malayalam month ‘Kumbam’ and the Vela is invariably conducted on the 14th day after ‘Kanyar’ (Kodiyettam). A Vela Committee is constituted for the proper conduct of the Vela Festival. The entire expenditure for the festival is met from donations received from the devotees. After the Kodiyettam, many cultural events are organised in the evenings for 14 days culminating on the day of Vela, by renowned folk/cultural artists of the state which attract huge crowds. Lot of devotees from various places come and worship Bhagavathy on Vela day. The Vela day starts early with special poojas and in the afternoon, Bhagavathy starts her vela procession. It is considered that on the invitation extended by the ‘Desakkar’ (locals) with ‘Upacharam Chollal’, Bhagavathy comes out of the ‘Sanctum Sanctorum’ for the ‘Vela Procession’, mixing up with her devotees for uniting her ‘Thattakam’ and eliminating all the evils. It is noted that on Vela day, neither the usual ‘Deeparadhana’ nor the ‘Athazhapuja’ is performed, as Bhagavathy is celebrating Vela with the ‘Desakkar’. The ‘Deeparadhana and ‘Athazhapuja’ of Vela day will be performed on the next day after ‘Sudhi’ (cleansing ceremony). The ‘Chaandh Abishekam’, one of the important pooja during the Vela day, attracts flocks of devotees. ‘Vedikettu’ (Fireworks) is also an important attractive element of the festival which takes place in the late evening when the Vela procession reaches back to the temple from Fort Maidan and also in the early morning. Bhagavathy is very fond of fire works as she is considered to be born from the Jada of Paramasiva with fire and thunder. On the Vela day the ‘nada’ is opened only after Karimarunnu is lit in front of Bhagavathy’. Annadanam’ (offering of food) is conducted in which thousands of devotees take part. The day of Vela is declared as a local holiday by the government which shows the importance of the festival. Other significant features of the Vela is the other Velas from other desams (areas) such as West Yakkara, Vadakkanthara, Vennakkara, and Koppam which also congregate at the Fort Maidan. While the East Yakkara Manappullikavu Vela remains separate at the fort entrance gate when the ‘Panchavadyam’ is in full swing. The East Yakkara Manappulli Bhaghavathy Vela consisting of the famous caparisoned Elephants, folk arts, Panchavadyam etc., reach back to the temple. Plenty of chariots (Bullock carts and other motorised vehicles) also form part of the Vela procession. When the Vela return to the temple, the ‘Panchavadyam’ reaches its mesmerising peak making the people literally dance and jump. After this, the spectacular fireworks starts, leaving the huge crowd spellbound. A vast sea of humanity assembles at the temple premises to witness this spectacular show. After the Fireworks, the renowned ‘Pandimelam’ performed by hundreds of eminent artists begins. At midnight stage programmes will be performed. Early morning, the ‘Raavela’ starts. The highlight of ‘Raavela’ is lighting of ‘Kambam’. ‘Kambam’ is considered as ‘Paramasivas’ Jada and lighting it with ‘Karimarunnu’ makes symbolic representation of Bhadrakalis’ ulpathi. After this, Bhagavathy enters the Temple. The ‘Kanyar’ pole is plucked by Elephant to mark the end of the festival. Sudhi is performed as Bhagavathy was outside the shrine with the devotees to celebrate her Vela. ‘Eeduvedi’ announces the conclusion of Vela. It is believed that after the evening Aarthi Bhagawathy goes to the Moolasthanam which is behind the present main temple (2 km) and returns to the Main Temple in the Morning. Also the Easwara Pooja for Bhairavar is very special and by performing Muttu at Bhairavar keeps the Evil forces away - The Ultimate Protection. Manappalli Bhagawathy is the family deity and so followers perform the Pooja and do an offering before starting any function such as marriage; after the marriage the newlyweds go to the temple and take the blessings.

utmost preservation

12109-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2712404

An RS Canum Venaticorum variable is a type of variable star. The variable type consists of close binary stars having active chromospheres which can cause large stellar spots. These spots are believed to cause variations in their observed luminosity. Systems can exhibit variations on timescales of years due to variation in the spot surface coverage fraction, as well as periodic variations which are, in general, close to the orbital period of the binary system. Some systems exhibit variations in luminosity due to their being eclipsing binaries. Typical brightness fluctuation is around 0.2 magnitudes. They take their name from the star RS Canum Venaticorum (abbreviated RS CVn). Otto Struve (1946) first called attention to the group, but it was Oliver (1974) who was the first to formally propose a set of observational characteristics to define the RS CVn criteria. The working definition, as it is used today, was that set down by Hall (1976). The RS CVn systems are divided into five separate subgroups: Either component is of the spectral type G through K and luminosity class II through IV. Strong Ca II H and K emission is seen outside eclipse. The light curves of RS CVn type systems show a peculiar semiperiodic structure outside eclipse. This structure has been referred to as a distortion wave in the light curve. Eaton and Hall (1979) determined that the simplest mechanism for the creation of the distortion wave was "starspots", which, in analogy to sunspots, are large, cool active regions on the photosphere. Such spots have since been observed indirectly on many systems. Chromospheric activity is signaled by the presence of emission cores in the Ca II H and K resonance lines. Balmer emission, or Hα, is also associated with active chromospheres. X-ray emission is known as a tracer for active coronal regions, and ultraviolet (UV) emission and flaring are, by solar analogy, known to be associated with stellar active and transition regions. These areas on the Sun are associated with intense magnetic fields, and sunspot activity is enhanced in and around these magnetically active regions. Some RS CVn type stars are known X-ray and radio emitters. The radio emission is nonthermal in origin (gyrosynchrotron) and is one of the few direct indicators of magnetic fields. The X-ray luminosities are on the order of Lx » 1024 watts. This emission has been interpreted, in solar analogy, as being caused by a hot, T ~ 107 K, corona. Another subgroup of RS CVns is known to have infrared excess emission, seen by the Spitzer Space Telescope

any piece

51-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2904828

Crime in Sweden describes an act defined in the Swedish Penal Code () or in another Swedish law or statutory instrument for which a sanction is prescribed. Figures from the 2013 Swedish Crime Survey (SCS) show that exposure to crime decreased from 2005 to 2013. Since 2014 there has been an increase in exposure to some categories of crimes, including fraud, some property crime and sexual offences according to the 2016 SCS. Crimes falling under threats, harassment, assault and robbery continued to climb through 2018. The increase in reports of sexual offenses is, in part, due to campaigns to encourage reporting, combined with changes to the laws that broadened the legal definition of rape. The figures for fraud and property damage (excluding car theft) are in contrast with the numbers of reported crimes under such categories which have remained roughly constant over the period 2014–16. The number of reported sexual offences clearly reflect the figures in the 2016 SCS, and car related damages/theft are also somewhat reflected. The number of convictions up to 2013 has remained between 110,000 and 130,000 in the 2000s — a decrease since the 1970s, when they numbered around 300,000 — despite the population growth. Consistent with other Western countries in the postwar era, the number of reported crimes has increased when measured from the 1950s; which can be explained by a number of factors, such as statistical and legislative changes and increased public willingness to report crime. Legal proceedings. When a crime has been committed the authorities will investigate what has happened, this is known as the preliminary investigation and it will be led by a police officer or prosecutor. The Swedish police and the prosecution service are required to register and prosecute all offences of which they become aware. The prosecutors are lawyers employed by the Swedish Prosecution Authority, a wholly independent organisation not dependent on courts or the police, and not directed by the Ministry of Justice (any ministerial interference is in fact unconstitutional). The prosecutor are obliged to lead and direct the preliminary investigations of a crime impartially and objective, make decisions on prosecution issues, and appear in court to process actions in criminal cases. Suspects are entitled to a public defence counsel, either during the preliminary investigation stage or during the trial. The suspect is entitled to examine the material gathered by the prosecutor, and is allowed to request the police to conduct further investigation, if he or she considers this to be necessary. A preliminary investigation supervisor decides whether or not these measures can be carried out. In the case of less serious crimes, if the suspect admits that he/she has committed the offence and it is clear what the punishment should be, the prosecutor can pronounce a so-called order of summary punishment. A preliminary investigation not discontinued may result in the prosecutor deciding to prosecute a person for the crime. This means that there will be a trial at the District Court. The person who has been convicted, the prosecutor and the victim of the crime can appeal against the District Court judgement in the Court of Appeal. Confidence in the criminal justice system. Six out of ten respondents surveyed in the SCS 2013 said they had a high level of confidence in the criminal justice system as a whole, and the police enjoyed similarly high confidence levels. Of the crime victims, a little over half of all surveyed (57%) stated that their experience of the police was generally positive, and nearly one in seven stated that the experience was negative. Corruption. In general, the level of corruption in Sweden is very low. The legal and institutional framework in Sweden are considered effective in fighting against corruption, and the government agencies are characterized by a high degree of transparency, integrity and accountability. Crime statistics. Sweden began recording national crime statistics in 1950, and the method for recording crime has basically remained unchanged until the mid-1960s, when the Swedish police introduced new procedures for crime statistics, which have been presented as a partial explanation for the historical increase in crime reports. In 1974, the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (, abbreviated Brå) became the government agency tasked with producing official statistics and disseminating knowledge on crime. In the early 1990s a new crime reporting system was implemented, which meant that the manual controls became less frequent, resulting in an additional increase in the number of reported crimes. In January 2017, the Löfven cabinet denied the request from member parliament Staffan Danielsson to update the BRÅ statistics on crime with respect to national or immigration background of the perpetrator, as had previously been done in 1995, 2005 but the 2015 was overdue. International comparison. Comparisons between countries based on official crime statistics (i.e. "crime reports") require caution, since such statistics are produced differently in different countries. Legal and substantive factors also influence the number of reported crimes. For example: Large-scale victimisation surveys have been presented as a more reliable indicator on the level of crime in a given country. Crime trends. By 2018 gang violence, which had long been a feature of vulnerable areas, had begun to spill out into the wider society where hospital staff reported armed confrontations in emergency rooms and school authorities reported that threats and weapons having become more frequent. In 2020, crime statistics showed that 12 bystanders had been killed and 19 wounded in incidents of gang violence involving shootings and bombings in the preceding six years. European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC). According to the EU-SILC survey, Sweden is one of the countries in Europe where the highest share of the population experience problems with crime, violence or vandalism in the area they live. In the survey, respondents are questioned whether they experience problem in the area they live. In 2017, 13% stated that they experienced problems with violence, crime or vandalism where they live, while other Nordic countries are among the countries with the lowest share with Norway at 4%, Denmark at 8% and Finland 6%. The trend is the reverse of that in other European countries whereas in Sweden there was an increase by 2% in the 2010-2017 time frame, the EU average dropped by 3%. All countries in the EU except Sweden, Germany and Lithuania show a falling trend. Experienced problems vary with the population density of the area, whereas in the EU larger cities have three times the rate of the countryside, Sweden data shows high rate also in sparsely populated areas. The Swedish Crime Survey. The Swedish Crime Survey (SCS) (sv:"Nationella trygghetsundersökningen") is a recurrent victim survey since 2005 by Brå of the attitudes and experiences of the general population regarding victimization, fear of crime and public confidence in the justice system, with an annual sample size of around 15,000 respondents. Offences against the person. The level of exposure to offences against the person has decreased somewhat since 2005 (down from 13.1% to 11.4%), according to SCS 2013. Crimes in this group includes assault, threat, sexual offences, mugging, fraud or harassment. In the recently published SCS 2016, exposure to offences has increased to levels as seen prior to 2005, with 13.3% of the people surveyed reporting that they had been victim to one or more of the aforementioned crimes. Around one in four (26%) surveyed report having experienced these crimes in 2015. Assault. While the number of reported assaults has been on the increase, crime victim surveys show that a large part of the increase may be due to the fact that more crimes are actually reported. According to the 2013 SCS, the proportion who stated that they have been the victims of assault has declined gradually, from 2.7 per cent in 2005 to 1.9 per cent in 2012. The proportion who are anxious about falling victim to assault has also decreased, from 15 per cent in 2006 to 10 per cent in 2013. This is supported by medical services reporting unchanged levels of incoming patients with wounds derived from assault or serious violent crime. Studies have also shown that police are increasingly likely to personally initiate reports of assault between strangers, which contributes to more cases involving assault being reported. In the recently published 2016 SCS 2.0 per cent of the population (ages 16–79) were exposed to assault. Over time, exposure to assault has decreased somewhat, and the percentage of victims has declined by 0.7 percentage points since the survey was first conducted in 2005, reaching its lowest point in 2012 and rising slightly since then. The primary reduction has been among young men. Exposure to assault is more common for men than women, and most common in the 20–24 age bracket. Assault is most common in a public place and in most cases the perpetrator is unknown to the victim. Sweden has a high rate of reported assault crime when compared internationally, but this can be explained by legal, procedural and statistical differences. For example, the Swedish police applies a system of expansive offence counts for violent crimes, meaning the same crime may be recorded several times. The 2005 European Crime and Safety Survey (2005 EU ICS) found that prevalence victimisation rates for assaults with force was below average in Sweden. Stabbings. In the 2012-2019 there was an increased trend of knife violence due to a hardening society. Threats. In 2015, 5.0 per cent were exposed to threats. The percentage of persons exposed to threats remained at a relatively stable level between 2005 and 2014. Exposure to threats is more common among women than men, and most common in the 20–24 and 25–34 age brackets. Murder and homicide. The number of cases of lethal violence [Murder, manslaughter, and assault with a lethal outcome) in Sweden remained at a relatively constant level over the period of 2002 to 2016 — on average 92 cases per year. Since 2015 there has been an increase in the number of cases of lethal violence and the figure in 2017 was the highest in Sweden since 2002. Studies of lethal violence in Sweden have shown that more than half the reported cases were not actually cases of murder or manslaughter. This is because the Swedish crime statistics show all events with a lethal outcome that the police investigate. Many of these reported crimes turn out to be, in reality, suicides, accidents or natural deaths. Despite this statistical anomaly, Sweden has an internationally low murder and homicide rate, with approximately 1.14 reported incidents of murder or manslaughter per 100,000 inhabitants as of 2015. The number of "confirmed cases of lethal violence" has fluctuated between 68 and 112 in the period of 2006–2015, with a decrease from 111 in 2007 to 68 in 2012, followed by an increase to 112 in 2015 and a decrease to 106 in 2016. Around 75% of those murdered are men. Most cases (71% in 2015) were reported in one of the major metropolitan regions of Stockholm, Väst and Skåne. The largest increase in 2015 was seen in the Väst region, where the number of cases has increased from 14 cases in 2014 to 34 cases in 2015. In 2016 ten out of the 105 murder cases were honor killings, representing roughly 10% of all murder cases and a third of all murders of women in Sweden. In May 2017 a survey by "Dagens Nyheter" showed that of 100 suspects of murder and attempted murder using firearms, 90 had one parent born abroad 75% were born in the 90s. According to a comparison of crime statistics from the Norwegian National Criminal Investigation Service (Kripos) and the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brå) done by Norwegian daily newspaper "Aftenposten", the murder rate of Sweden has since 2002 been roughly twice that of neighbour country Norway. Gun violence. Gun violence in Sweden (Swedish: "skjutningar" or "gängskjutningar") increased steeply among males aged 15 to 29 in the two decades prior to 2018, in addition to a rising trend in gun violence there was also a high rate of gun violence in Sweden compared to other countries in Western Europe. Hand grenade attacks and bombings. As of 2019 Sweden is experiencing an unprecedented amount of bombings and explosions, even if comparisons to previous years is difficult since criminal use of explosives was not a separate crime category until 2017. In 2018 there were 162 explosions, and in the first nine months of 2019 97 explosions were registrered, usually carried out by criminal gangs. The number of hand grenade detonations in particular has been unusually high, especially in 2016. According to criminologists Manne Gerell and Amir Rostami, the only other country that keeps track of hand grenade explosions is Mexico. While Mexico has a murder rate 20 times that of Sweden, on the specific category of grenade explosions per capita the two countries may be comparable. According to Swedish police commissioner Anders Thornberg "No international equivalent to Sweden's wave of bombings". These attacks occurs in both rich and low-income places. Swedish police do not record or release the ethnicity of convicted criminals, but Linda H Straaf head of intelligence at National Operations Department says they are from poor areas and many are second- or third-generation immigrants. While Swedish media sometimes are accused of not covering the topic enough, a 2019 study by polling company Kantar Sifo found that law and order was the most covered news topic on Swedish TV and radio and on social media.<ref name="bbc.com/news/"></ref> In 2019, Denmark, worried about the bombings in Sweden, introduced passport controls for the first time since the 1950s. While gun homicides were on the rise in the 2011-2018 time span, according to a study at Malmö University the number of hand grenade attacks had shown a strong increase in the same period and a total of 116 hand grenade detonations were recorded. The number of hand grenade attacks increased from two in 2011 to 39 in 2016 where the latter was a record year. Of the hand grenade attacks, 28% are directed towards individuals and the remainder towards police stations and other buildings. Two people have been killed and about ten have been injured. In January 2018, a 63-year-old man was killed when he found a grenade on his way to a supermarket with his wife. Thinking it was a toy, he picked it up and was killed when it detonated. In 2016 an 8-year-old boy was killed when a hand grenade was thrown into an apartment in Biskopsgården as part of crime gang warfare. Criminologists in Sweden don't know why there was a strong increase and why Sweden has a much higher rate than countries close by. Sweden's most renowned criminologist Leif GW Persson considers right-wing extremism a possible motive for many of the bombings. Excluding attacks clearly related to gang conflicts, a large number of the bombings have caused no injuries and seem to be mostly for show. Persson considers this an indication that they may be committed by people trying to sway public opinion against immigrants and for a hardline policy against crime. Sex crimes. A long-standing tradition of gender equality policy and legislation, as well as an established women's movement, have led to several legislative changes and amendments, greatly expanding the sex crime legislation. For example, in 1965 Sweden was one of the first countries in the world to criminalise marital rape, and Sweden is one of a few countries in the world to criminalizing only the purchase of sexual services, but not the selling. The rate of exposure to sexual offences has remained relatively unchanged, according to the SCS, since the first survey was conducted in 2006, despite an increase in the number of reported sex crimes. This discrepancy can largely be explained by reforms in sex crime legislation, widening of the definition of rape, and an effort by the Government to decrease the number of unreported cases. In SCS 2013, 0.8 percent of respondents state that they were the victims of sexual offences, including rape; or an estimated 62,000 people of the general population (aged 16–79). Of these, 16 percent described the sexual offence as "rape" — which would mean approximately 36,000 incidents of rape in 2012. According to the 2016 SCS 1.7 percent of persons stated that they had been exposed to a sexual offence. This is an increase of more than 100 percent compared to 2012 and a 70 percent compared to 2014, when 1.0 percent of persons stated exposure. Exposure to sexual offences is significantly more common among women than men, and most common in the 20–24 age bracket. Sexual offences are most common in a public place and in most cases the perpetrator is unknown to the victim. A frequently cited source when comparing Swedish rape statistics internationally is the regularly published report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) — although they discourage this practice. In 2012, according to the report by UNODC, Sweden was quoted as having 66.5 cases of reported rapes per 100,000 population, based on official statistics by Brå. The high number of reported rapes in Sweden can partly be explained by differing legal systems, offence definitions, terminological variations, recording practices and statistical conventions, making any cross-national comparison on rape statistics difficult. According to a 2014 study published by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), approximately one third of all women in the EU were said to have suffered physical and/or sexual abuse. At the top end was Denmark (52%), Finland (47%) and Sweden (46%). Every second woman in the EU has experienced sexual harassment at least once since the age of 15. In Sweden that figure was 81 percent, closely followed by Denmark (80%) and France (75%). Included in the definition of "sexual harassment" was — among other things — inappropriate staring or leering and cyber harassment. The report concluded that there's a strong correlation between higher levels of gender equality and disclosure of sexual violence. In its 2018 report, "Nationella trygghetsundersökningen 2018" (tr: "national survey of safety 2018") the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention stated that there had been an increase in the self-reported number of victims of sexual crime from 4.7% in 2016 to 6.4% in 2017. In the 5 preceding years there were escalating levels compared to the 2005–2012 period where the level was relatively stable. The increase in self-reporte victimisation was greater among women than among men. while the number of male victims remained largely constant over the timespan (see graph). The questionnaire pollls for incidents which would equate to attempted sexual assault or rape according to Swedish law. In August 2018, SVT reported that rape statistics in Sweden show that 58% of men convicted of rape and attempted rape over the past five years were immigrants born outside of the European Union: Southern Africans, Northern Africans, Arabs, Middle Easterns, and Afghans. Swedish Television's investigating journalists found that in cases where the victims didn't know the attackers, the proportion of foreign-born sex offenders was more than 80%. The number of rapes reported to the authorities in Sweden significantly increased by 10% in 2017, according to latest preliminary figures from the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention. The number of reported rape cases was 73 per 100,000 citizens in 2017, up 24% in the past decade. Official numbers show that the incidence of sexual offences is on the rise; the Government has declared that young women are facing the greatest risks and that most of the cases go unreported. Robbery. The rate of exposure to muggings has remained relatively unchanged since 2005, according to the SCS, with 0.9 per cent of respondents stating they were the victim of such a crime in 2015. There were 99 robberies recorded by police per 100,000 population in 2015. The prevalence victimisation rates for robbery was slightly above the EU-average in 2004, and lower than countries such as Ireland, Estonia, Greece, Spain, The United Kingdom and Poland. A study published in 2000 by Brå on adolescent robberies in Stockholm and Malmö found that muggings had increased in the 90s, with approximately 10 per cent of the boys and 5 per cent of the girls aged 15–17 having been the target of a mugging. Desirable objects are mainly money and cell phones, with an average value of around SEK 800. Only half of the crime was reported to the police, and foreign-born youths were overrepresented in the offenders demographic. Follow-up studies have shown the level remaining unchanged between 1995 and 2005. Harassment. The percentage of persons exposed to harassment in 2015 was 4.7 per cent. This is an increase as compared with 2014, when 4.0 per cent stated that they had been exposed. Between 2005 and 2010, the percentage of exposed persons gradually declined from 5.2 per cent to 3.5 per cent. Thereafter, the percentage increased between 2011 and 2015 towards the same level as when the survey was commenced (when the percentage of exposed persons was 5.0%). Exposure to harassment is more common for women than men, and most common among the youngest in the survey (in the 16–19 age bracket). It is most common for the perpetrator to be unknown to the victim. There might be a correlation between rise in harassment by an unknown perpetrator due to the general rise of harassment in various online communities, but nothing conclusive. Most harassment reported is either women harassing women or men harassing men, the smallest portion of reported cases are men harassing women. Property offences. The SCS indicate that 9.2 per cent of households fell victim to some type of domestic property offence, which is a reduction since 2006 (when the percentage was 12.6). Crimes in this group includes theft, theft from a vehicle, bicycle theft or residential burglary. Around half of the domestic property offences reported in the SCS 2013 are stated as having been reported to the police, and the overwhelming majority of crime victims state that this happened only once in 2012. Theft of personal property and pickpocketing are among the lowest in Europe, as is car theft and theft from a car. Burglary. Sweden had the lowest prevalence victimisation rate for burglary in Europe, according to the 2005 EU ICS, and the rate of exposure to residential burglary has remained relatively unchanged since 2006. In SCS 2013, 0.9 percent of households stated that they were the victims of burglary in 2012. Sweden had 785 cases of reported burglary per 100,000 population in 2012, which is a reduction from the previous year by 6 percent. The majority of burglaries in Sweden are committed by international gangs from Eastern European countries like the Balkans, Romania, Poland, the Baltic countries, and Georgia. The total number of burglaries in southern Sweden were 5871 in 2015 and 4802, the reduction was attributed to border checks introduced in November 2015 due to the ongoing European migrant crisis and police having manage to catch a number of gangs in 2016. The third reason for the reduction was community cooperation. Burglary perpetrators. Since Police in Sweden has a low conviction rate for burglaries there is also corresponding ignorance about who the burglars are. The Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention received responsibility for compiling statistics in 1994, at which time the two main categories of offenders were youth and drug addicts. This pattern changed into one where the main category of offenders were organised gangs, some of which were composed of foreigners travelling to Sweden in order to commit crime and then return to their home countries again. In the Stockholm area police estimated in 2014 that a third of all burglaries were done by foreign nationals. In 2015 police were reported as estimating that foreign gangs comprising 1500 individuals were organised with some members living Sweden to coordinate thefts: a third of these gangs are from Lithuania, a fifth from Poland and the rest from Georgia, Belarus, Romania and Bulgaria. In 2017 police were reported as estimating that about half of the annual 20,000 burglaries, including failed attempts, were committed by gangs from the Balkans, Romania, the Baltic states and Georgia. Fear of violence. According to a survey by the Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society (MUCF), performed in 2018, and released in April 2019, 70% of men and 36% of women in the ages 16–29 years old were afraid of being subjected to violence when they are outside. In 2013 the percentages were 26% for men and 32% for women. Criminal sanctions. Sanctions under the Swedish Penal Code consist of fines and damages, imprisonment, conditional sentences, probation, being placed in special care and community service. Various sanctions can be combined. A basic premise in the Penal Code is that non-custodial penalties are more desirable than custodial, and the court has considerable latitude when choosing a criminal sanctions, paying special attention to measures chiefly aimed at rehabilitating offenders. Fines and damages. A person who has committed a crime may be ordered to pay damages to the victim. Such damages can relate to compensation for destroyed clothing, a broken tooth, costs for medical care, pain and suffering, or personal violation. A person sentenced for an offence that could lead to imprisonment must pay SEK 800 to the Crime Victim Fund. Fines are determined in money, or as day fines. In the case of day fines, two figures are given, for example "40 day fines of SEK 50" (i.e. SEK 2,000). The first figure shows how serious the court has considered the offence and the latter figure depends on financial situation of the accused. Conditional sentences, probation and community service. Conditional sentences are primarily intended when a person commits a one-off crime and there is no reason to fear that he or she will re-offend. Probation can be applied to crimes for which fines are considered insufficient. Like a conditional sentence, it is non-custodial, but it is relatively intrusive. If a conditional sentence is imposed there will be a probationary period of two years. During this period, the person must conduct himself in an acceptable manner. The conditional sentence may be combined with day fines and/or an obligation to perform community service. There is no check made as to whether the person sentenced has conducted himself in an acceptable manner; but if the person is found to conduct himself in an unacceptable manner, the court may issue a warning, change a provision, or decide that the conditional sentence should be replaced by another sanction. A person who has been sentenced to probation is subject to a probationary period of three years. During this period, the person must conduct himself in an acceptable manner. A probation officer is appointed, who will assist and support the person sentenced. The court may specify rules about medical care, work and housing during the probationary period. The probation may be combined with day fines, imprisonment, an obligation to undergo care according to a predetermined treatment plan and/or to perform community service. Community service is an obligation to perform certain unpaid work during a particular time. A person sentenced to community service serves his sentence through working, for example, for an association or a not-for-profit organisation. Prison and electronic monitoring. A person who has been sentenced to at most six months imprisonment has the opportunity to serve the sentence in the form of intensive supervision with electronic monitoring. The person sentenced will serve the penalty at home and may only leave home at certain times, for example, to go to work. Compliance with these times is checked electronically. A person who has been sentenced to prison will receive an order from the Swedish Prison and Probation Service to attend an institution. It is possible to start serving the penalty immediately after the judgement has been made, and in certain cases, the person sentenced can get a postponement up to one year. A sentence of imprisonment can, in certain cases, be enforced by the Prison and Probation Service with the use of an ankle monitor outside the institution. Prison sentences may not be less than 14 days and may not exceed ten years (18 years for some offences) or life imprisonment. A person sentenced to life imprisonment can apply for a determined sentence at the Örebro Lower Court. A prisoner has to serve at least 10 years in prison before applying and the set sentence cannot be under 18 years. However, some prisoners may never be released, being considered too dangerous. Young offenders. According to the penal code, persons under 15 who have committed a crime cannot be sentenced to any sanction. If the under age offender is in need of corrective measures due to the crime, it is the responsibility of the National Board of Health and Welfare to rectify the situation, either by ordering that he be put into care in a family home or a home with special supervision. As a rule, offenders between 15 and 17 are subject to sanctions under the Act on Special Rules for the Care of the Young (SFS 1980:621) instead of normal criminal sanctions. An offender aged 15 and 17 years old, who have committed serious or repeated crimes, and is sentenced to prison or closed juvenile care usually serves time in a special youth home run by the National Board of Institutional Care. A person under 18 years is only sentenced to prison during exceptional circumstances. In less serious cases, fines are levied. For offenders between 18 and 19 years of age, measures in accordance with the Act on Special Rules for the Care may only be used to a limited extent. A person over 18 but under 21 can be sentenced to prison only if there are special reasons for this, with regard to the crime, or for other special reasons. A person who is under 21 when a crime was committed may receive milder sentencing than that normally stipulated, and may never be sentenced to life imprisonment. There are no age limits for the application of conditional sentences. Incarceration rate. Sweden had an incarceration rate of 66 persons per 100,000 inhabitants in 2013, which is significantly lower than in most other countries. By comparison, the EU average incarceration rate in the period 2008–2010 was 126 persons per 100,000. In 2012, approximately 12,000 prison terms were handed down — a level comparable to the one in the mid-1970s. The number of people sentenced to prison went down in the nine-year period of 2004–2013, but the average sentence length (approximately 8.4 months) has not been affected. Image in media. There has been debate in the media about the crime rate in Sweden, and further debate about how crime has been affected by the accumulated immigration and refugee influx. Some international media have claimed that the refuge immigrants in Sweden created dangerous neighborhoods that are now "no-go zones" for Swedish police. Several pieces by Norsk rikskringkasting, the state-run media channel in the neighbouring country Norway have described the "no-go zones" as areas in which ambulances, the fire brigade and police are routinely attacked, with reporter Anders Magnus in 2016 threatened and hurled rocks at by masked men when he tried to make interviews in Husby. Norwegian minister of immigration and integration Sylvi Listhaug and opposition politician Bård Vegard Solhjell said that they were "shocked" by the emergence of no-go zones in Sweden. Another incidence of foreign journalists attacked in a Stockholm suburb includes the Australian team of Liz Hayes from CBS's "60 minutes" in Rinkeby in 2016, working with anti-immigration activist Jan Sjunnesson, in which a member of the crew was allegedly dragged into a building during filming and punched and kicked by several people. In 2017, independent investigative journalist Tim Pool was escorted out of Rinkeby by police, "as many men were getting agitated by our presence". However, Swedish police authorities claimed that Pool was not formally escorted out of the area, as no police report on the incident was filed. After his visit to Sweden, Pool concluded that Sweden "has real problems". While Swedish police have objected to use of the term "no-go zones," an official report from the Swedish Police Authority published in December 2015 describes certain areas in Sweden where the police are having difficulties completing police tasks. They may be met with hostility and violence from crowds attacking police patrols by throwing stones at them and burning police cars, which at times force the police to postpone an intervention. This aggression is also directed at other official representatives of Swedish public institutions such as ambulance and fire brigade personnel. Fifteen specific areas are categorized as particularly critical areas (sv:"Särskilt utsatta områden") where incidents like these often take place. Swedish-Kurdish economist Tino Sanandaji said that due to fear of being perceived as racists, it has been taboo in Sweden to describe the situation in vulnerables areas due to their having a high fraction of immigrants. In February 2017, UKIP British politician Nigel Farage defined the Swedish city of Malmö as the "rape capital of Europe", and linked a high number of rapes in Sweden to the immigrants and asylum seekers from Africa and the Middle East; he was subsequently criticized by the BBC because, at the time, there were no data available on the ethnicity of the attackers. In August 2018 the SVT and BBC reported that rape statistics in Sweden show that 58% of 843 men convicted of rape and attempted rape over the past five years were foreigners (born outside Sweden) with more than half (427) from outside of the European Union including 40% from the Middle East or Africa. Swedish Television's investigating journalists found that in the 129 (15%) cases where the victims didn't know the attackers, the proportion of immigrant sex offenders was more than 80%. In November 2020, Swedish crime trends were used as an example not to follow by the Finns Party who claimed both Sweden and Finland's problem with youth crime were the result of failed immigration policies. Interior minister Maria Ohisalo instead maintained that the problems were due to "inequality".

precise period

14387-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=38877081

Mezerein is a toxic diterpene ester found in the sap of "Daphne mezereum" and related plants. Plants of the genera "Euphorbiaceae" and "Thymelaeaceae" possess a wide variety of different phorbol esters, which share the capacity of mimicking diacylglycerol (DAG) and thus activating different isoforms of protein kinase C. Mezerein was first isolated in 1975. It has antileukemic properties in mice, but it is also defined as a weak promoter of skin cancers in the same species. All parts of the plants contain an acrid and irritant sap that contains mezerein, thought to be the principal poison. The sap is especially prevalent in the bark and berries. Mezerein is highly liposoluble and can cause vomiting, diarrhea and burning of the mouth. When a large dose is taken, there can be shivering, dilation of the pupils, damage to the oral passages and the intestine and even death. It can also irritate the skin, resulting in redness by slight damage of the veins. Because of causing this redness, the sap used to be applied as rouge. History and alternative uses. Mezerein can be found in "Daphne mezereum". This plant has been used to make dyes, treat rheumatism and indolent ulcers and as a cosmetic. In homeopathy, the plant is used to treat primarily skin disorders but is also prescribed to treat anxiety related to digestive disorders and congestion. Once the toxicity of the plant was discovered, these uses were abandoned. The toxicity also led to new uses. In extreme cases, the berries are used to commit suicide. Mezerein and daphnetoxin. The toxins mezerein and daphnetoxin are both present in the genus "Daphne". Daphnetoxin has a structure similar to mezerein, with the phenyl-pentadienoyl component (top left of the mezerein structural diagram) missing. They are both PKC activators but with a different selectivity: mezerein exhibits antileukemic properties while daphnetoxin does not. Mechanism of action. Mezerein is a second stage tumor promoter. According to the IPP model, tumorigenesis happens in three stages: initiation, promotion, and progression. In the first stage, initiation, a gene-mutation with change of function occurs. These mutations often occur in oncogenes or regulatory sequences. In the promotion stage, interaction with cellular signaling pathways takes place. This leads to growth advantage for initiated cells. In the last stage, progression, the tumor has become karyotypically instable: morphological changes in the normal chromosomal structure take place. This instability is caused by additional mutations. This leads to metastasis, hyperproliferation and loss of control by the cellular environment. There is an increased risk that the tumor cells will mutate other genes. Second stage tumor promoters like mezerein do not have the capacity to initiate tumors, but can create circumstances in which initiated cells are more susceptible to additional mutations or in which initiated cells have growth advantage. They do not cause mutations themselves: promotion happens through interference with cellular signaling pathways. Mezerein and other phorbol esters interact with protein kinase C (PKC). Protein kinase C controls the cell cycle, so chemicals that interact with it can have pro-proliferative or anti-proliferative effects. PKC is normally activated by diacyl glycerol (DAG). Upon DAG binding to PKC, PKC's affinity for Ca2+ and membrane phosphoinositols is increased. After binding Ca2+, the DAG-PKC-Ca2+ complex is attached to the plasma membrane by binding to membrane phosphoinositols. Now, PKC can phosphorylate various substrates, affecting the activity of several intracellular pathways that regulate cell cycle and apoptosis among others. PKC binding to the plasma membrane is reversible, because after a short period of time DAG is enzymatically degraded, causing PKC to undergo a conformational change and detach from the membrane and stop phosphorylating substrates. Mezerein binds to PKC instead of DAG. It has a higher affinity for PKC than DAG does, and it cannot be degraded as easily as DAG. Therefore, when mezerein is bound, PKC remains in the active conformation much longer than it normally does. Furthermore, when mezerein has bound to PKC, PKC no longer requires Ca2+ for activation. This causes overstimulation of the pathways PKC initiates, leading to more cellular proliferation and less apoptosis. However, it seems that chronic activation of PKC leads to a negative effect, that is, apoptosis. Furthermore, high doses of mezerein have been used to terminally differentiate cancer cells, preventing their growth. Thus, mezerein can have both carcinogenic and non-carcinogenic properties. Usually, low doses cause a beneficial effect and high doses cause a toxic effect. Dose-response relationships. Mezerein has been shown to have two effects in chick embryo fibroblasts (CEF cells) that are associated with cancer. These effects are stimulation of 2-deoxy--glucose (2-DG) transport and causing of fibronectin loss. These effects are known to correlate with tumorigenicity in mice. Both effects are mediated by PKC. The ability of mezerein to decrease fibronectin levels is 46-fold lower than its ability to stimulate 2-DG transport. In related compounds, the difference between the two effects is usually 2- to 9-fold. This may have something to do with the weak tumorigenicity of mezerein. The shape of the 2-DG transport dose-response curve has an optimum at a mezerein concentration of approximately 50 ng/mL. This is atypical, since a dose-response curve usually is S-shaped. The explanation for this behaviour is unknown. Possibly, at high concentrations, mezerein is converted by enzymes that have low affinity for it. That would lower the effective concentration and thus decrease the effects. In this picture, a NOAE-level can be observed between mezerein concentrations of 0 to approximately 0.09 ng/mL. The concentration that gives half-maximal effects is reached for a low concentration of mezerein: about 0.7 ng/mL. The shape of the fibronectin-decrease curve is more usual, although not quite: the separate parts of the curve are all more or less linear, which is not the case in an S-shaped curve. In this case, a maximum dose can be determined: above concentrations of about 103 ng/mL the effect remains more or less stable. A NOAE-level is visible for concentrations of up to 1 ng/mL of mezerein. The concentration that gives half-maximal effect is approximately 90 ng/mL. The difference with the half-maximal concentration for 2-DG transport is remarkable. Mezerein causes a 46-fold lower effect for fibronectin decrease than for 2-DG stimulation, and apparently only causes this effect at high concentrations. This might also correlate with mezerein being a weak tumor promoter.

positive outcome

7963-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=28179698

The Necker Nymph is a submersible vehicle operated by Virgin Aquatic from the 32-metre yacht Necker Belle, which is based at the Virgin Limited Edition resort Necker Island in the British Virgin Islands. The "Necker Nymph" is the initial example of the DeepFlight Merlin class of positively-buoyant open-cockpit wet subs manufactured by Hawkes Ocean Technologies. It relies on hydrodynamic forces for anti-lift force. It is 4.5 metres long, capable of 360-degree "hydrobatic" maneuvers, can dive up to 40 metres underwater, and seats one pilot and two passengers in an open cockpit (necessitating wearing scuba gear). Occupants have a "windscreen" to protect them from the water's slipstream.

primary case

4086-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10923799

The history and culture of breastfeeding traces changing social, medical and legal attitudes to breastfeeding, the act of feeding a child breast milk directly from breast to mouth. Breastfeeding may be performed by the infant's mother or by a surrogate, typically called a wet nurse. Breastfeeding is the natural means by which a baby receives nourishment. In most societies women usually nurse their own babies, this being the most natural, convenient and cost-effective method of feeding a baby. However, there are situations when a mother cannot suckle her own baby. For example, she may have died, become unwell or otherwise cannot produce breast milk. Before the availability of infant formula, in those situations, unless a wet nurse was found promptly, the baby might die, and infant mortality rates were high. Wet nurses were a normal part of the social order, though social attitudes to wet nursing varied, as well as to the social status of the wet nurse. Breastfeeding itself began to be seen as common; too common to be done by royalty, even in ancient societies, and wet nurses were employed to breastfeed the children of royal families. This attitude extended over time, particularly in western Europe, where babies of noble women were often nursed by wet nurses. Lower-class women breastfed their infants and used a wet nurse only if they were unable to feed their own infant. Attempts were made in 15th-century Europe to use cow or goat milk, but these attempts were not successful. In the 18th century, flour or cereal mixed with broth were introduced as substitutes for breastfeeding, but this was also unsuccessful. Improved infant formulas appeared in the mid-19th century, providing an alternative to wet nursing, and even breastfeeding itself. During the early 20th century, breastfeeding started to be viewed negatively, especially in Canada and the United States, where it was regarded as a low class and uncultured practice. The use of infant formulas increased, which accelerated after World War II. From the 1960s onwards, breastfeeding experienced a revival which continued into the 2000s, though negative attitudes towards breastfeeding were still entrenched up to 1990s. Early history. In the Egyptian, Greek and Roman empires, women usually fed only their own children. However, breastfeeding began to be seen as something too common to be done by royalty, and wet nurses were employed to breastfeed the children of the royal families. This was extended over the ages, particularly in western Europe, where noble women often made use of wet nurses. The Moche artisans of Peru (1–800 A.D.) represented women breastfeeding their children in ceramic vessels. Shared breastfeeding is still practised in many developing countries when mothers need help to feed their children. Japan. Traditionally, Japanese women gave birth at home and breastfed with the help of breast massage. Weaning was often late, with breastfeeding in rare cases continuing until early adolescence. After World War II Western medicine was taken to Japan and the women began giving birth in hospitals, where the baby was usually taken to the nursery and given formula milk. In 1974 a new breastfeeding promotional campaign by the government helped to boost the awareness of its benefits and its prevalence has sharply increased. Japan became the first developed country to have a baby-friendly hospital, and as of 2006 has another 24 such facilities. Islam. In the Qur'an it is stated that a child should be breastfed if both parents agree: "Mothers may breastfeed their children two complete years for whoever wishes to complete the nursing ... And if you wish to have your children nursed by a substitute, there is no blame upon you as long as you give payment according to what is acceptable. " (parts of Surat al-Baqarah 2:233) "...and his gestation and weaning [period] is thirty months..." (part of Surat al-Ahqaf 46:15) Islam has recommended breastfeeding for two years till 30 months, either by the mother or a wet nurse. Even in pre-Islamic Arabia children were breastfed, commonly by wet nurses. 18th century. In the 18th century male medical practitioners started to work on the areas of pregnancy, birth and babies, areas traditionally dominated by women. Also in the 18th century the emerging natural sciences argued that women should stay at home to nurse and raise their children, like animals also do. Governments in Europe started to worry about the decline of the workforce because of the high mortality rates among newborns. Wet nursing was considered one of the main problems. Campaigns were launched against the custom among the higher class to use a wet nurse. Women were advised or even forced by law to nurse their own children. The biologist and physician Linnaeus, the English doctor Cadogan, Rousseau, and the midwife Anel le Rebours described in their writings the advantages and necessity of women breastfeeding their own children and discouraged the practice of wet nursing. Sir Hans Sloane noted the value of breast-feeding in reducing infant mortality in 1748. His Chelsea manor which was later converted to a botanic garden was visited by Carl Linnaeus in 1736. In 1752 Linnaeus wrote a pamphlet against the use of wet nurses. Linnaeus considered this against the law of nature. A baby not nursed by the mother was deprived of the laxative colostrum. Linnaeus thought that the lower class wet nurse ate too much fat, drank alcohol and had contagious (venereal) diseases, therefore producing lethal milk. Mother's milk was considered a miracle fluid which could cure people and give wisdom. The mythical figure Philosophia-Sapientia, the personification of wisdom, suckled philosophers at her breast and by this way they absorbed wisdom and moral virtue. On the other hand, lactation was what connected humans with animals. Linnaeus – who classified the realm of animals – did not by accident rename the category 'quadrupedia' (four footed) in 'mammalia' (mammals). With this act he made the lactating female breast the icon of this class of animals in which humans were classified. 19th century. Historian Rima D. Apple writes in her book "Mothers and Medicine. A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890–1950" that in the United States of America most babies received breastmilk. Dutch historian Van Eekelen researched the small amount of available evidence of breastfeeding practices in The Netherlands. Around 1860 in the Dutch province of Zeeland about 67% of babies were nursed, but there were big differences within the region. Women were obliged to nurse their babies: “Every mother ought to nurse her own child, if she is fit to do it (...) no woman is fit to have a child who is not fit to nurse it.” Mother's milk was considered best for babies, but the quality of the breastmilk was found to be varied. The quality of breastmilk was considered good only if the mother had a good diet, had physical exercise and was mentally in balance. In Europe (especially in France) and less in the USA it was a practice among the higher and middle class to hire a wet nurse. If it was too difficult to find a wet nurse, people used formula to feed their babies, but this was considered very dangerous for the health and life of the baby. Decline and resurgence in the 20th and 21st centuries. Breastfeeding in the Western world declined significantly from the late 1800s to the 1960s. By the 1950s, the predominant attitude to breastfeeding was that it was something practiced by the uneducated and those of lower classes. The practice was considered old-fashioned and "a little disgusting" for those who could not afford infant formula and discouraged by medical practitioners and media of the time. Letters and editorials to Chatelaine from 1945 to as late as 1995 regarding breastfeeding were predominantly negative. However, since the middle 1960s there has been a steady resurgence in the practice of breastfeeding in Canada and the US, especially among more educated, affluent women. In 2018, "Transgender Health" reported that a transgender woman in the United States breastfed her adopted baby; this was the first known case of a transgender woman breastfeeding. Canada. A 1994 Canadian government health survey found that 73% of Canadian mothers initiated breastfeeding, up from 38% in 1963. It has been speculated that the gap between breastfeeding generations in Canada contributes to the lack of success of those who do attempt it: new parents cannot look to older family members for help with breastfeeding since they are also ignorant on the topic. Indigenous women in Canada are particularly affected by their loss of traditional breastfeeding knowledge, which taught mothers to breastfeed for at least 2 years and up to 4–5 years after birth, as a result of settler colonialism; Indigenous mothers now initiate breastfeeding and exclusively breastfeed for at least 6 months at significantly lower rates than non-Indigenous mothers in Canada. Western Canadians are more likely to breastfeed; just 53% of Atlantic province mothers breastfeed, compared to 87% in British Columbia. More than 90% of women surveyed said they breastfeed because it provides more benefits for the baby than does formula. Of women who did not breastfeed, 40% said formula feeding was easier (the most prevalent answer). Women who were older, more educated, had higher income, and were married were the most likely to breastfeed. Immigrant women were also more likely to breastfeed. About 40% of mothers who breastfeed do so for less than three months. Women were most likely to discontinue breastfeeding if they perceived themselves to have insufficient milk. However, among women who breastfed for more than three months, returning to work or a previous decision to stop at that time were the top reasons. A 2003 La Leche League International study found that 72% of Canadian mothers initiate breastfeeding and that 31% continue to do so past four to five months. A 1996 article in the Canadian Journal of Public Health found that, in Vancouver, 82.9% of mothers initiated breastfeeding, but that this differed by Caucasian (91.6%) and non-Caucasian (56.8%) women. Just 18.2% of mothers breastfeed at nine months; breastfeeding practices were significantly associated with the mothers' marital status, education and family income. Cuba. Since 1940, Cuba's constitution has contained a provision officially recognising and supporting breastfeeding. Article 68 of the 1975 constitution reads, in part: "During the six weeks immediately preceding childbirth and the six weeks following, a woman shall enjoy obligatory vacation from work on pay at the same rate, retaining her employment and all the rights pertaining to such employment and to her labour contract. During the nursing period, two extraordinary daily rest periods of a half hour each shall be allowed her to feed her child". Developing nations. In many countries, particularly those with a generally poor level of health, malnutrition is the major cause of death in children under 5, with 50% of all those cases being within the first year of life. International organisations such as Plan International and La Leche League have helped to promote breastfeeding around the world, educating new mothers and helping the governments to develop strategies to increase the number of women exclusively breastfeeding. Traditional beliefs in many developing countries give different advice to women raising their newborn child. In Ghana babies are still frequently fed with tea alongside breastfeeding, reducing the benefits of breastfeeding and inhibiting the absorption of iron, important in the prevention of anaemia. Publicity, promotion and law. In response to public pressure, the health departments of various governments have recognised the importance of encouraging mothers to breastfeed. The required provision of baby changing facilities was a large step towards making public places more accessible for parents and in many countries there are now laws in place to protect the rights of a breastfeeding mother when feeding her child in public. The World Health Organization (WHO), along with grassroots non-governmental organisations like the International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN) have played a large role in encouraging these governmental departments to promote breastfeeding. Under this advice they have developed national breastfeeding strategies, including the promotion of its benefits and attempts to encourage mothers, particularly those under the age of 25, to choose to feed their child with breast milk. Government campaigns and strategies around the world include: However, there has been a long, ongoing struggle between corporations promoting artificial substitutes and grassroots organisations and WHO promoting breastfeeding. The International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes was developed in 1981 by WHO, but violations have been reported by organisations, including those networked in IBFAN. In particular, Nestlé took three years before it initially implemented the code, and in the late 1990s and early 2000s was again found in violation. Nestlé had previously faced a boycott, beginning in the U.S. but soon spreading through the rest of the world, for marketing practices in the third world (see Nestlé boycott). Breastfeeding in public. A breastfeeding mother in public with her baby will often need to breastfeed her child. A baby's need to feed cannot be determined by a set schedule, so legal and social rules about indecent exposure and dress code are often adapted to meet this need. Many laws around the world make public breastfeeding legal and disallow companies from prohibiting it in the workplace, but the reaction of some people to the sight of breastfeeding can make things uncomfortable for those involved. Some breastfeeding mothers feel reluctant to breastfeed in public. United States. A United States House of Representatives appropriations bill (HR 2490) with a breastfeeding amendment was signed into law on September 29, 1999. It stipulated that no government funds may be used to enforce any prohibition on women breastfeeding their children in Federal buildings or on Federal property. Further, U.S. Public Law 106-58 Sec. 647 enacted in 1999, specifically provides that "a woman may breastfeed her child at any location in a Federal building or on Federal property, if the woman and her child are otherwise authorized to be present at the location." A majority of states have enacted state statutes specifically permitting the exposure of the female breast by women breastfeeding infants, or exempting such women from prosecution under applicable statutes, such as those regarding indecent exposure. Most, but not all, state laws have affirmed the same right in their public places. By June 2006, 36 states had enacted legislation to protect breastfeeding mothers and their children. Laws protecting the right to nurse aim to change attitudes and promote increased incidence and duration of breastfeeding. Recent attempts to codify a child's right to nurse were unsuccessful in West Virginia and other states. Breastfeeding in public is legal in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia. United Kingdom. A UK Department of Health survey found that 84% find breastfeeding in public acceptable if done discreetly; however, 67% mothers are worried about general opinion being against public breastfeeding. In Scotland, a bill safeguarding the freedom of women to breastfeed in public was passed in 2005 by the Scottish Parliament. The legislation allows for fines of up to £2500 for preventing breastfeeding in legally permitted places. Canada. In Canada, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms gives some protection under sex equality. Although Canadian human rights protection does not explicitly include breastfeeding, a 1989 Supreme Court of Canada decision (Brooks v. Safeway Canada) set the precedent for pregnancy as a condition unique to women and that thus discrimination on the basis of pregnancy is a form of sex discrimination. Canadian legal precedent also allows women the right to bare their breasts, just as men may. In British Columbia, the British Columbia Human Rights Commission Policy and Procedures Manual protects the rights of female workers who wish to breastfeed. Recent global uptake. The following table shows the uptake of exclusive breastfeeding. Alternatives. If a mother cannot feed her baby herself, and no wet nurse is available, then other alternatives have to be found, usually animal milk. In addition, once the mother begins to wean her child, the first food is very important. Feeding vessels dating from about 2000 BC have been found in Egypt. A mother holding a very modern-looking nursing bottle in one hand and a stick, presumably to mix the food, in the other is depicted in a relief found in the ruins of the palace of King Ashurbanipal of Nineveh, who died in 888 BC. Clay feeding vessels were found in graves with infants from the first to fifth centuries AD in Rome. Valerie Fildes writes in her book "Breasts, bottles and babies. A history of Infant Feeding" about examples from the 9th to 15th centuries of children getting animal's milk. In the 17th and 18th century Icelandic babies got cow's milk with cream and butter. Human–animal breastfeeding shows that many babies were fed more or less directly from animals, particularly goats. In 1582, the Italian physician Geronimo Mercuriali wrote in "De morbis mulieribus" ("On the diseases of women") that women generally finished breastfeeding an infant exclusively after the third month and entirely around 13 months of age. The feeding of flour or cereal mixed with broth or water became the next alternative in the 19th century, but once again quickly faded. Around this time there became an obvious disparity in the feeding habits of those living in rural areas and those in urban areas. Most likely due to the availability of alternative foods, babies in urban areas were breastfed for a much shorter length of time, supplementing the feeds earlier than those in rural areas. Though first developed by Henri Nestlé in the 1860s, infant formula received a huge boost during the post–World War II baby boom. When business and births decreased, and government strategies in industrialised countries attempted to highlight the benefits of breastfeeding, Nestlé and other such companies focused their aggressive marketing campaigns on developing countries. In 1979 the International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN) was formed to help raise awareness of such practices as supplementary feeding of new babies with formula and the inappropriate promotion of baby formula, and to help change attitudes that discourage or inhibit mothers from breastfeeding their babies.

baby's mom

4955-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14841679

The Secular Order of Discalced Carmelites (; abbreviated OCDS), formerly the Secular Order of Discalced Carmelites of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel and of the Holy Mother Saint Teresa of Jesus, is a third order of Catholic lay persons and secular clergy associated with the Discalced Carmelites. Secular Discalced Carmelites profess promises to strive to live evangelical perfection in the spirit of the evangelical counsels of chastity, poverty, obedience, and of the beatitudes. They are an integral part of the Discalced Carmelites, juridically dependent upon the Discalced Carmelites friars, and in "fraternal communion" with them and the cloistered nuns. They share the same charism with the friars and nuns according to their particular state of life. Members of the OCDS are distinct from the third order known as the Lay Carmelites (TOCarm), who are instead associated with the Carmelites. History. When the Discalced Carmelites were juridically erected in 1593, its superiors retained the power granted by Pope Nicholas V in the bull "Cum nulla fidelium conventio" of 7 October 1452 to incorporate lay persons as members of the Order. However, the Order forbade lay persons from membership and incorporated this decision into the Constitutions of 1581 and 1592. After the Discalced Carmelites were divided in 1600 into the Spanish and Italian congregations, both of these maintained exclusion of lay persons but included as an apostolate investing lay persons with their Scapular. In the late 17th century, efforts were made that led to the erection of a secular order, beginning in Belgium and then in France and Italy. In 1699 a rule of life for seculars was privately published with provincial approval in Liège, Belgium. In 1708 in Marseille, France, a full Carmelite rule of life for secular women was published, being the first known and true rule of life for the Third Secular Order (as it was them styled), and ostensibly bearing the authority of the whole Order. The Rule of Marseille seems to recognize the presence of already existing Third Secular Order communities in France, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium and attempt to impose some degree of uniformity on independent Secular Order communities. The Rule of Marseille was translated into Latin during the end of the 18th Century. In 1848 a short book on the Third Order, the "Breve [C]ompendio", was published in Florence, Italy, being merely an abridged version of the Rule of Marseille. On 8 January 1883 the Definitor General of the Order revised the Breve Compendio and officially imposed it on the whole Third Order. This was in force until it was superseded on 25 October 1911, when the Definitor General imposed the "Manuale of the Third Secular Order". The Manuale was approved by the Holy See on 3 March 1921. This document was revised on 26 October 1970 and approved by the Holy See as the Rule of Life. The Rule of Life was superseded by the current OCDS Constitutions, which were approved by the Holy See on 16 June 2003. Charism. The Seculars' vocation is to live the Carmelite spirituality as Seculars and not as mere imitators of Carmelite monastic life. They live contemplative lives while practicing charity in their common occupations. They profess a promise to the Order patterned on the monastic vows which guides their life. The Promise is to live according to the Rule of St. Albert and the OCDS Constitutions and to live the evangelical counsels of chastity, and obedience (not poverty) and the beatitudes according to their lay state of life. Secular Carmelites order their lives according to the ancient Rule of Saint Albert, as does the whole Discalced Carmelite Order, according to the OCDS Constitutions specific to the Secular Order, and according to the provincial statutes applicable to the particular province of the Order which includes their communities. These three sources of legislation, in that order, move from general to more particular rules which are approved by the Church for their particular vocation and circumstances. The primary, daily obligations of the Seculars are to engage in silent, mental prayer, to pray Morning Prayer (Lauds) and Evening Prayer (Vespers) of the Liturgy of the Hours (Divine Office), and to attend daily Mass and pray Night Prayer (Compline) when possible. Lectio Divina and spiritual retreats are also highly encouraged. As models of this ancient way of life, they study the writings and imitate the lives of the many saints of the Discalced Carmelite Order, especially St. Teresa of Jesus and St. John of the Cross, both doctors of the Church. Doctrines include "gladly mortify themselves in union with the Sacrifice of Christ," and their "interior life must be permeated by an intense devotion to Our Lady." They wear the brown Scapular of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, which is the habit of the Secular Order and the entire Discalced Carmelite Order. Larger scapulars of various sizes are worn for ceremonial purposes. They attend the monthly meetings of the local communities of which they are members, and members of each community serve terms on the community's council, which coordinates the formation of members and the other aspects of the community. Spiritually mature members receiving the recommendation of the local council of their OCDS community and the approval of their provincial superior are permitted to profess vows of chastity and obedience to their community, which are strictly personal and do not translate into a separate class of membership. Membership. Depending on their existing provincial statutes and with the approval of their local council, their communities accept Catholics in good standing in the Church who meet the age requirement into formation. Admission into formation depends on a clear indication of a Carmelite vocation and maturity in faith in the opinion of the local council of the community petitioned, and permission to profess the Promise of the Seculars requires a number of years spent in spiritual formation and the study of contemplative prayer under the direction of the community's formators. Catholics begin by discovering a community of Seculars which they visit for monthly meetings and may eventually join. Communities are listed in online provincial directories (see bibliography below). Seculars are not members of the Scapular Confraternity, a newer development that is a pious association of Catholics who wear the small Scapular of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, commonly known as the Brown Scapular, and may or may not practice the primary principles of Carmelite spirituality. Any Catholic can be invested with the Carmelite Scapular by a Catholic priest, and indeed it is the most popular of Catholic scapulars because of the special promises made to its wearers by the Blessed Virgin Mary in apparitions. But the garment is properly the habit of the Discalced Carmelite Order, including the Seculars. Candidates for admission to the Order are clothed in the Scapular at the beginning of formal formation, usually during a Mass. Seculars, after the tradition of the Friars and Nuns, take a religious name and title of devotion. The custom is increasing of retaining the person's surname and/or given name depending on suitability. The name taken is generally only used in Carmelite contexts, and members use the postnominal initials "OCDS" after their legal names. The Order throughout the world. Seculars are spread throughout the world in various communities, with each community canonically erected, and subject to the direction of the provincial superiors of each province and the General Superior of the Discalced Carmelite Order in Rome. The Order has many members in the Philippines, which it attributes to the great devotion to Our Lady of Mount Carmel in that nation.

new religion

11698-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=19225

The politics of Mexico take place in a framework of a federal presidential representative democratic republic whose government is based on a congressional system, whereby the President of Mexico is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. The federal government represents the United Mexican States and is divided into three branches: executive, legislative and judicial, as established by the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, published in 1917. The constituent states of the federation must also have a republican form of government based on a congressional system as established by their respective constitutions. The executive power is exercised by the executive branch, which is headed by the President, advised by a cabinet of secretaries that are independent of the legislature. Legislative power is vested upon the Congress of the Union, a two-chamber legislature comprising the Senate of the Republic and the Chamber of Deputies. Judicial power is exercised by the judiciary, consisting of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, the Council of the Federal Judiciary and the collegiate, unitary and district tribunals. The politics of Mexico are dominated by four political parties: Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), National Action Party (PAN), Democratic Revolution Party (PRD), and the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA). Founded in 1929 as the "Partido Nacional Revolucionario" ("National Revolutionary Party"), PRI has dominated Mexican politics for over 70 years. PAN was founded in 1939, but it did not win its first governorship until 1989; its candidates won the presidency in 2000 and 2006. The beginnings of PRD go back to 1988 when dissident members of PRI decided to challenge the leadership and nominated Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas for president of Mexico. Cardenas lost in a highly contested election, but a new political party was born and the party emerged as a third force in Mexican politics, even though they have never captured the presidency. MORENA grew out of a dispute between Andrés Manuel López Obrador and other leaders of PRD after his loss in the 2012 presidential election. MORENA won its official recognition in 2014, and dominated the 2018 elections. According to a survey by the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 2017, 74 percent of Mexicans believe that Mexico's electoral system is not transparent and distrust official results. Framework of twentieth-century politics. In the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), the Constitution of 1917 set the legal framework for the Mexican government. Revolutionary generals dominated politics in the 1920s and 1930s. With the assassination of former general and President-elect Alvaro Obregón in 1928, former general and out-going President of Mexico, Plutarco Elías Calles, founded a political party, the Partido Nacional Revolutionario (PNR), to solve the immediate political crisis of the assassination and to create a long term framework for political stability, especially the transition of presidential regimes. Excluded from the party were labor and peasants. Under President Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40) the party underwent a transformation to the Partido de la Revolución Mexicana, which was organized on a corporate basis, with peasants, labor, the popular sector, and the military each having a sector, with power centralized. The PRM aimed to mediate conflicts between competing sectors within the party. The party became an extension of the Mexican state. In 1946, the party was transformed into the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), and the army was no longer a sector. In 1988, when Carlos Salinas de Gortari, a Harvard-trained economist, was chosen as the PRI presidential candidate, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, son of former President Lázaro Cárdenas, broke with the PRI ran as a coalition candidate. The 1988 elections were "the most fraudulent in Mexico's history. In 1989 the leftists who had bolted the PRI formed the Party of the Democratic Revolution. In the wake of the fraudulent 1988 elections, the administration of elections was taken out of the hands of the Mexican government's Ministry of the Interior ("Gobernación") and the Instituto Federal Electoral (IFE) was created in 1990, with the aim of ensuring free and fair elections and creating public confidence in the process. Political parties. Constitutionally, political parties in Mexico must promote the participation of the people in the democratic life of the country, contribute in the representation of the nation and citizens, and be the access through which citizens can participate in public office, through whatever programs, principles and ideals they postulate. All political parties must be registered with the National Electoral Institute (, INE), the institution in charge of organizing and overseeing the federal electoral processes, and must obtain at least 2% of votes in the federal elections to keep their registry. Registered political parties receive public funding for their operation and can also obtain private funding within the limits prescribed by the law. As of 2010 the following political parties are registered with the INE and all have representatives at the Congress of the Union: Political parties are allowed to form alliances or coalitions to nominate candidates for any particular election. The coalition must identify itself with a particular name and logo. Proportional representation (plurinominal) seats are assigned to the coalition based on the percentage of votes obtained in the elections, and then the coalition reassigns them to the constituent political parties. Once each party in the coalition has been assigned plurinominal seats, they do not necessarily continue to work as a coalition in government. Throughout the 20th century, PRI had an almost hegemonic power at the state and federal level, which slowly began to recede in the late 1980s. Even though since the 1940s, PAN had won a couple of seats in the Congress, and in 1947 the first presidential municipality (in ), it wasn't until 1989, that the first non-PRI state governor was elected (at ). It was in 1997, that PRI lost its absolute majority at the Congress of the Union. In 2000 the first non-PRI president since 1929 was elected. Elections and political composition of the institutions. Suffrage is universal, free, secret and direct for all Mexican citizens 18 and older, and is compulsory (but not enforced). The identity document in Mexico serves also as the voting card, so all citizens are automatically registered for all elections; that is, no pre-registration is necessary for every election. All elections are direct; that is, no electoral college is constituted for any of the elections at the federal, state or municipal level. Only when an incumbent president is absolutely absent (either through resignation, impeachment or death), the Congress of the Union constitutes itself acts as an electoral college to elect an interim president by absolute majority. Presidential elections are scheduled every six years, except in the exceptional case of absolute absence of the president. However, the term of the current president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, will be only 5 years, 10 months (December 1, 2018 — September 30, 2024) due to a Constitutional change. Legislative elections are scheduled every six years for the Senate, to be fully renewed in elections held concurrently with the presidential elections; and every three years for the Chamber of Deputies. Elections have traditionally been held on the first Sunday of July, but the new law means they will be held on the first Sunday in June instead. State governors are also elected every six years, except in Baja California, where the governor is elected for a two-year term. The state legislatures are renewed every three years. State elections need not be concurrent with federal elections. Federal elections are organized and supervised by the autonomous public Federal Electoral Institute, whereas state and municipal elections are organized and supervised by electoral institutes constituted by each state of the federation. Elections within Mexico City are also organized by a local electoral institute. A strongly ingrained concept in Mexican political life is "no reelection." The theory was implemented after Porfirio Díaz managed to monopolize the presidency for over 25 years. Presently, Mexican presidents are limited to a single six-year term, and no one who has held the office even on a caretaker basis is allowed to hold the office again. Deputies and senators were not allowed to immediately succeed themselves until 2018; Both may now serve a maximum of 12 consecutive years. Federal elections. 2006. Federal presidential elections were held on July 2, 2006 concurrent with the full renovation of both chambers of the Congress of the Union. In these elections the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), the Labour Party (PT) and Convergence (CV) formed a coalition called Coalition for the Good of All. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the Ecologist Green Party (PVEM) formed a coalition called Alliance for Mexico. The Federal Electoral Tribunal declared Felipe Calderón the winner of the elections on September 5, and president-elect. He took office on December 1, 2006 and his term ended on November 30, 2012. The concurrent congressional elections were not contested by any party. Both chambers were completely renewed and no party obtained an absolute majority. This election has been noted by scholars, including Mexican sociologist Jacqueline Peschard, for the "breakdown in consensus that nearly resulted" as a result of the ensuing indeterminacy and the problems that has posed for Mexican democracy. 2012. In 2012, Mexico elected Enrique Peña Nieto as President. 2018. In 2018, Mexico elected Andrés Manuel López Obrador as President. He ran under a three-party coalition led by the leftist National Regeneration Movement party (Morena) he founded in 2014. State elections. The elections in each state are done at different times, depending on the state, and are not necessarily held at the same time with the federal elections. : Historical political development. The Mexican Revolution was followed by the Great Depression, which led to a severely fragmented society and very weak institutions. In 1929, all factions and generals of the Mexican Revolution were united into a single party, the National Revolutionary Party (NRP), with the aim of stabilizing the country and ending internal conflicts. During the following administrations, since 1928, many of the revolutionary ideals were put into effect, among them the free distribution of land to peasants and farmers, the nationalization of the oil companies, the birth and rapid growth of the Social Security Institute as well as that of Labor Unions, and the protection of national industries. President Lázaro Cárdenas was fundamental to recover some of the social control that was lost during the Revolution and the following economic meltdown in the United States. However, Cárdenas was followed by a series of less-talented leaders that were unable to continue this path and establish an effective rule of law on Mexican society. Moreover, Cárdenas presidency happened before the UN focused on states as the rule in the 1940s and 1950s. The NRP was later renamed the Mexican Revolution Party and finally the Institutional Revolutionary Party. The social institutions created by the party itself provided it with the necessary strength to stay in power. In time, the system gradually became, as some political scientists have labeled it, an "electoral authoritarianism", in that the party resorted to any means necessary, except that of the dissolution of the constitutional and electoral system itself, to remain in power. In fact, Mexico was considered a bastion of continued constitutional government in times where coup d'états and military dictatorships were the norm in Latin America, in that the institutions were renovated electorally, even if only in appearance and with little participation of the opposition parties at the local level. The lack of the establishment of a true democracy in Mexico can be partially explained many factors, like the ones described above. However, one of them could also be the oil reserves that exist in the country and that were nationalized by the Cárdenas government. Several empirical studies point to a correlation between the existence of natural resources and the difficulty of turning into a democracy. The first cracks in the system, even though they were merely symbolic, were the 1970s reforms to the electoral system and the composition of the Congress of the Union which for the first time incorporated proportional representation seats allowing opposition parties to obtain seats, though limited in number, in the Chamber of Deputies. As minority parties became involved in the system, they gradually demanded more changes, and a full democratic representation. Even though in the 1960s, a couple (of more than two thousand) municipalities were governed by opposition parties, the first state government to be won by an opposition party was Baja California, in 1989. Historically, there were important high-profile defections from the Institutional Revolutionary Party, like the ones of Juan Andreu Almazán (1940), Ezequiel Padilla (1946), Miguel Henríquez Guzmán (1952), and Cuahtémoc Cárdenas (1988), son of President Lázaro Cárdenas. These departures happened mainly because they opposed the presidential candidate nominations; however, only Cárdenas departure in 1988 resulted in the establishment of another political party (Party of the Democratic Revolution). The presidential elections held in 1988 marked a watershed in Mexican politics, as they were the first serious threat to the party in power by an opposition candidate: Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, who was nominated by a broad coalition of leftist parties. He officially received 31.1 percent of the vote, against 50.4 percent for Carlos Salinas de Gortari, the PRI candidate, and 17 percent for Manuel Clouthier of the National Action Party (PAN). It was believed by some that Cardenas had won the election, but that the then government-controlled electoral commission had altered the results after the infamous "the system crashed" ("se cayó el sistema", as it was reported). In the concurrent elections, the PRI came within 11 seats of losing the majority of Chamber of Deputies, and opposition parties captured 4 of the 64 Senate seats—the first time that the PRI had failed to hold every seat in the Senate. Capitalizing on the popularity of President Salinas, however, the PRI rebounded in the mid-term congressional elections of 1991, winning 320 seats. Subsequent changes included the creation of the Federal Electoral Institute in the 1990s and the inclusion of proportional representation and first minority seats in the Senate. The presidential election of 1994 was judged to be the first relatively free election in modern Mexican history. Ernesto Zedillo of the PRI won with 50.2 percent of the vote, against 26.7 percent for Diego Fernández de Cevallos of PAN and 17.1 percent for Cardenas, who this time represented the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). Although the opposition campaign was hurt by the desire of the Mexican electorate for stability, following the assassination of Luis Donaldo Colosio (the intended PRI candidate) and the recent outbreak of hostilities in the state of Chiapas, Zedillo's share of the vote was the lowest official percentage for any PRI presidential candidate up to that time. In the 1997 mid-term elections, no party held majority in the Chamber of Deputies, and in 2000 the first opposition party president was sworn in office since 1929. Vicente Fox won the election with 43% of the vote, followed by PRI candidate Francisco Labastida with 36%, and Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) with 17%. Numerous electoral reforms implemented after 1989 aided in the opening of the Mexican political system, and opposition parties made historic gains in elections at all levels. Many of the current electoral concerns have shifted from outright fraud to campaign fairness issues. During 1995-96 the political parties negotiated constitutional amendments to address these issues. Implementing legislation included major points of consensus that had been worked out with the opposition parties. The thrust of the new laws has public financing predominate over private contributions to political parties, tighter procedures for auditing the political parties, and strengthening the authority and independence of electoral institutions. The court system also was given greatly expanded authority to hear civil rights cases on electoral matters brought by individuals or groups. In short, the extensive reform efforts have "leveled the playing field" for the parties. The 2006 elections saw the PRI fall to third place behind both the PAN and the PRD. Roberto Madrazo, the presidential candidate, polled only 22.3 percent of the vote, and the party ended up with only 121 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, a loss of more than half of what the party had obtained in 2003, and 38 seats in the Senate, a loss of 22 seats. Felipe Calderó, a conservative former energy minister, won a narrow victory, and he was elected as the new president. Andrés Manuel López Obrador, lost the very tight race, did not accept the result. In the 2012 elections, Enrique Peña Nieto was elected as the president of Mexico, meaning the return of PRI after 12 years out of power. On 1 December 2018, Andrés Manuel López Obrador sworn in as Mexico's first leftist president in seven decades, after winning a landslide victory in July 2018 elections.

required power

8954-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10051447

Hydrophobic concrete is concrete that repels water. It meets the standards outlined in the definition of waterproof concrete. Developed in Australia in the mid-20th century, millions of cubic yards of hydrophobic concrete have been laid in Australia, Asia, and Europe, and in the United States since 1999. Its effective use in hundreds of structures has contributed to its large acceptance and growing use. Structure. Typical concrete is quite hydrophilic. This comes from its intricate system of tiny capillaries, which suck water through the microcrack network within a concrete slab. This hardened matrix creates a continuous "source to sink" cycle, meaning water from above is constantly pulled to an area of lower elevation. Darcy's coefficient refers to the ability of liquefied water under pressure to flow through any pores and capillaries that are present. A lower Darcy's constant correlates with a higher quality material. Commercial companies use different approaches to modify a regular concrete mixture in order to create hydrophobic concrete, all of which involve somehow filling the porous concrete mixture. Some of the most commonly used methods include polymer formation, small speck infusion, and crystalline formations, the latter being the most widely used. Polymer formation works by having a water-soluble pre-polymer polymerize via ion exchange with di-valent metal ions such as Ca and Fe ions to form rubbery insoluble particles. These small particles migrate and concentrate in the small fissures and capillaries formed in the concrete as it dries. As polymerization proceeds, rubber plugs form and permanently seal these water pathways, greatly reducing both water absorption and water permeability. Crystalline technology is used to create hydrophobic concrete by causing crystal structures to form in the tiny capillaries, pores and other air pockets left behind in the concrete curing process. During this formation, by-products are left behind in the capillaries and pores of the freshly cured concrete, typically calcium hydroxide, sulfates, sodium carbonates, potassium, calcium, and hydrated and unhydrated cement particles. These crystal structures then plug the pores and capillaries, preventing water from flowing through them. Once the crystalline chemicals are added to the concrete mixture, through either an admixture or coating, they react with the by-products in the presence of water. This reaction then forms an insoluble crystal structure that clogs the pores. This process continues until all the chemicals have reacted. When applied as a coating, the chemical reaction proceeds through the process of chemical diffusion. This is a process of a high chemical density solution migrating towards the low density chemical solution until the two come into equilibrium. Soaking the concrete in water creates a low chemical density in the pores, and applying the crystalline chemical as a coating then creates a high chemical density. These two fluids diffuse through the inner structure of the concrete until they reach equilibrium throughout the inner structure. When this process is finished, the hydrophobic concrete's crystal structure is complete. Properties. The ultimate goal when forming a hydrophobic material is to reduce the polarity of the molecules. Because water molecules are very polar, they are easily attract to partially positive or partially negative charges. On a neutral surface, water molecules bunch up and attract each other, creating a spherical droplet of water. These droplets can then evaporate off the concrete surface rather than be absorbed into the capillaries of the concrete. The exact structure and composition of the crystals used in hydrophobic concrete is not public information; due to its properties, however, it can be assumed that it is a non-polar molecule. The property to repel water gives hydrophobic concrete the ability to avoid contamination by particles dissolved in water drops. Because the crystals themselves are not polar, there is little interaction between the crystals and dissolved oxygen. This allows the concrete to withstand the rebar rusting that so often compromises the strength of concrete that has iron bars running through it. Standard commercial concrete has an average water absorption of 4-10%. In contrast, hydrophobic concrete has an average of 0.3-1%. An overlooked property of hydrophobic concrete is its ability to repel humidity in the air as well. In contrast to liquid water, water molecules in the air moving with a higher kinetic energy and ultimately exist in a gas-like form. The crystal structures in hydrophobic concrete are compact enough to prevent humidity from moving through the capillaries of the concrete. Processing. Hydrophobic concrete is produced in a variety of ways that fall under two categories; coatings or admixtures. Both allow the crystal structures to form in the presence of water. When creating hydrophobic concrete through a coating process, a coating is sprayed or brushed onto a porous surfaces. In most cases, it is applied to a regular concrete slab that then undergoes a corrosive process to expose more of the concrete's capillaries. This can be achieved by water blasting the surface at about 3,000-4,000 psi. Sandblasting and acid etching are also suitable processes. The addition of water is the next step. It can be applied either vertically or horizontally, but temperatures should not go below 33 degrees Fahrenheit to prevent freezing. Excessive evaporation should also be avoided. In areas with high evaporation rates, this process often takes place overnight when temperatures are cooler. Once the pores are saturated as much as possible with water, the coating is applied. Hydrophobic chemicals are in a powder form and mixed with water at a ratio of five parts powder to two parts water for application by brush. For spray application, the ratio is five parts powder to three parts water. The coating is applied between 1.25-1.5 lb per square yard and continues until the whole surface is covered. If the surface requires another coat, it must be applied within forty eight hours of the initial application of the hydrophobic mixture. Once applied, the concrete must cure in a moist environment two to three hours after the application. This is achieved by spraying the surface with water at least three times a day for a few days. Evaporation retardants are also occasionally used. Depending on the climate, the curing process may take longer and require more frequent wetting. Once the concrete is cured, it sits for two to three weeks before the process is complete. When hydrophobic concrete is made through the use of an admixture, a powder with the hydrophobic chemicals is added during the batching process. In other words, it is added to the concrete mixture itself when the concrete is laid. The usual dosage is two to three percent of the concrete mixture. Because water is a part of the batching process, an additional curing process is not required. This approach is easier and less labor-intensive, but it can only be used when new concrete is laid. Uses. Hydrophobic concrete can be used in the same applications as regular concrete, most often where regular concrete is dangerous to repair or the cost of structural damage would be highly detrimental. Tunnel work is a major application of hydrophobic concrete as underground repairs are difficult and costly. It is also a favorite choice for laying foundations for buildings and sidewalks in locations below the water table. Underwater use of hydrophobic concrete is a major application in marine facilities. Is often used to hold water to create pools and ponds. NASA used hydrophobic concrete to build the swimming pool used to train astronauts for walking on the moon. Hydrophobic concrete is also used in applications that are exposed to rain or rain puddling, such as green roofs, other kinds of roofs, parking structures, and plazas. Advantages. Amongst the many benefits of using hydrophobic concrete, it reduces installation time and lowers costs. Use of hydrophobic concrete can reduce the labor time of industrial project because normal concrete involves a corrosion proofing period as well as a waterproofing period. With hydrophobic concrete, both corrosion proofing and waterproofing are done at the same time. Likewise, time reduction reduces installation costs. Regular, membrane-backed concrete can cost around US$5 per square foot, although prices can vary based on the application. The one-step installation process of hydrophobic concrete brings the cost down to about US$3.20 per square foot. Such savings can quickly add up over the course of a project, as reported by the Hycrete company of southern California. An estimated five billion dollars were spent in Western Europe alone on hydrophilic cement repairs in 1998. Most of the repairs were necessary due to the damage of water corrosion in urban areas. Because there is little or no water corrosion, hydrophobic concrete is better preserved than regular concrete, which typically looks worn and aged after a few years. From an environmental standpoint, hydrophobic concrete is also beneficial because it is "green". Its ability to be re-crushed makes it easily reusable. Although regular concrete can be re-crushed, it involves a very costly process, which often means that the concrete ends up in a landfill. This advantage of hydrophobic concrete enables its cost-efficient reuse in future projects. Disadvantages. Some other cons to hydrophobic concrete come from the application process. When applied as a coating, it can only penetrate up to 12 inches into the material. Also, the coating process itself is extremely labor-intensive. If the structure is thicker than 12 inches, or it is a large-area project, an admixture approach would have better results. Using the alternative crystalline technology to produce hydrophobic concrete is only possible when water is present, since the surface must be carefully wetted before the coating is applied.

liquid access points

2016-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31074766

The Swiss National Redoubt (; ; ; ) was a defensive plan developed by the Swiss government beginning in the 1880s to respond to foreign invasion. In the opening years of the Second World War the plan was expanded and refined to deal with a potential German invasion. The term "National Redoubt" primarily refers to the fortifications begun in the 1880s that secured the mountainous central part of Switzerland, providing a defended refuge for a retreating Swiss Army. The National Redoubt encompassed a widely distributed set of fortifications on a general east-west line through the Alps, centering around the major fortress complexes of St. Maurice, St. Gotthard, and Sargans. These fortresses primarily defended the alpine crossings between Germany and Italy and were outside the industrialized and populated regions of Switzerland. These regions were defended by the "Border Line", and the "Army Position" somewhat farther back. While not intended as an impassable barrier, these lines contained significant fortifications, but the National Redoubt was planned as a nearly impregnable complex of fortifications that would deny an aggressor passage over or through the Alps by controlling the major mountain passes and railway tunnels running north-to-south through the region. This strategy was intended to deter an invasion altogether by denying Switzerland's crucial transportation infrastructure to an aggressor. The National Redoubt has been the subject of debate in Swiss society, with many fortifications decommissioned by the early 21st century. Swiss Alps. The concept of "réduit" is a recurring theme in Swiss defense theory. Having stayed neutral during World War II, Switzerland retained the concept for its plans of resistance against a putative Soviet invasion during the Cold War, when it became a strong influence on the Swiss concept of neutrality. History. Fortification of the Swiss alpine region began in the 1880s, shortly after the opening of the Gotthard railway. Forts similar to those of Belgian military engineer Henri Alexis Brialmont were built at Airolo, the Oberalp Pass, Furka Pass, and Grimsel Pass, all in the Central Alps. Additional positions were constructed in the area of Saint-Maurice, using mining and tunneling techniques in the steep mountainsides of the glacial valley. In the immediate aftermath of World War I, there was little Swiss interest in further fortifications. However, during the 1930s, as France built the Maginot Line from the Swiss border to the Belgian border and Czechoslovakia built the Czechoslovak border fortifications, Switzerland re-examined its fixed defenses. At the same time, job creation programs became desirable as a result of the worldwide Great Depression. Design work began in 1935, and in 1937 construction began on the expanded Alpine fortifications, the Border Line, and the Army line fortifications. Guisan plan. General Henri Guisan developed a strategy for the defense of Switzerland that recognised its limited resources in equipment and manpower compared to its potential adversaries. Guisan proposed a delaying strategy in the broken terrain of the borders to keep an invading force out of the open country in the central plateau for as long as possible to allow an orderly retreat to the secured Alpine perimeter. Once the retreat to the Alps was complete, the Swiss government could remain in hiding for an extended time. Accordingly, border fortifications were improved, with major programs along the Rhine and at Vallorbe in the Jura. The strategic Alpine nodes of Saint-Maurice, Saint Gotthard, and Sargans were identified as the primary points of access to the Alpine redoubt for a potential aggressor. While Saint Gotthard and Saint-Maurice had been previously fortified, the area of Sargans was newly vulnerable because of a drainage program of former wetlands along the Rhine that would now provide easy access to the eastern Alpine gateway at Sargans. Debate continued over the extent of the redoubt under the Guisan Plan. A proposal was developed by officers from German-speaking cantons, advocating a more compact redoubt. That was overcome by a proposal, authored by Guisan's chief of staff, Colonel Samuel Gonard, whose plan ratified the Saint-Maurice - Saint Gotthard - Sargans strategy, prefaced by a defense in depth. Additional impetus was provided by the fall of France in June 1940. Two days after the French surrender, on 23 June, the border zones were reduced in priority in favor of the "advanced position" or Army Line. The army was shifted to the center of the country, leaving industries and population centres relatively unprotected. The final Guisan Plan, adopted on 12 July 1940, defined an organised retreat to the Alps in which supplies would be stocked for an indefinite resistance with no thought of further retreat. On 25 July 1940, the Swiss defensive plan was disseminated dictating a fallback to the Alps in the event of an Axis attack, focusing in particular on the Gotthard massif and destroying all access points as necessary once inside. The Redoubt strategy was emphasized on 24 May 1941. Until then, only about two thirds of the Swiss Army had been mobilized. After the swift overrunning of the Balkan countries by the Germans in April 1941, in which relatively-low mountains had proven to be little barrier to the mobile German forces, the entire Swiss army was mobilised. The Swiss, lacking a significant armored force, drew the conclusion that withdrawal to the redoubt was the only sound course. Any actions in the Central Plateau would be delaying actions only. The plan was revealed to the public after Switzerland was surrounded by German and Italian forces, with the so-called Rütli Report, a historic and highly-symbolic meeting of the Swiss Army staff and the entire officer corps at the founding site of the Swiss confederation. In case of attack, the Swiss would defend only the High Alps, including the important transalpine roads and rail links. As a last resort, the army would make the routes useless to the Axis by destroying key bridges and tunnels. The plan meant that the populated lowlands, including the economic centres of the country, would be effectively ceded to the Germans. The gold reserves of the Swiss National Bank in Zürich were moved farther away from the German border to the Gotthard Pass and Berne. World War II. The National Redoubt assumed great importance to the Swiss in 1940, when they were entirely surrounded by Axis powers and thus effectively at the mercy of Hitler and Mussolini. The National Redoubt was a way to preserve at least part of Swiss territory in the event of an invasion. The redoubt was to be manned by eight infantry divisions and three mountain brigades; the Swiss practiced for war by imitating the battles occurring around them. Switzerland's redoubt strategy during World War II was essentially one of deterrence. The idea was to make clear to Germany that an invasion would have a high cost. Simultaneously, economic concessions were made to Germany in the hope that the overall cost of a German invasion would be perceived to be higher than the potential benefits. However, it is clear that Hitler intended to invade eventually and that the Allied landing at Normandy and the difficulties faced in invading the Soviet Union were pivotal in merely delaying an invasion. Concessions included a national blackout and the destruction of a secret German radar system that had accidentally landed in Switzerland in exchange for a dozen aircraft. In its invasion plan, Operation Tannenbaum, Germany planned to capture Geneva and Lucerne, and Italy would capture the Alps; both countries would then divide Switzerland. Cold War. Swiss policy during the Cold War adopted a more aggressive defense of the borders that relied less on a retreat to the mountains. While Switzerland was again surrounded by an alliance, NATO was not considered a threat to Swiss national existence; but Warsaw Pact nations were considered threats. The Swiss strategy sought to exact a high price from any direct ground attack on Swiss territory. Control of the Alpine crossings remained a cornerstone of the Swiss strategy of neutrality. The dense network of passive and active barriers and large and small fortifications allowed considerable flexibility in the disposition of Swiss forces and represented an almost-optimal scenario of defence in depth. The strategic importance of the Alpine crossings had only increased since the Second World War, and any incursion by Warsaw Pact forces would require them to be taken or for terms for their use would need to be agreed upon to the satisfaction of Switzerland. In 1953, Swiss policy was formalized to place greater emphasis on the defense of the borders and population centers and to extend the concept of defense in depth, pioneered in the redoubt, to the entire Swiss territory. That corresponded to an unspoken reliance on co-operation with NATO to secure the flanks of Swiss territory and to resupply Swiss forces, which already purchased equipment from members of NATO. The redoubt, with its determinedly-neutralist connotations, lost priority. Many billions of francs have been invested in building the fortifications in the mountains, which are partly still used by the army. The most important buildings of the redoubt were the fortifications of Sargans, St. Maurice, and the Gotthard region. At the time, caverns in these areas were equipped with essential military infrastructure. Besides cannons and howitzers, the infrastructure consisted of dormitories, kitchens, field hospitals, rooms for the sick, bakeries, and enough space to accommodate 100 to 600 soldiers for up to several months. Because tensions between the West and the Soviet Union, which later fell, cooled down and bunkers became increasingly obsolete because of newer weapon systems, many of the buildings were closed after the Cold War, in the mid-to-late 1990s and the early 2000s. Some of them have been reopened as museums and can be visited. Comparison with contemporary projects. The National Redoubt fortifications, when compared to contemporary French, Belgian, German, or Czech fortifications, were much more extensive and heavily armed than the Maginot Line, the Belgian border fortifications, the Siegfried Line, or the Czechoslovak border fortifications. While the Maginot fortifications were typically armed with short-barreled 75mm fortress howitzers or 120mm mortar/howitzers, the Swiss fortifications were armed with 75mm and 120mm guns, upgraded in the 1950s to 105mm and 150mm guns. The Swiss guns were typically casemate-mounted or turret-mounted long guns, not howitzers, and were more akin to naval guns than fortress guns. Because they were typically mounted on inaccessible cliffs or plateaus with an advantage of enfilade over any possible opposing force, they were not exposed to infantry attack or direct artillery fire and could afford to have exposed gun barrels. The French positions, which could be targeted by anti-tank weapons or infantry, avoided any exposed gun tubes. Fortress St. Gotthard. Airolo positions. Fort Airolo , also known as Forte di Airolo, was built between 1887 and 1890 at the southern end of the Gotthard Pass overlooking Airolo. The fort was a compact massif similar to a Brialmont fort, with an encircling ditch defended by caponiers and provided with a twin 120mm gun turret and four 53mm gun turrets for close defense, with five 84mm guns in casemates. A tunnel links Fort Airolo to the Gotthard Rail Tunnel. Abandoned by the military in 1947, the fort is maintained as a museum by a preservation group and may be visited. Battery Motto Bartola is located just up the hill from Fort Airolo and mounted an additional four 120mm guns. The fort, built between 1888 and 1890, also mounted four 84mm guns, with extensive underground galleries linking the firing positions. Battery Foppa Grande mounted one 105mm gun in a camouflaged turret above Motto Bartola, with three 20mm anti-aircraft guns. The position featured a mortar battery, installed in 1953. The position was deactivated in 1997 and classified as potentially historical. The position may be visited by prior arrangement. Fort San Carlo is an artillery fort Fort Stuei Saint Gotthard Tunnel South Portal monitored the original south entrance to the Gotthard Rail Tunnel. Portions of the original installation remain, but the tunnel entrance has been extended to the south and the historic portal no longer exists. These positions were built in 1886-87 and represent the first modern fortifications in Switzerland. A gallery (a long horizontal tunnel) links the main tunnel positions back to Fort Airolo. St. Gotthard Pass positions. Redoubt Hospiz , also known as Forte Ospizio, was built in 1894 and operated until 1947 near the summit of the Gotthard Pass. The fort mounted two single 120mm gun turrets. The fort is now operated as a museum and may be visited by the public. Fort Sasso da Pigna was built during the early part of World War II, becoming operational in 1943, effectively replacing Redoubt Hospiz. The fort consists of an eastern battery overlooking the Leventina valley and a western battery overlooking the Bedretto valley and the main pass. The main entrance is located just to the north of Fort Ospizio, with of galleries and four 105mm gun positions. A proposed addition of two more guns in the late 1950s never proceeded. The position was used until 1999. It opened to the public as a museum on 25 August 2012. "Infantry positions": A number of small infantry bunkers exist near the top of the pass, most notably Bunker No. 3. Construction took place in three stages: 1886-87, 1892–1920, and 1946-1973. These works exhibit a high quality of workmanship and integration into the landscape. Urseren Valley North. Fort Bühl Fortin Altkirch Fort Bäzberg Oberalp Pass. Fort Stöckli "Oberalp infantry positions" Fort Gütsch Furka Pass. Fort Galenhütten Fort Fuchsegg Fortress St. Maurice. Fortress Saint-Maurice encompasses the area around Saint-Maurice in the western, French-speaking portion of Switzerland. The Rhône leaves the central Alpine region through a narrow defile, between mountains to the south and mountains to the north. The only comparatively easy access to the upper Rhône valley, and thus to the western National Redoubt, is through Saint-Maurice. Fortress Saint-Maurice is a series of fortifications set into the mountains on either side of the valley, dominating the region as far as Lake Geneva with their artillery. The principal fortification is the enormous Fort de Dailly, supported by forts Savatan, Fort du Scex, and Fort de Cindey, as well as lesser positions. The extent of the area designated as Fortress Saint-Maurice is not clearly defined, but according to the Association Fort de Litroz, the Saint-Maurice sector comprises the Rhône narrows from just north of Saint-Maurice to Martigny, excluding Chillon and Champillon, as well as the fortifications of the lateral valleys. However, the effective control of the Saint-Maurice positions extended from Lac Léman to the Great Saint Bernard Pass. Fortress Sargans. Fortress Sargans comprises six major fortifications centered on the town of Sargans in St. Gallen canton. First Rhine Barrier Forts. Fort Schollberg Fort Anstein Major Forts. Fort Magletsch is as of 2012 still in use by the Swiss military. Shut down in 2017 Fort Castels is as of 2012 still in use by the Swiss military. Shut down in 2017 Fort Furggels Fort Passatiwand Southern Forts. Fort Molinära Fort Haselboden Second Rhine Barrier Forts. Fort Tschingel Fort Nusslock Fort Tamina Ragaz Modernization. The Redoubt positions and others in Switzerland were augmented by the Bison project, which involved the installation of anti-tank guns in new bunkers at key locations to provide a modernized pre-positioned force capable of defeating modern armor. A project to install automatic 120mm mortars was completed in 2003. Army strength reductions. In 1995, the Swiss army was reduced from 750,000 troops to 400,000. By 2004, army strength was 120,000, with 80,000 proposed by 2020. Fate. Debate continues over the usefulness of the Redoubt and other Swiss fortifications. In October 2010, Defense Minister Ueli Maurer proposed closing many of the positions after mitigating environmental issues and assuring permanent safety. A decommissioning program was expected to cost as much as a billion francs. In 2011, Maurer estimated costs to close down the system safely at more than $1 billion. Some of the facilities have been leased or sold as digital data repositories. Because the "Réduit" strategy was essentially one of deterrence, part of it was overt and public, and played a part in the so-called "intellectual defence of the homeland", or "Geistige Landesverteidigung" attempting to improve the morale and cohesiveness of the nation. The "Réduit" strategy's use as a deterrence/propaganda tool continued through the cold war. In 1964, the army's pavilion at the Swiss Fair (Landesausstellung) in Lausanne had the shape of a giant Czech hedgehog made of concrete. The "Réduit" features at the center of Swiss writer Christian Kracht´s 2008 dystopian novel "Ich werde hier sein im Sonnenschein und im Schatten".

suggested inclusion

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=28087098

The Pilgrim is a live album by the composer Shaun Davey. It was recorded at Festival Interceltique de Lorient, Glasgow Royal Concert Hall. Background. In 1983, following the successful performance of Shaun Davey's work The Brendan Voyage the previous year, The Festival Interceltique de Lorient commissioned Shaun to compose The Lorient Festival Suite for orchestra and Celtic soloists representing the seven Celtic countries or regions (Scotland, Ireland, Isle of Man, Wales, Cornwall, Brittany, Galicia) and it was a recording of this concert that was released, on vinyl, in the same year by Tara Music under the title of "The Pilgrim". Despite the success of the initial performance and subsequent LP release Shaun realised that the work needed a thread to hold it together. It was not until 1990, when Shaun was approached by Glasgow Royal Concert Hall to stage The Pilgrim in Glasgow to mark the passing of the mantle of European City of Culture from Glasgow to Dublin, that he got the chance to address some of these problems. With the commitment to a CD release from Tara Music, he was in a position to add some new pieces (and delete others). He introduced the concept of a journey by St. Colum Cille through the Celtic countries which provided the missing thread from the earlier work. This concept was further strengthened by the introduction of a narrator between the musical pieces. Recording. The current CD release is a combination of remixed recordings from the original Lorient concert as well as the Glasgow concert. With a number of performances scheduled for the piece in the millennium year, Shaun took the opportunity to revise and extend the suite. As the overall length of the suite was now beyond that of a conventional CD, the additional tracks were on a later release 'May We Never Have To Goodbye' also on the Tara Music label. References. Record Label Catalogue 2010 Album Sleevenotes Album press release

turn of the century

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=36512491

There is a difference between the definition of child labour in African communities and those in western environments. When children work in Africa, mostly in family farms, they are doing so as part of training for their future and aiding family income. In the western sense this is viewed as harmful and exploitative but that is not the case because the type of work children do matches their age and their environment. Cases of exploitative or harmful work are there, but they are also everywhere including the developed world. Child labour in Africa is generally defined based on two factors: type of work and minimum appropriate age of the work. If a child is involved in an activity that is harmful to his/her physical and mental development, he/she is generally considered as a child labourer. That is, any work that is mentally, physically, socially or morally dangerous and harmful to children, and interferes with their schooling by depriving them of the opportunity to attend school or requiring them to attempt to combine school attendance with excessively long and heavy work. Appropriate minimum age for each work depends on the effects of the work on the physical health and mental development of children. ILO Convention No. 138 suggests the following minimum age for admission to employment under which, if a child works, he/she is considered as a child laborer: 18 years old for hazardous works (Any work that jeopardizes children's physical, mental or moral health), and 13–15 years old for light works (any work that does not threaten children's health and safety, or prevent them from schooling or vocational orientation and training), although 12–14 years old may be permitted for light works under strict conditions in very poor countries. Another definition proposed by ILO's Statistical Information and Monitoring Program on Child Labor (SIMPOC) defines a child as a child labourer if he/she is involved in an economic activity, and is under 12 years old and works one or more hours per week, or is 14 years old or under and works at least 14 hours per week, or is 14 years old or under and works at least one hour per week in activities that are hazardous, or is 17 or under and works in an "unconditional worst form of child labor" (prostitution, children in bondage or forced labor, armed conflict, trafficked children, pornography, and other illicit activities). Africa has the world's highest incidence rates of child labour. A report by the United Nations' International Labour Organization reveals that in 2016 nearly 1 out of every 5 children partakes in child labor. The problem is severe in Sub-Saharan Africa where more than 40% of all children aged 5–14 labour for survival, or about 48 million children. Although poverty is generally considered as the primary cause of child labour in Africa, recent studies show that the relationship between child labour and poverty is not as simple as a downward linear relationship. A study published in 2016 "Understanding child labour beyond the standard economic assumption of monetary poverty" illustrates that a broad range of factors – on the demand- and supply-side and at the micro and macro levels – can affect child labour; it argues that structural, geographic, demographic, cultural, seasonal and school-supply factors can also "simultaneously" influence whether children work or not, questioning thereby the common assumption that monetary poverty is always the most important cause. In another study, Oryoie, Alwang, and Tideman (2017) show that child labour generally decreases as per capita land holding (as an indicator of a household's wealth in rural areas) increases, but there can be an upward bump in the relationship between child labour and landholding near the middle of the range of land per capita. In addition to poverty, Lack of resources, together with other factors such as credit constraints, income shocks, school quality, and parental attitudes toward education are all associated with child labour. The International Labour Organization estimates that agriculture is the largest employer of child labour in Africa. Vast majority are unpaid family workers. The United Nations declared 2021 as the International Year for the Elimination of Child Labour. Cultural history. Children in Africa have worked in farms and at home over a long history. This is not unique to Africa; large number of children have worked in agriculture and domestic situations in America, Europe and every other human society, throughout history, prior to 1950s. Scholars suggest that this work, specially in rural areas, is a form of schooling and vocational education, where children learned the arts and skills from their parents, and as adults continued to work in the same hereditary occupation. Even after retirement from formal work, Africans often revert to the skills they learnt when they were young, for example farming, for a living or enterprise. Bass claims this is particularly true in the African context. Africa is a highly diverse and culturally continent. In parts of this continent, farming societies adhere to a system of patrilineal lineages and clans. The young train with the adults. The family and kinsfolk provide a cultural routine that help children learn useful practical skills and enables these societies to provide for itself in the next generation. Historically, there were no formal schools, instead, children were informally schooled by working informally with their family and kin from a very early age. Child labor in Africa, as in other parts of the world, was also viewed as a way to instill a sense of responsibility and a way of life in children particularly in rural, subsistence agricultural communities. In rural "Pare" people of northern Tanzania, for example, five-year-olds would assist adults in tending crops, nine-year-olds help carry fodder for animals and responsibilities scaled with age. In northern parts of sub-Saharan Africa, Islam is a major influence. Begging and child labour was considered as a service in exchange for quranic education, and in some cases continues to this day. These children aged 7–13, for example, were called "almudos" in Gambia, or "talibés" in Senegal. The parents placed their children with "marabout" or "serin", a cleric or quranic teacher. Here, they would split their time between begging and studying the Quran. This practice fit with one of the five pillars of Islam, the responsibility to engage in "zakat", or almsgiving. The growth of colonial rule in Africa, from 1650 to 1950, by powers such as Britain, France, Belgium, Germany and Netherlands encouraged and continued the practice of child labour. Colonial administrators preferred Africa's traditional kin-ordered modes of production, that is hiring a household for work not just the adults. Millions of children worked in colonial agricultural plantations, mines and domestic service industries. Children in these colonies between the ages of 5–14 were hired as apprentice "without" pay in exchange for learning a craft. Colonial British laws, for example, offered the native people ownership to some of the native land in exchange for making labor of wife and children available to colonial government's needs such as in farms and as "picannins". Child labour was also encouraged by new tax laws. British and French colonial empires introduced new taxes to help pay for the local colonial government expenses. One of these, called the Head Tax, imposed a tax payable by every person, in some cases as young as 8-year-old. Regional populations rebelled against such taxes, hid their children, and in most part had to ensure their children were involved in economic activity to pay such taxes and pay their living expenses. Christian mission schools in Africa stretching from Zambia to Nigeria too required work from children, and in exchange provided religious education, not secular education. In late colonial period, colonial governments attempted to run schools and educate children in parts of Africa. These effort were generally unsuccessful both in terms of enrollment and impact. Few children enrolled. Even when children enrolled, it did not necessarily mean regular attendance. Chronic absenteeism, or children dropped out of the schools to instead "go to sea with the fishermen." Jack Lord claims in his reviews of scholarly papers of African colonial history, that late colonial era experience suggests children and families made decisions based on complex combination of economic factors such as household income, state of the family, and cultural factors that considered working with families as a form of education and a form of developing social and human capital. Contemporary child labour. Agriculture alone employs more than 30% of all African children aged 10–14. Informal economy such as small scale artisanal mines is another significant employer of child labour. Burkina Faso. According to Burkina Faso's United States Department of Labor in 2012, 37.8% of children in Burkina Faso, between the ages of 5–14 years, were working in granite quarries and gold mines. These children have worked 6 to 7 days a week for up to 14 hours per day. Payment is in the form of food to eat and a place to sleep. Since that time, the Government has adopted a National Action Plan, and in collaboration with Interpol, have since have rescued many children from child trafficking. Christian Children's Fund of Canada (CCFC) has partnered with EDUCO, a fellow member of the ChildFund Alliance, to implement a European Union-funded project in north Burkina to prevent children from working in mines. Democratic Republic of the Congo. In 2008, Bloomberg claimed child labour in copper and cobalt mines of DR Congo that supplied Chinese companies. The children dig the ore by hand, carry sacks of ores on their backs, and these are then purchased by these companies. Over 60 of Katanga's 75 processing plants are owned by Chinese companies and 90 percent of the region's minerals go to China. An African NGO report claimed 80,000 child labourers under the age of 15, or about 40% of all miners, were supplying ore to Chinese companies in this African region. BBC, in 2012, accused Glencore of using child labour in its mining and smelting operations of Africa. Glencore denied it used child labour, and said it has strict policy of not using child labour. Glencore claimed being aware of child miners who it claimed were part of a group of artisanal miners. They had without authorisation raided Glencore's concession since 2010, and the company claimed it has been pleading with the government to remove the artisanal miners from its concession. About 4.7 million children aged 5–14 work in Congo. In addition to copper mines, children with their families participate in artisanal mining of cobalt, wolframite, cassiterite, columbite-tantalite, gold, diamonds. Many of these use hammers to break free the ore, pour harsh chemicals with no protective equipment, and manually transport rocks from deep pit or open pit mines. Children also work in agriculture and continue to be recruited as child soldiers for Congolese National Army and various rebel groups. Child labour is commonly visible on the streets of Kinshasa region. Ghana. The 2010 United States Department of Labor estimated over 2.7 million child laborers in Ghana, or about 43% of all children aged 5–14. 78.7% of these children work in agriculture, 17.6% in fishing and transportation services, and 3.7% in industry, which includes manufacturing work and mining. In Ghana 64% of children seek work for financial reasons, making it the leading driver for child labor in the region. Most children working in rural areas are working on family farms and often combine schooling with their work. In Urban areas, such as Accra and Ashanti children are often not enrolled in school and are often engaged in artisanal fishing and domestic services. Child porters, locally called "kayaye", work in urban areas and some of them are as young as 6 years. Agriculture, fishing and artisan mining were the largest employers. In southern Volta region, children work in religious servitude for a period ranging between few months to three years. They are known as "trokosi" (literally: wife of a god), "fiashidi ", or "vudusi". This practice requires young girls to work and serve the religious order, in order to atone for family members’ alleged sins or as an offering for the family's good fortune. This practice is claimed to be also present in neighboring countries, even though it has been outlawed and imposes prison term under the laws of Ghana and neighboring countries. In 2013, statistics on children's work have not changed much and according to the DOL's "Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor" in Ghana, the majority of working children engage in hazardous activities like pesticide spraying in the production of cocoa, fishing and gold mining. The Department's 2014 "List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor" includes fish and tilapia in particular, cocoa and gold as goods produced in such working conditions in Ghana. Kenya. Suda, in 2001, estimated that Kenya had 3 million children working in intolerable conditions and who were visible. The number of invisible child workers, claims Suda, were much larger. The visible child labour in Kenya were engaged in agriculture, tourism industry, quarries and mines, pastoral labour, mining, garbage collection, fishing industry, and the transport sector where they move from place to place as " "Matatu" touts". The government of Kenya estimates there are 8.9 million children aged 5–13 who work, most of whom miss schooling. Agriculture is a major employer; of all labourers employed in coffee plantations, for example, 30% are children younger than age 27. United Nations, in its country profile report for Kenya in 2009, estimated about one third of all children aged 5–14 were working. Agriculture and fishing were the largest employers, with former accounting for roughly 79% of child labour. The United States Department of Labor estimated, in its 2010 report, about 32% of all Kenyan children aged 5–14 work, or over 2.9 million. Agriculture and fishing are the predominant employers. The informal sectors witnessing the worst form of child labour include sugarcane plantations, pastoral ranches, tea, coffee, miraa (a stimulant plant), rice, sisal, tobacco, tilapia and sardines fishing. Other economic activities of children in Kenya include scavenging dumpsites, collecting and selling scrap materials, glass and metal, street vending, herding and begging. Forced exploitation of children in sex tourism, the report claims, is prevalent in major cities such as Nairobi, Kisumu, Eldoret and coastal cities of Kenya. Poverty and lack of schooling opportunities are major causes of child labour in Kenya. The country faces shortages of teachers and schools, overcrowding in schools, and procedural complications from children’s unregistered status. Kenyan law prevents access to schools to a child if he or she is unregistered as a citizen with Kenyan authorities. Currently, 44% of Kenyan children in rural areas remain unregistered. Thus, even when schools may be available, rural children are unable to prove citizenship, and these unregistered children risk losing the opportunity for schooling. Madagascar. Children are common in small scale mines of Madagascar. Some children are involved in salt mining, quarry work, gem and gold ore collection. About 58% of children in these mines are younger than age 12. According to IPEC, Child labourers in these mines usually come from families who are in precarious economic situation. According to a United States-based 2010 report, about 22% of Madagascar children aged 5–14, or over 1.2 million work. Another French based group suggests Madagascar child labour exceeds 2.4 million, with over 540,000 children aged 5–9 working. About 87% of the child labour is in agriculture, mainly in the production of vanilla, tea, cotton, cocoa, copra (dried meat of coconut), sisal, shrimp harvest and fishing. Malagasy children engaged in domestic service work an average of 12 hours per day. Several internationally funded efforts were involved in Madagascar to help reduce and prevent child labour. However these stopped, after the government change following 2009 coup, because much of the funding from international donors, including the African Union, European Union, World Bank and the United States, was suspended. Morocco. A 2010 report estimates about 150,000 children aged between 5 and 14 were working in Morocco. Agriculture and domestic services are the predominant employers. Young girls, locally called as "petites bonnes" (little maids), are sent to work as live in domestic servants, many aged 10 or less. These "petites bonnes" come from very poor families, face conditions of involuntary servitude, including long hours without breaks, absence of holidays, physical, verbal and sexual abuse, withheld wages and even restrictions on their movement. They are denied education. More visible forms of child labour includes street children in Casablanca, Marrakech, Fès and Mèknes. These children survive by selling cigarettes, begging, shining shoes, washing cars and working as porters and packers in ports. The Ministry of Planning in Morocco estimates that there are between 60,000 and 100,000 "petites bonnes" in the country. Studies commissioned by the Morocco government finds poverty and lack of school, often in combination, are primary causes of the little maids phenomenon in Morocco. Additionally, rural parents do not believe that an education or a diploma of any sort can help their girls find a job. Nigeria. In 2006, there were about 15 million child labourers younger than age 14 in Nigeria. Many of these worked in hazardous conditions and for long hours. Poverty was the main driver of child labour, and the income of these children was a major part of their impoverished families income. Vast majority of child labour in Nigeria worked in agriculture and semi-formal or informal economy. Domestic servants were the least visible form of child labour, and often sexually harassed. Amongst informal economy and public places, street vending employed 64%. Midst informal enterprises in semipublic places, children were often observed as mechanics and bus conductors. About 6 million of Nigeria's children do not go to school at all. In the current conditions, these children do not have the time, energy or resources to go to school. Rwanda. ILO estimates Rwanda has 400,000 child workers. Of these, 120,000 are thought to be involved in the worst forms of child labour and 60,000 are child domestic workers. Zambia. The government of Zambia estimates there are some 595,000 child workers in the country. Of these, 58% are aged 14 or less. Many are employed in informal mining operations. The United States Department of Labor estimated, in its 2010 report, about 33% of Zambian children aged 5–14 work. Agriculture is the dominant employer, and with mining employs 98% of all child labour in Zambia. The informal sectors witnessing the worst form of child labour include cotton plantations, tobacco, fishing, tea, coffee and charcoal. Child labour is common in mining. However, this is witnessed in small artisanal and traditional mines, where the children extract emeralds, amethyst, aquamarines, tourmalines and garnets. Child labour is also present in mines of lead, zinc and copper ores. They do not wear any protective equipment to protect their eyes or face or body; injuries are common. Child trafficking for purposes of hazardous labour is prevalent in Zambia. Children in agriculture and domestic service are exchanged for money, goods and gifts to family members. Zambia has strict laws against trafficking and child labour. However, implementation and enforcement of its laws has proven to be difficult. According to ILO, child labour in Zambia is a coping strategy for the children and families when adult breadwinners die, fall ill, or when families are simply unable to make ends meet. Dynamics. International Labor Organization (ILO) stated that first of all, poverty is the greatest single force driving children into the workplace. Another major factor driving children to harmful labor is the lack of schools and poor quality of schooling. Child labour laws in Africa. Most African governments have formally adopted the three International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions. In addition, many have signed a memorandum of understanding with ILO to launch a programme under the International Programme for the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC). Nigeria, for example, is now an active member of IPEC. It is also implementing the West Africa Cocoa Agriculture Project. Nigeria's Child Rights Act is now part of its Labour Act, and it prohibits exploitative labour from children. Some states, like Anambra, have also banned children from working during school hours. South Africa has made it a criminal offence to employ a child under the age of 15, except with a permit from the Department of Labour to employ children in the performing arts. Sections 43 through 47 of its Employment Act also makes it illegal to employ children aged 15 to 18 if the work is inappropriate for their age or something that places them at risk. Kenya passed a Children's Act in 2001. Section 10 of this Act protects children and youth below age 18 from economic exploitation and any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child's education, or to be harmful to the childspiritual, moral or social development. The law also forbids hiring anyone less than age of 18 for military or in any armed conflict. Ghana, as another example, forbids child labour. Section 87 of its Children's Act 1998 forbids any person from employing a chiId in exploitative labour, or in any engagement that deprives the child of its health, education or development. Section 88 prohibits anyone from employing any child at night, that is between the hours of eight o'clock in the evening and six o'clock in the morning. The Act's section 89 to 90 allow children above the age of 13 to engage in light work, and those aged over 15 non-hazardous work. In 2018 only three individuals were fined in Ghana for employing children under the legal age and depriving them of their right to education and no employer has served a prison sentence so far, thereby illustrating that law enforcement is limited in Ghana. While substantial legislation is now in place in almost all of Africa, legal enforcement remains a challenge. Due to a lack of government intervention, these child labor rates continue to increase. 14.2% of children additionally work under know hazardous conditions since over three years. A lack of consequences for employers, has resulted in children choosing to remain employed out of fear of violence and/or need to provide for their families forces them to remain employed. Non-governmental organizations. ILO has a number of projects in Africa that seek to reduce, and ultimately eliminate child labour in Africa. One such project, launched in 2006 is focussed on west African nations of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. This project, started in 2009, aims at worst forms of child labour in west Africa. It has two main components: the first will support national efforts to eliminate the worst forms of child labour, while the second aims at mobilizing sub-regional policy makers and improving sub-regional cooperation for the elimination of the worst forms of child labour among all fifteen member States of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). KURET project, which is an acronym for Combating Exploitive Child Labor Through Education in Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, and Ethiopia Together, is a regional effort to prevent exploitive child labor through education. Funded by the United States Department of Labor and implemented by World Vision, the Academy for Educational Development, and the International Rescue Committee, KURET began in September 2004. The regional office is located in Kampala, Uganda. A report in 2009 claims it made a difference in the lives of thousands of children in this region of Africa. Patriots Ghana is another non-governmental organization which is located in Ghana. The organization's vision is a nation full of empowered patriots contributing to Ghana's development. The organization focuses on achieving development through a variety of local actions. Their mission is to empower Ghanaian citizens to undertake meaningful projects regarding eliminating child trafficking and labor, health, education, human rights, and economic development, to improve the lives of the less privileged Ghanaian citizens. Patriots Ghana therefore aims to achieve their mission through a rights-based approach which is reflected in their activities. The organization emphasizes a need for a rights-based approach due to the consequences of rapid population growth in Ghana, which results from a lack of health care for the poor. Having to supply for a large family has led to long-term financial instability, especially in rural regions. Because of the need to provide for their families, children are often deprived of their right to education and have to work. To eliminate a long-term poverty spiral, the organization focuses on actions which empower communities to reestablishing human rights by reducing child labor in Ghana. See also. South Asia: General:

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In evolutionary psychology, the Cinderella effect is the phenomenon of higher incidences of different forms of child abuse and mistreatment by stepparents than by biological parents. It takes its name from the fairy tale character Cinderella, which is about a girl who is mistreated by her stepsisters and stepmother. Evolutionary psychologists describe the effect as a byproduct of a bias towards kin, and a conflict between reproductive partners of investing in young that are unrelated to one partner. There is both supporting evidence for this theory and criticism against it. Background. In the early 1970s, a theory arose on the connection between stepparents and child maltreatment. "In 1973, forensic psychiatrist P. D. Scott summarized information on a sample of "fatal battered-baby cases" perpetrated in anger ... 15 of the 29 killers – 52% – were stepfathers." Although initially there was no analysis of this raw data, empirical evidence has since been collected on what is now called the Cinderella effect through official records, reports, and census. For over 30 years, data has been collected regarding the validity of the Cinderella effect, with a wealth of evidence indicating a direct relationship between step-relationships and abuse. This evidence of child abuse and homicide comes from a variety of sources including official reports of child abuse, clinical data, victim reports, and official homicide data. Studies have concluded that "stepchildren in Canada, Great Britain, and the United States indeed incur greatly elevated risk of child maltreatment of various sorts, especially lethal beatings". Powerful evidence in support of the Cinderella effect comes from the finding that when abusive parents have both step and genetic children, they generally spare their genetic children. In such families, stepchildren were exclusively targeted 9 out of 10 times in one study and in 19 of 22 in another. In addition to displaying higher rates of negative behaviors (e.g., abuse) toward stepchildren, stepparents display fewer positive behaviors toward stepchildren than do the genetic parents. For example, on average, stepparents invest less in education, play with stepchildren less, take stepchildren to the doctor less, etc. This discrimination against stepchildren is unusual compared with abuse statistics involving the overall population given "the following additional facts: (1) when child abuse is detected, it is often found that "all" the children in the home have been victimized; and (2) stepchildren are almost always the eldest children in the home, whereas the general ... tendency in families of uniform parentage is for the youngest to be most frequent victims." Evolutionary psychology theory. Evolutionary psychologists Martin Daly and Margo Wilson propose that the Cinderella effect is a direct consequence of the modern evolutionary theory of inclusive fitness, especially parental investment theory. They argue that human child rearing is so prolonged and costly that "a parental psychology shaped by natural selection is unlikely to be indiscriminate". According to them, "research concerning animal social behaviour provide a rationale for expecting parents to be discriminative in their care and affection, and more specifically, to discriminate in favour of their own young". Inclusive fitness theory proposes a selective criterion for the evolution of social traits, where social behavior that is costly to an individual organism can nevertheless emerge when there is a statistical likelihood that significant benefits of that social behavior accrue to (the survival and reproduction of) other organisms whom also carry the social trait (most straightforwardly, accrue to close genetic relatives). Under such conditions, a net overall increase in reproduction of the social trait in future generations can result. The initial presentation of inclusive fitness theory (in the mid 1960s) focused on making the mathematical case for the possibility of social evolution, but also speculated about possible mechanisms whereby a social trait could effectively achieve this necessary statistical correlation between its likely bearers. Two possibilities were considered: One that a social trait might reliably operate straightforwardly via social context in species where genetic relatives are usually concentrated in a local home area where they were born ('viscous populations'); The other, that genetic detection mechanisms ('supergenes') might emerge that go beyond statistical correlations, and reliably detect "actual" genetic relatedness between the social actors using direct 'kin recognition'. The relative place of these two broad types of social mechanisms has been debated (see Kin selection and Kin recognition), but many biologists consider 'kin recognition' to be an important possible mechanism. Martin Daly and Margo Wilson follow this second mechanism, and expect that parents "discriminate in favour of their own young", i.e. their "actual" genetic relatives. Daly and Wilson research. The most abundant data on stepchild mistreatment has been collected and interpreted by psychologists Martin Daly and Margo Wilson, who study with an emphasis in Neuroscience and Behavior at McMaster University. Their first measure of the validity of the Cinderella effect was based on data from the American Humane Association (AHA), an archive of child abuse reports in the United States holding over twenty thousand reports. These records led Wilson and Daly to conclude that "a child under three years of age who lived with one genetic parent and one stepparent in the United States in 1976 was about seven times more likely to become a validated child-abuse case in the records than one who dwelt with two genetic parents". Their overall findings demonstrate that children residing with stepparents have a higher risk of abuse even when other factors are considered. Explanation. All organisms face trade-offs as to how to invest their time, energy, risk, and other resources, so investment in one domain (e.g., parental investment) generally takes away from their ability to invest in other domains (e.g. mating effort, growth, or investment in other offspring). Investment in non-genetic children therefore reduces an individual's ability to invest in itself or its genetic children, without directly bringing reproductive benefits. Thus, from an evolutionary biology perspective, one would not expect organisms to regularly and deliberately care for unrelated offspring. Daly and Wilson point out that infanticide is an extreme form of biasing parental investment that is widely practiced in the animal world. For example, when an immigrant male lion enters a pride, it is not uncommon for him to kill the cubs fathered by other males. Since the pride can only provide support for a limited number of cubs to survive to adulthood, the killing of the cubs in competition with the new male's potential offspring increases the chances of his progeny surviving to maturity. In addition, the act of infanticide speeds the return to sexual receptivity in the females, allowing for the male to father his own offspring in a timelier manner. These observations indicate that in the animal world, males employ certain measures in order to ensure that parental investment is geared specifically toward their own offspring. Unlike the lion, however, humans in a stepparenting situation face a more complicated tradeoff since they cannot completely disown their partner's offspring from a previous relationship, as they would risk losing sexual access to their partner and any chance of producing potential offspring. Thus, according to Daly and Wilson, stepparental investment can be viewed as mating effort to ensure the possibility of future reproduction with the parent of their stepchild. This mating effort hypothesis suggests that humans will tend to invest more in their genetic offspring and invest just enough in their stepchildren. It is from this theoretical framework that Daly and Wilson argue that instances of child abuse towards non-biological offspring should be more frequent than towards biological offspring. One would therefore expect greater parental responsiveness towards one's own offspring than towards unrelated children, and this will result in more positive outcomes and fewer negative outcomes towards one's own children than towards other children in which one is expected to invest (i.e., stepchildren). "If child abuse is a behavioral response influenced by natural selection, then it is more likely to occur when there are reduced inclusive fitness payoffs owing to uncertain or low relatedness". Owing to these adaptations from natural selection, child abuse is more likely to be committed by stepparents than genetic parents—both are expected to invest heavily in the children, but genetic parents will have greater child-specific parental love that promotes positive caretaking and inhibits maltreatment. Daly and Wilson report that this parental love can explain why genetic offspring are more immune to lashing out by parents. They assert that, "Child-specific parental love is the emotional mechanism that permits people to tolerate—even to rejoice in—those long years of expensive, unreciprocated parental investment". They point to a study comparing natural father and stepfather families as support for the notion that stepparents do not view their stepchildren the same as their biological children, and likewise, children do not view their stepparents the same as their biological parents. This study, based on a series of questionnaires which were then subjected to statistical analyses, reports that children are less likely to go to their stepfathers for guidance and that stepfathers rate their stepchildren less positively than do natural fathers. Daly and Wilson's reports on the overrepresentation of stepparents in child homicide and abuse statistics support the evolutionary principle of maximizing one's inclusive fitness, formalized under Hamilton's Rule, which helps to explain why humans will preferentially invest in close kin. Adoption statistics also substantiate this principle, in that non-kin adoptions represent a minority of worldwide adoptions. Research into the high adoption rates of Oceania shows that childlessness is the most common reason for adopting, and that in the eleven populations for which data was available, a large majority of adoptions involved a relative with a coefficient of relatedness greater than or equal to 0.125 (e.g., genetic cousins). It is also observed that parents with both biological and adopted children bias the partitioning of their estates in favor of the biological children, demonstrating again that parental behavior corresponds to the principles of kin selection. Methods. In their 1985 Canadian sample, Daly and Wilson classify the frequencies of different living arrangements (two natural parents, one natural parent, one natural parent with one stepparent, or other) according to child age. This was accomplished by administering a randomized telephone survey. Records of child abuse from children's aid organizations as well as police reports on runaways and juvenile offenders were then used to determine whether children from stepparental living situations were overrepresented as abuse victims when compared to the demographic data gathered from the telephone survey data. The results indicate that the only living situation that has a significant correlation to increased child abuse is one natural parent and one stepparent in the same household. While rates of running away and crime were comparable for children living with stepparents and children of single-parents, abuse rates for children living with stepparents were much higher. Daly and Wilson examined several potentially confounding variables in their research, including socioeconomic status, family size, and maternal age at childbirth, however only minor differences between natural-parent and stepparent families with respect to these factors were found, indicating that none of these are major contributing factors to the observed Cinderella effect. Attachment theory. Evolutionary psychologists have also suggested that one of the causes of stepchild abuse may be the lack of a parental attachment bond that the mother would normally form with her own child . An attachment bond will, in general, be more secure if formed before the age of two, and adoption can often disrupt the development of this bond. An infant who is fed by the primary parental figure, usually the mother, and has the mother present during severely physically painful events will have form a stronger parental attachment bond, and either a consistent omission of the mother from this process or an alteration between two people (the original mother and the adoptive mother) can cause either an insecure attachment or disorganized attachment from the parent to the child . As a result, it is highly recommended by most psychologists that the adoptive mother be present very early in the infant's life, preferably immediately after its birth, in order to avoid attachment disruptions and attachment disorders. This theory cannot be a whole explanation for the Cinderella effect, as psychological research has shown that secure attachment bonds can be developed between a parent and adopted child, and the quality of the relationship between parent and child will more often depend on the child's pre-adoption experiences, such as length of time in social care and previous trauma, more than characteristics of the parents. Misunderstandings. It is sometimes argued that this evolutionary psychological account does not explain why the majority of stepparents do not abuse their partners' children, or why a significant minority of genetic parents do abuse their own offspring. However, their argument is based on a misunderstanding: the evolutionary psychological account is that (all else equal) parents will love their own children more than other people's children – it does not argue that stepparents will "want" to abuse their partner's children, or that genetic parenthood is absolute proof against abuse. Under this account, stepparental care is seen as "mating effort" towards the genetic parent, such that most interactions between stepparent and stepchildren will be generally positive or at least neutral, just usually not as positive as interactions between the genetic parent and the child would be. Supportive evidence. Strong support for the Cinderella effect as described by Daly and Wilson comes from a study of unintentional childhood fatal injuries in Australia. Tooley et al. follow the argument of Daly and Wilson to extend the Cinderella effect from cases of abuse to incidences of unintentional fatalities. Children are not only vulnerable to abuse by their parents, but they are also dependent on their parents for supervision and protection from a variety of other harms. Given that parental supervision is fundamentally correlated to incidences of unintentional childhood injury as shown by Wadsworth et al. and Peterson & Stern, Tooley et al. posit that selective pressures would favor an inclination towards parental vigilance against threats to offspring well-being. Tooley et al. further argue that parental vigilance is not as highly engaged in stepparents as genetic parents, therefore placing stepchildren at greater risk for unintentional injury. Based on data gathered from the Australia National Coroners' Information System, stepchildren under five years of age are two to fifteen times more likely to experience an unintentional fatal injury, especially drowning, than genetic children. Additionally, the study finds that the risks of unintentional fatal injury are not significantly higher for genetic children in single parent homes versus two-parent homes. This difference suggests that removing one biological parent from the home does not significantly increase risk to the children, but that adding a nonbiological parent to the home results in a drastic increase in the risk of unintentional fatal injury. Despite the fact that adding a stepparent to the home increases the available resources in terms of supervision in comparison to a single-parent home, risk of unintentional fatal injury still significantly rises. This higher risk of injury for stepchildren can be attributed to the fact that stepparents occupy the same supervisory role as a genetic parent, yet they have a lower intrinsic commitment to protecting the child and therefore are less likely to be adequately vigilant. The authors conclude that the Cinderella effect applies not only to purposeful abuse by stepparents, but is also relevant to explaining increased rates of accidental fatalities among stepchildren. Furthermore, a study of parental investment behaviors among American men living in Albuquerque, New Mexico, reveals a trend of increasing financial expenditures on genetic offspring in comparison to step-offspring, which also suggests that parents are less inclined to preserve the well-being of stepchildren. The study assesses paternal investment based on four measures: the probability that a child attends college, the probability that the child receives money for college, the total money spent on children, and the amount of time per week spent with children. Four different classifications of father-child relationships are examined and compared, including fathers living with their genetic children and stepfathers living with the stepchildren of their current mates. Though the study finds a clear trend of increasing investment in genetic children, the data also shows that stepfathers do still invest substantially in stepchildren. The authors explain the parental investment exhibited by stepfathers towards stepchildren as possibly motivated by the potential to improve the quality or increase the duration of the man's relationship with the stepchildren's mother. This studied corroborates the findings of Lynn White, that stepparents in general provide less social support to stepchildren than their genetic children. Though the general trend of the data from this study supports the Cinderella effect, Anderson and colleagues note that the observed differences between investment in children and stepchildren might be slightly reduced by a few confounding factors. For example, the authors point out that stepparenting is a self-selective process, and that when all else is equal, men who bond with unrelated children are more likely to become stepfathers, a factor that is likely to be a confounding variable in efforts to study the Cinderella effect. Anderson and colleagues also conducted a similar study of Xhosa students in South Africa that analyzes the same four classifications of adult-child relationships, and this study offers similar results to those observed among men in Albuquerque. Additionally, a study of Hadza foragers in Tanzania by Marlowe also finds evidence of decreased care provided by men to stepchildren when compared with genetic children. The author uses the Mann-Whitney U-tests to evaluate most of the observed differences in care exhibited towards children and stepchildren, and finds that Hadza men spend less time with (U=96), communicate less with (U=94.5), nurture less, and never play with their stepchildren. Marlowe further argues that any care that is provided towards stepchildren is likely attributable to the man's mating efforts and not parental interest in the well-being of the stepchildren. In further support of the Cinderella effect as elaborated by Daly and Wilson, a study conducted in a rural village in Trinidad demonstrates that in households containing both genetic children and stepchildren, fathers devote approximately twice as much time to interaction with genetic offspring in comparison to stepchildren. Additionally, this study finds that the duration of the relationship between the stepfather and stepchildren is negatively correlated with the relative proportion of interaction time and positively correlated with the relative proportion of antagonistic interactions between the two. As a proportion of total time spent interacting with genetic and stepchildren, stepfathers are shown to have approximately 75 percent more antagonistic interactions with stepchildren. In this study, antagonistic interactions are defined as involving physical or verbal combat or an expression of injury. This includes, for example, spanking, screaming, crying, and arguing. The duration of the relationship between genetic fathers and children shows a positive correlation with both relative proportion of interaction time and antagonistic interaction. The author argues that these results show that in terms of time invested, men favor their children over stepchildren, and this preference is not attributable to the duration of the adult-child relationship, a factor which is sometimes believed to be a confounding variable in the Cinderella effect. Though this study does claim a significant increase in antagonistic behavior between stepparents and stepchildren and therefore supports the Cinderella effect, it also notes that only six percent of all the observed parent-child interactions were considered antagonistic, and that the researchers never noticed any blatant physical child abuse. Criticism. David Buller. Philosopher of science David Buller, as a part of his general critique of evolutionary psychology has reviewed Daly and Wilson's data. He argues that evolutionary psychology (EP) mistakenly attempts to discover human psychological adaptations rather than "the evolutionary causes of psychological traits." Buller also argues that Daly and Wilson's 1985 Canadian sample included cases of sexual abuse as well as cases of unintentional omission, such as not buckling a child's seatbelt in the car. Buller asserts that unintentional omission does not fall under the realm of dangerous acts, and rather should be designated "maltreatment". He argues that since sexual abuse is not often accompanied by physical abuse, it is unreasonable to assume that it is motivated by the same kind of psychological mechanism as child homicide. Buller also points out that the conclusion that non-biological parents are more likely to abuse children is contradicted by the fact that even if the rate of abuse among stepparents was disproportionate, the lowest rate of child abuse is found among adoptive parents. Daly and Wilson respond to Buller's criticism by stating that Buller confuses the empirical statistical findings, which define the Cinderella effect, with the proposed theoretical framework, which offers an evolutionary explanation for the data. Buller also argues that Daly and Wilson's findings are inherently biased since they use data from official documents, and the officials collecting that data are trained to take special notice of stepparents versus biological parents. Furthermore, Buller states that since Daly and Wilson rely on official reports (such as death certificates) for their data, and that this data is inherently biased against stepparents. He cites a Colorado study, in which it was found that maltreatment fatalities were more likely to be correctly reported on death certificates when an unrelated individual was the perpetrator rather than when a parent was the perpetrator, suggesting that the data is empirically skewed to support the Cinderella effect. According to this study, by Crume et al., when the perpetrator of the murder was a parent, maltreatment was correctly noted on the death certificate only 46 percent of the time. Furthermore, they found that when the perpetrator was an "Other unrelated (including boyfriend)" individual, maltreatment was reported on the death certificate 86 percent of the time, significantly higher than for parents. Although these statistics seem to provide evidence of bias against stepparents, further review of the data undermines this conclusion. As Crume et al. and Daly and Wilson note, maltreatment was only likely to be reported on the death certificates 47 percent of the time in the case of "Other relatives (including step-parents)," which represents a marginal increase from the amount of parental maltreatment. Therefore, as Daly and Wilson respond to Buller's critique, this does not seem to be a significant source of error in studying the Cinderella effect and does not provide evidence for inherent bias in their data. Temrin et al. Sweden study. The findings of Daly and Wilson have been called into question by one study of child homicides in Sweden between 1975 and 1995, which found that children living in households with a non-genetic parent were not at an increased risk of homicide when compared to children living with both genetic parents. The study, published in 2000 and conducted by Temrin and colleagues argued that when Daly and Wilson classified homicides according to family situation, they did not account for the genetic relatedness of the parent who actually committed the crime. In the Swedish sample, in two out of the seven homicides with a genetic and non-genetic parent, the offender was actually the genetic parent and thus these homicides do not support Daly and Wilson's definition of the Cinderella effect. Daly and Wilson attribute the contrasting findings of the Swedish study to an analytical oversight. Temrin and colleagues neglect to consider the fact that the proportion of children in living situations with a stepparent is not constant for all child age groups, but rather increases with age. After correcting for age differences, the Swedish data set produces results in accordance with the previous findings of Daly and Wilson. The Swedish sample does show, however, decreased risk to children living with a stepparent compared to the North American samples collected by Daly and Wilson, suggesting that there is some degree of cross-cultural variation in the Cinderella effect. Alternative hypotheses. It has been noted by multiple researchers that child abuse is an intricate issue and is affected by other factors. Daly and Wilson state, however, that even if evolutionary psychology cannot account for every instance of stepparental abuse, this does not invalidate their empirical findings. Burgess and Drais propose that child maltreatment is too complex to be explained fully by genetic relatedness alone and cite other reasons for child maltreatment, such as social factors, ecological factors and child traits such as disability and age. However, they also note that these traits are simply indicative, and do not inevitably lead to child maltreatment. Temrin and colleagues also suggest that there may be other factors involved with child homicide, such as prior convictions, drug abuse problems, lost custody battles and mental health problems. In 1984, Giles-Sims and David Finkelhor categorized and evaluated five possible hypotheses that could explain the Cinderella effect: "social-evolutionary theory", "normative theory", "stress theory", "selection factors", and "resource theory". The social-evolutionary theory is based on the proposal that non-genetically related parents will invest less in costly parental duties, due to the fact that their genes are not being passed on by that individual. The normative theory proposes that, due to genetic repercussions, incest among genetically related individuals is a widespread taboo and would thus be less common among biological relatives. They propose that incest among stepfamilies would be less taboo, since there is no risk of genetic degradation. The stress theory proposes that increased stressors, which are inherently more common among stepfamilies, cause an increased risk of abuse. The selection factors theory proposes that individuals who are likely to be stepparents (divorcees) are likely to be inherently more violent due to emotional disturbances, aggressive impulses, and self-esteem issues. Due to this, stepparents as a group would have a higher proportion of individuals with violent-prone characteristics, which would suggest that the abuse is happening due to personality factors, rather than the stepparental relationship directly. Finally, according to resource theory, individuals who contribute resources are granted authority, while individuals that lack resources are denied authority and more likely to resort to violence to obtain authority. It is therefore hypothesized that stepparents who are able to contribute resources to a family and have those resources be accepted by the family are less likely to be abusive. However, this hypothesis had yet to be tested directly on stepfamilies. This paper of Giles-Sims and Finkelhor predates however practically all empirical studies on the Cinderella effect. Ethical issues. Discussing the implications of this line of research, Australian psychologist Greg Tooley, author of a 2006 study confirming the existence of the effect, confessed that "it is certainly difficult to talk about because it is such a hot issue".

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Palmaz Vineyards is a Californian winery in the Napa Valley, primarily dedicated to Cabernet Sauvignon production. The estate is located on what was once the Cedar Knoll Vineyard Company, a pre prohibition winery, founded in 1881 by Henry Hagen, one of the pioneers of wine production in the Napa Valley. After prohibition the winery fell into a dilapidated state and the winery was abandoned. The Hagen House and the vineyards have since been restored after they were bought by Amalia and Julio Palmaz in 1997. The family operated winery and vineyards cultivate some 55 acres using sustainable farming practices, devote to Cabernet Sauvignon, Chardonnay, Riesling, Muscat along with smaller plantings of Merlot, Malbec, Cabernet Franc and Petite Verdot. Palmaz Vineyards is noted for having the largest wine cave in the Napa Valley, totaling 100,000 square feet. Palmaz Vineyards' winemaking and aging takes place within the living rock of Mount George, in a multi-leveled series of tunnels and domes. The height of the wine cave is equivalent to an 18-storey building, providing the vertical range needed for true gravity-flow winemaking. Thus, the wine is not subjected to the violent agitation of pumping, which can change the wine’s intra-molecular structure. This gentle treatment allows finer nuances of flavor to develop naturally. The fermentation dome is the world’s largest underground reinforced structure. It is 72’ in diameter and 54’ high. Temperature stays constant at 60 degrees and humidity at 75%, the perfect atmosphere for aging wine. The cave houses its own water treatment plant built to comply with strict conservation guidelines. References

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The Australian snubfin dolphin ("Orcaella heinsohni") is a dolphin found off the northern coasts of Australia. It closely resembles the Irrawaddy dolphin (of the same genus, "Orcaella") and was not described as a separate species until 2005. The closest relative to the genus "Orcaella" is the killer whale, "Orcinus orca". The Australian snubfin has three colors on its skin, while the Irrawaddy dolphin only has two. The skull and the fins also show minor differences between the two species. Taxonomy. The taxonomic specific name, "heinsohni", was chosen in honor of George Heinsohn, an Australian biologist who worked at James Cook University, "for his pioneering work on northeast Australian odontocetes, including the collection and initial analysis of "Orcaella heinsohni" specimens which form the basis for much of our knowledge of the new species". New species of large mammals are quite rarely described nowadays, and those that are usually are from remote areas — such as the saola - or are otherwise rarely encountered, see for example Perrin's beaked whale, or the spade-toothed whale, which is only known from two complete specimens and a few bones cast ashore. In fact, the Australian snubfin was the first new dolphin species to be described in 56 years, but was followed, in 2011, by the discovery and description of the Burrunan dolphin ("T. australis"), also from the Australian continent. The Australian snubfin dolphin is unusual among recently described mammals in that a population is accessible for scientific study. Nonetheless, the existence of snubfin dolphins in the waters of northern Australia had only become known in 1948, when a skull was found at Melville Bay (Gove Peninsula, Northern Territory). This individual apparently had been caught and eaten by aboriginals. However, the discovery remained unnoted until discussed by Johnson (1964), and soon thereafter a Dutch skipper had his observations of the then-unrecognized species published. The common name "snubfin dolphin" was suggested in 1981 and highlights a diagnostic external character and has previously been used in field guides for identification. Two scientists, Isabel Beasley of James Cook University and Peter Arnold of Museum of Tropical Queensland, took DNA samples from the population of dolphins off the coast of Townsville, Queensland, and sent them to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's Southwest Fisheries Science Center in La Jolla, California. The results showed George Heinsohn was correct in his hypothesis that the Townsville population was a new species. The holotype QM JM4721 (JUCU MM61) is the skull and some other bones of an adult male found drowned in a shark net at Horseshoe Bay, Queensland, on 21 April 1972. It was about 11 years old at the time of its death. Description. A species of delphinid in the genus, "Orcaella", which contains one other species, the Irrawaddy dolphin "Orcaella brevirostris", "O. heinsohni" females can reach lengths of and males can reach . Australian snubfin dolphins are subtly tricoloured: brownish on the top, lighter brown along the sides, and a white belly; the Irrawaddy dolphin, on the other hand, is uniformly slate grey except for the white belly. The new species has a rounded forehead, very unlike other dolphin species in Australia, and the very small, "snubby" dorsal fin distinguishes it from other dolphins in its range. The lack of a groove on each side of the back and the presence of a neck crease further distinguishes this species from its relative. Tail flukes also have an identifiable jagged trailing edge that can help distinguish it from other species of delphinids. The number of nasal bones in each side of a snub fin dolphin's skull vertex varies from none to six. There is a poorly developed mesthemoid plate. In the upper jaw there are roughly 11–22 teeth in each half, and in the lower jaw there are roughly 14–19 teeth in each half. Life history. In a study of Australian snubfin dolphins consisting of 18 individuals, it was determined the approximate life span is around 30 years. However, since sightings are so rare, a lot remains unknown about many about this species. Gestation is estimated to be around 11 months based on rates of similar species. Behavior. Much remains unknown about the ecology and behaviors of the Australian snubfin dolphin. Australian snubfin dolphins have a varied diet, eating a range of fish, shrimp, and cephalopods (squid, cuttlefish and octopus). They are found in small groups of about 2–6, but larger groups (up to 14 individuals) have also been observed. Populations are usually smaller than 150 individuals. Some instances of long-term sociability have been observed among individuals off the coast of Queensland, Australia. Grouping associations seem to be strongest among male individuals implying some potential correlation to reproductive strategy. Additionally, there was an observation of snubfin dolphins displaying mating courtship between Australian humpback dolphins. Both the Australian snubfin dolphin and the Australian humpback dolphin co-occur throughout much of the tropical Northern waters of Australia, and have similar vocal repertoires consisting of click trains, burst pulses, and whistles. As a member of the suborder odontoceti, much of these vocalizations are thought to be associated with echolocation for both navigation and foraging. They produce clicks of short durations with high peaks, making their clicks distinguishable from other odontocetes. Snub fin dolphins have also been observed interacting with Australian humpback dolphins, and one case of a hybrid between the two species was documented using DNA analysis in 2014. Australian snubfin dolphins have been observed to spit jets of water across the surface of the water as a potential feeding strategy. Jets of water appear to cause fish to leap from the water towards the dolphin, making them easier prey targets. Feeding. Off the coast of Queensland, Australia, the Australian snubfin dolphin predominantly feeds in coastal-estuarine waters. There is a predominance of feeding activity by rivers and areas off the coast of Cleveland bay. Australian snubfin dolphins have also been seen foraging and then following passing by fish trawlers to capitalize on an opportunity for prey. They can be classified as opportunistic feeders and have been seen congregating to feed in groups. Being opportunistic feeders snubfins consume a large array of prey items. Snubfin dolphin consume a wide array of prey, that can be narrowed down to coastal, estuarine, and reef‐associated fishes throughout the water column and at the bottom. The most common prey items by specie are cardinal fish ("Apogon"), proceeded by the cuttlefish ("Sepia"), the squid Uroteuthis ("Photololigo"), and the toothpony fish ("Gazza"). Another big part of the snubfin diet are cephalopods. Range and status. The snubfin dolphin is considered endemic to Australia. In the Pacific Ocean off Townsville, about 200 individual snubfin dolphins were found. The range of the species is expected to extend to Papua New Guinea; that is, "O. heinsohni" is endemic to the northern half of the Sahul Shelf, but the majority live in Australian waters. They are found all along the northern coasts of Australia, from Broome, Western Australia, to the Brisbane River in Southeast Queensland. They are not thought to be common, and are being given a high conservation priority. Australian snubfin dolphins are currently listed as "vulnerable" by the IUCN. Habitat range has primarily been determined through visual sightings and stranding data, limiting the range to areas accessible by humans. Pacific acoustic monitoring methods are being deployed to attempt to more accurately determine the range of these animals by listening for their distinctive echolocation clicks. Threats. Although some hunting by indigenous people occurs (as evidenced by the 1948 specimen), this is likely to be insignificant compared to other threats such as drowning in sharknets and fishing gear. Snubfins are particularly at risk from incidental capture in gillnets, which are often placed in near-shore areas and near the mouths of rivers, where these dolphins are more likely to be found. Although it is not known how many dolphins die in this manner, it is considered to be the greatest threat to populations in Papua New Guinea. Anti-shark nets and drumlines put in place for Queensland's shark control program are also a significant threat to snubfins, with about 1.8 snubfin dolphins killed every year between 1997 and 2011. The coastal zones along the Australian snubfin dolphin's range have been highly modified for mining and agricultural purposes as well as ports, aquaculture and residential development. Land reclamation, vessel traffic and construction results in the degradation of the snubfin's natural habitat through increased noise, lower water quality and a reduction in food supply, in addition to direct loss of habitat areas due to land reclamation. This can result in decreased survival rates and/or emigration in search of better resources. Pollution is another threat to snubfin dolphins, as the water discharge from rivers in the dolphins' Australian range are contaminated by industrial and agricultural runoff. The snubfin dolphins' strong site fidelity means they are likely exposed to pollutants on a daily basis. Indeed, one study of snubfins on the Great Barrier Reef found levels of polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) far exceeding the thresholds for small cetaceans, over which reproductive anomalies and immunosuppression can occur. Periodic floods present a temporary threat to snubfin dolphins in that they result in an increase in freshwater discharge, heavy metals, nutrients, sediment and pesticides in coastal areas. Increases in floods, cyclone severity, storm surges and sea surface temperatures due to climate change will likely also affect the habitat and future food supply of snubfin dolphins. As a result of the cumulative effects of drowning as bycatch and habitat loss and degradation, the Australian snubfin dolphin population is believed to be decreasing and is likely to meet the criteria for IUCN's "endangered" status in the near future. As small populations are more vulnerable to extinction due to the small numbers and low genetic diversity, the snubfin dolphin is at significant risk in their human populated habitat. The insufficient data on the species poses additional threat as their general ecology is not fully understood. Conservation. The Australian snubfin dolphin is listed on Appendix II of the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (CMS). It is listed on Appendix II as it has an unfavourable conservation status or would benefit significantly from international co-operation organised by tailored agreements. Australian snubfin dolphins are also listed as "vulnerable" by the IUCN. In addition, Australian snubfin dolphins are covered by Memorandum of Understanding for the Conservation of Cetaceans and Their Habitats in the Pacific Islands Region (Pacific Cetaceans MOU).

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Øster Voldgade (lit. "East Rampart Street"), together with Vester Voldgade and Nørre Voldgade, forms a succession of large streets which arches around the central and oldest part of the Zealand side of Copenhagen, Denmark. It runs north-east from Gothersgade at Nørreport Station to Georg Brandes Plads, between the Copenhagen Botanical Gardens and Rosenborg Castle Gardens, and continues straight to a large junction at the southern end of Oslo Plads, near Østerport Station, where it turns into Folke Bernadotte Allé. History. Øster Voldgade was originally a smaller street which ran on the inside of the new East Rampart, built in the 1650s to replace the old East Rampart which followed present day Gothersgade. The alley was expanded when the ramparts were removed in the 1850s. Notable buildings and residents. The long, Neoclassical building on the corner of Øster Voldgade and Gothersgade, opposite the entrance to Copenhagen Botanical Gardens, is Rosenborg Barracks. The building was designed by Johan Cornelius Krieger and completed in 1786. It contains a small museum dedicated to the Royal Life Guards. Next to Rosenborg Barracks is the main entrance to Rosenborg Castle (Øster Voldgade 4a). On the other side of the gate is "Slotsforvalterboligen" (No. 4b). It was built in 1688 and extended with an extra story in 1777. The gateway affords access to Rosenborg Castle Gardens. The Gartner's House is attached to Slotsforvalterboligen. It was built around the same time On the opposite side of Øster Voldgade, perched on top of the former Rosen-borg Rosenborg Bastion, hidden from the street by tall trees, is the former Østervold Observatory. It was built as a replacement for the astronomical observatory at the Round Tower to designs by Christian Hansen and now contains an interpretive centre associated with the Botanical Gardens. The Museum of Geology is located on the corner of Øster Voldgade and Sølvgade. On the two opposite corner on the other side of Sølvgade are the main entrance of the Danish National Gallery and the former Sølvgade Barracks. Both buildings have thei address on Sølvgade. The large, modern complex at Øster Voldgade 10 was originally built between 1929 and 1954 for the College of Advanced Technology, now DTU. It now houses the upper secondary school Gefion Gymnasium and Geocenter Danmark, a research centre under University of Copenhagen. Østervold Kollegium (No. 20) is a hall of residence. The last section of the street passes the Nyboder development which was founded by Christian IV to provide housing for personnel of the Royal Danish Navy. Opposite Nyboderis School (No. 15), a primary school built in 1918-1920 in response to the booming number of children in Nyboder. Christian IV statue. In front of Nybodr stands a bronze statue of Christian IV. It was created by Vilhelm Bissen and installed in 1900. External links. Ændringsforslag]

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A space suit or spacesuit is a garment worn to keep a human alive in the harsh environment of outer space, vacuum and temperature extremes. Space suits are often worn inside spacecraft as a safety precaution in case of loss of cabin pressure, and are necessary for extravehicular activity (EVA), work done outside spacecraft. Space suits have been worn for such work in Earth orbit, on the surface of the Moon, and en route back to Earth from the Moon. Modern space suits augment the basic pressure garment with a complex system of equipment and environmental systems designed to keep the wearer comfortable, and to minimize the effort required to bend the limbs, resisting a soft pressure garment's natural tendency to stiffen against the vacuum. A self-contained oxygen supply and environmental control system is frequently employed to allow complete freedom of movement, independent of the spacecraft. Three types of space suits exist for different purposes: IVA (intravehicular activity), EVA (extravehicular activity), and IEVA (intra/extravehicular activity). IVA suits are meant to be worn inside a pressurized spacecraft, and are therefore lighter and more comfortable. IEVA suits are meant for use inside and outside the spacecraft, such as the Gemini G4C suit. They include more protection from the harsh conditions of space, such as protection from micrometeorites and extreme temperature change. EVA suits, such as the EMU, are used outside spacecraft, for either planetary exploration or spacewalks. They must protect the wearer against all conditions of space, as well as provide mobility and functionality. Some of these requirements also apply to pressure suits worn for other specialized tasks, such as high-altitude reconnaissance flight. At altitudes above the Armstrong limit, around , water boils at body temperature and pressurized suits are needed. The first full-pressure suits for use at extreme altitudes were designed by individual inventors as early as the 1930s. The first space suit worn by a human in space was the Soviet SK-1 suit worn by Yuri Gagarin in 1961. Requirements. A space suit must perform several functions to allow its occupant to work safely and comfortably, inside or outside a spacecraft. It must provide: Secondary requirements. Advanced suits better regulate the astronaut's temperature with a Liquid Cooling and Ventilation Garment (LCVG) in contact with the astronaut's skin, from which the heat is dumped into space through an external radiator in the PLSS. Additional requirements for EVA include: As part of astronautical hygiene control (i.e., protecting astronauts from extremes of temperature, radiation, etc. ), a space suit is essential for extravehicular activity. The Apollo/Skylab A7L suit included eleven layers in all: an inner liner, a LCVG, a pressure bladder, a restraint layer, another liner, and a Thermal Micrometeoroid Garment consisting of five aluminized insulation layers and an external layer of white Ortho-Fabric. This space suit is capable of protecting the astronaut from temperatures ranging from to . During exploration of the Moon or Mars, there will be the potential for lunar/Martian dust to be retained on the space suit. When the space suit is removed on return to the spacecraft, there will be the potential for the dust to contaminate surfaces and increase the risks of inhalation and skin exposure. Astronautical hygienists are testing materials with reduced dust retention times and the potential to control the dust exposure risks during planetary exploration. Novel ingress/egress approaches, such as suitports, are being explored as well. In NASA space suits, communications are provided via a cap worn over the head, which includes earphones and a microphone. Due to the coloration of the version used for Apollo and Skylab, which resembled the coloration of the comic strip character Snoopy, these caps became known as "Snoopy caps." Operating pressure. Generally, to supply enough oxygen for respiration, a space suit using pure oxygen must have a pressure of about , equal to the partial pressure of oxygen in the Earth's atmosphere at sea level, plus and water vapor pressure, both of which must be subtracted from the alveolar pressure to get alveolar oxygen partial pressure in 100% oxygen atmospheres, by the alveolar gas equation. The latter two figures add to , which is why many modern space suits do not use , but (this is a slight overcorrection, as alveolar partial pressures at sea level are slightly less than the former). In space suits that use 20.7 kPa, the astronaut gets only 20.7 kPa − 11.6 kPa = of oxygen, which is about the alveolar oxygen partial pressure attained at an altitude of above sea level. This is about 42% of normal partial pressure of oxygen at sea level, about the same as pressure in a commercial passenger jet aircraft, and is the realistic lower limit for safe ordinary space suit pressurization which allows reasonable capacity for work. When space suits below a specific operating pressure are used from craft that are pressurized to normal atmospheric pressure (such as the Space Shuttle), this requires astronauts to "pre-breathe" (meaning pre-breathe pure oxygen for a period) before donning their suits and depressurizing in the air lock. This procedure purges the body of dissolved nitrogen, so as to avoid decompression sickness due to rapid depressurization from a nitrogen-containing atmosphere. Physical effects of unprotected space exposure. The human body can briefly survive the hard vacuum of space unprotected, despite contrary depictions in some popular science fiction. Human flesh expands to about twice its size in such conditions, giving the visual effect of a body builder rather than an overfilled balloon. Consciousness is retained for up to 15 seconds as the effects of oxygen starvation set in. No snap freeze effect occurs because all heat must be lost through thermal radiation or the evaporation of liquids, and the blood does not boil because it remains pressurized within the body. In space, there are many different highly energized subatomic protons that will expose the body to extreme radiation. Although these compounds are minimal in amount, their high energy is liable to disrupt essential physical and chemical processes in the body, such as altering DNA or causing cancers. Exposure to radiation can create problems via two methods: the particles can react with water in the human body to produce free radicals that break DNA molecules apart, or by directly breaking the DNA molecules. Temperature in space can vary extremely depending on where the sun is. Temperatures from solar radiation can reach up to and lower down to . Because of this, space suits must provide proper insulation and cooling. The vacuum in space creates zero pressure, causing the gases and processes in the body to expand. In order to prevent chemical processes in the body from overreacting, it is necessary to develop a suit that counteracts against the pressure in space. The greatest danger is in attempting to hold one's breath before exposure, as the subsequent explosive decompression can damage the lungs. These effects have been confirmed through various accidents (including in very-high-altitude conditions, outer space and training vacuum chambers). Human skin does not need to be protected from vacuum and is gas-tight by itself. Instead, it only needs to be mechanically compressed to retain its normal shape. This can be accomplished with a tight-fitting elastic body suit and a helmet for containing breathing gases, known as a space activity suit (SAS). Design concepts. A space suit should allow its user natural unencumbered movement. Nearly all designs try to maintain a constant volume no matter what movements the wearer makes. This is because mechanical work is needed to change the volume of a constant pressure system. If flexing a joint reduces the volume of the space suit, then the astronaut must do extra work every time he bends that joint, and he has to maintain a force to keep the joint bent. Even if this force is very small, it can be seriously fatiguing to constantly fight against one's suit. It also makes delicate movements very difficult. The work required to bend a joint is dictated by the formula where "Vi" and "Vf" are respectively the initial and final volume of the joint, "P" is the pressure in the suit, and "W" is the resultant work. It is generally true that all suits are more mobile at lower pressures. However, because a minimum internal pressure is dictated by life support requirements, the only means of further reducing work is to minimize the change in volume. All space suit designs try to minimize or eliminate this problem. The most common solution is to form the suit out of multiple layers. The bladder layer is a rubbery, airtight layer much like a balloon. The restraint layer goes outside the bladder, and provides a specific shape for the suit. Since the bladder layer is larger than the restraint layer, the restraint takes all of the stresses caused by the pressure inside the suit. Since the bladder is not under pressure, it will not "pop" like a balloon, even if punctured. The restraint layer is shaped in such a way that bending a joint causes pockets of fabric, called "gores," to open up on the outside of the joint, while folds called "convolutes" fold up on the inside of the joint. The gores make up for the volume lost on the inside of the joint, and keep the suit at a nearly constant volume. However, once the gores are opened all the way, the joint cannot be bent any further without a considerable amount of work. In some Russian space suits, strips of cloth were wrapped tightly around the cosmonaut's arms and legs outside the space suit to stop the space suit from ballooning when in space. The outermost layer of a space suit, the Thermal Micrometeoroid Garment, provides thermal insulation, protection from micrometeoroids, and shielding from harmful solar radiation. There are four main conceptual approaches to suit design: Soft suits. Soft suits typically are made mostly of fabrics. All soft suits have some hard parts, some even have hard joint bearings. Intra-vehicular activity and early EVA suits were soft suits. Hard-shell suits. Hard-shell suits are usually made of metal or composite materials and do not use fabric for joints. Hard suits joints use ball bearings and wedge-ring segments similar to an adjustable elbow of a stove pipe to allow a wide range of movement with the arms and legs. The joints maintain a constant volume of air internally and do not have any counter force. Therefore, the astronaut does not need to exert to hold the suit in any position. Hard suits can also operate at higher pressures which would eliminate the need for an astronaut to pre-breathe oxygen to use a space suit before an EVA from a spacecraft cabin. The joints may get into a restricted or locked position requiring the astronaut to manipulate or program the joint. The NASA Ames Research Center experimental AX-5 hard-shell space suit had a flexibility rating of 95%. The wearer could move into 95% of the positions he or she could without the suit on. Hybrid suits. Hybrid suits have hard-shell parts and fabric parts. NASA's Extravehicular Mobility Unit (EMU) uses a fiberglass Hard Upper Torso (HUT) and fabric limbs. ILC Dover's I-Suit replaces the HUT with a fabric soft upper torso to save weight, restricting the use of hard components to the joint bearings, helmet, waist seal, and rear entry hatch. Virtually all workable space suit designs incorporate hard components, particularly at interfaces such as the waist seal, bearings, and in the case of rear-entry suits, the back hatch, where all-soft alternatives are not viable. Skintight suits. Skintight suits, also known as mechanical counterpressure suits or space activity suits, are a proposed design which would use a heavy elastic body stocking to compress the body. The head is in a pressurized helmet, but the rest of the body is pressurized only by the elastic effect of the suit. This mitigates the constant volume problem, reduces the possibility of a space suit depressurization and gives a very lightweight suit. When not worn, the elastic garments may appear to be that of clothing for a small child. These suits may be very difficult to put on and face problems with providing a uniform pressure. Most proposals use the body's natural perspiration to keep cool. Sweat evaporates readily in vacuum and may desublime or deposit on objects nearby: optics, sensors, the astronaut's visor, and other surfaces. The icy film and sweat residue may contaminate sensitive surfaces and affect optical performance. Contributing technologies. Related preceding technologies include the gas mask used in World War II, the oxygen mask used by pilots of high flying bombers in World War II, the high altitude or vacuum suit required by pilots of the Lockheed U-2 and SR-71 Blackbird, the diving suit, rebreather, scuba diving gear, and many others. Many space suit designs are taken from the U.S. Air Force suits, which are designed to work in “high altitude aircraft pressure[s],” such as the Mercury IVA suit or the Gemini G4C, or the Advanced Crew Escape Suits. Glove technology. The Mercury IVA, the first U.S. space suit design, included lights at the tips of the gloves in order to provide visual aid. As the need for extravehicular activity grew, suits such as the Apollo A7L included gloves made of a metal fabric called Chromel-r in order to prevent punctures. In order to retain a better sense of touch for the astronauts, the fingertips of the gloves were made of silicone. With the shuttle program, it became necessary to be able to operate spacecraft modules, so the ACES suits featured gripping on the gloves. EMU gloves, which are used for spacewalks, are heated to keep the astronaut's hands warm. The Phase VI gloves, meant for use with the Mark III suit, are the first gloves to be designed with "laser scanning technology, 3D computer modeling, stereo lithography, laser cutting technology and CNC machining." This allows for cheaper, more accurate production, as well as increased detail in joint mobility and flexibility. Life support technology. Prior to the Apollo missions, life support in space suits was connected to the space capsule via an umbilical cord-like device. However, with the Apollo missions, life support was configured into a removable capsule called the Portable Life Support System that allowed the astronaut to explore the Moon without having to be attached to the space craft. The EMU space suit, used for spacewalks, allows the astronaut to manually control the internal environment of the suit. The Mark III suit has a backpack filled with about 12 pounds of liquid air, as well as pressurization and heat exchange. Helmet technology. The development of the spheroidal dome helmet was key in balancing the need for field of view, pressure compensation, and low weight. One inconvenience with some space suits is the head being fixed facing forwards and being unable to turn to look sideways. Astronauts call this effect "alligator head." List of space suit models. United States suit models. SpaceX suit ("Starman suit"). In February 2015, SpaceX began developing a space suit for astronauts to wear within the Dragon 2 space capsule. Its appearance was jointly designed by Jose Fernandez—a Hollywood costume designer known for his works for superhero and science fiction films—and SpaceX founder and CEO Elon Musk. The first images of the suit were revealed in September 2017. A mannequin, called "Starman" (after David Bowie's song of the same name), wore the SpaceX space suit during the maiden launch of the Falcon Heavy in February 2018. For this exhibition launch, the suit was not pressurized and carried no sensors. The suit, which is suitable for vacuum, offers protection against cabin depressurization through a single tether at the astronaut's thigh that feeds air and electronic connections. The helmets, which are 3D-printed, contain microphones and speakers. As the suits need the tether connection and do not offer protection against radiation, they are not used for extra-vehicular activities. In 2018, NASA commercial crew astronauts Bob Behnken, and Doug Hurley tested the spacesuit inside the Dragon 2 spacecraft in order to familiarize themselves with the suit. They wore it in the Crew Dragon Demo-2 flight launched on 30 May 2020. The suit is worn by astronauts involved in Commercial Crew Program missions involving SpaceX. Emerging technologies. Several companies and universities are developing technologies and prototypes which represent improvements over current space suits. Additive manufacturing. 3D printing (additive manufacturing) can be used to reduce the mass of hard-shell space suits while retaining the high mobility they provide. This fabrication method also allows for the potential for in-situ fabrication and repair of suits, a capability which is not currently available, but will likely be necessary for Martian exploration. The University of Maryland began development of a prototype 3D printed hard suit in 2016, based on the kinematics of the AX-5. The prototype arm segment is designed to be evaluated in the Space Systems Laboratory glovebox to compare mobility to traditional soft suits. Initial research has focused on the feasibility of printing rigid suit elements, bearing races, ball bearings, seals, and sealing surfaces. Astronaut Glove Challenge. There are certain difficulties in designing a dexterous space suit glove and there are limitations to the current designs. For this reason, the Centennial Astronaut Glove Challenge was created to build a better glove. Competitions have been held in 2007 and 2009, and another is planned. The 2009 contest required the glove to be covered with a micro-meteorite layer. Aouda.X. Since 2009, the Austrian Space Forum has been developing "Aouda.X", an experimental Mars analogue space suit focusing on an advanced human-machine interface and on-board computing network to increase situational awareness. The suit is designed to study contamination vectors in planetary exploration analogue environments and create limitations depending on the pressure regime chosen for a simulation. Since 2012, for the Mars2013 analogue mission by the Austrian Space Forum to Erfoud, Morocco, the Aouda.X analogue space suit has a sister in the form of Aouda.S. This is a slightly less sophisticated suit meant primarily to assist Aouda.X operations and be able to study the interactions between two (analogue) astronauts in similar suits. The Aouda.X and Aouda.S space suits have been named after the fictional princess from the Jules Verne's 1873 novel "Around the World in Eighty Days" and can be followed on Facebook. A public display mock-up of Aouda.X (called Aouda.D) is currently on display at the Dachstein Ice Cave in Obertraun, Austria, after the experiments done there in 2012. Bio-Suit. Bio-Suit is a space activity suit under development at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, which consisted of several lower leg prototypes. Bio-suit is custom fit to each wearer, using laser body scanning. Constellation Space Suit system. On August 2, 2006, NASA indicated plans to issue a Request for Proposal (RFP) for the design, development, certification, production, and sustaining engineering of the Constellation Space Suit to meet the needs of the Constellation Program. NASA foresaw a single suit capable of supporting: survivability during launch, entry and abort; zero-gravity EVA; lunar surface EVA; and Mars surface EVA. On June 11, 2008, NASA awarded a US$745 million contract to Oceaneering International to create the new space suit. Final Frontier Design IVA Space Suit. Final Frontier Design (FFD) is developing a commercial full IVA space suit, with their first suit completed in 2010. FFD's suits are intended as a light-weight, highly mobile, and inexpensive commercial space suits. Since 2011, FFD has upgraded IVA suit's designs, hardware, processes, and capabilities. FFD has built a total of 7 IVA space suit (2016) assemblies for various institutions and customers since founding, and has conducted high fidelity human testing in simulators, aircraft, microgravity, and hypobaric chambers. FFD has a Space Act Agreement with NASA's Commercial Space Capabilities Office to develop and execute a Human Rating Plan for FFD IVA suit. FFD categorizes their IVA suits according to their mission: Terra for Earth-based testing, Stratos for high altitude flights, and Exos for orbital space flights. Each suit category has different requirements for manufacturing controls, validations, and materials, but are of a similar architecture. I-Suit. The I-Suit is a space suit prototype also constructed by ILC Dover, which incorporates several design improvements over the EMU, including a weight-saving soft upper torso. Both the Mark III and the I-Suit have taken part in NASA's annual Desert Research and Technology Studies (D-RATS) field trials, during which suit occupants interact with one another, and with rovers and other equipment. Mark III. The Mark III is a NASA prototype, constructed by ILC Dover, which incorporates a hard lower torso section and a mix of soft and hard components. The Mark III is markedly more mobile than previous suits, despite its high operating pressure (), which makes it a "zero-prebreathe" suit, meaning that astronauts would be able to transition directly from a one atmosphere, mixed-gas space station environment, such as that on the International Space Station, to the suit, without risking decompression sickness, which can occur with rapid depressurization from an atmosphere containing nitrogen or another inert gas. MX-2. The MX-2 is a space suit analogue constructed at the University of Maryland's Space Systems Laboratory. The MX-2 is used for crewed neutral buoyancy testing at the Space Systems Lab's Neutral Buoyancy Research Facility. By approximating the work envelope of a real EVA suit, without meeting the requirements of a flight-rated suit, the MX-2 provides an inexpensive platform for EVA research, compared to using EMU suits at facilities like NASA's Neutral Buoyancy Laboratory. The MX-2 has an operating pressure of 2.5–4 psi. It is a rear-entry suit, featuring a fiberglass HUT. Air, LCVG cooling water, and power are open loop systems, provided through an umbilical. The suit contains a Mac mini computer to capture sensor data, such as suit pressure, inlet and outlet air temperatures, and heart rate. Resizable suit elements and adjustable ballast allow the suit to accommodate subjects ranging in height from , and with a weight range of . North Dakota suit. Beginning in May 2006, five North Dakota colleges collaborated on a new space suit prototype, funded by a US$100,000 grant from NASA, to demonstrate technologies which could be incorporated into a planetary suit. The suit was tested in the Theodore Roosevelt National Park badlands of western North Dakota. The suit has a mass of without a life support backpack, and costs only a fraction of the standard US$12,000,000 cost for a flight-rated NASA space suit. The suit was developed in just over a year by students from the University of North Dakota, North Dakota State, Dickinson State, the state College of Science and Turtle Mountain Community College. The mobility of the North Dakota suit can be attributed to its low operating pressure; while the North Dakota suit was field tested at a pressure of differential, NASA's EMU suit operates at a pressure of , a pressure designed to supply approximately sea-level oxygen partial pressure for respiration (see discussion above). PXS. NASA's Prototype eXploration Suit (PXS), like the Z-series, is a rear-entry suit compatible with suitports. The suit has components which could be 3D printed during missions to a range of specifications, to fit different individuals or changing mobility requirements. Suitports. A suitport is a theoretical alternative to an airlock, designed for use in hazardous environments and in human spaceflight, especially planetary surface exploration. In a suitport system, a rear-entry space suit is attached and sealed against the outside of a spacecraft, such that an astronaut can enter and seal up the suit, then go on EVA, without the need for an airlock or depressurizing the spacecraft cabin. Suitports require less mass and volume than airlocks, provide dust mitigation, and prevent cross-contamination of the inside and outside environments. Patents for suitport designs were filed in 1996 by Philip Culbertson Jr. of NASA's Ames Research Center and in 2003 by Joerg Boettcher, Stephen Ransom, and Frank Steinsiek. Z-series. In 2012, NASA introduced the Z-1 space suit, the first in the Z-series of space suit prototypes designed by NASA specifically for planetary extravehicular activity. The Z-1 space suit includes an emphasis on mobility and protection for space missions. It features a soft torso versus the hard torsos seen in previous NASA EVA space suits, which provides reduced mass. It has been labeled the "Buzz Lightyear suit" due to its green streaks for a design. In 2014, NASA released the design for the Z-2 prototype, the next model in the Z-series. NASA conducted a poll asking the public to decide on a design for the Z-2 space suit. The designs, created by fashion students from Philadelphia University, were "Technology", "Trends in Society", and "Biomimicry." The design "Technology" won, and the prototype is built with technologies like 3D printing. The Z-2 suit will also differ from the Z-1 suit in that the torso reverts to the hard shell, as seen in NASA's EMU suit. In fiction. The earliest space fiction ignored the problems of traveling through a vacuum, and launched its heroes through space without any special protection. In the later 19th century, however, a more realistic brand of space fiction emerged, in which authors have tried to describe or depict the space suits worn by their characters. These fictional suits vary in appearance and technology, and range from the highly authentic to the utterly improbable. A very early fictional account of space suits can be seen in Garrett P. Serviss' novel "Edison's Conquest of Mars" (1898). Later comic book series such as Buck Rogers (1930s) and Dan Dare (1950s) also featured their own takes on space suit design. Science fiction authors such as Robert A. Heinlein contributed to the development of fictional space suit concepts.

lone costume

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8429933

The Centennial Light is the world's longest-lasting light bulb, burning since 1901, and almost never switched off. It is at 4550 East Avenue, Livermore, California, and maintained by the Livermore-Pleasanton Fire Department. Due to its longevity, the bulb has been noted by "The Guinness Book of World Records", "Ripley's Believe It or Not! ", and General Electric. History. The Centennial Light was originally a 30-watt (or 60-watt) bulb, but is now very dim, emitting about the same light as a 4-watt nightlight. The hand-blown, carbon-filament common light bulb was invented by Adolphe Chaillet, a French engineer who filed a patent for this technology. It was manufactured in Shelby, Ohio, by the Shelby Electric Company in the late 1890s; many just like it still exist and can be found functioning. According to Zylpha Bernal Beck, the bulb was donated to the Fire Department by her father, Dennis Bernal, in 1901. Bernal owned the Livermore Power and Water Company and donated the bulb to the fire station when he sold the company. That story has been supported by firefighter volunteers of that era. Evidence suggests that the bulb has hung in at least four locations. It was originally hung in 1901 in a hose cart house on L Street, then moved to a garage in downtown Livermore used by the fire and police departments. When the fire department consolidated, it was moved again to a newly constructed City Hall that housed the unified department. Its unusual longevity was first noticed in 1972 by reporter Mike Dunstan. After weeks of interviewing people who had lived in Livermore all their lives, he wrote "Light Bulb May Be World's Oldest", published in the "Tri-Valley Herald". Dunstan contacted the "Guinness Book of World Records", "Ripley's Believe It or Not", and General Electric, who all confirmed it as the longest-lasting bulb known in existence. The article came to the attention of Charles Kuralt of the CBS-TV program "On the Road with Charles Kuralt". Retired Deputy Fire Chief Tom Bramell wrote a history of the bulb. It is titled "A Million Hours of Service". In 1976, the fire department moved to Fire Station #6 with the bulb; the bulb socket's cord was severed for fear that unscrewing the bulb could damage it. It was deprived of electricity for only 22 minutes during the transfer, which was made in a specially designed box and with full firetruck escort. An electrician was on hand to install the bulb into the new fire station's emergency generator. "Ripley's Believe It Or Not" stated that the short delay would not mar the bulb's continuous burning record. Since that move, the bulb has run continuously on an uninterruptible power supply; previously it had only been off the grid for short periods of time (e.g. a week in 1937 for a renovation and the odd power outage). In 2001, the bulb's 100th birthday was celebrated with a community barbecue and live music. On the evening of May 20, 2013, the general public witnessed, through a dedicated webcam, that the bulb had apparently burned out. The next morning, an electrician was called in to confirm its status. It was determined that the bulb had not burned out when the dedicated power supply was bypassed, using an extension cord. The power supply was found to have been faulty. Approximately nine hours and 45 minutes had passed before the light was reestablished. The bulb is cared for by the Centennial Light Bulb Committee, a partnership of the Livermore-Pleasanton Fire Department, Livermore Heritage Guild, Lawrence Livermore National Laboratories, and Sandia National Laboratories. The Livermore-Pleasanton Fire Department plans to house and maintain the bulb for the rest of its life, regardless of length. When it does go out, they have no plans for it, although "Ripley's Believe it or Not!" has requested it for their museum. Publicity. The bulb was officially listed in the "Guinness Book of World Records" as "the most durable light" in 1972, replacing another bulb in Fort Worth, Texas. The bulb was listed in the book for the next 16 editions. It was not listed during 1988–2006, without a reason being given, before returning in 2007. According to the fire chief, every few months a news outlet will publish a story on the bulb, generating visitors and general interest, then it will drop back into obscurity for a while. Dozens of magazines and newspapers have featured articles on the bulb. The bulb has been visited and featured by many major news channels in the United States, including NBC, ABC, Fox, CBS, WB, CNN and NPR. The bulb has received letters acknowledging and celebrating its longevity from the city of Shelby, Ohio, the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, the California State Assembly, the California State Senate, Congresswoman Ellen Tauscher, Senator Barbara Boxer, and President George W. Bush. The bulb was featured on an episode of "MythBusters" on December 13, 2006, in the PBS documentary "Livermore" and episode of California’s Gold with Huell Howser, in an episode of "99% Invisible," in the web series "17776", and by documentary filmmaker Roberto Serrini in the web series "TravelClast".

uniquely created package

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=38097115

Virginia Beach Arena was a proposed multi-purpose entertainment and sports arena adjacent to the Virginia Beach Convention Center on 19th Street in the oceanfront resort area, one block from Interstate-264 in Virginia Beach, Virginia. The facility was to be privately owned and financed with an approximate size of 500,000 square feet and an 18,000 seat capacity. By early 2018, the City of Virginia Beach had cancelled The arena was projected to host events including major concerts, ice shows, trade shows, monster truck rallies, circuses and sporting events. It was to include NCAA/NBA/NHL-ready core features to enable future support of collegiate tournaments and a professional sports franchise. The developer contended that many major events currently bypass Hampton Roads because existing indoor venues, with lower seating capacities, are too small and lack the necessary staging capabilities for large-scale performances. The proposed Virginia Beach Arena would have been the largest in Virginia capable of staging these events. Projected to employ hundreds of full and part-time staff, the Arena's estimated cost was $210 million. The Virginia General Assembly passed legislation that allows the City to dedicate its portion of the Arena-generated state sales tax to satisfy project-related debt. In addition, the City of Virginia Beach, under a plan yet negotiated, will return "but for" taxes generated by admissions, food & beverage, and merchandise sales, as well as 1% of the existing hotel tax. The City of Virginia Beach was expected to contribute approximately $52 million to create the infrastructure needed to directly support the Arena. The City would finance this through its existing Tourism Investment Project (TIP) fund. Construction was estimated to take two years after the necessary agreements and permits are in place.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=35311373

Agnes Maclehose (26 April 1758 – 23 October 1841), or Agnes Craig, known to her friends as 'Nancy' and to Robert Burns followers as Clarinda, was a Scotswoman who had an unconsummated affair with Burns during 1787-88, on which he based the song, "Ae Fond Kiss" (1791). The pseudonyms of her 'Clarinda' to his 'Sylvander' were adopted by the pair for confidential correspondence purposes. Maclehose has been various styled, including 'McLehose' and 'MacLehose'. Life and character. Agnes was born in Glasgow, the third of four daughters of a prominent surgeon, Andrew Craig. Her mother was Christian Maclaurin or McLaurin (d. 1767), daughter of John Maclaurin, a minister of the Scottish church. Her sisters were Margaret (b. 27 January 1752), Lilias (b. 25 July 1754), and Mary (b. 11 May 1764). She was sent to a boarding-school in Edinburgh for six months to improve her handwriting and grammar when she was fifteen, by which time all her siblings but one, Margaret, were dead. Agnes was a sickly child, however from the age of five her health improved and she developed into an exceptionally good looking woman, being indeed the toast of Glasgow's Hodge Podge Club at the age of 15. Several of her ancestors had been ministers, and she herself was somewhat pious, mainly due to her mother's influence. The John Miers silhouette of her shows that she had large eyes, was slim, and had an ample bosom. She had blonde hair. In an age when it was not seen as necessary, or desirable, that women should receive much education, she was an exception to this rule, having read widely and polished her conversational skills, which put her beyond the ordinary. A young Glasgow lawyer, James Maclehose (c.1754–1812), courted her, however for some reason he was forbidden to enter the Craig family home by Agnes's father. James found ways of meeting with her, one of which was by making himself the only other occupant of a Glasgow to Edinburgh coach in which she was booked to travel for a ten-hour journey, by the simple expedient of purchasing all the other seats. In spite of the objections of her father and her first cousin William Craig (1745–1813), later Lord Craig, a Court of Session judge. Agnes married in Glasgow at the age of eighteen on 1 July 1776. Agnes had four children in four years, one of whom, William (b. 1777) died in infancy. Shortly before the birth of the fourth, James (b. 21 April 1781) in December 1780, she formally left her husband because of his mental cruelty and depression, returning to her father in Glasgow's Saltmarket, whilst James ended up at first in a debtors' prison before emigrating to Jamaica in 1782, his wife having refused to accompany him after receiving a letter in which he wrote "For my part, I am willing to forget what is past, neither do I require an apology from you." James Maclehose took custody of their two sons, both under three at the time; he later took custody also of their youngest child, born a few months after the separation. They were later returned to her. One of her sons, Andrew, became a Writer to the Signet in Edinburgh and helped support her in her old age. On 13 May 1782, her father died after a long illness that had dissipated his savings and Agnes came to Edinburgh where she took a small flat in Generals Entry off Potterrow, living on a small annuity of £8, supplemented from time to time by gifts from her cousin, Lord Craig. There is a plaque in her memory on a building on the corner of Potterrow and Marshall Street, 'Near this spot resided "Clarinda" friend of Robert Burns 1787-1791, erected in 1937 by the 'Clarinda Burns Club'. In January 1791, Agnes attempted a reconciliation with her husband, sailing aboard the "Roselle" to Kingston, Jamaica. James was not on the quayside to meet her, and she found that her place had been taken by Ann Chalon Rivvere, his negro mistress, who had borne him a daughter, Arm Lavinia Maclehose. She returned to Scotland in April 1791 when the same ship returned home, having found the heat exhausting and the mosquito bites unbearable. Her cousin, Lord Craig, may have insisted upon her journey in order to avoid further scandal with Robert Burns. In a memoir written after her death her grandson claimed that James Maclehose's mistreatment of his slaves – and his wife's discovery that he kept a slave mistress – were the decisive factors in her departure. She was described as "short in stature, her form graceful, her hands and feet small and complexion fair, her cheeks ruddy, and a well-formed mouth displayed teeth beautifully white." Sir Walter Scott recorded having seen her at his friend Lord Craig's House, when she was 'old, charmless and devout'. Her friend Mrs Moodie reported that among Agnes's last words were, "I go to Jesus". The Clarinda-Sylvander letters in Mrs Moodie's possession were valued at twenty-five pounds. In 1810 Agnes moved from Potterrow to live at 14 Calton Hill, Edinburgh where in 1825 Burns’s fourth son, Captain James Glencairn Burns, visited her. She died of 'Old Age' on 23 October 1841 and was buried on 27th in the North East corner of the tomb of her cousin William Craig, Lord Craig, in the East Ground of Canongate Kirkyard. The plaque above her grave was not erected until 1909 and was sculpted by the Edinburgh sculptor Henry Snell Gamley. Association with Robert Burns. When Robert Burns came to Edinburgh, still unmarried, for the second time in 1787, Agnes was in her 29th year and separated from her husband for seven years. A competent poet, she was determined to meet him and finally did so on 4 December at a tea-party given by Miss Erskine Nimmo, a friend of Margaret Chalmers, at the house of Mr Nimmo, a revenue officer. Agnes was attracted to him and upon her return home she wrote Burns a note inviting him to drink tea with her the following Thursday at Potterrow. He accepted the invitation. However, the actions of a coachman, probably drunk, caused the poet to fall from a coach and injure his knee, and his doctor insisted that he refrain from walking. Sir Walter Scott referred to the resulting love letters that passed between Burns and Maclehose as "the most extraordinary mixture of sense and nonsense, and of love human and divine, that was ever exposed to the eye of the world." On or around 8 December he wrote to her to explain his misfortune and pay her compliments, saying: "I can say with truth, Madam, that I never met with a person in my life whom I more anxiously wished to meet again than yourself... I know not how to account for it. I am strangely taken with some people; nor am I often mistaken, You are a stranger to me; but I am an odd being: some yet unnamed feelings; things, not principles, but better than whims, carry me farther than boasted reason ever did a Philosopher." To this epistle Agnes quickly replied: ""I perfectly comprehend... Perhaps instinct comes nearer their description than either "Principles" or "Whims". Think ye they have any connection with that 'heavenly light which leads astray'? One thing I know, that they have a powerful effect on me, and are delightful when under the check of reason and religion... Pardon any little freedoms I take with you."" This strange mixture of encouragement and restraint led to his response to some verses sent by Agnes: "Your lines, I maintain it, are poetry, and good poetry... Friendship... had I been so blest as to have met with you in time, might have led me — God of love only knows where." The use of the word 'love' resulted in a reminder, namely "Do you remember that she whom you address is a married woman?" At Christmas, they exchanged verse, Agnes's poem revealing her feelings about her unhappy marriage, whilst at the same time reminding Burns about the ultimate barriers which could not be crossed: Burns matched these verses to the tune, "The Borders of Spey" for the Scots Musical Museum publication. At this point Burns agreed to Agnes's suggestion of using the Arcadian names of 'Sylvander' and 'Clarinder'. Another mention of love brought an objection and a reproof from Burns: "I do love you if possible still better for having so fine a taste and turn for Poesy. I have again gone wrong in my usual unguarded way, but you may erase the word and put esteem, respect, or any other tame Dutch expression you please in its place." Her guilty feelings however show in the lines: "I entreat you not to mention our corresponding to anyone on earth. Though I've conscious innocence, my situation is a delicate one." The Reverend John Kemp of the sternly Calvinistic congregation of the Tolbooth Kirk, was her spiritual adviser and would certainly not have approved, nor would Lord Craig, whose generosity was essential to her. On 30 December 1787, Burns wrote to a close confidant, Captain Richard Brown at Irvine: "Almighty Love still 'reigns and revels' in my bosom; and I am at this moment ready to hang myself for a young Edinr. Widow, who has wit and beauty more murderously fatal than the assassinating stiletto of the Sicilian banditti, or the poisoned arrow of the savage African." Burns was able to visit Nancy in a sedan chair on 5 January, the first of six visits that month. The love letters and visits continued, the most telling being after they had been together again on the evening of 23 January, Agnes wrote: "I am neither well nor happy. My heart reproaches me of last night. If you wish Clarinda to regain her peace, determine against everything but what the strictest delicacy warrants." On 26 January Burns writes that: "Perhaps the 'line' you had marked was a little infringed," and Agnes replied, "but, though I disapprove, I have not been unhappy about it." Burns's failure to achieve a physical 'conquest' may have directly resulted in his sudden affair with Agnes's personal maid, Jenny Clow, resulting in the birth of a son. A rapid exchange of letters in late February, was the result of either the Reverend Kemp or, more likely, Lord Craig, having sent a "haughty dictatorial letter" about the erosion of his niece's reputation. On Saturday, 23 February, Robert Burns arrived at Willie's Mill in Tarbolton, to see Jean Armour who had left her parents house due to her pregnancy to stay with the Muir family. Burns wrote to Agnes from Mossgiel, saying: "Now for a little news that will please you. I, this morning as I came home, called for a certain woman. I am disgusted with her; I cannot endure her! I, while my heart smote me for the prophanity, tried to compare her with my Clarinda; 'twas setting the expiring glimmer of a farthing taper beside the cloudless glory of the meridian sun. Here was tasteless insipidity, vulgarity of soul, and mercenary fawning; there, polished good sense, heaven-born genius, and the most generous, the most delicate, the most tender Passion. I have done with her, and she with me..." Robert married Jean Armour within six weeks of this letter, something Agnes had urged him to do, a fact however which he left his friend Robert Ainslie to tell her. He had received his commission with the Excise and his marriage may well have been a condition of this appointment. On 6 December 1791 Robert and Agnes met in Edinburgh for the last time; she outlived him by 45 years. Under the date, 6 December 1831, Nancy wrote in her journal: "This day I can never forget. Parted with Burns, in the year 1791, never more to meet in this world. Oh, may we meet in Heaven!" In her old age Agnes Maclehose took great delight in talking of the poems and songs Burns had written in her honour and also of her own verses he had received and approved. On the anniversary of any event concerning Burns, she noted in her journal, "Things I never can forget". Agnes was careful to retain control of the letters after Burns's death. In negotiations with his biographers Alexander Cunningham and John Syme she offered to select passages from his letters to her in exchange for the return of her own; she eventually succeeded in recovering the manuscripts, and only a few passages from Burns's side of the correspondence were published during her lifetime. It was her grandson, W. C. Maclehose, who published in 1843, for the first time legally, both sides of the correspondence, minus some of her letters, which she had apparently destroyed, and some passages from Burns's letters, which according to the preface had been destroyed by frequent handling as Agnes Maclehose showed them to visitors or cut pieces out for autograph hunters. This may partly explain the belief Agnes tampered with many of the dates and names on her letters for some obscure reason of her own. An earlier attempt to publish the "Letters to Clarinda" without permission had been blocked by a Court of Session interdict. Songs. On 27 December, Burns sent a letter to Agnes from Dumfries containing "Ae Fond Kiss". The song celebrates Burns's passion for her, and first appeared in the 'Museum', 1792. The letter is held by National Library of Scotland as part of the Watson Autograph collection of manuscripts. Jean Armour. Jean Armour was well aware of her husband's fondness for Agnes and also knew that he corresponded regularly with her. In 1821 she accepted an invitation to stay with George Thomson in Edinburgh and one of the visitors with whom she had tea was Agnes Maclehose. They talked at length about each other's families and it was clear to her that Agnes had a great fondness for departed husband. Jenny Clow. Jenny Clow was a domestic servant to Agnes Maclehose. Her mistress sent her to deliver a letter to the poet and he seduced her. The twenty-year-old Jenny Clow gave birth in November 1788 to Robert Burns's child, Robert Burns Clow. Whilst he was in Dumfries in November 1791, Robert Burns received a letter from Agnes Mclehose, informing him that Jenny Clow "to all appearances is at this moment dying. Obliged, from all the symptoms of a rapid decay, to quit her service, she is gone to a room almost without common necessaries, untended and unmourned. In circumstances so distressing, to whom can she so naturally look for aid as to the father of her child, the man for whose sake she has suffered many a sad and anxious night, shut from the world, with no other companions than guilt and solitude? You have now an opportunity to evince you indeed possess those fine feelings you have delineated, so as to claim the just admiration of your country. I am convinced I need add nothing farther to persuade you to act as every consideration of humanity must dictate." Burns asked Agnes to get a porter to take five shillings from him to Jenny Clow. May Cameron. In 1787, Robert Burns also had a brief consummated affair with May Cameron, a servant girl working in Edinburgh near to the house of William Creech, Burns's Edinburgh publisher. After a brief relationship with Burns she lost her job and had at first to rely upon the poet for funds. May married her cousin Mungo Forbes in September 1788. Micro-history. On 18 February 1788, Burns wrote to Agnes Maclehose having just met with his brother William Burns and Richard Brown, saying "I have just met with my old friend, the ship captain; guess my pleasure; to meet you could alone have given me more. --- My brother William too, the young Saddler, has come to Glasgow to meet me, and here we three spending the evening. --" The John Miers silhouette of Agnes was made for Burns and was still in his possession at the time of his death. Agnes made a garment for young Robert or "Little Bobbie" and Burns gave this to him upon his return from Edinburgh in 1788. Lord Craig, her cousin, took care of Agnes from age 23 and even after his death via his will, providing for her over a total of 60 years. Lord Craig left a considerable sum of money and his library, on his decease to Agnes's son, Andrew Maclehose. The library was sold shortly before the death of the beneficiare, who had become impoverished. Her second cousin John McLaurin, Lord Dreghorn, treated her poorly. He was the son of the celebrated mathematician, Colin McLaurin. A Scottish musical play entitled "Tea with Clarinda", written by Mike Gibb and Kevin Walsh about Agnes or Nancy McLehose, mainly focusing on her unconsummated love affair with Robert Burns, while also highlighting the poet's relationship with Jenny Clow. Scottish performer and writer Anna Hillis wrote a play about the meeting between Jean (Armour) Burns and Agnes Maclehose. Called "Tea with Clarinda", the play toured Scotland as part of the Homecoming Scotland 2009 celebrations.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=22640981

Tombstone Junction was a small, western town themed park located on Kentucky Route 90 in McCreary County, Kentucky near the Cumberland Falls State Resort Park. It began operating in the 1960s, and continued uninterrupted until the park was heavily damaged by fire in 1989. The park continued with limited operation until it was completely destroyed by a second fire in 1991. The park featured a recreation of a small, western frontier town complete with train station, working saloon, dance hall, jailhouse, shanties, and shops. There was also an outdoor amphitheater which hosted live shows featuring country and western music of the period. The leading attraction at Tombstone Junction was a 2 1/2 mile ride aboard a full-sized standard gauge operating steam train. Background. The park developed from the building and operation of a tourist railroad attraction called the "Cumberland Falls Scenic Railroad" in the 1960s. The railroad was built by Millard and Morris Stephens from nearby Whitley City as an attraction to complement The Falls Motel (also owned by the Stephens) which was near Cumberland Falls State Resort Park, both of which were a very short distance from the park itself. The railroad was built and laid around the edges of a large cut between two mountains that had been filled in enough so that a 2½ mile "L" shaped circle of track could be laid. The building of the Cumberland Falls Scenic Railroad followed a small trend of insular purpose built scenic railroads which were built during the 1960s that developed into full-fledged parks. More famous examples include the "Rebel Railroad" in Pigeon Forge, Tennessee which eventually grew into what is known as the Dollywood theme park today and the Tweetsie Railroad in Blowing Rock, North Carolina, which is still in operation under that name to this day. The specific difference being that these two operations were built to accommodate smaller 36" narrow gauge equipment (as seen in many parks today) while the Cumberland Falls Scenic was a full sized standard gauge railroad. For the second season of operation, the railroad's developers made in-house additions of buildings, shops, and The Red Garter Saloon using help from the local residents. The various stages of development of a functional park were planned out with each season adding new attractions, shops, stores and shows. The town portion of the park went by the operating name of "Tombstone Junction" and the railroad went by the operating name of "Old #77". However, the corporate name for the entire operation was "Cumberland Falls Scenic Railroad, Inc." Locals referred to the park as simply "The Junction." The "Town" and Country Western Environment. Outside of the scenic railroad the park consisted primarily of the "town" area of Tombstone Junction. This consisted of a faux western era town which was entered through a wooden fort entrance which housed the ticket office. The town consisted of the Red Garter Saloon were magic and stage shows were held, an outdoor theater where shows for park guest entertainers were staged, as well as several buildings such as the train station, jail, gift shops, boutiques, etc. A themed building known as "Pa's Cabin" which acted as a poor mans fun house allowed visitors to traverse a wilderness cabin where the interior floor had been slated at a steep angle. There was also a faux grave yard known as "Boot Hill". Local residents were also used as characters to populate the town of Tombstone Junction. The local community was very involved in the park. The park focused on audience-involving stage shows, gunfights, music shows, and a group of gunfighters who interacted with the visitors. This was to make up for the fact that outside of the train ride the park never operated any mechanical rides. Tombstone Junction was perhaps most known for bringing nationally known entertainers to the South Central Kentucky area and offering family entertainment to the area for a reasonable price. Entertainers such as The Judds, Randy Travis, Dolly Parton, Kenny Rogers, Barbara Mandrell, Conway Twitty, and Loretta Lynn were part of the Sunday Concert Series that took place every Sunday from April to October. Every Sunday brought a famous recording artist or band to The Junction and they performed on the Outdoor Stage. The Cumberland Falls Scenic Railroad AKA Old 77. Old #77. The park's biggest attraction was "Old #77", a full-sized fully operational standard gauge steam train. Passengers boarded and departed at the park's only station. This was situated almost directly in the center of the park and served as a focal point for the rest of the operation. The station also housed the park's business offices where files were kept and housed an extensive collection of autographed photos from country-western stars that had visited the park. The route was a 2½ mile "L" shaped self-contained loop of track with the town of Tombstone Junction on one end that traveled through the wooded hills of the Falls area and came back again. The line featured steep overlooks, sharp turns, and rough track. It was actually a very close representation of what riding a hastily laid early 20th century rail line would have been. A prominent feature of the line was a steep grade the locomotive had to traverse just before the train would complete the loop and return to the park station. The grade started at 4% which then rose to 6% and the finally a short stretch that abruptly rose to 8% just before the train had to make an extremely tight 180 degree turn in front of the station to get positioned for the next trip. This turn being so tight that the grab irons on the fireman's side of the tender would scrape the grab irons on the back of the cab. This made for fantastic smoke and sound as the rod engine worked hard on what normally would have been a geared locomotive environment. The 180-degree turn the line made in front of the train station was so tight that running the locomotive through it occasionally proved problematic. On one specific occasion the locomotive was being operated by engineer Bill Johnson and fireman Don Vanover, the locomotives sanders had accidentally been left on as it entered the curve which caused the drivers to "bite" the rail, this caused the locomotive to physically lift itself up and off the track. The derailment occurred next to the amphitheater stage just prior to the start of a Loretta Lynn performance. This was at the top of the 8% grade that the train had to pull which made re-railing the locomotive difficult. At the trips halfway point, the ride featured a train robbery where the train was stopped by "bandits" who would rob the train until the Tombstone Junction sheriff rode up and had a drawing match with the ringleader. The winner varied. The "robbery" was held at the bottom of the grade and was not only for the entertainment of the tourists, but also gave the engine crew time to service the engine and build a full head of steam to pull the steep mountain grade back into the park. Additional to the ride loop was a short spur which lead to a small "yard" containing a storage track for additional equipment and a short track into a maintenance shed. Locomotives and Cars. The park owned three steam locomotives. When the railroad was originally built in the 1960s, two former U.S. Army 0-6-0T saddle tank locomotives were purchased as Army surplus with the idea that they would power the train ride. These locomotives were U.S. Army #5002 and #5014, both USATC S100 class tank engines, built by H.K. Porter & Co. in 1942. However, the steep grades proved too much for these engines and their use was abandoned almost from the start. These engines were moved to a spare equipment track next to the parks maintenance shed were they were displayed until the parks closing. The third engine and the one that proved powerful enough to pull the train over the steep grades was a 90-ton 0-6-0 ALCO switcher originally built for the Union Railroad in Pennsylvania as their #77. #77 was a USRA design that had actually been developed by LIMA, but was contracted to be built by the American Locomotive Company at its Schenectady, New York works in January 1944 (serial number 71323). It was later sold to the Morehead and North Fork Railroad in Morehead, KY as their #14. After the M&NF dieselized on April 1, 1963, #14 was purchased for the park from the M&NF and renumbered back to #77. #77 was moved by rail from Morehead to the Kentucky and Tennessee Railway yards at Stearns, Kentucky. From there it was trucked into the park where it was put into operation on the tourist railroad. The locomotives were hand painted and usually featured a paint scheme consisting of flat black and large hand painted banners with "Cumberland Falls Scenic RailRoad" in large block letters during the parks earliest years. Sometime in the 1970s this herald was changed to "Tombstone Junction Railroad" The 5 passenger cars were modified wooden B&O Railroad cabooses. These had the cupolas removed, large open windows cut out of the sides, and seating installed from old scrapped school buses. The cars were painted a bright shade of red with large painted banners reading "Cumberland Falls Scenic Railroad" attached to the sides during the parks earliest years. In later years the coaches were painted each a bright shade of orange, blue, yellow, and green with a hand painted banner reading "Tombstone Junction". The 5th coach retained its original red color but saw less and less service in the parks later years and was usually seen on a side track as an "extra" coach. Also on site was an old open top hopper car of unknown origin presumably used as ballast spreader car. This was kept on a siding next to the displayed 0-6-0T saddle tankers during the parks operation. After Tombstone Junction ceased operation, the rail equipment was sold at auction. Harmon Taylor of Stearns, KY bought the 0-6-0 Alco "Old 77" so that it would stay in McCreary County. The two smaller locomotives were sold to other interests. Number 77 as of 2018 is located in the old steam shop building of the Kentucky & Tennessee Railway in Stearns, KY. An attempt was made to restore the locomotive to operation for use on the Big South Fork Scenic Railway which operates over the K&T's tracks. Several years of restoration efforts ultimately failed to bring the locomotive back to operation. Major faults with project management ultimately led to the restoration effort being dropped after the expenditure of over 1.5 million dollars with a significant portion of that being provided by public funds. The engine was placed in storage in the back of steam shop building in a disassembled state. The restoration also resulted in the loss of a lot of the engines "original fabric" from the park days as the original tender was completely scrapped save for the steel deck and rebuilt new, the original cab was scrapped, as well as the original smoke box and major portions of plumbing deemed unfit for service. 0-6-0T #5002 was sold to a private collector who stored it at the Kentucky Railway Museum in New Haven, KY for several years. In 2016 it was moved from KRM to the Colebrookdale Railroad in Pennsylvania where a restoration effort has been begun on it. 0-6-0T #5014 was sold to the California State Railroad Museum where it was used as a parts source in restoring their 0-6-0T Granite Rock Co. #10. Afterwards the remaining hulk of that locomotive were donated to a historical organization which placed it on display in Goldfield, Nevada. The coaches and ballast car were scrapped on site after auction. Red Garter Saloon & Outdoor Amphitheater Shows. Stage shows were produced in The Red Garter Saloon and the outdoor stage. The first Red Garter Saloon represented a "movie western" saloon featuring a main floor surrounded by an upper deck with more tables for extra seating. It also featured a saloon-type bar for beverage sales. In the center of the saloon was a large elevated stage complete with ornamental curtains where the shows were staged. This building was where all of the music shows for the house band were performed. There were also special Saturday Night Concerts offered by the house band during the Summer which was a separate ticket event that took place after the "town" area of the park had closed for the day. This saloon burned near the end of the 1974 season. When the 1975 season opened a new Red Garter Saloon opened with a raised stage on the south end and a fast food counter at the north end of the first floor. The second floor of the Saloon housed apartments where members of the Stephens family (park owners) lived during the summer season. Another change occurred when the new saloon opened in that the house band's music shows moved to a new outdoor amphitheater stage and the new Red Garter Saloon became the permanent home of the magic shows. Three world-class magicians who "learned the ropes" of entertaining by beginning their professional careers at Tombstone Junction are Lance Burton, Mac King and Whit “Pop” Haydn. During their years at The Junction these soon-to-be-famous magicians performed three shows a day in The Red Garter Saloon. The outdoor amphitheater was where concerts were held starring local bands as well as famous name stars from the country and western music genre. Regulars included Conway Twitty and Loretta Lynn. The theater was an octagonal structure with a roof supported by posts covering rows of bench seats that spread from the stage in three tiers. There were no walls except the three that covered the back portion of the stage to force sound out into the crowd. There was no floor as the roof and stage were simply built over an open spot of gravel. The saloon was damaged in 1989 by a fire that started the path to the parks closing; however concerts continued using the amphitheater until the park was fully shut down in 1991. Decline. The park was a popular local attraction but began to decline in the late 1980s. A number of reasons lead to the parks demise which included: The deaths of Millard and Morris Stephens, who were the heart, soul, and visionaries for the park. Millard Stephens died in November 1974 and Morris Stephens died in August 1976. The economy of the area which the park was located was based almost entirely on the coal mining industry. The Kentucky coal industry basically imploded in the late 1980s with vast local economic turn down which continued far into the 1990s and in some places still continues to this day. This resulted in the parks local base (which was its primary support) being slashed as jobs and money dried up. The rise of nearby Dollywood and Pigeon Forge, Tennessee as well as Gatlinburg, Tennessee reforming itself as the tourist Mecca that it remains today hurt attendance at Tombstone as well. The small park simply didn't have anything to offer that wasn't available (plus much more) as these places that were basically only a couple of extra hours down the road. The remaining Stephens Family sold the park to another party in the spring of 1989. In late 1989 the park suffered a severe fire which served as the catalyst for the final downfall. The End of the Park. The park was heavily damaged by a fire in late 1989. The Red Garter Saloon was destroyed as well as several town buildings. The park operated in a limited fashion directly after the 1989 fire, hosting outdoor concerts and operating the train ride. However, a second fire in late 1990 or early 1991 destroyed the rest of the park except for some out-buildings and the train. With a dwindling customer base and no capital to rebuild the decision to end the operation was made. In 1992, what was left of the park was sold off at auction. The Kentucky & Tennessee Railway in nearby Stearns, KY bought the track and a scrap company bought the old converted wooden cabooses. This resulted in the parks final notable incident. During the scrapping process of the wooden coaches, the bodies of the cars were accidentally set on fire with a cutting torch with the fire quickly getting out of hand. In a panic the scrap company employee not wishing to get blamed for damaging the #77 locomotive too which the cars were still attached pulled the coupling between the cars and the locomotive as well as quickly cut safety cables in the hopes the cars would roll away from the locomotive. The cars now fully ablaze not only rolled away from the locomotive but continued to roll down the steep grade leading out of the park heading to the other end of the track loop. At the bottom of the hill, workers from the K&T Railway had begun the process of removing the rail. The cars ran into the removed track and piled on top of each other burning up in a heap. The remaining steel was scrapped on site. The Park Today. As of 2019, very little remains of Tombstone Junction. Mainly what is left is the bi-level parking lot and the rusting entrance gate. There is also the foundation of the saloon and the water stand pipe used to fill the locomotive's boiler for the train ride is still in place. The most well preserved piece is "Pa's Cabin", the small cabin built with a tilted interior. This structure stood in relatively good condition until 2007. Since then, the roof has completely caved in. The train station stood until the early 2000s when it was burned down by vandals. The concrete vault built inside the station still remains sitting on its foundation. The parks repair shop barn stood until around 2005 when it was also burned down by vandals. Crossties and ballast from the railroad can still be found in certain spots. The large sign that greeted people at the parking lot entrance located on KY 90 stood until around 2004–2005. It featured a large painted portrait of a gunslinger under an arched herald reading "Tombstone Jct". Under which a gas station like sign with moveable letters read what acts were playing in a particular week. This stood in reasonable condition through the 1990s but began to deteriorate quickly in the 2000s until collapsing completely. Some of the phone poles used to support the sign have been dragged over into the entrance-way in addition to large piles of chipped wood to hinder traffic from curious onlookers. Photos and Video. Another unique feature of Tombstone Junction is the rarity of photographs and almost utter lack of home video of the park in operation. Some photos are available among several blog websites of people who remember the park. These photos are usually from the 1970s era and mostly consist of pictures of and from the train. Pictures of the actual park are even rarer. Home video of the park is almost non-existent; however, there is a rare video taken by the engineer of the train ride in 1989 just before the first fire and features probably the best (if short) views of the park in its last days of operation. The rest of the video consists of run-bys of the train as well as a trip around the entire track loop from the cab of the locomotive. This video can be found on YouTube if one searches the parks name.

initial backing

8050-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=19978198

Aruba requires its residents to register their motor vehicles and display vehicle registration plates. The island is one of the last jurisdictions in the world to continue issuing new plates each year rather than showing re-validation through stickers or other documentation. The license plates have been changed annually since 1950. Only until 1958 the name "ARUBA N.A." was displayed on it. In 1976 the slogan "ISLA DI CARNAVAL" (English :"Island of Carnaval") was added. The slogan was changed again in 1983 to display "ONE HAPPY ISLAND". Following Aruba's independence from the Netherlands Antilles the name "ARUBA N.A." was changed to "ARUBA". Since 2011 the word "ARUBA" was changed to "aruba.com". The plate itself is valid for the first half of the year, and then a metal tab is added to indicate validity during the second half of the year. This tab is painted in the reverse color scheme as the plate and displays the same serial number as the plate. From 2019 onwards the FE-Schrift or Fälschungserschwerende Schrift is used as the font for all vehicle registration plates of Aruba. Following this change in the font, the name "aruba.com" will be changed to "ARUBA.COM" in all capitals. This is the first time since 1993 that the licence plates have underwent a drastic change in the use of its font. 1931 to 1957. While license plates in Aruba may have been issued as early as 1924, few of these plates are known to exist. All plates issued through 1957 appear to have been in height by in width. 1958 to 1975. In 1958 Aruba changed their license plate size to the North American standard plate size of 152 × 300 mm (6 × 12 inches). At the same time the words "ARUBA N.A." appeared at the top of the plate. Prior to 1958 the country name had not appeared on the plates. The long bolt slots introduced in 1960 allowed the use of 1/2 year validation tabs. Whether these tabs were issued from 1960 to 1963 is not known, but tabs for 1964 and all years since are known to exist. 1976 to 2003. In 1976 new license plates were introduced with the slogan "ISLA DI CARNIVAL" centered at the bottom. The year was simultaneously re-positioned vertically at the far right into two sets of numbers separated by a bolt hole. The slogan was changed again in 1983 to "ONE HAPPY ISLAND" after the Kingdom of the Netherlands agreed to grant Aruba its independence. 2004 to present. In 2004 the year of the license plate was moved to the left side, and it became hidden behind the semi-annual validation tab when the tab was placed onto the plate. This change allows the serial number to be moved farther to the right when five digit plates are used. Type codes. The codes in the chart below are currently displayed as the first character in the serial number and identify the type of vehicle the license plate is registered to.

extreme opposite of left

5794-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=108723

The Office québécois de la langue française (OQLF; ) is a public organization established on 24 March 1961, by the Liberal government of Jean Lesage. Attached to the Ministère de la Culture et des Communications du Québec, its initial mission, defined in its report of 1 April 1964, was "to align on international French, promote good Canadianisms and fight Anglicisms ... work on the normalization of the language in Quebec and support State intervention to carry out a global language policy that would consider notably the importance of socio-economic motivations in making French the priority language in Quebec". Its mandate was enlarged by the 1977 Charter of the French Language, which also established two other organizations: the "Commission de toponymie" (Commission of Toponymy) and the "Conseil supérieur de la langue française" (Superior Council of the French Language). History. The creation of a "Board of the French language" ("Régie de la langue française") was one of the recommendations of the Tremblay Royal Commission of Inquiry on Constitutional Problems which published its five-volume report in 1956. Such an institution was part of the list of 46 vows formulated by the Second Congress on the French Language in Canada held in Quebec City in 1937. In 1961, the "Act to establish the Department of Cultural Affairs" was passed providing for the creation of the "Office of the French Language" (OLF). The organization had as its mission the assurance of the correct usage French and enrichment of the spoken and written language. In 1969, the "Act to promote the French language" was passed. This law expanded the mandate of the office and introduced the notion of the right to work in French. In 1974, the "Official Language Act" was passed aiming to strengthen the status and use of French in Quebec and gives the office a decisive role in the implementation of its provisions. In 1977, the Charter of the French Language was passed. The first mandatory language law, it incorporates several elements of the Official Language Act, which it broadens, and substantially enhances the status of the French language in Quebec. For its implementation, the Charter establishes, in addition to the "Office de la langue française", the "Commission de toponymie", the "Commission de surveillance et des enquêtes" and the "Conseil de la langue française". The office was renamed as the "Office québécois de la langue française" (OQLF) pursuant to the adoption of Bill 104 by the National Assembly of Quebec on 12 June 2003, which also merged the OLF with the "Commission de protection de la langue française" (Commission of protection of the French language) and part of the "Conseil supérieur de la langue française". Two new mandates, the handling of complaints and the monitoring of the linguistic situation, were then entrusted to the OQLF. The organization has also instituted two committees each chaired by a member of the Board: the Linguistic Officialization Committee and the Language Status Monitoring Committee. Mission and powers. Sections 159 to 164 of the Québec Charter of the French Language defines the mission and powers of the commission. : In 2004, the organization had a yearly budget of $17.8 million. In 2005-2006, the budget rose to $18.5 million, in 2007-2008 to $19.0 million and to $24.453 million in 2018-2019. Members. In July 2020, the OQLF's eight members, appointed by the government for a maximum of five years, were: Services. Following its mandates, the OQLF offers the following services to the population of Quebec: Awards. Many distinctions are given by the OQLF to reward persons and organizations contributing to keeping French alive. They are given as part of the "Grand gala des Mérites du français" which occurs each year, usually in March during the FrancoFête. The OQLF rewards outstanding francization efforts by persons and organizations. For over 20 years, it has been awarding the "Mérites du français au travail et dans le commerce" (French Merits at work and in commerce). Since 1998, it awards the "Mérites du français dans les technologies de l’information" (French Merits in information technologies). Since 1999, in collaboration with the Union des artistes (UDA), the Union des écrivaines et des écrivains québécois (UNEQ) and the Société des auteurs de radio, télévision et cinéma (SARTEC), the OQLF awards the "Mérites du français dans la culture" (French Merits in culture). Since 1999, supplanting the former "Mérite de la langue française" (French language Merit), it awards the Prix Camille-Laurin to underline a person's effort in promoting the usefulness of quality of French in his/her social milieu. Since 2005, in collaboration with the and the Mouvement national des Québécoises et des Québécois, it awards the "" to a French writer for his or her first work. In collaboration with Québec Ministry of Immigration, it awards the "Mérites en francisation des nouveaux arrivants" (Merits in Francization of new immigrants). One is for a "non-francophone immigrant person", another for a "person working in the field on francization of immigrants", a "Community of institutional partner of francization", and a "business". The president of the OQLF presides the Jury of the "Dictée des Amériques" (Dictée of the Americas), an international competition of French spelling created by Télé-Québec in 1994. Complaints. Quebec citizens who believe their right as consumers "to be informed and served in French" is not being respected can file a complaint to the OQLF which is responsible for processing these complaints. As per Section 168 of the Charter, the complaint must be written and contain the identity of the complainant. The Office does however ensure privacy of information as per the "Act respecting Access to documents held by public bodies and the Protection of personal information". The OQLF does not have the power to send an agent unless it has received a complaint or a vote by the members of the OQLF. The statistics compiled by the OQLF for 2005–2006 reveal that some 1306 complainants filed 3652 complaints. 1078 (29.5%) complaints were from the region of Montreal, 883 (24.2%) from the region of Outaouais, 386 (10.6%) from Montérégie. Section 51, the language of products (labelling, packaging, instructions manuals, directions, warranty certificates) (article 51) amounted to 43.0% of the total. 13.8% were for breaches of Section 52, language of catalogues, pamphlets, business directories, and 9.6% were for breaches of Sections 2 and 5, the language of service. Between 1 April 2005 and 31 March 2006, the OQLF closed 2899 complaints. There were 797 resolved cases, 523 unfounded complaints, 430 where the product was ultimately retracted from the market, 199 complaints found to be out of order, 183 cases of translated products. For the year 2006, there were 127 infractions ranging from $250 to $5000. Perception. The OQLF was created to enforce the everyday use of the French language in Quebec. The OQLF promoted the Quebec Charter of the French Language, and, prior to 1988, was responsible for enforcing a regulation whereby French was the only language authorized on outdoor commercial signage. After multiple successful legal challenges, the role of the OQLF has since changed to ensuring French is the "predominant" language, meaning at least twice the size of any and all other languages. The OQLF has been referred to in English as 'tongue troopers'. The term "language police" was possibly first used by the American television show "60 Minutes", which ran an investigative report on Quebec language laws. Legally, the organization has no police powers, instead relying on the threat of fines or the withholding of the company's "francisation certificate" as enforcement techniques. According to the statistics of the OQLF, 95% of all complaints by citizens which are judged to be valid are resolved without resorting to legal sanction. In an average year, the OQLF receives between 3000 and 4000 complaints from citizens. Forty to fifty percent of these complaints have to do with commercial products for which there is no available French manual or packaging, 25% have to do with signage in stores, 10% with websites and 5% with the language of service. The majority of criticism directed at the OQLF is due to a perceived overzealous nature in the application of its mandate. Some recent examples include: One case that gained international attention in 2013 was dubbed "Pastagate", in which the OQLF cited an Italian restaurant for using the word "Pasta" on its menu instead of the French word "pâtes". After receiving negative coverage throughout the world including the US and Europe, the OQLF eventually backed down, admitting to being "overzealous" and stating they will perform a review of the way these types of complaints are handled. Today. Originally, the Charter of the French Language (Bill 101) required that all commercial signage be in French and no other language. In 1988 "Ford v. Quebec" the Supreme Court of Canada ruled this was against the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. After massive protests in support of the legislation, the Bourassa Government invoked section Thirty-three of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the notwithstanding clause), allowing the language laws to override the rights and freedoms charter for a period of five years, after which they would be reviewed. In 1993, the United Nations Human Rights Committee concluded in "Ballantyne, Davidson, McIntyre v. Canada" that it was outside of the Quebec government's jurisdiction to limit freedom of expression in a language of the person's choice. (See Legal dispute over Quebec's language policy.) Also in 1993, but not due to the UNHR ruling, Quebec reviewed the law and modified its language regulations to require that French be "markedly predominant" on exterior business signs, as suggested by the Supreme Court of Canada ruling in the case of "Ford v. Quebec".

articulated and inscribed dialect

4366-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25067088

Soldering (AmE: , BrE: ) is a process in which two or more items are joined together by melting and putting a filler metal (solder) into the joint, the filler metal having a lower melting point than the adjoining metal. Unlike welding, soldering does not involve melting the work pieces. In brazing, the work piece metal also does not melt, but the filler metal is one that melts at a higher temperature than in soldering. In the past, nearly all solders contained lead, but environmental and health concerns have increasingly dictated use of lead-free alloys for electronics and plumbing purposes. Origins. There is evidence that soldering was employed as early as 5,000 years ago in Mesopotamia. Soldering and brazing are thought to have originated very early in the history of metal-working, probably before 4000 BC. Sumerian swords from were assembled using hard soldering. Soldering was historically used to make jewelry, cookware and cooking tools, assembling stained glass, as well as other uses. Applications. Soldering is used in plumbing, electronics, and metalwork from flashing to jewelry and musical instruments. Soldering provides reasonably permanent but reversible connections between copper pipes in plumbing systems as well as joints in sheet metal objects such as food cans, roof flashing, rain gutters and automobile radiators. Jewelry components, machine tools and some refrigeration and plumbing components are often assembled and repaired by the higher temperature silver soldering process. Small mechanical parts are often soldered or brazed as well. Soldering is also used to join lead came and copper foil in stained glass work. Electronic soldering connects electrical wiring to devices, and electronic components to printed circuit boards. Electronic connections may be hand-soldered with a soldering iron. Automated methods such as wave soldering or use of ovens can make many joints on a complex circuit board in one operation, vastly reducing production cost of electronic devices. Musical instruments, especially brass and woodwind instruments, use a combination of soldering and brazing in their assembly. Brass bodies are often soldered together, while keywork and braces are most often brazed. Solderability. The solderability of a substrate is a measure of the ease with which a soldered joint can be made to that material. Some metals are easier to solder than others. Copper, silver, and gold are easy. Iron, mild steel and nickel are next in difficulty. Because of their thin, strong oxide films, stainless steel and some aluminium alloys are even more difficult to solder. Titanium, magnesium, cast irons, some high-carbon steels, ceramics, and graphite can be soldered but it involves a process similar to joining carbides: they are first plated with a suitable metallic element that induces interfacial bonding. Solders. Soldering filler materials are available in many different alloys for differing applications. In electronics assembly, the eutectic alloy with 63% tin and 37% lead (or 60/40, which is almost identical in melting point) has been the alloy of choice. Other alloys are used for plumbing, mechanical assembly, and other applications. Some examples of soft-solder are tin-lead for general purposes, tin-zinc for joining aluminium, lead-silver for strength at higher than room temperature, cadmium-silver for strength at high temperatures, zinc-aluminium for aluminium and corrosion resistance, and tin-silver and tin-bismuth for electronics. A eutectic formulation has advantages when applied to soldering: the liquidus and solidus temperatures are the same, so there is no plastic phase, and it has the lowest possible melting point. Having the lowest possible melting point minimizes heat stress on electronic components during soldering. And, having no plastic phase allows for quicker wetting as the solder heats up, and quicker setup as the solder cools. A non-eutectic formulation must remain still as the temperature drops through the liquidus and solidus temperatures. Any movement during the plastic phase may result in cracks, resulting in an unreliable joint. Common solder formulations based on tin and lead are listed below. The fraction represent percentage of tin first, then lead, totaling 100%: For environmental reasons (and the introduction of regulations such as the European RoHS (Restriction of Hazardous Substances Directive), lead-free solders are becoming more widely used. They are also suggested anywhere young children may come into contact with (since young children are likely to place things into their mouths), or for outdoor use where rain and other precipitation may wash the lead into the groundwater. Unfortunately, most lead-free solders are not eutectic formulations, melting at around , making it more difficult to create reliable joints with them. Other common solders include low-temperature formulations (often containing bismuth), which are often used to join previously-soldered assemblies without unsoldering earlier connections, and high-temperature formulations (usually containing silver) which are used for high-temperature operation or for first assembly of items which must not become unsoldered during subsequent operations. Alloying silver with other metals changes the melting point, adhesion and wetting characteristics, and tensile strength. Of all the brazing alloys, silver solders have the greatest strength and the broadest applications. Specialty alloys are available with properties such as higher strength, the ability to solder aluminum, better electrical conductivity, and higher corrosion resistance. Flux. The purpose of flux is to facilitate the soldering process. One of the obstacles to a successful solder joint is an impurity at the site of the joint; for example, dirt, oil or oxidation. The impurities can be removed by mechanical cleaning or by chemical means, but the elevated temperatures required to melt the filler metal (the solder) encourages the work piece (and the solder) to re-oxidize. This effect is accelerated as the soldering temperatures increase and can completely prevent the solder from joining to the workpiece. One of the earliest forms of flux was charcoal, which acts as a reducing agent and helps prevent oxidation during the soldering process. Some fluxes go beyond the simple prevention of oxidation and also provide some form of chemical cleaning (corrosion). Many fluxes also act as a wetting agent in the soldering process, reducing the surface tension of the molten solder and causing it to flow and wet the workpieces more easily. For many years, the most common type of flux used in electronics (soft soldering) was rosin-based, using the rosin from selected pine trees. It was nearly ideal in that it was non-corrosive and non-conductive at normal temperatures but became mildly reactive (corrosive) at elevated soldering temperatures. Plumbing and automotive applications, among others, typically use an acid-based (hydrochloric acid) flux which provides rather aggressive cleaning of the joint. These fluxes cannot be used in electronics because their residues are conductive leading to unintended electrical connections, and because they will eventually dissolve small diameter wires. Citric acid is an excellent water-soluble acid-type flux for copper and electronics but must be washed off afterwards. Fluxes for soft solder are currently available in three basic formulations: Flux performance must be carefully evaluated for best results; a very mild 'no-clean' flux might be perfectly acceptable for production equipment, but not give adequate performance for more variable hand-soldering operations. Heating methods. Different types of soldering tools are made for specific applications. The required heat can be generated from burning fuel or from an electrically operated heating element. Another method for soldering is to place solder at the locations of joints in the object to be soldered, then heat the entire object in an oven to melt the solder. The electric soldering iron is widely used for hand-soldering. It can be fitted with a variety of tips, ranging from blunt, to very fine, to chisel heads for hot-cutting plastics rather than soldering. The simplest irons do not have temperature regulation. Small irons rapidly cool when used to solder to, say, a metal chassis, while large irons have tips too cumbersome for working on printed circuit boards (PCBs) and similar fine work. A 25-watt iron will not provide enough heat for large electrical connectors, joining copper roof flashing, or large stained-glass lead came. On the other hand, a 100-watt iron may provide too much heat for PCBs. Temperature-controlled irons have a reserve of power and can maintain temperature over a wide range of work. The soldering gun heats faster but has a larger and heavier body. Gas-powered irons using a catalytic tip to heat a bit, without flame, are used for portable applications. Hot-air guns and pencils allow rework of component packages which cannot easily be performed with electric irons and guns. For non-electronic applications, soldering torches use a flame rather than a soldering tip to heat solder. Soldering torches are often powered by butane and are available in sizes ranging from very small butane/oxygen units suitable for very fine but high-temperature jewelry work, to full-size oxy-fuel torches suitable for much larger work such as copper piping. Common multipurpose propane torches, the same kind used for heat-stripping paint and thawing pipes, can be used for soldering pipes and other fairly large objects either with or without a soldering tip attachment; pipes are generally soldered with a torch by directly applying the open flame. A soldering copper is a tool with a large copper head and a long handle which is heated in a blacksmith's forge fire and used to apply heat to sheet metal for soldering. Typical soldering coppers have heads weighing between one and four pounds. The head provides a large thermal mass to store enough heat for soldering large areas before needing re-heating in the fire; the larger the head, the longer the working time. Historically, soldering coppers were standard tools used in auto bodywork, although body solder has been mostly superseded by spot welding for mechanical connection, and non-metallic fillers for contouring. Toaster ovens and hand-held infrared lights have been used by hobbyists to replicate production soldering processes on a much smaller scale. During WW2 and for some time afterwards SOE forces used small pyrotechnic self-soldering joints to make connections for the remote detonation of demolition and sabotage explosives. These consisted of a small copper tube partially filled with solder and a slow-burning pyrotechnic composition wrapped around the tube. The wires to be joined would be inserted into the tube and a small blob of ignition compound allowed the device to be struck like a match to ignite the pyrotechnic and heat the tube for long enough to melt the solder and make the joint. Laser soldering. "Laser soldering" is a technique where a 30–50 W laser is used to melt and solder an electrical connection joint. Diode laser systems based on semiconductor junctions are used for this purpose. Suzanne Jenniches patented laser soldering in 1980. Wavelengths are typically 808 nm through 980 nm. The beam is delivered via an optical fiber to the workpiece, with fiber diameters 800 µm and smaller. Since the beam out of the end of the fiber diverges rapidly, lenses are used to create a suitable spot size on the workpiece at a suitable working distance. A wire feeder is used to supply solder. Both lead-tin and silver-tin material can be soldered. Process recipes will differ depending on the alloy composition. For soldering 44-pin chip carriers to a board using soldering preforms, power levels were on the order of 10 watts and solder times approximately 1 second. Low power levels can lead to incomplete wetting and the formation of voids, both of which can weaken the joint. Induction soldering. Induction soldering uses induction heating by high-frequency alternating current in a surrounding copper coil. This induces currents in the part being soldered, which generates heat because of the higher resistance of a joint versus its surrounding metal (resistive heating). These copper coils can be shaped to fit the joint more precisely. A filler metal (solder) is placed between the facing surfaces, and this solder melts at a fairly low temperature. Fluxes are commonly used in induction soldering. This technique is particularly suited to continuously soldering, in which case these coils wrap around a cylinder or a pipe that needs to be soldered. Fiber focus infrared soldering. Fiber focus infrared soldering is technique where many infrared sources are led through fibers, then focused onto a single spot at which the connection is soldered. Resistance soldering. Resistance soldering is soldering in which the heat required to flow the solder is created by passing an electric current through the solder. When current is conducted through a resistive material a certain level of heat is generated. By regulating the amount of current conducted and the level of resistance encountered, the amount of heat produced can be predetermined and controlled. Electrical resistance (usually described as a material's opposition to the flow of an electric current) is used to convert electric energy into thermal energy as an electric current ("I") conducted through a material with resistance ("R") releases power ("P") equal to "P" = "I""R", where "P" is the power measured in watts, "I" is the current measured in amperes and "R" is the resistance measured in ohms. Resistance soldering is unlike using a conduction iron, where heat is produced within an element and then passed through a thermally conductive tip into the joint area. A cold soldering iron requires time to reach working temperature and must be kept hot between solder joints. Thermal transfer may be inhibited if the tip is not kept properly wetted during use. With resistance soldering an intense heat can be rapidly developed directly within the joint area and in a tightly controlled manner. This allows a faster ramp up to the required solder melt temperature and minimizes thermal travel away from the solder joint, which helps to minimize the potential for thermal damage to materials or components in the surrounding area. Heat is only produced while each joint is being made, making resistance soldering more energy efficient. Resistance soldering equipment, unlike conduction irons, can be used for difficult soldering and brazing applications where significantly higher temperatures may be required. This makes resistance comparable to flame soldering in some situations. When the required temperature can be achieved by either flame or resistance methods the resistance heat is more localized because of direct contact, whereas the flame will spread thus heating a potentially larger area. Active soldering. Flux-less soldering with aid of conventional soldering iron, ultrasonic soldering iron or specialized solder pot and active solder that contains an active element, most often titanium, zirconium or chromium. The active elements, owing to mechanical activation, react with the surface of the materials generally considered difficult to solder without premetallization. The active solders can be protected against excessive oxidation of their active element by addition of rare-earth elements with higher affinity to oxygen (typically cerium or lanthanum). Another common additive is gallium – usually introduced as a wetting promoter. Mechanical activation, needed for active soldering, can be performed by brushing (for example with use of stainless wire brush or steel spatula) or ultrasonic vibration (20–60 kHz). Active soldering has been shown to effectively bond ceramics, aluminium, titanium, silicon, graphite and carbon nanotube based structures at temperatures lower than 450 °C or use of protective atmosphere. Soldering vs. brazing. There are three forms of soldering, each requiring progressively higher temperatures and producing an increasingly stronger joint strength: The alloy of the filler metal for each type of soldering can be adjusted to modify the melting temperature of the filler. Soldering differs from gluing significantly in that the filler metals directly bond with the surfaces of the workpieces at the junction to form a bond that is both electrically conductive and gas- and liquid-tight. Soft soldering is characterized by having a melting point of the filler metal below approximately , whereas silver soldering and brazing use higher temperatures, typically requiring a flame or carbon arc torch to achieve the melting of the filler. Soft solder filler metals are typically alloys (often containing lead) that have liquidus temperatures below . In this soldering process, heat is applied to the parts to be joined, causing the solder to melt and to bond to the workpieces in a surface alloying process called wetting. In stranded wire, the solder is drawn up into the wire between the strands by capillary action in a process called 'wicking'. Capillary action also takes place when the workpieces are very close together or touching. The joint's tensile strength is dependent on the filler metal used; in electrical soldering little tensile strength comes from the added solder which is why it is advised that wires be twisted or folded together before soldering to provide some mechanical strength for a joint. A good solder joint produces an electrically-conductive, water- and gas-tight join. Each type of solder offers advantages and disadvantages. Soft solder is so called because of the soft lead that is its primary ingredient. Soft soldering uses the lowest temperatures (and so thermally stresses components the least) but does not make a strong joint and is unsuitable for mechanical load-bearing applications. It is also unsuitable for high-temperature applications as it loses strength, and eventually melts. Silver soldering, as used by jewelers, machinists and in some plumbing applications, requires the use of a torch or other high-temperature source, and is much stronger than soft soldering. Brazing provides the strongest of the non-welded joints but also requires the hottest temperatures to melt the filler metal, requiring a torch or other high temperature source and darkened goggles to protect the eyes from the bright light produced by the white-hot work. It is often used to repair cast-iron objects, wrought-iron furniture, etc. Soldering operations can be performed with hand tools, one joint at a time, or "en masse" on a production line. Hand soldering is typically performed with a soldering iron, soldering gun, or a torch, or occasionally a hot-air pencil. Sheetmetal work was traditionally done with "soldering coppers" directly heated by a flame, with sufficient stored heat in the mass of the soldering copper to complete a joint; gas torches (e.g. butane or propane) or electrically-heated soldering irons are more convenient. All soldered joints require the same elements of cleaning of the metal parts to be joined, fitting up the joint, heating the parts, applying flux, applying the filler, removing heat and holding the assembly still until the filler metal has completely solidified. Depending on the nature of flux material used and the application, cleaning of the joint may be required after it has cooled. Each solder alloy has characteristics that work best for certain applications, notably strength and conductivity, and each type of solder and alloy has different melting temperatures. The term "silver solder" denotes the type of solder that is used. Some soft solders are "silver-bearing" alloys used to solder silver-plated items. Lead-based solders should not be used on precious metals because the lead dissolves the metal and disfigures it. Soldering and brazing. The distinction between soldering and brazing is based on the melting temperature of the filler alloy. A temperature of 450 °C is usually used as a practical demarcation between soldering and brazing. Soft soldering can be done with a heated iron whereas the other methods typically require a higher temperature torch or a furnace to melt the filler metal. Different equipment is usually required since a soldering iron cannot achieve high enough temperatures for hard soldering or brazing. Brazing filler metal is stronger than silver solder, which is stronger than lead-based soft solder. Brazing solders are formulated primarily for strength, silver solder is used by jewelers to protect the precious metal and by machinists and refrigeration technicians for its tensile strength but lower melting temperature than brazing, and the primary benefit of soft solder is the low temperature used (to prevent heat damage to electronic components and insulation). Since the joint is produced using a metal with a lower melting temperature than the workpiece, the joint will weaken as the ambient temperature approaches the melting point of the filler metal. For that reason, the higher temperature processes produce joints which are effective at higher temperatures. Brazed connections can be as strong or nearly as strong as the parts they connect, even at elevated temperatures. Silver soldering. "Hard soldering" or "silver soldering" is used to join precious and semi-precious metals such as gold, silver, brass, and copper. The solder is usually described as easy, medium, or hard in reference to its melting temperature, not the strength of the joint. Extra-easy solder contains 56% silver and has a melting point of . Extra-hard solder has 80% silver and melts at . If multiple joints are needed, then the jeweler will start with hard or extra-hard solder and switch to lower-temperature solders for later joints. Silver solder is somewhat absorbed by the surrounding metal, resulting in a joint that is actually stronger than the metal being joined. The metal being joined must be perfectly flush, as silver solder cannot normally be used as a filler and will not fill gaps. Another difference between brazing and soldering is how the solder is applied. In brazing, one generally uses rods that are touched to the joint while being heated. With silver soldering, small pieces of solder wire are placed onto the metal prior to heating. A flux, often made of boric acid and denatured alcohol, is used to keep the metal and solder clean and to prevent the solder from moving before it melts. When silver solder melts, it tends to flow towards the area of greatest heat. Jewelers can somewhat control the direction the solder moves by leading it with a torch; it will even sometimes run straight up along a seam. Mechanical and aluminium soldering. A number of solder materials, primarily zinc alloys, are used for soldering aluminium metal and alloys and to a lesser extent steel and zinc. This mechanical soldering is similar to a low temperature brazing operation, in that the mechanical characteristics of the joint are reasonably good and it can be used for structural repairs of those materials. The American Welding Society defines brazing as using filler metals with melting points over — or, by the traditional definition in the United States, above . Aluminium soldering alloys generally have melting temperatures around . This soldering / brazing operation can use a propane torch heat source. These materials are often advertised as "aluminium welding", but the process does not involve melting the base metal, and therefore is not properly a weld. United States Military Standard or MIL-SPEC specification MIL-R-4208 defines one standard for these zinc-based brazing/soldering alloys. A number of products meet this specification. or very similar performance standards. Pipe soldering. Copper pipe, or 'tube', is commonly joined by soldering. When applied in a plumbing trade context in the United States, soldering is often referred to as "sweating", and a tubing connection so made is referred to as a "sweated joint". Outside the United States, "sweating" refers to the joining together of flat metallic surfaces by a two step process by which solder is first applied to one surface, then this first piece is placed in position against the second surface and both are re-heated to achieve the desired joint. Copper tubing conducts heat away much faster than a conventional hand-held soldering iron or gun can provide, so a propane torch is most commonly used to deliver the necessary power; for large tubing sizes and fittings a MAPP-fueled, acetylene-fueled, or propylene-fueled torch is used with atmospheric air as the oxidizer; MAPP/oxygen or acetylene/oxygen are rarely used because the flame temperature is much higher than the melting point of copper. Too much heat destroys the temper of hard-tempered copper tubing, and can burn the flux out of a joint before the solder is added, resulting in a faulty joint. For larger tubing sizes, a torch fitted with various sizes of interchangeable "swirl tips" is employed to deliver the needed heating power. In the hands of a skilled tradesman, the hotter flame of acetylene, MAPP, or propylene allows more joints to be completed per hour without damage to copper tempering. However, it is possible to use an electrical tool to solder joints in copper pipe sized from . For example, the Antex Pipemaster is recommended for use in tight spaces, when open flames are hazardous, or by do-it-yourself users. The pliers-like tool uses heated fitted jaws that completely encircle the pipe, allowing a joint to be melted in as little as 10 seconds. Solder fittings, also known as "capillary fittings", are usually used for copper joints. These fittings are short sections of smooth pipe designed to slide over the outside of the mating tube. Commonly used fittings include for straight connectors, reducers, bends, and tees. There are two types of solder fittings: "end feed fittings" which contain no solder, and "solder ring fittings" (also known as Yorkshire fittings), in which there is a ring of solder in a small circular recess inside the fitting. As with all solder joints, all parts to be joined must be clean and oxide free. Internal and external wire brushes are available for the common pipe and fitting sizes; emery cloth and wire-wool are frequently used as well, although metal wool products are discouraged, as they can contain oil, which would contaminate the joint. Because of the size of the parts involved, and the high activity and contaminating tendency of the flame, plumbing fluxes are typically much more chemically active, and often more acidic, than electronic fluxes. Because plumbing joints may be done at any angle, even upside down, plumbing fluxes are generally formulated as pastes which stay in place better than liquids. Flux is applied to all surfaces of the joint, inside and out. Flux residues are removed after the joint is complete to prevent erosion and failure of the joint. Many plumbing solder formulations are available, with different characteristics, such as higher or lower melting temperature, depending on the specific requirements of the job. Building codes currently almost universally require the use of lead-free solder for potable water piping, though traditional tin-lead solder is still available. Studies have shown that lead-soldered plumbing pipes can result in elevated levels of lead in drinking water. Since copper pipe quickly conducts heat away from a joint, great care must be taken to ensure that the joint is properly heated through to obtain a good bond. After the joint is properly cleaned, fluxed and fitted, the torch flame is applied to the thickest part of the joint, typically the fitting with the pipe inside it, with the solder applied at the gap between the tube and the fitting. When all the parts are heated through, the solder will melt and flow into the joint by capillary action. The torch may need to be moved around the joint to ensure all areas are wetted out. However, the installer must take care to not overheat the areas being soldered. If the tube begins to discolor it means that the tube has been over-heated and is beginning to oxidize, stopping the flow of the solder and causing the soldered joint not to seal properly. Before oxidation the molten solder will follow the heat of the torch around the joint. When the joint is properly wetted out, the solder and then the heat are removed, and while the joint is still very hot, it is usually wiped with a dry rag. This removes excess solder as well as flux residue before it cools down and hardens. With a solder ring joint, the joint is heated until a ring of molten solder is visible around the edge of the fitting and allowed to cool. Of the three methods of connecting copper tubing, solder connections require the most skill, but soldering copper is a very reliable process, provided some basic conditions are met: Copper is only one material that is joined in this manner. Brass fittings are often used for valves or as a connection fitting between copper and other metals. Brass piping is soldered in this manner in the making of brass instruments and some woodwind (saxophone and flute) musical instruments Wire brush, wire wool and emery cloth are commonly used to prepare plumbing joints for connection. Bristle brushes are usually used to apply plumbing paste flux. A heavy rag is usually used to remove flux from a plumbing joint before it cools and hardens. A fiberglass brush can also be used. When soldering pipes closely connected to valves such as in refrigeration systems it may be necessary to protect the valve from heat that could damage rubber or plastic components within, in this case a wet cloth wrapped around the valve can often sink sufficient heat through the boiling of the water to protect the valve. Copper tube soldering defects. In the joining of copper tube, failure to properly heat and fill a joint may lead to a 'void' being formed. This is usually a result of improper placement of the flame. If the heat of the flame is not directed at the back of the fitting cup, and the solder wire applied degrees opposite the flame, then solder will quickly fill the opening of the fitting, trapping some flux inside the joint. This bubble of trapped flux is the void; an area inside a soldered joint where solder is unable to completely fill the fittings' cup, because flux has become sealed inside the joint, preventing solder from occupying that space. Stained glass soldering. Historically, stained glass soldering tips were copper, heated by being placed in a charcoal-burning brazier. Multiple tips were used; when one tip cooled down from use, it was placed back in the brazier of charcoal and the next tip was used. More recently, electrically heated soldering irons are used. These are heated by a coil or ceramic heating element inside the tip of the iron. Different power ratings are available, and temperature can be controlled electronically. These characteristics allow longer beads to be run without interrupting the work to change tips. Soldering irons designed for electronic use are often effective though they are sometimes underpowered for the heavy copper and lead came used in stained glass work. Oleic acid is the classic flux material that has been used to improve solderability. Tiffany-type stained glass is made by gluing copper foil around the edges of the pieces of glass and then soldering them together. This method makes it possible to create three-dimensional stained glass pieces. Electronics soldering. Hand soldering. For attachment of electronic components to a PCB, proper selection and use of flux helps prevent oxidation during soldering; it is essential for good wetting and heat transfer. The soldering iron tip must be clean and pre-tinned with solder to ensure rapid heat transfer. Electronic joints are usually made between surfaces that have been tinned and rarely require mechanical cleaning, though tarnished component leads and copper traces with a dark layer of oxide passivation (due to aging), as on a new prototyping board that has been on the shelf for about a year or more, may need to be mechanically cleaned. To simplify soldering, beginners are usually advised to apply the soldering iron and the solder separately to the joint, rather than the solder being applied directly to the iron. When sufficient solder is applied, the solder wire is removed. When the surfaces are adequately heated, the solder will flow around the workpieces. The iron is then removed from the joint. If all metal surfaces have not been properly cleaned ("fluxed") or brought entirely above the melting temperature of the solder used, the result will be an unreliable ("cold solder") joint, even though its appearance may suggest otherwise. Excess solder, unconsumed flux and residue is sometimes wiped from the soldering iron tip between joints. The tip of the bit (commonly iron plated to reduce erosion) is kept wetted with solder ("tinned") when hot to assist soldering, and to minimize oxidation and corrosion of the tip itself. After inserting a through-hole mounted component, the excess lead is cut off, leaving a length of about the radius of the pad. Hand-soldering techniques require a great deal of skill for the fine-pitch soldering of surface-mount chip packages. In particular ball grid array (BGA) devices are notoriously difficult, if not impossible, to rework by hand. Cold joints. Various problems may arise in the soldering process which lead to joints which are nonfunctional either immediately or after a period of use. The most common defect when hand-soldering results from the parts being joined not exceeding the solder's liquidus temperature, resulting in a "cold solder" joint. This is usually the result of the soldering iron being used to heat the solder directly, rather than the parts themselves. Properly done, the iron heats the parts to be connected, which in turn melt the solder, guaranteeing adequate heat in the joined parts for thorough wetting. If using solder wire with an embedded flux core, heating the solder first may cause the flux to evaporate before it cleans the surfaces being soldered. A cold-soldered joint may not conduct at all, or may conduct only intermittently. Cold-soldered joints also happen in mass production, and are a common cause of equipment which passes testing, but malfunctions after sometimes years of operation. Dry joints. A "dry joint" occurs when the cooling solder is moved. Since non-eutectic solder alloys have a small plastic range, the joint must not be moved until the solder has cooled down through both the liquidus and solidus temperatures. Dry joints often occur because the joint moves when the soldering iron is removed from the joint. They are weak mechanically and poor conductors electrically. Avoiding overheating of components. For hand soldering, the heat source tool is selected to provide adequate heat for the size of joint to be completed. A 100-watt soldering iron may provide too much heat for printed circuit boards (PCBs), while a 25-watt iron will not provide enough heat for large electrical connectors. Using a tool with too high a temperature can damage sensitive components, but protracted heating by a tool that is too cool or under powered can also cause heat damage. Excessive heating of a PCB may result in delamination — the copper traces may actually lift off the substrate, particularly on single sided PCBs without through hole plating. While hand-soldering, a heat sink, such as a crocodile clip, may be used on the leads of heat-sensitive components to reduce heat transfer to the components and avoid damaging them. This is especially applicable to germanium parts. The heat sink limits the temperature of the component body by absorbing and dissipating heat, by reducing the thermal resistance between the component and the air. Meanwhile, the thermal resistance of the leads maintains the temperature difference between the part of the leads being soldered and the component body. Thus, the leads become hot enough to melt the solder while the component body remains cooler. The heat sink will mean the use of more heat to complete the joint, since heat taken up by the heat sink will not heat the work pieces. Components which dissipate large amounts of heat during operation are sometimes elevated above the PCB to avoid PCB overheating. Plastic or metal mounting clips or holders may be used with large devices to aid heat dissipation and reduce joint stresses. Visual inspection of joints. When visually inspected, a good solder joint will appear smooth, bright and shiny, with the outline of the soldered wire clearly visible. In general a good-looking soldered joint is a good joint. A matte gray surface is a good indicator of a joint that was moved during soldering. A dry joint has a characteristically dull or grainy appearance immediately after the joint is made. This appearance is caused by crystallization of the liquid solder. Too little solder will result in a dry and unreliable joint. Cold solder joints are dull and sometimes cracked or pock-marked. If the joint has lumps or balls of otherwise shiny solder, the metal has not wetted properly. Too much solder (the familiar 'solder blob' to beginners) is not necessarily unsound, but tends to mean poor wetting. A concave fillet is ideal. The boundary between the solder and the workpiece in a good joint will have a low angle. This indicates good wetting and minimal use of solder, and therefore minimal heating of heat sensitive components. A joint may be good, but if a large amount of unnecessary solder is used, then excess heating was obviously required. Lead-free solder formulations may cool to a dull surface even if the joint is good. The solder looks shiny while molten, and suddenly hazes over as it solidifies even though it has not been disturbed during cooling. Flux use and residue. An improperly selected or applied flux can cause joint failure. Without flux the joint may not be clean, or may be oxidized, resulting in an unsound joint. For electronic work, flux-core solder wire is generally used, but additional flux may be used from a flux pen or dispensed from a small bottle with a syringe-like needle. Some fluxes are designed to be stable and inactive when cool and do not need to be cleaned off, though they can if desired. If such fluxes are used, cleaning may merely be a matter of aesthetics or to make visual inspection of joints easier in specialised 'mission critical' applications such as medical devices, military and aerospace. For satellites, this will also reduce weight, slightly but usefully. In high humidity, since even non-corrosive flux might remain slightly active, the flux may be removed to reduce corrosion over time. Some fluxes are corrosive and flux residue must be removed after soldering. If not properly cleaned, the flux may corrode the joint or the PCB. Water, alcohol, acetone, or other solvents compatible with the flux and the parts involved are commonly used with cotton swabs or bristle brushes. In some applications, the PCB might also be coated in some form of protective material such as a lacquer to protect it and exposed solder joints from the environment. Desoldering and resoldering. Used solder contains some of the dissolved base metals and is unsuitable for reuse in making new joints. Once the solder's capacity for the base metal has been reached, it will no longer properly bond with the base metal, usually resulting in a brittle cold solder joint with a crystalline appearance. It is good practice to remove solder from a joint prior to resoldering — desoldering braids (or wicks) or vacuum desoldering equipment (solder suckers) can be used. Desoldering wicks contain plenty of flux which will remove the oxidation from the copper trace and any device leads that are present. This will leave a bright, shiny, clean junction to be resoldered. The lower melting point of solder means it can be melted away from the base metal, leaving it mostly intact, though the outer layer will be "tinned" with solder. Flux will remain which can easily be removed by abrasive or chemical processes. This tinned layer will allow solder to flow onto a new joint, resulting in a new joint, as well as making the new solder flow very quickly and easily. Wave soldering and reflow soldering. Currently, mass-production printed circuit boards (PCBs) are mostly wave soldered or reflow soldered, though hand soldering of production electronics is also still widely used. In wave soldering, components are prepped (trimmed or modified) and installed on the PCB. Sometimes, to prevent movement they are temporarily kept in place with small dabs of adhesive or secured with a fixture, then the assembly is passed over flowing solder in a bulk container. This solder flow is forced to produce a standing wave so the whole PCB is not submerged in solder, but rather just touched. The end result is that solder stays on pins and pads, but not on the PCB itself. Reflow soldering is a process in which a solder paste (a mixture of prealloyed solder powder and a flux-vehicle that has a peanut butter-like consistency) is used to stick the components to their attachment pads, after which the assembly is heated by an infrared lamp, a hot air pencil, or, more commonly, by passing it through a carefully controlled oven. Since different components can be best assembled by different techniques, it is common to use two or more processes for a given PCB. For example, surface mounted parts may be reflow soldered first, with a wave soldering process for the through-hole mounted components coming next, and bulkier parts hand-soldered last. Hot-bar reflow. "Hot-bar reflow" is a selective soldering process where two pre-fluxed, solder coated parts are heated with a heating element (called a thermode) to a temperature sufficient to melt the solder. Pressure is applied through the entire process (usually 15 seconds) to ensure that components stay in place during cooling. The heating element is heated and cooled for each connection. Up to 4000 W can be used in the heating element, allowing fast soldering, good results with connections requiring high energy. Environmental regulation and RoHS. Environmental legislation in many countries has led to a change in formulation of both solders and fluxes. The RoHS directives in the European Community required many new electronic circuit boards to be lead-free by 1 July 2006, mostly in the consumer goods industry, but in some others as well. In Japan, lead was phased out prior to legislation by manufacturers, due to the additional expense in recycling products containing lead. Water-soluble non-rosin-based fluxes have been increasingly used since the 1980s so that soldered boards can be cleaned with water or water-based cleaners. This eliminates hazardous solvents from the production environment, and from factory effluents. Even without the presence of lead, soldering can release fumes that are harmful and/or toxic to humans. It is highly recommended to use a device that can remove the fumes from the work area either by ventilating outside or filtering the air. Lead-free. Lead free soldering requires higher soldering temperatures than lead/tin soldering. SnPb 63/37 eutectic solder melts at . SAC lead-free solder melts at . Nevertheless, many new technical challenges have arisen with this endeavor. To reduce the melting point of tin-based solder alloys, various new alloys have had to be researched, with additives of copper, silver, bismuth as typical minor additives to reduce the melting point and control other properties. Additionally, tin is a more corrosive metal, and can eventually lead to the failure of solder baths. Lead-free construction has also extended to components, pins, and connectors. Most of these pins used copper frames, and either lead, tin, gold or other finishes. Tin finishes are the most popular of lead-free finishes. Nevertheless, this brings up the issue of how to deal with tin whiskers. The current movement brings the electronics industry back to the problems solved in the 1960s by adding lead. JEDEC has created a classification system to help lead-free electronic manufacturers decide what provisions to take against whiskers, depending upon their application.

junction section

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=57838535

The Underground Eiger is a made-for-television documentary that was released in 1979. It details a world record-breaking cave dive of made by Geoff Yeadon and Oliver Statham from West Kingsdale Master Cave, in North Yorkshire, England to Keld Head. An estimated 20 million viewers watched its television debut. It has been called "legendary in caving folklore," and notable cave diver Richard Stanton cites it as the impetus that sparked his interest in cave diving. Background. Geoff Yeadon and Oliver "Bear" Statham began to systematically explore Keld Head in 1975. Derek Crossland found the body of Alan Erith on 4 July 1975. His body was recovered by Crossland, Yeadon, and Statham the following day. Over the years the two divers, in addition to others, explored both the Keld Head and West Kingsdale Master Cave systems. Exploration was complicated by constricted passageways, low visibility due to silt, and shortage of airbells (pockets of air) in which to swap out air cylinders. By 1976, the unexplored distance between the two systems was only . In 1978, they dived with Jochen Hasenmayer into the system, where disaster was narrowly averted. Hasenmayer became temporarily trapped in a narrow passage, and Yeadon attempted to help him escape it at great personal risk. At one point, Hasenmayer thrust his hand out to the other side of the passage and grasped Yeadon's hand; Yeadon was able to untangle the line that had trapped him and Hasenmayer was freed. Yeadon later recounted, "I thought I was shaking a dead man's hand in there;" the narrow passageway would then be referred to as "Dead Man's Handshake." By June 1978, the unexplored section between the two systems was reduced to . In July, the connection was officially made by Yeadon, Statham, and Hasenmayer traveling from Keld Head until they reached the Kingsdale line. After making the connection, they turned around and went back to Keld Head. Their next goal would be to traverse the entire distance between Keld Head and the West Kingsdale Master Cave. Outline. The film details Yeadon and Statham's preparation for traversing "the Underground Eiger", so named after the mountain Eiger, as well as the venture itself. In part one, Yeadon and Statham are shown pouring red dye into the Kingdale river, a tributary of the River Lune, at the part where it goes underground. Three days later and away, the dye resurfaces at Keld Head. The two dive into Keld Head and bank emergency supplies of air cylinders underwater for their future dive. Part two begins with the Yeadon and Statham awakening on the day of the dive, January 16, 1979, in the hostel where they were staying. Once the dive begins, they are able to maintain contact with the crew on the surface thanks to the use of a new radio technology dubbed the "Molefone"—a type of speleophone that enabled communication via magnetic induction. At Dead Man's Handshake, Statham encounters serious trouble when a piece of rock jams his demand valve, though he is able to clear the obstacle and maintain his air supply. After clearing Dead Man's Handshake, the pair are in good spirits and Statham's singing of "Show Me the Way to Go Home" is picked up on the radios as they near completion of the dive. The film ends with the two successfully emerging at Keld Head. Filming. Filming for the documentary was complicated by the fact that only a few camera operators hired for the project had experience filming in caves. Additionally, cavers hired for the project were under the impression that their only duties would be to haul diving and filming equipment in and out of the caves; they were surprised to learn that they would also be filmed. Simon Garvey and Stuart Herbage, two of the cavers, recalled that their only "acting lessons" consisted of two pieces of advice from Barry Cockcroft: "act naturally" and "don't look at the camera." Filming was also complicated by technical issues. One roll of film was ruined when it was exposed to light before it was developed, necessitating some scenes were reshot. At one point, cinematographer Mostafa Hammuri fell into the water while filming a scene, though he was able to rescue himself. Video and audio of the record-breaking dive was provided by the divers themselves. Statham was equipped with two lightweight, waterproof cameras, while Yeadon was charged with maintaining radio contact with the surface via the speleophone. Legacy. The film was nationally televised in the United Kingdom with 20 million viewers watching its debut. It remains "legendary in caving folklore." Statham and Yeadon's dive was a world record at the time, and remained a United Kingdom record until it was broken in 1991. The film has emotional significance as well, as Statham committed suicide on September 28, 1979 at the age of 27. Cave diver and rescue specialist Richard Stanton states that viewing the film as a teenager inspired his interest in cave diving.

sentimental value

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=133874

Crime and Punishment (pre-reform Russian: ; post-reform ) is a novel by the Russian author Fyodor Dostoevsky. It was first published in the literary journal "The Russian Messenger" in twelve monthly installments during 1866. It was later published in a single volume. It is the second of Dostoevsky's full-length novels following his return from ten years of exile in Siberia. "Crime and Punishment" is considered the first great novel of his "mature" period of writing. The novel is often cited as one of the supreme achievements in literature. "Crime and Punishment" focuses on the mental anguish and moral dilemmas of Rodion Raskolnikov, an impoverished ex-student in Saint Petersburg who formulates a plan to kill an unscrupulous pawnbroker for her money. Before the killing, Raskolnikov believes that with the money he could liberate himself from poverty and go on to perform great deeds. However, once it is done he finds himself racked with confusion, paranoia, and disgust for his actions. His justifications disintegrate completely as he struggles with guilt and horror and confronts the real-world consequences of his deed. Background. Dostoevsky conceived the idea of "Crime and Punishment", prompted by the case of Pierre François Lacenaire, in the summer of 1865. He had been working on another project at the time entitled "The Drunkards", which was to deal with "the present question of drunkenness ... [in] all its ramifications, especially the picture of a family and the bringing up of children in these circumstances, etc., etc." This theme, centering on the story of the Marmeladov family, became ancillary to the story of Raskolnikov and his crime. At the time Dostoevsky owed large sums of money to creditors and was trying to help the family of his brother Mikhail, who had died in early 1864. After appeals elsewhere failed, Dostoevsky turned as a last resort to the publisher Mikhail Katkov and sought an advance on a proposed contribution. He offered his story or novella (at the time he was not thinking of a novel) for publication in Katkov's monthly journal "The Russian Messenger"—a prestigious publication of its kind, and the outlet for both Ivan Turgenev and Leo Tolstoy. Dostoevsky, having been engaged in polemical debates with Katkov in the early 1860s, had never published anything in its pages before. In a letter to Katkov written in September 1865, Dostoevsky explained to him that the work was to be about a young man who yields to "certain strange, 'unfinished' ideas, yet floating in the air". He planned to explore the moral and psychological dangers of the ideology of "radicalism", and felt that the project would appeal to the conservative Katkov. In letters written in November 1865 an important conceptual change occurred: the "story" has become a "novel". From then on, "Crime and Punishment" is referred to as a novel. In the complete edition of Dostoevsky's writings published in the Soviet Union, the editors reassembled the writer's notebooks for "Crime and Punishment" in a sequence roughly corresponding to the various stages of composition. As a result, there exists a fragmentary working draft of the novella, as initially conceived, as well as two other versions of the text. These have been distinguished as the Wiesbaden edition, the Petersburg edition, and the final plan, involving the shift from a first-person narrator to Dostoevsky's innovative use of third-person narrative to achieve first-person narrative perspectives. Dostoevsky initially considered four first-person plans: a memoir written by Raskolnikov, his confession recorded eight days after the murder, his diary begun five days after the murder, and a mixed form in which the first half was in the form of a memoir, and the second half in the form of a diary. The Wiesbaden edition concentrates entirely on the moral and psychological reactions of the narrator after the murder. It coincides roughly with the story that Dostoevsky described in his letter to Katkov and, written in the form of a diary or journal, corresponds to what eventually became part 2 of the finished work. Why Dostoevsky abandoned his initial version remains a matter of speculation. According to Joseph Frank, "one possibility is that his protagonist began to develop beyond the boundaries in which he had first been conceived". The notebooks indicate that Dostoevsky became aware of the emergence of new aspects of Raskolnikov's character as the plot developed, and he structured the novel in conformity with this "metamorphosis". The final version of "Crime and Punishment" came into being only when, in November 1865, Dostoevsky decided to recast his novel in the third person. This shift was the culmination of a long struggle, present through all the early stages of composition. Once having decided, Dostoevsky began to rewrite from scratch and was able to easily integrate sections of the early manuscript into the final text. Frank says that he did not, as he told Wrangel, burn everything he had written earlier. Dostoevsky was under great pressure to finish "Crime and Punishment" on time, as he was simultaneously contracted to finish "The Gambler" for Stellovsky, who had imposed extremely harsh conditions. Anna Snitkina, a stenographer who later became Dostoevsky's wife, was of great help to him during this difficult task. The first part of "Crime and Punishment" appeared in the January 1866 issue of "The Russian Messenger", and the last one was published in December 1866. The title refers to Italian criminologist and philosopher Cesare Beccaria's "Dei delitti e delle pene" (On Crimes and Punishment, 1764), a text known in Russia due to an 1803 translation. Plot. Part 1. Rodion Romanovich Raskolnikov, a former law student, lives in extreme poverty in a tiny, rented room in Saint Petersburg. Isolated and antisocial, he has abandoned all attempts to support himself, and is brooding obsessively on a scheme he has devised to murder and rob an elderly pawn-broker. On the pretext of pawning a watch, he visits her apartment, but remains unable to commit himself. Later in a tavern he makes the acquaintance of Semyon Zakharovich Marmeladov, a drunkard who recently squandered his family's little wealth. Marmeladov tells him about his teenage daughter, Sonya, who has become a prostitute in order to support the family. The next day Raskolnikov receives a letter from his mother in which she describes the problems of his sister Dunya, who has been working as a governess, with her ill-intentioned employer, Svidrigailov. To escape her vulnerable position, and with hopes of helping her brother, Dunya has chosen to marry a wealthy suitor, Luzhin, whom they are coming to meet in Petersburg. Details in the letter suggest that Luzhin is a conceited opportunist who is seeking to take advantage of Dunya's situation. Raskolnikov is enraged at his sister's sacrifice, feeling it is the same as what Sonya felt compelled to do. Painfully aware of his own poverty and impotence, his thoughts return to his idea. A further series of internal and external events seem to conspire to compel him toward the resolution to enact it. In a state of extreme nervous tension, Raskolnikov steals an axe and makes his way once more to the old woman's apartment. He gains access by pretending he has something to pawn, and then attacks her with the axe, killing her. He also kills her half-sister, Lizaveta, who happens to stumble upon the scene of the crime. Shaken by his actions, he steals only a handful of items and a small purse, leaving much of the pawn-broker's wealth untouched. Due to sheer good fortune, he manages to escape the building and return to his room undetected. Part 2. In a feverish, semi-delirious state Raskolnikov conceals the stolen items and falls asleep exhausted. He is greatly alarmed the next morning when he gets a summons to the police station, but it turns out to be in relation to a debt notice from his landlady. When the officers at the bureau begin talking about the murder, Raskolnikov faints. He quickly recovers, but he can see from their faces that he has aroused suspicion. Fearing a search, he hides the stolen items under a building block in an empty yard, noticing in humiliation that he hasn't even checked how much money is in the purse. Without knowing why, he visits his old university friend Razumikhin, who observes that Raskolnikov seems to be seriously ill. Finally he returns to his room where he succumbs to his illness and falls into a prolonged delirium. When he emerges several days later he finds that Razumikhin has tracked him down and has been nursing him. Still feverish, Raskolnikov listens nervously to a conversation between Razumikhin and the doctor about the status of the police investigation into the murders: a "muzhik" called Mikolka, who was working in a neighbouring flat at the time, has been detained, and the old woman's clients are being interviewed. They are interrupted by the arrival of Luzhin, Dunya's fiancé, who wishes to introduce himself, but Raskolnikov deliberately insults him and kicks him out. He angrily tells the others to leave as well, and then sneaks out himself. He looks for news about the murder, and seems almost to want to draw attention to his own part in it. He encounters the police official Zamyotov, who was present when he fainted in the bureau, and openly mocks the young man's unspoken suspicions. He returns to the scene of the crime and re-lives the sensations he experienced at the time. He angers the workmen and caretakers by asking casual questions about the murder, even suggesting that they accompany him to the police station to discuss it. As he contemplates whether or not to confess, he sees Marmeladov, who has been struck mortally by a carriage. He rushes to help and succeeds in conveying the stricken man back to his family's apartment. Calling out for Sonya to forgive him, Marmeladov dies in his daughter's arms. Raskolnikov gives his last twenty five roubles (from money sent to him by his mother) to Marmeladov's consumptive widow, Katerina Ivanovna, saying it is the repayment of a debt to his friend. Feeling renewed, Raskolnikov calls on Razumikhin, and they go back together to Raskolnikov's building. Upon entering his room Raskolnikov is deeply shocked to see his mother and sister sitting on the sofa. They have just arrived in Petersburg and are ecstatic to see him, but Raskolnikov is unable to speak, and collapses in a faint. Part 3. Razumikhin tends to Raskolnikov, and manages to convince the distressed mother and sister to return to their apartment. He goes with them, despite being drunk and rather overwhelmed by Dunya's beauty. When they return the next morning Raskolnikov has improved physically, but it becomes apparent that he is still mentally distracted and merely forcing himself to endure the meeting. He demands that Dunya break with Luzhin, but Dunya fiercely defends her motives for the marriage. Mrs Raskolnikova has received a note from Luzhin demanding that her son not be present at any future meetings between them. He also informs her that he witnessed her son give the 25 rubles to "an unmarried woman of immoral behavior" (Sonya). Dunya has decided that a meeting, at which both Luzhin and her brother are present, must take place, and Raskolnikov agrees to attend that evening along with Razumikhin. To Raskolnikov's surprise, Sonya suddenly appears at his door. Timidly, she explains that he left his address with them last night, and that she has come to invite him to attend her father's funeral. As she leaves, Raskolnikov asks for her address and tells her that he will visit her soon. At Raskolnikov's behest, Razumikhin takes him to see the detective Porfiry Petrovich, who is investigating the murders. Raskolnikov immediately senses that Porfiry knows that he is the murderer. Porfiry, who has just been discussing the case with Zamyotov, adopts an ironic tone during the conversation. He expresses extreme curiosity about an article that Raskolnikov wrote some months ago called 'On Crime', in which he suggests that certain rare individuals—the benefactors and geniuses of mankind—have a right to 'step across' legal or moral boundaries if those boundaries are an obstruction to the success of their idea. Raskolnikov defends himself skillfully, but he is alarmed and angered by Porfiry's insinuating tone. An appointment is made for an interview the following morning at the police bureau. Leaving Razumikhin with his mother and sister, Raskolnikov returns to his own building. He is surprised to find an old artisan, whom he doesn't know, making inquiries about him. Raskolnikov tries to find out what he wants, but the artisan says only one word – "murderer", and walks off. Petrified, Raskolnikov returns to his room and falls into thought and then sleep. He wakes to find another complete stranger present, this time a man of aristocratic appearance. The man politely introduces himself as Arkady Ivanovich Svidrigailov. Part 4. Svidrigailov indulges in an amiable but disjointed monologue, punctuated by Raskolnikov's terse interjections. He claims to no longer have any romantic interest in Dunya, but wants to stop her from marrying Luzhin, and offer her ten thousand roubles. Raskolnikov refuses the money on her behalf and refuses to facilitate a meeting. Svidrigailov also mentions that his wife, who defended Dunya at the time of the unpleasantness but died shortly afterwards, has left her 3000 rubles in her will. The meeting with Luzhin that evening begins with talk of Svidrigailov—his depraved character, his presence in Petersburg, the unexpected death of his wife and the 3000 rubles left to Dunya. Luzhin takes offence when Dunya insists on resolving the issue with her brother, and when Raskolnikov draws attention to the slander in his letter, Luzhin becomes reckless, exposing his true character. Dunya tells him to leave and never come back. Now free and with significant capital, they excitedly begin to discuss plans for the future, but Raskolnikov suddenly gets up and leaves, telling them, to their great consternation, that it might be the last time he sees them. He instructs the baffled Razumikhin to remain and always care for them. Raskolnikov proceeds to Sonya's place. She is gratified that he is visiting her, but also frightened of his strange manner. He asks a series of merciless questions about her terrible situation and that of Katerina Ivanovna and the children. Raskolnikov begins to realize that Sonya is sustained only by her faith in God. She reveals that she was a friend of the murdered Lizaveta. In fact, Lizaveta gave her a cross and a copy of the Gospels. She passionately reads to him the story of the raising of Lazarus from the Gospel of John. His fascination with her, which had begun at the time when her father spoke of her, increases and he decides that they must face the future together. As he leaves he tells her that he will come back tomorrow and tell her who killed her friend Lizaveta. When Raskolnikov presents himself for his interview, Porfiry resumes and intensifies his insinuating, provocative, ironic chatter, without ever making a direct accusation. With Raskolnikov's anger reaching fever pitch, Porfiry hints that he has a “little surprise” for him behind the partition in his office, but at that moment there is a commotion outside the door and a young man (Mikolka the painter) bursts in, followed by some policemen. To both Porfiry and Raskolnikov's astonishment, Mikolka proceeds to loudly confess to the murders. Porfiry doesn't believe the confession, but he is forced to let Raskolnikov go. Back at his room Raskolnikov is horrified when the old artisan suddenly appears at his door. But the man bows and asks for forgiveness: he had been Porfiry's “little surprise”, and had heard Mikolka confess. He had been one of those present when Raskolnikov returned to the scene of the murders, and had reported his behavior to Porfiry. Part 5. Raskolnikov attends the Marmeladovs' post-funeral banquet at Katerina Ivanovna's apartment. The atmosphere deteriorates as guests become drunk and the half-mad Katerina Ivanovna engages in a verbal attack on her German landlady. With chaos descending, everyone is surprised by the sudden and portentous appearance of Luzhin. He sternly announces that a 100-ruble banknote disappeared from his apartment at the precise time that he was being visited by Sonya, whom he had invited in order to make a small donation. Sonya fearfully denies stealing the money, but Luzhin persists in his accusation and demands that someone search her. Outraged, Katerina Ivanovna abuses Luzhin and sets about emptying Sonya's pockets to prove her innocence, but a folded 100-ruble note does indeed fly out of one of the pockets. The mood in the room turns against Sonya, Luzhin chastises her, and the landlady orders the family out. But Luzhin's roommate Lebezyatnikov angrily asserts that he saw Luzhin surreptitiously slip the money into Sonya's pocket as she left, although he had thought at the time that it was a noble act of anonymous charity. Raskolnikov backs Lebezyatnikov by confidently identifying Luzhin's motive: a desire to avenge himself on Raskolnikov by defaming Sonya, in hopes of causing a rift with his family. Luzhin is discredited, but Sonya is traumatized, and she runs out of the apartment. Raskolnikov follows her. Back at her room, Raskolnikov draws Sonya's attention to the ease with which Luzhin could have ruined her, and consequently the children as well. But it is only a prelude to his confession that he is the murderer of the old woman and Lizaveta. Painfully, he tries to explain his abstract motives for the crime to the uncomprehending Sonya. She is horrified, not just at the crime, but at his own self-torture, and tells him that he must hand himself in to the police. Lebezyatnikov appears and tells them that the landlady has kicked Katerina Ivanovna out of the apartment and that she has gone mad. They find Katerina Ivanovna surrounded by people in the street, completely insane, trying to force the terrified children to perform for money, and near death from her illness. They manage to get her back to Sonya's room, where, distraught and raving, she dies. To Raskolnikov's surprise, Svidrigailov suddenly appears and informs him that he will be using the ten thousand rubles intended for Dunya to make the funeral arrangements and to place the children in good orphanages. When Raskolnikov asks him what his motives are, he laughingly replies with direct quotations of Raskolnikov's own words, spoken when he was trying to explain his justifications for the murder to Sonya. Svidrigailov has been residing next door to Sonya, and overheard every word of the murder confession. Part 6. Razumikhin tells Raskolnikov that Dunya has become troubled and distant after receiving a letter from someone. He also mentions, to Raskolnikov's astonishment, that Porfiry no longer suspects him of the murders. As Raskolnikov is about to set off in search of Svidrigailov, Porfiry himself appears and politely requests a brief chat. He sincerely apologises for his previous behavior and seeks to explain the reasons behind it. Strangely, Raskolnikov begins to feel alarmed at the thought that Porfiry might think he is innocent. But Porfiry's changed attitude is motivated by genuine respect for Raskolnikov, not by any thought of his innocence, and he concludes by expressing his absolute certainty that Raskolnikov is indeed the murderer. He claims that he will be arresting him soon, but urges him to confess to make it easier on himself. Raskolnikov chooses to continue the struggle. Raskolnikov finds Svidrigailov at an inn and warns him against approaching Dunya. Svidrigailov, who has in fact arranged to meet Dunya, threatens to go to the police, but Raskolnikov is unconcerned and follows when he leaves. When Raskolnikov finally turns home, Dunya, who has been watching them, approaches Svidrigailov and demands to know what he meant in his letter about her brother's “secret”. She reluctantly accompanies him to his rooms, where he reveals what he overheard and attempts to use it to make her yield to his desire. Dunya, however, has a gun and she fires at him, narrowly missing: Svidrigailov gently encourages her to reload and try again. Eventually she throws the gun aside, but Svidrigailov, crushed by her hatred for him, tells her to leave. Later that evening he goes to Sonya to discuss the arrangements for Katerina Ivanovna's children. He gives her 3000 rubles, telling her she will need it if she wishes to follow Raskolnikov to Siberia. He spends the night in a miserable hotel and the following morning commits suicide in a public place. Raskolnikov says a painful goodbye to his mother, without telling her the truth. Dunya is waiting for him at his room, and he tells her that he will be going to the police to confess to the murders. He stops at Sonya's place on the way and she gives him a crucifix. At the bureau he learns of Svidrigailov's suicide, and almost changes his mind, even leaving the building. But he sees Sonya, who has followed him, looking at him in despair, and he returns to make a full and frank confession of the murders. Epilogue. Due to the fullness of his confession at a time when another man had already confessed Raskolnikov is sentenced to only eight years of penal servitude. Dunya and Razumikhin marry and plan to move to Siberia, but Raskolnikov's mother falls ill and dies. Sonya follows Raskolnikov to Siberia, but he is initially hostile towards her as he is still struggling to acknowledge moral culpability for his crime, feeling himself to be guilty only of weakness. It is only after some time in prison that his redemption and moral regeneration begin under Sonya's loving influence. Characters. In "Crime and Punishment", Dostoevsky fuses the personality of his main character, Rodion Romanovich Raskolnikov, with his new anti-radical ideological themes. The main plot involves a murder as the result of "ideological intoxication," and depicts all the disastrous moral and psychological consequences that result from the murder. Raskolnikov's psychology is placed at the center, and carefully interwoven with the ideas behind his transgression; every other feature of the novel illuminates the agonizing dilemma in which Raskolnikov is caught. From another point of view, the novel's plot is another variation of a conventional nineteenth-century theme: an innocent young provincial comes to seek his fortune in the capital, where he succumbs to corruption, and loses all traces of his former freshness and purity. However, as Gary Rosenshield points out, "Raskolnikov succumbs not to the temptations of high society as Honoré de Balzac's Rastignac or Stendhal's Julien Sorel, but to those of rationalistic Petersburg". Major characters. Raskolnikov (Rodion Romanovitch) is the protagonist, and the novel focuses primarily on his perspective. A 23-year-old man and former student, now destitute, Raskolnikov is described in the novel as "exceptionally handsome, above the average in height, slim, well built, with beautiful dark eyes and dark brown hair." Perhaps the most striking feature of Raskolnikov, however, is his dual personality. On the one hand, he is cold, apathetic, and antisocial; on the other, he can be surprisingly warm and compassionate. He commits murder as well as acts of impulsive charity. His chaotic interaction with the external world and his nihilistic worldview might be seen as causes of his social alienation or consequences of it. Despite its title, the novel does not so much deal with the crime and its formal punishment as with Raskolnikov's internal struggle – the torments of his own conscience, rather than the legal consequences of committing the crime. Believing society would be better for it, Raskolnikov commits murder with the idea that he possesses enough intellectual and emotional fortitude to deal with the ramifications, but his sense of guilt soon overwhelms him to the point of psychological and somatic illness. It is only in the epilogue that he realizes his formal punishment, having decided to confess and end his alienation from society. Sonya (Sofya Semyonovna Marmeladova), is the daughter of a drunkard named Semyon Zakharovich Marmeladov, whom Raskolnikov meets in a tavern at the beginning of the novel. She is often characterized as self-sacrificial, shy, and innocent, despite being forced into prostitution to help her family. Raskolnikov discerns in her the same feelings of shame and alienation that he experiences, and she becomes the first person to whom he confesses his crime. Sensing his deep unhappiness, she supports him, even though she was friends with one of the victims (Lizaveta). Throughout the novel, Sonya is an important source of moral strength and rehabilitation for Raskolnikov. Razumíkhin (Dmitry Prokofyich) is Raskolnikov's loyal friend and also a former law student. The character is intended to represent something of a reconciliation between faith and reason ("razum", "sense", "intelligence"). He jokes that his name is actually 'Vrazumíkhin' – a name suggesting "to bring someone to their senses". He is upright, strong, resourceful and intelligent, but also somewhat naïve – qualities that are of great importance to Raskolnikov in his desperate situation. He admires Raskolnikov's intelligence and character, refuses to give any credence to others' suspicions, and supports him at all times. He looks after Raskolnikov's family when they come to Petersburg, and falls in love with Dunya. Dunya (Avdotya Romanovna Raskolnikova) – Raskolnikov's beautiful and strong-willed sister who works as a governess. She initially plans to marry the wealthy but unsavory lawyer Luzhin, thinking it will enable her to ease her family's desperate financial situation and escape her former employer Svidrigailov. Her situation is a factor in Raskolnikov's decision to commit the murder. In St. Petersburg, she is eventually able to escape the clutches of both Luzhin and Svidrigailov, and later marries Razumikhin. Luzhin (Pyotr Petrovich) – A well-off lawyer who is engaged to Dunya in the beginning of the novel. His motives for the marriage are dubious, as he more or less states that he has sought a woman who will be completely beholden to him. He slanders and falsely accuses Sonya of theft in an attempt to harm Raskolnikov's relations with his family. Luzhin represents immorality, in contrast to Svidrigaïlov's amorality, and Raskolnikov's misguided morality. Svidrigaïlov (Arkady Ivanovich) – Sensual, depraved, and wealthy former employer and former pursuer of Dunya. He overhears Raskolnikov's confessions to Sonya and uses this knowledge to torment both Dunya and Raskolnikov, but does not inform the police. Despite his apparent malevolence, Svidrigaïlov seems to be capable of generosity and compassion. When Dunya tells him she could never love him (after attempting to shoot him) he lets her go. He tells Sonya that he has made financial arrangements for the Marmeladov children to enter an orphanage, and gives her three thousand rubles, enabling her to follow Raskolnikov to Siberia. Having left the rest of his money to his juvenile fiancée, he commits suicide. Porfiry Petrovich – The head of the Investigation Department in charge of solving the murders of Lizaveta and Alyona Ivanovna, who, along with Sonya, moves Raskolnikov towards confession. Unlike Sonya, however, Porfiry does this through psychological means, seeking to confuse and provoke the volatile Raskolnikov into a voluntary or involuntary confession. He later drops these methods and sincerely urges Raskolnikov to confess for his own good. Structure. The novel is divided into six parts, with an epilogue. The notion of "intrinsic duality" in "Crime and Punishment" has been commented upon, with the suggestion that there is a degree of symmetry to the book. Edward Wasiolek who has argued that Dostoevsky was a skilled craftsman, highly conscious of the formal pattern in his art, has likened the structure of "Crime and Punishment" to a "flattened X", saying: This compositional balance is achieved by means of the symmetrical distribution of certain key episodes throughout the novel's six parts. The recurrence of these episodes in the two halves of the novel, as David Bethea has argued, is organized according to a mirror-like principle, whereby the "left" half of the novel reflects the "right" half. The seventh part of the novel, the Epilogue, has attracted much attention and controversy. Some of Dostoevsky's critics have criticized the novel's final pages as superfluous, anti-climactic, unworthy of the rest of the work, while others have defended it, offering various schemes that they claim prove its inevitability and necessity. Steven Cassedy argues that "Crime and Punishment" "is formally two distinct but closely related, things, namely a particular type of tragedy in the classical Greek mold and a Christian resurrection tale". Cassedy concludes that "the logical demands of the tragic model as such are satisfied without the Epilogue in "Crime and Punishment" ... At the same time, this tragedy contains a Christian component, and the logical demands of this element are met only by the resurrection promised in the Epilogue". Themes. Dostoevsky's letter to Katkov reveals his immediate inspiration, to which he remained faithful even after his original plan evolved into a much more ambitious creation: a desire to counteract what he regarded as nefarious consequences arising from the doctrines of Russian nihilism. In the novel, Dostoevsky pinpointed the dangers of both utilitarianism and rationalism, the main ideas of which inspired the radicals, continuing a fierce criticism he had already started with his "Notes from Underground". Dostoevsky utilized the characters, dialogue and narrative in "Crime and Punishment" to articulate an argument against Westernizing ideas. He thus attacked a peculiar Russian blend of French utopian socialism and Benthamite utilitarianism, which had developed under revolutionary thinkers such as Nikolai Chernyshevsky and became known as rational egoism. The radicals refused to recognize themselves in the novel's pages, since Dostoevsky pursued nihilistic ideas to their most extreme consequences. Dimitri Pisarev ridiculed the notion that Raskolnikov's ideas could be identified with those of the radicals of the time. The radicals' aims were altruistic and humanitarian, but they were to be achieved by relying on reason and suppressing the spontaneous outflow of Christian compassion. Chernyshevsky's utilitarian ethic proposed that thought and will in Man were subject to the laws of physical science. Dostoevsky believed that such ideas limited man to a product of physics, chemistry and biology, negating spontaneous emotional responses. In its latest variety, Russian nihilism encouraged the creation of an élite of superior individuals to whom the hopes of the future were to be entrusted. Raskolnikov exemplifies the potentially disastrous hazards contained in such an ideal. Contemporary scholar Joseph Frank writes that "the moral-psychological traits of his character incorporate this antinomy between instinctive kindness, sympathy, and pity on the one hand and, on the other, a proud and idealistic egoism that has become perverted into a contemptuous disdain for the submissive herd". Raskolnikov's inner conflict in the opening section of the novel results in a utilitarian-altruistic justification for the proposed crime: why not kill a wretched and "useless" old moneylender to alleviate the human misery? Dostoevsky wants to show that this utilitarian style of reasoning had become widespread and commonplace; it was by no means the solitary invention of Raskolnikov's tormented and disordered mind. Such radical and utilitarian ideas act to reinforce the innate egoism of Raskolnikov's character, and help justify his contempt for humanity's lower qualities and ideals. He even becomes fascinated with the majestic image of a Napoleonic personality who, in the interests of a higher social good, believes that he possesses a moral right to kill. Indeed, his "Napoleon-like" plan impels him toward a well-calculated murder, the ultimate conclusion of his self-deception with utilitarianism. In his depiction of Petersburg, Dostoevsky accentuates the squalor and human wretchedness that pass before Raskolnikov's eyes. He uses Raskolnikov's encounter with Marmeladov to contrast the heartlessness of Raskolnikov's convictions with a Christian approach to poverty and wretchedness. Dostoevsky believes that the moral "freedom" propounded by Raskolnikov is a dreadful freedom "that is contained by no values, because it is before values". In seeking to affirm this "freedom" in himself, Raskolnikov is in perpetual revolt against society, himself, and God. He thinks that he is self-sufficient and self-contained, but at the end "his boundless self-confidence must disappear in the face of what is greater than himself, and his self-fabricated justification must humble itself before the higher justice of God". Dostoevsky calls for the regeneration and renewal of "sick" Russian society through the re-discovery of its national identity, its religion, and its roots. Style. "Crime and Punishment" is written from a third-person omniscient perspective. It is told primarily from the point of view of Raskolnikov, but does at times switch to the perspective of other characters such as Svidrigaïlov, Razumikhin, Luzhin, Sonya or Dunya. This narrative technique, which fuses the narrator very closely with the consciousness and point of view of the central characters, was original for its period. Frank notes that Dostoevsky's use of time shifts of memory and manipulation of temporal sequence begins to approach the later experiments of Henry James, Joseph Conrad, Virginia Woolf, and James Joyce. A late nineteenth-century reader was, however, accustomed to more orderly and linear types of expository narration. This led to the persistence of the legend that Dostoevsky was an untidy and negligent craftsman, and to observations like the following by Melchior de Vogüé: "A word ... one does not even notice, a small fact that takes up only a line, have their reverberations fifty pages later ... [so that] the continuity becomes unintelligible if one skips a couple of pages". Dostoevsky uses different speech mannerisms and sentences of different length for different characters. Those who use artificial language—Luzhin, for example—are identified as unattractive people. Mrs. Marmeladov's disintegrating mind is reflected in her language. In the original Russian text, the names of the major characters have something of a double meaning, but in translation the subtlety of the Russian language is predominantly lost due to differences in language structure and culture. For example, the original Russian title ("Преступление и наказание") is not the direct equivalent to the English "Crime and Punishment". "Преступление" ("Prestupléniye") is literally translated as 'a stepping across'. The physical image of crime as crossing over a barrier or a boundary is lost in translation, as is the religious implication of transgression. Symbolism. Dreams. The dream of the mare being whipped (Part 1, chapter V) has been suggested as the fullest single expression of the whole novel. The dream depicts a scene from Raskolnikov's childhood where an unfit mare is cruelly beaten to death by its owner. It symbolizes gratification in punishment, contemptible motives and contemptible society. Raskolnikov's disgust and horror is central to the theme of his conflicted character, his guilty conscience, his contempt for society, his view of himself as an extraordinary man above greater society and his concept of justified murder. The dream is also a warning, suggesting a comparison to his murder plot. The dream occurs after Rodion crosses a bridge leading out of the oppressive heat and dust of Petersburg and into the fresh greenness of the islands. This symbolizes a corresponding mental crossing, suggesting that Raskolnikov is returning to a state of clarity when he has the dream. In it, he returns to the innocence of his childhood and watches as peasants beat an old mare to death. After Raskolnikov awakes, he calls it “such a hideous dream,” the same term he earlier used to describe his plot to kill the old woman. The child of the dream, who watches horrified as the events unfold, represents the part of him that clings to innocence, but another part of him, represented by the peasants, is driven by hardship and isolation to become cold and unfeeling. The laughter of the peasants in the face of brutal slaughter reveals the extent to which they have been desensitized by their suffering, which is a reflection of Raskolnikov's own condition. The main peasant, Mikolka, feels that he has the right to kill the horse, linking his actions to Raskolnikov's theory of a 'right to crime' for a select group of extraordinary men. The cruel slaughter of the old mare in the dream points to the brutality of Raskolnikov's criminal idea, something that he tries to rationalize away with his dehumanizing characterization of the old woman as a "louse." While awake, Raskolnikov's view of the old woman is spiteful, shaped by his tenacious belief in his extraordinary man theory. However, when the theory loses its power in the dream state, subconscious memories and feelings reveal themselves, and the horrific nature of his idea becomes apparent. Therefore, in order for Raskolnikov to find redemption, he must ultimately renounce his theory. In the final pages, Raskolnikov, who at this point is in the prison infirmary, has a feverish dream about a plague of nihilism that enters Russia and Europe from the east, which spreads senseless dissent and fanatical dedication to "new ideas". The ideas are assaults on ordinary thinking and disrupt society forever. Dostoevsky was envisaging the new, politically and culturally nihilistic ideas that were entering Russian literature and society in this watershed decade, ideas with which he would be in debate for the rest of his life (cp. Chernyshevsky's "What Is to Be Done? ", Dobrolyubov's abrasive journalism, Turgenev's "Fathers and Sons" and Dostoevsky's own "The Possessed"). Janko Lavrin, who took part in the revolutions of the World War I era, knew Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky and many others, and later would spend years writing about Dostoevsky's novels and other Russian classics, called this final dream "prophetic in its symbolism". The environment of Saint Petersburg. The above opening sentence of the novel has a symbolic function: Russian critic Vadim K. Kozhinov argues that the reference to the "exceptionally hot evening" establishes not only the suffocating atmosphere of Saint Petersburg in midsummer but also "the infernal ambience of the crime itself". Dostoevsky was among the first to recognize the symbolic possibilities of city life and imagery drawn from the city. I. F. I. Evnin regards "Crime and Punishment" as the first great Russian novel "in which the climactic moments of the action are played out in dirty taverns, on the street, in the sordid back rooms of the poor". Dostoevsky's Petersburg is the city of unrelieved poverty; "magnificence has no place in it, because magnificence is external, formal abstract, cold". Dostoevsky connects the city's problems to Raskolnikov's thoughts and subsequent actions. The crowded streets and squares, the shabby houses and taverns, the noise and stench, all are transformed by Dostoevsky into a rich store of metaphors for states of mind. Donald Fanger asserts that "the real city ... rendered with a striking concreteness, is also a city of the mind in the way that its atmosphere answers Raskolnikov's state and almost symbolizes it. It is crowded, stifling, and parched." Reception. The first part of "Crime and Punishment" published in the January and February issues of "The Russian Messenger" met with public success. In his memoirs, the conservative belletrist Nikolay Strakhov recalled that in Russia "Crime and Punishment" was the literary sensation of 1866. Tolstoy's novel "War and Peace" was being serialized in "The Russian Messenger" at the same time as "Crime and Punishment". The novel soon attracted the criticism of the liberal and radical critics. G.Z. Yeliseyev sprang to the defense of the Russian student corporations, and wondered, "Has there ever been a case of a student committing murder for the sake of robbery?" Pisarev, aware of the novel's artistic value, described Raskolnikov as a product of his environment, and argued that the main theme of the work was poverty and its results. He measured the novel's excellence by the accuracy with which Dostoevsky portrayed the contemporary social reality, and focused on what he regarded as inconsistencies in the novel's plot. Strakhov rejected Pisarev's contention that the theme of environmental determinism was essential to the novel, and pointed out that Dostoevsky's attitude towards his hero was sympathetic: "This is not mockery of the younger generation, neither a reproach nor an accusation—it is a lament over it." Solovyov felt that the meaning of the novel, despite the common failure to understand it, is clear and simple: a man who considers himself entitled to 'step across' discovers that what he thought was an intellectually and even morally justifiable transgression of an arbitrary law turns out to be, for his conscience, "a sin, a violation of inner moral justice... that inward sin of self-idolatry can only be redeemed by an inner act of self-renunciation." The early Symbolist movement that dominated Russian letters in the 1880s was concerned more with aesthetics than the visceral realism and intellectuality of "Crime and Punishment", but a tendency toward mysticism among the new generation of symbolists in the 1900s led to a reevaluation of the novel as an address to the dialectic of spirit and matter. In the character of Sonya (Sofya Semyonovna) they saw an embodiment of both the Orthodox feminine principle of "hagia sophia" (holy wisdom) –"at once sexual and innocent, redemptive both in her suffering and her veneration of suffering", and the most important feminine deity of Russian folklore "mat syra zemlya" (moist mother earth). Raskolnikov is a "son of Earth" whose egoistic aspirations lead him to ideas and actions that alienate him from the very source of his strength, and he must bow down to her before she can relieve him of the terrible burden of his guilt. Philosopher and Orthodox theologian Nikolay Berdyaev shared Solovyov and the symbolists' sense of the novel's spiritual significance, seeing it as an illustration of the modern age's hubristic self-deification, or what he calls "the suicide of man by self-affirmation". Raskolnikov answers his question of whether he has the right to kill solely by reference to his own arbitrary will, but, according to Berdyaev, these are questions that can only be answered by God, and "he who does not bow before that higher will destroys his neighbor and destroys himself: that is the meaning of "Crime and Punishment"". "Crime and Punishment" was regarded as an important work in a number of 20th century European cultural movements, notably the Bloomsbury Group, psychoanalysis, and existentialism. Of the writers associated with Bloomsbury, Virginia Woolf, John Middleton Murry and D. H. Lawrence are some of those who have discussed the work. Freud held Dostoevsky's work in high esteem, and many of his followers have attempted psychoanalytical interpretations of Raskolnikov. Among the existentialists, Sartre and Camus in particular have acknowledged Dostoevsky's influence. The affinity of "Crime and Punishment" with both religious mysticism and psychoanalysis led to suppression of discussion in Soviet Russia: interpretations of Raskolnikov tended to align with Pisarev's idea of reaction to unjust socio-economic conditions. An exception was the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, considered by many commentators to be the most original and insightful analyst of Dostoevsky's work. In "Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics", Bakhtin argues that attempts to understand Dostoevsky's characters from the vantage point of a pre-existing philosophy, or as individualized 'objects' to be psychologically analysed, will always fail to penetrate the unique "artistic architechtonics" of his works. In such cases, both the critical approach and the assumed object of investigation are 'monological': everything is perceived as occurring within the framework of a single overarching perspective, whether that of the critic or that of the author. Dostoevsky's art, Bakhtin argues, is inherently 'dialogical': events proceed on the basis of interaction between self-validating subjective voices, often within the consciousness of an individual character, as is the case with Raskolnikov. Raskolnikov's consciousness is depicted as a battleground for all the conflicting ideas that find expression in the novel: everyone and everything he encounters becomes reflected and refracted in a "dialogized" interior monologue. He has rejected external relationships and chosen his tormenting internal dialogue; only Sonya is capable of continuing to engage with him despite his cruelty. His openness to dialogue with Sonya is what enables him to cross back over the "threshold into real-life communication (confession and public trial)—not out of guilt, for he avoids acknowledging his guilt, but out of weariness and loneliness, for that reconciling step is the only relief possible from the cacophony of unfinalized inner dialogue." English translations. The Garnett translation was the dominant translation for more than 80 years after its publication in 1914. Since the 1990s, McDuff and Pevear/Volokhonsky have become its major competitors. Adaptations. There have been over 25 film adaptations of "Crime and Punishment". They include: References. Text Sources External links. Criticisms Online Text Maps

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26974933

Major-General Sir Alexander Murray Tulloch (1803 – 16 May 1864) was a British soldier and a statistician. He was a Fellow of the Statistical Society and worked with Surgeon-General Henry Marshall and Sir Graham Balfour on army statistics. In the 1850s he went with Sir John McNeill to the Crimea, and worked with Florence Nightingale. Early life. Murray was born at Newry, the eldest son of John Tulloch, a captain in the British army, and his wife, daughter of Thomas Gregorie of Perth, Scotland. He was educated for the law, but after a brief experience in a legal office in Edinburgh, he. Retrieved 9 April 1826 a commission as ensign in the 45th regiment, which had been serving in Burma in the recently-ended First Anglo-Burmese War. He joined his corps in India, and on 30 November 1827 became lieutenant. In India Tulloch became interested in the question of army reform. He called attention to the food provided for the rank and file, and his corps, then stationed in Burma, were provided with fresh meat, soft bread, and vegetables. He exposed the system used by Indian officials who paid soldier in silver depreciated in value, to the amount of nearly 20%. In addition, the canteen arrangements of the East India Company were such that a private soldier had to pay five times the value of his liquor. Tulloch, while still a subaltern, wrote repeated letters in Indian journals, signed "Dugald Dalgetty", in which he exposed abuses. He left for Europe on sick leave in 1831. He took home specimens of depreciated coin, had them assayed at the Royal Mint, and got the matter taken up by the secretary at war, John Cam Hobhouse, Baron Broughton, who called on the company for an explanation. The matter was dropped for a time, but about 1836 it was revived by Tulloch, and Earl Grey, after investigation, compelled the company to make reparation by supplying the army yearly with coffee, tea, sugar, and rice, to the value of £70,000, the amount of the annual deficit. On his return to England Tulloch entered the senior department of the Royal Military College Sandhurst, and obtained a first-class certificate. While at the college he gained the friendship of John Narrien the mathematical professor. Statistician. During his residence in India Tulloch had been impressed by the amount of sickness among the troops. With figures available to him, he drew up a series of tables showing the approximate death rate at various stations for a period of twenty years. These tables he published in "Colburn's United Service Magazine" for 1835. They attracted the attention of Earl Grey, then secretary of war, and he appointed Tulloch, with Henry Marshall and George Balfour, to investigate the subject fully and to report on it to parliament. Four volumes of statistical reports were the results of their inquiry, which extended till 1840, and the data afforded by the investigation have formed the basis of many subsequent ameliorations of the soldier's condition. While engaged on the statistics relating to sickness, Tulloch's attention was drawn to the longevity of army pensioners, and after some research he found that great frauds were perpetrated on the government by the relatives of deceased pensioners continuing to draw their pay. By his recommendation these impositions were rendered impossible by the organisation of the pensioners into a corps with staff officers, and in this manner the pensioners were also rendered a body capable of affording assistance to the state on emergency. He obtained a captaincy on 12 March 1838 and was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath (CB) in the 1838 Coronation Honours. He was promoted to the rank of major on 29 March 1839, was appointed lieutenant-colonel on 31 May 1844, and on 20 June 1854 obtained the rank of colonel. Crimean War report. In 1855, in consequence of the disasters in the Crimean War, Tulloch was sent with Sir John McNeill to examine the system of commissariat. Their final report was prepared in January 1856, and laid before parliament. Its views reflected on the capacity of many officers of high rank who had served in the Crimea. The commissioners did not lay the entire blame on the failure of the home authorities to furnish adequate supplies, but, on the contrary, reprehended the carelessness of general officers with the army in not providing for the proper distribution of stores and in neglecting the welfare of their troops. The report was resented by many military men, and, through their representations, was referred to a board of general officers assembled at Chelsea. McNeill declined to take any share in the proceedings. Tulloch, however, appeared before the board to sustain the report and to clear himself of charges of malignant feeling made by Lord Lucan. The board refused to endorse the findings of the report, and laid the whole blame of the Crimean disasters on the authorities at Whitehall. Tulloch had been prevented by illness from attending the final meetings, but in 1857 he published, in defence, "The Crimean Commission and the Chelsea Board". Palmerston's government then were compelled by a parliamentary vote to bestow on him the honour of K.C.B., and to appoint McNeill a privy councillor. Kinglake, in his "Invasion of the Crimea", repeated the allegations of the general officers, and accused the Crimean commissioners of having gone beyond their instructions, and of basing their report on improperly digested evidence. He drew from Tulloch a second edition of his work, published in 1882, on account of "certain misstatements in Mr. Kinglake's seventh volume", with a preface by Sir John McNeill, in which he denied Kinglake's insinuation that he did not fully support Tulloch in regard to the findings of their report. Family. On 17 April 1844, Tulloch married Emma Louisa, youngest daughter of Sir William Hyde Pearson, M.D. Last years. In 1859, in poor health, Tulloch retired from the war office with the rank of major-general. He died without issue at Winchester on 16 May 1864, and was buried at Welton, near Daventry. Louisa Tulloch is also buried at Welton, and there is a memorial to her at the church of St. Marten, Welton.

short practice

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7846340

Calciseptine (CaS) is a natural neurotoxin isolated from the black mamba "Dendroaspis p. polylepis" venom. This toxin consists of 60 amino acids with four disulfide bonds. Calciseptine specifically blocks L-type calcium channels, but not other voltage-dependent Ca2+ channels such as N-type and T-type channels. History. The black mamba ("Dendroaspis polylepis") is generally considered to be one of the deadliest snakes on the planet, and is responsible for many fatalities throughout its sub-Saharan Africa range. Without treatment, the bite of a Black Mamba causes a 100% mortality rate. The venom of the Black Mamba consists of more than 28 peptides. One of these peptides is calciseptine. It makes up 2.8% of the venom of the Black Mamba. When first purified, the peptide was called protein E3, which was later changed to calciseptine by Weille et al. Importance. Calciseptine has been shown to specifically inhibit the L-type voltage-gated Ca2+ channels and was the first natural polypeptide discovered with this property. Specific polypeptide inhibitors of voltage-sensitive channels are important tools in research, and were already known for voltage-sensitive Na+ channels, both voltage-sensitive and Ca2+-activated K+ channels, and for N-type Ca2+-channels. Before calciseptine was sequenced and shown to be a specific L-type calcium channel inhibitor, no specific polypeptide inhibitors were known for this type of voltage-gated channels. Specific blockers of the L-type channel were small organic molecules like 1,4-dihydropyridines. It was suggested that polypeptide inhibitors could be found in snake venoms. Calciseptine confirmed this as it was shown to not only block the L-type channels specifically, but also to do this in exactly the same spot as the 1,4-dihydropyridines. After calciseptine, other polypeptides specifically blocking the L-type channels were found as well: FS2, C10S2C2 and S4C8. Isolation/Synthesis. Calciseptine is only found in the Black Mamba and can be purified from the crude venom. The snake can be milked to acquire the venom. Schweitz et al. used a three-step method to purify calciseptine to homology. The three steps were: 1) gel filtration, 2) ion exchange on TSK SP 5PW and 3) reverse-phase chromatography on RP18. Scientists also succeeded in synthesizing calciseptine in the lab. FS2, which is another component of the Black Mamba's venom and is homologous to calciseptine, can also be synthesized in the lab. Structure. Three-fingered toxin family. Calciseptine is a member of a family of toxic peptides found in snake venoms. Proteins from this family are small and consist of 58 to 74 amino acids. They all have the same three-fingered structure which arises from the formation of four disulfide bridges between eight cysteine residues. The activities of these toxins - although they are members of the same family - are actually quite diverse and can range from the blocking of acetylcholine receptors to the changing of membrane permeability. Their common feature is that they all affect signal transduction in some way. Sequence and structure. Calciseptine itself consists of 60 amino acids and has been fully sequenced: RICYIHKASL PRATKTCVEN TCYKMFIRTQ REYISERGCG CPTAMWPYQT ECCKGDRCNK The three-dimensional structure of calciseptine has not been determined experimentally. However, another toxin found in black mamba venom, called FS2, sequentially differs from calciseptine in only three residues: it contains a serine instead of isoleucine in position 5, a histidine instead of glutamine in position 30, and a glutamine instead of glutamic acid in position 32. A three-dimensional structure of FS2 has been determined using NMR, and because of the minor sequential differences, this can serve as a model of the calciseptine structure. Toxicokinetics. Absorption and distribution. As calciseptine is injected by the snake into its prey along with the rest of its venom, it does not have to pass the protective barrier of the skin and is injected directly into the tissues and/or bloodstream of the prey. No research has been conducted on the toxicokinetics of calciseptine specifically, but general research about snake toxin dynamics is available. Although the toxic peptides are generally small (about 60 amino acids), their size is sufficient to prevent them from crossing epithelial layers like the blood-brain barrier. Bioavailability measurements have been conducted for several snake venoms. For example, cobra venom has been found to have a bioavailability of 41.7% when injected intramuscular, and for other venoms this may even be less than 10%. These values are quite low compared to those of most therapeutic drugs, which usually have a bioavailability of nearly 100% after intramuscular injection. In general, toxic peptides of 10-40 amino acids have been found to have a relatively poor bioavailability due to their size and hydrophilicity. Thus, calciseptine, containing 60 amino acids, is expected to have a low bioavailability as well. Metabolism. Because calciseptine is a peptide, theoretically it can be broken down by proteases in the tissues where it is injected. It has been found that digestion of snake toxic peptides by proteases does occur in the prey tissues, but due to the relative stability of the toxins, the speed with which the toxins act and the amount of venom injected, this is not enough to protect against the consequences of a snake bite. The same goes for the immune system: the larger venom peptides are unlikely to be missed by the immune system, but immunological action is not fast enough to counter the effects of the venom. As mentioned above, calciseptine has a three-fingered structure commonly found in toxins. Although many toxins have this structure, their functions are diverse. The reason this structure is so much conserved is probably its stability: the cysteine bridges create a stable core, which possibly slows the breakdown of the protein by proteases. Mechanism of action. Calciseptine has been shown to block L-type calcium channels, thus inhibiting smooth muscle contraction and cardiac function. Voltage-activated calcium channels. Voltage-dependent calcium channels are important for generating electrical signals in excitable cells like neurons and cardiac or smooth muscle cells. N-type Ca2+ channels are found in neuronal cells, and play an important role in the coupling of nerve excitation and neurotransmitter secretion. L-type calcium channels are present in cardiac and smooth muscle cells, coupling excitation to muscle contraction. Other types of voltage-activated Ca2+-channels include T-type and P-type channels. Blocking of L-type calcium channels. Because the presence of calcium in the cytosol is required for muscle contraction, blockers of calcium channels prevent the muscles from building tension. Blockers of the L-type calcium channels, which occur in cardiac and smooth muscles, thus act as smooth muscle relaxants and inhibitors of cardiac contractions. Common blockers of L-type calcium channels are 1,4-dihydropyridines, which are used in treatment of cardiovascular diseases. Because of their activity as a relaxant, they can relax smooth muscles surrounding blood vessels, thus widening them and lowering the blood pressure. Calciseptine as an L-type calcium channel blocker. Calciseptine resembles the abovementioned 1,4-dihydropyridines in its biological action, as it has the same ability to bind and block the L-type calcium channels in smooth and cardiac muscle. The amino acids responsible for binding and blocking the L-type calcium channels are probably located in the third ‘finger’ of the calciseptine structure, somewhere between amino acids 40 and 50. Although peptides from the three-fingered family are alike in structure, only some of them are able to bind and block calcium channels. Multiple sequence alignment studies yielded 12 amino acid residues that were unique to the toxins with channel-blocking activities. These residues are located at the tips of loops II and III in the three-fingered structure. A model has been proposed in which the amino acids 45 to 48, MWPY, of the FS2 toxin are considered to bind the calcium channels. This model is based on a prediction of the interactions of these amino acids with the calcium channel. These interactions resemble the hydrophobic and hydrogen bonding properties of nifedipine, a known 1,4-dihydropyridine blocker. Because of the similarities between calciseptine and FS2, this model could account for the interactions of calciseptine with the L-type calcium channels as well. Another model is based on a larger segment of the same loop, containing amino acids 42 to 47, PTAMWP. Because sites of protein-protein interaction have often been found to be flanked by prolines, the presence of the two prolines in this ‘finger’ of the structure indicates a possible interaction site. A short polypeptide of eight amino acid residues, containing this sequence, was indeed found to block the L-type calcium channels, though with a lesser activity. These interacting amino acids are also found in two other L-type calcium channel blocking proteins, C10S2C2 and S4C8. Although both of these toxins are members of the three-fingered family, the three-fingered structure is probably not a requirement for channel blocking: other snake toxins, including dendrotoxin, have similar effects on various channels, but do not show the three-fingered structure. Indications/Symptoms. Typical symptoms after being bitten by a Black Mamba include the rapid onset of dizziness, drowsiness and coughing and having difficulties breathing. Other likely symptoms include convulsions, neuromuscular symptoms, shock, loss of consciousness, hypotension, ataxia, excessive salivation, limb paralysis, nausea and vomiting, fever, and severe abdominal pain. Permanent limb paralysis is very likely if the bite remains untreated. In the most severe case, if untreated, the bite of the Black Mamba can lead to death by suffocation, resulting from the paralysis of respiratory muscles. All these symptoms are due to a combination of all the toxic peptides the crude venom of the Black Mamba contains. The symptoms are related to calciseptine because it also works as a smooth muscle relaxant, thus explaining the early onset of having difficulties breathing, limb paralysis and even death by suffocation. Calciseptine is known to have a hypotensive effect. It cannot clearly be established which peptide is most responsible for which symptom, since combinations of different toxins can have various effects. Antidote. In case of a bite from the black mamba, the victim should be treated according to a standard protocol. The most important part of this treatment is the intravenous injection of a polyvalent antivenom. South African Vaccine Producers produces this antivenom. Polyvalent means that it can be used for different snakebites: vipers, mambas and cobras. Large quantities of the antivenom must be injected to counter the effects of the venom. The polyvalent antivenin is produced by injecting horses with adapted venom. The venom is first detoxified to prevent too much damage and death. This is mostly done by complexing the venom with an aldehyde like formalin. The venom is also administered with an adjuvant, like aluminium hydroxide or sodium alginate, to stimulate the immunological response. When the venom is injected, the body will produce antibodies. These will bind components – the variability of peptides – of the venom, which prevent further activity of the molecule and are ultimately removed by the immune system of the body. These antibodies are collected and purified from the blood and then packaged in mostly a liquid form. Horses are used because of the large blood volume. The final antivenom product expires after 5 years and needs to preferentially be kept cool, 4-8 °C. It can, however, survive different environmental situations for some weeks to months, without losing its potency. Because several venoms of different snakes are injected over time, the horse will develop different antibodies against all the venoms. This gives the antivenin its polyvalent property. This also enhances the potency of the antivenin. Some venoms cannot induce the immune system enough on its own or the combination of two or more venoms result in a better responding antivenin. Toxicity. Lethality. Calciseptine is toxic in low doses. No specific data are available on the toxicity of calciseptine in humans. However, the LD50 values for mice have been determined and can be found in the table below: Venom toxicity. The Black Mamba can inject between 100–120 mg venom in one bite. Comparing the LD50 results with the amount of venom that can be injected shows that one bite is fatal. For humans a dose of 10–15 mg is enough to be fatal. Other data. Calciseptine has an effect on the K+-induced contractions and L-type Ca2+ channel activity, the IC50 values were determined and gave values of 230 and 430 nM respectively. Calciseptine also has an effect on the cardiac function. The IC50 value found for this tissue was 15 nM. These values were determined in rats and mice. Synergistic toxicity. It has been found that some three-fingered toxins from mamba venom interact synergistically with each other. The molecular mechanisms of these interactions remain unknown. It is not known either whether calciseptine has a synergistic effect with other venom compounds. Effects on Animals. Calciseptine has been examined in vivo and in vitro in all kinds of animals, but mostly in rats. Calciseptine relaxes precontracted rat (thoracic) aorta and decreases blood pressure drastically. The decrease in blood pressure shows a combination of short- and long-lasting effects. The early, acute onset took five minutes, and the effect could last for 120 minutes or longer. In addition, calciseptine had only a small effect on the heart rhythm, changing it only slightly. Furthermore, it can also relax the trachea rings in the lungs. These effects can be explained by the relaxing activity of calciseptine on various smooth muscle cells. The inhibitory effect of calciseptine results in a decreased or total disappearance of electric activity in these cells. The total inhibitory effect depends on the tissue: the cardiovascular system is the most vulnerable, while neuronal cells are less vulnerable and skeletal muscle cells are completely resistant. This difference in tissue sensitivity is probably caused by slight differences in the L-type calcium channels in these tissues. These effects can occur at low subjected amounts of 0.1 till 1 μM calciseptine. In mouse myotube the Ca2+ currents show higher amplitude after incubation in calciseptine (1 μM). This effect of calciseptine on the Ca2+ current develops relatively fast. Calciseptine changes the reversal potential of the Ca2+ current in mouse myotubes. In adult frog skeletal muscle fibers calciseptine also causes an increased Ca2+ current. This increase is comparable to the increase which was found in mouse myotubes. In contrast to the mouse myotubes calciseptine did not change the reversal potential of the Ca2+ current. In rat muscle fibers after applying calciseptine there were very slight changes found in twitch tension, which shows us that the peptide had very little effect on muscle contraction. Calciseptine also had little effect on frog muscle fibers. There is a small effect of calciseptine during a series of repetitive stimuli which generate a tetanus; calciseptine increased tetanic tension. The average tetanic tension after applying calciseptine was slightly higher than the control value. Though calciseptine gives an increase in charge movement and increase in influx of Ca2+ through L-type channels this has no major effects on contraction of the muscle, even in tetanus. Research on rats and guinea pigs revealed that synthetic calciseptine and FS2 as well, have the same effect as their natural counterparts.

minor impact