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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=234979

Saku Suurhall is a multi-purpose indoor arena in the Haabersti subdistrict of the Estonian capital, Tallinn. Opened in November 2001, it is the largest multi-purpose hall in the country and holds up to 10,000 people. It is named after the Estonian brewery and soft drink company Saku. It generally hosts basketball games, as well as sport competitions, trade fairs, corporate events and concerts. History. The Saku Suurhall opened in November 2001. Since 2002, the Saku Suurhall is a member of the European Arenas Association (EAA). A total of 13,220 m² spread over four floors. Every year around 300 events take place in the hall, of which about 70 are major events. It accommodates up to 10,000 spectators, of which 7,200 are seated. The first event in the hall was the Irish dance show "Lord of the Dance".

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20506907

Robert Keith Leavitt (1895–1967) was a Harvard-educated New York City advertising copywriter who turned to non-fiction writing. He was the author of many books, including a history of "Webster's Dictionary" and "The Chip on Grandma's Shoulder" (1954.) 'Bob' Leavitt was also the longtime historian of the original The Baker Street Irregulars, devoted to all things Holmesian, about which he wrote in his "The Origins of 221B Worship." Background. Leavitt was born on August 20, 1895 in Cambridge, Massachusetts to Dr. Robert Greenleaf Leavitt, a Harvard-trained botanist, researcher, author and later college and high school teacher, and his wife Janet. Dubbed "the fiscal Holmes" by another member of the Baker Street Irregulars, Robert Keith Leavitt showed an early aptitude for ferreting out information. He attended the State Model School in Trenton, New Jersey, where his father was teaching, and graduated from Harvard College in 1917. Shortly afterwards, Leavitt joined the armed forces as 2nd Lieutenant in the 302nd Infantry, where he commanded the Prisoners of War Escort Company 223, with custody of 425 German prisoners. After the war Leavitt returned home, and found work writing copy for a New York City advertising agency. He spent 13 years in advertising, including a stint as Secretary-Treasurer of the Association of National Advertisers, before turning to a career as a freelance writer. From the beginning Leavitt focused on historical, offbeat subjects. He wrote for a range of publications, including a 1933 article for "Business Week" – during the height of the Depression – on" What we shall sell when the upturn comes – and to whom?" Leavitt sold articles to many publications, including "Forum and Century", "Advertising and Selling", "The American Magazine", "Forbes" and others. In 1946 he wrote a 66-page booklet entitled "Your Pay Envelope – and how it gets that way". To make ends meet, Leavitt wrote corporate histories, including that of the Pennsylvania Salt Manufacturing Company, and he wrote for publications of the Great Northern Railway. The former copywriter also continued to dabble in advertising and public relations. The corporate biographies Leavitt wrote to garner a paycheck included titles like "Prologue to Tomorrow: A History of the First Hundred Years in the Life of the Pennsylvania Salt Manufacturing Company" (1950); "Goods Roads" about the General Motors Overseas operations (1949); "Foundation for the Future: History of the Stanley Works" for Stanley Tools (1951); and 1954's "Life at Tung-Sol 1904–1954: An Informal Story of the First Half-century of Tung-Sol Electric Inc." Leavitt also found time to produce books on lighter subjects, notably "The Chip on Grandma's Shoulder", a memoir about his Maine grandmother Susan C. (Blazo) Keith, published by J. B. Lippincott in 1954, and "Common Sense About Fund Raising" (Stratford Press, 1949). But the book for which Leavitt is remembered is "Noah's Ark, New England Yankees, and the Endless Quest: A Short History of the Original Webster Dictionaries, with Particular Reference to Their First Hundred Years as Publications of G. & C. Merriam Company". Although a corporate history—published by G. & C. Merriam Company of Springfield, Massachusetts in 1947 -- "Noah's Ark" explores the history of Noah Webster and his competitor Joseph Emerson Worcester. The book's first half examines Webster's life and lexicography; the second half etches the "War of the Dictionaries", the struggle for supremacy between Webster's and his competitor Worcester's dictionaries. Leavitt laid out the history of Webster's publishing house after its eponymous title was sold to the Merriam family (today's Merriam-Webster). In "Noah's Ark" Leavitt plumbed the shoals of international lexicography and usage. "In considering the influence of Webster's American Dictionary outside the United States", writes David Micklethwait in "Noah Webster and the American Dictionary", "Leavitt says that Webster was 'increasingly the arbiter of definitions in British life', until the appearance of John Ogilvie's "Imperial Dictionary" in 1850, 'itself largely indebted to the American source.'" Leavitt's work remains the definitive history of Noah Webster and his legacy. When not writing articles and books, Leavitt indulged his passion for Sherlock Holmes, helping found, with his friend Christopher Morley, The Baker Street Irregulars, an informal group of Arthur Conan Doyle devotees. Records do not reflect when the author's affinity for Sherlock Holmes began, but his works show he was a close reader of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's oeuvre. It was in Leavitt's writings as historian of the Irregulars that he seemed most at home, his imagination prowling Arthur Conan Doyle's intricate plots, sniffing for clues about the Scottish-born author and his fictional sleuth. In an article entitled "Annie Oakley in Baker Street", for instance, Leavitt examined Sherlock Holmes's choice of handgun: Leavitt theorized from Doyle's description that Holmes's sidearm was a Webley Metropolitan Police Model, with 2½-inch barrel – the smallest handgun available, and subject to concealment without a holster. The voracious Leavitt mined Holmes's adventures for monographs of his own. He authored "The Curious Matter of the Anonymous Latin Epitaph", "The Cardboard Box" and others. In an essay in "The Baker Street Journal", the Baker Street Irregulars's periodical, Leavitt thought fit to question the marksmanship of the revered detective. In "Annie Oakley in Baker Street", Leavitt claimed that Dr. Watson's revolver shot had toppled the villain Tonga from the deck of the "Aurora" into the River Thames, and not Holmes's. In another piece Leavitt explored the hazy question of whether Dr. John Watson had remarried. Leavitt was a frequent contributor to "The Baker Street Journal", published by Ben Abramson, proprietor of Manhattan's Argus Book Shop and a Holmes aficionado, who published musings of the best-known Sherlockians. Within the close-knit Irregulars, Leavitt was known for his expertise in ballistics, optics and finances, sometimes combining them to examine the deeds of Conan Doyle's legendary hero. When not writing about Holmes, Leavitt chose the company of friends like fellow Baker Street Irregulars Christopher Morley and Elmer Davis, as well as other writers, reporters, advertising men and artists of the day. Leavitt had one brother, Russell Greenleaf Leavitt, who graduated from Harvard College in 1917, and who subsequently received a deferment from the military for poor eyesight. But Russell Leavitt joined the U.S. Navy and eventually wangled an assignment driving an ambulance for the U.S. Army Ambulance Corps during the First World War. Russell Leavitt drove his ambulance on the front lines for 11 months, piloting his vehicle at Verdun and Flanders, and eventually serving in the Chemical Warfare Service Laboratory at Paris. In a piece called "The Christmas Miracle", Bob Leavitt recalled tramping through the small Massachusetts town of Stoughton on Christmas Eve at age six with his father Robert and brother Russell, searching for a Christmas tree. Leavitt's father stopped periodically and cut several tiny balsam seedlings. "Our father was a botanist Ph.D., given to plucking all manner of specimens wherever we walked, with the offhand explanation, "'A fine Tsuga canadensis", or whatever it was," Leavitt wrote. 'By nightfall we had forgotten all about the walk." At home that evening, wondering about their tree, the two boys were shown a jar of earth devoid of plant life. If they sang 'O Little Town of Bethlehem' particularly well, their mother told them, the trees might grow. The youngsters left the room, and began to sing. When they looked again, the seedlings had grown a foot. They repaired to the other room and sang some more. When they came back, the trees had grown again. "We went out and tried harder on that song," wrote Leavitt, "and when we re-entered the sitting room, the Tree had grown to perhaps a foot or so in height... We went out and tried harder on that song. And sure enough this Time the tree was taller than either boy... To this day I cannot hear 'O Little Town of Bethlehem,' from however cracked a curbside organ, without hearing through and beyond it the clear, true voice of my mother." Bob Leavitt died at Scarsdale, New York, in 1967. He was 72. His botanist father had died in 1942 while walking in Parsonsfield, Maine. His mother, Janet (Shumway) Leavitt, died of pneumonia in 1902 when Leavitt was seven. Quotes. "People don't ask for facts in making up their minds. They would rather have one good soul-satisfying emotion than a dozen facts." —Robert Keith Leavitt, "Voyages and Discoveries", 1939

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3279728

Dog meat is the flesh and other edible parts derived from dogs. Historically, human consumption of dog meat has been recorded in many parts of the world. In the 21st century, dog meat is consumed in China, South Korea, Vietnam, Nigeria, and Switzerland, and it is eaten or is legal to be eaten in other countries throughout the world. Some cultures view the consumption of dog meat as part of their traditional, ritualistic, or day-to-day cuisine, and other cultures consider consumption of dog meat a taboo, even where it had been consumed in the past. Opinions also vary drastically across different regions within different countries. It was estimated in 2014 that worldwide, 25 million dogs are eaten each year by humans. Historical practices. Aztecs. In the Aztec Empire, Mexican hairless dogs were bred for, among other purposes, their meat. Hernán Cortés reported when he arrived in Tenochtitlan in 1519, "small gelded dogs which they breed for eating" were among the goods sold in the city markets. These dogs, "Xoloitzcuintles", were often depicted in pre-Columbian Mexican pottery. The breed was almost extinct in the 1940s, but the British military attaché in Mexico City, Norman Wright, developed a thriving breed from some of the dogs he found in remote villages. Unfortunately the genetic heritage of the breed has been almost erased through interbreeding with other dog breeds to keep its looks alive. Native North Americans. The traditional culture surrounding the consumption of dog meat varied from tribe to tribe among the original inhabitants of North America, with some tribes relishing it as a delicacy, and others (such as the Comanche) treating it as a forbidden food. Native peoples of the Great Plains, such as the Sioux and Cheyenne, consumed it, but there was a concurrent religious taboo against the meat of wild canines. The Kickapoo people include puppy meat in many of their traditional festivals. This practice has been well documented in the Works Progress Administration "Indian Pioneer History Project for Oklahoma". On 20 December 2018, the federal Dog and Cat Meat Trade Prohibition Act was signed into law as part of the 2018 Farm Bill. It bans slaughtering dogs and cats for food in the United States, with exceptions for Native American rituals. Europe. One of Ireland's mythological heroes, Cuchulainn, had two geasa, or vows, one of which was to avoid the meat of dogs. The breaking of his geasa led to his death in the Irish mythology. Polynesia. Dogs were historically eaten in Tahiti and other islands of Polynesia, including Hawaii at the time of first European contact. James Cook, when first visiting Tahiti in 1769, recorded in his journal, "few were there of us but what allow'd that a South Sea Dog was next to an English Lamb, one thing in their favour is that they live entirely upon Vegetables". Calwin Schwabe reported in 1979 that dog was widely eaten in Hawaii and considered to be of higher quality than pork or chicken. When Hawaiians first encountered early British and American explorers, they were at a loss to explain the visitors' attitudes about dog meat. The Hawaiians raised both dogs and pigs as pets and for food. They could not understand why their British and American visitors only found the pig suitable for consumption. This practice seems to have died out, along with the native Hawaiian breed of dog, the unique Hawaiian Poi Dog, which was primarily used for this purpose. Although Hawaii has outlawed commercial sales of dog meat, until the federal Dog and Cat Meat Trade Prohibition Act it was legal to slaughter an animal classified as a pet if it was "bred for human consumption" and done in a "humane" manner. This allowed dog meat trade to continue, mostly using stray, lost, or stolen dogs. Religious dietary laws. According to Kashrut, Jewish dietary law, it is forbidden to consume the flesh of terrestrial predators who do not chew their cud and have cloven hooves, which includes dogs. In Islamic dietary laws, the consumption of the flesh of a dog, or any carnivorous animal, or any animal bearing fangs, claws, fingers or reptilian scales, is prohibited. Dogs as survival food. Wars and famines. In most European countries, the consumption of dog meat is taboo. Exceptions occurred in times of scarcity, such as sieges or famines. In Germany, dog meat has been eaten in every major crisis since at least the time of Frederick the Great, and was commonly referred to as "blockade mutton". During the Siege of Paris (1870–1871), food shortages caused by the German blockade of the city caused the citizens of Paris to turn to alternative sources for food, including dog meat. Dog meat was also reported as being sold by some butchers in Paris in 1910. In the early 20th century, high meat prices led to widespread consumption of horse and dog meat in Germany. In the early 20th century in United States, dog meat was consumed during times of meat shortage. A few meat shops sold dog meat during the German occupation of Belgium in World War I, when food was extremely scarce. In the latter part of World War I, dog meat was being eaten in Saxony by the poorer classes because of famine conditions. In Germany, the consumption of dog meat continued in the 1920s. In 1937, a meat inspection law targeted against trichinella was introduced for pigs, dogs, boars, foxes, badgers, and other carnivores. During severe meat shortages coinciding with the German occupation from 1940 to 1945, sausages found to have been made of dog meat were confiscated by Nazi authorities in the Netherlands. Expeditions and emergencies. Travelers sometimes have to eat their accompanying dogs to survive when stranded without other food. For example, Benedict Allen ate his dog when lost in Brazilian rainforest. A case in Canada was reported in 2013. Lewis and Clark. During Lewis and Clark expedition (1803–1806), Meriwether Lewis and the other members of the Corps of Discovery consumed dog meat, either from their own animals or supplied by Native American tribes, including the Paiutes and Wah-clel-lah Indians, a branch of the Watlatas, the Clatsop, the Teton Sioux (Lakota), the Nez Perce Indians (who did not eat dog themselves), and the Hidatsas. Lewis and the members of the expedition ate dog meat, except William Clark, who reportedly could not bring himself to eat dogs. Polar exploration. British explorer Ernest Shackleton and his Imperial Trans-Antarctic Expedition became trapped, and ultimately killed their sled dogs for food. Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen's party famously planned to eat their sled dogs, as well as to feed weaker dogs to other dogs, during their expedition to the South Pole. This allowed the party to carry less food, thus lightening the load, and ultimately helped Amundsen to win his race to the South Pole against Robert Scott's expedition, which used ponies. When comparing sled dogs to ponies as draught animals, Amundsen noted: There is the obvious advantage that dog can be fed on dog. One can reduce one's pack little by little, slaughtering the feebler ones and feeding the chosen with them. In this way they get fresh meat. Our dogs lived on dog's flesh and pemmican the whole way, and this enabled them to do splendid work. And if we ourselves wanted a piece of fresh meat we could cut off a delicate little fillet; it tasted to us as good as the best beef. The dogs do not object at all; as long as they get their share they do not mind what part of their comrade's carcass it comes from. All that was left after one of these canine meals was the teeth of the victim – and if it had been a really hard day, these also disappeared. Douglas Mawson and Xavier Mertz were part of the Far Eastern Party, a three-man sledging team with Lieutenant B. E. S. Ninnis, to survey King George V Land, Antarctica. On 14 December 1912 Ninnis fell through a snow-covered crevasse along with most of the party's rations, and was never seen again. Mawson and Mertz turned back immediately. They had one and a half weeks' food for themselves and nothing at all for the dogs. Their meagre provisions forced them to eat their remaining sled dogs on their return journey. Their meat was tough, stringy and without a vestige of fat. Each animal yielded very little, and the major part was fed to the surviving dogs, which ate the meat, skin and bones until nothing remained. The men also ate the dog's brains and livers. Unfortunately eating the liver of sled dogs produces the condition hypervitaminosis A because canines have a much higher tolerance for vitamin A than humans do. Mertz suffered a quick deterioration. He developed stomach pains and became incapacitated and incoherent. On 7 January 1913, Mertz died. Mawson continued alone, eventually making it back to camp alive. Modern practices. Africa. Cameroon. Dogs are eaten by Vame people for certain religious rituals. Democratic Republic of the Congo. In 2011 it was reported that, due to high prices on other types of meat, the consumption of dog meat is common despite a longstanding taboo. Ghana. The Tallensi, the Akyims, the Kokis, and the Yaakuma, one of many cultures of Ghana, consider dog meat a delicacy. The Mamprusi generally avoid dog meat, and it is eaten in a "courtship stew" provided by a king to his royal lineage. Two Tribes in Ghana, Frafra and Dagaaba are particularly known to be "tribal playmates" and consumption of dog meat is the common bond between the two tribes. Every year around September, games are organised between these two tribes and the Dog Head is the trophy at stake for the winning tribe. It was reported in 2017 that increasing demand for dog meat (due to the belief it gives more energy) has led politician Anthony Karbo to propose dog meat factories in three northern regions of Ghana. Nigeria. Dogs are eaten by various groups in some states of Nigeria, including Ondo State, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Plateau, Kalaba, Taraba and Gombe of Nigeria. They are believed to have medicinal powers. In late 2014, the fear of contracting the Ebola virus disease from bushmeat led at least one major Nigerian newspaper to imply that eating dog meat was a healthy alternative. That paper documented a thriving trade in dog meat and slow sales of even well smoked bushmeat. Asia/Pacific. Cambodia. Animal welfare NGO Four Paws estimates that 2–3 million dogs are slaughtered annually for their meat in Cambodia. Methods of slaughtering the dog can range from strangulation, drowning, stabbing, or clubbing the head. According to a market research study in 2019 on the dog meat trade in Cambodia, overall a total of 53.6% of respondents indicated that they have eaten dog meat at some time in their lives (72.4% of males and 34.8% of females). A new campaign began in 2020 to end dog meat consumption. Mainland China. Estimates for total dog killings in China range from 10 to 20 million dogs annually, for purposes of human consumption. However, estimates such as these are not official and are derived from extrapolating industry reports on meat tonnage to an estimate of dogs killed. Consuming dog meat is legal in mainland China, and the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture has never issued quarantine procedures for slaughtering dogs. Selling dog meat as food is against the Food Safety Law of the People's Republic of China. According to the Animal Epidemic Prevention Law of the People's Republic of China (2013 Amendment), dogs need to be vaccinated. Dogs for eating are not vaccinated, so they are illegal to transport or to sell. The eating of dog meat in China dates back thousands of years. Dog meat () has been a source of food in some areas from around 500 BC and possibly even earlier. It has been suggested that wolves in southern China may have been domesticated as a source of meat. Mencius, the philosopher, talked about dog meat as being an edible, dietary meat. It was reported in the early 2000s that the meat was thought to have medicinal properties, and had been popular in northern China during the winter, as it was believed to raise body temperature after consumption and promote warmth. Historical records have shown how in times of food scarcities (as in war-time situations), dogs could also be eaten as an emergency food source. In modern times, the extent of dog consumption in China varies by region. It is most prevalent in Guangdong, Yunnan and Guangxi, as well as the northern provinces of Heilongjiang, Jilin and Liaoning. It was reportedly common in 2010 to find dog meat served in restaurants in Southern China, where dogs are reared on farms for consumption. In 2012, Chinese netizens and the Chinese police intercepted trucks transporting caged dogs to be slaughtered in localities such as Chongqing and Kunming. Since 2009, Yulin, Guangxi, has held an annual festival of eating dog meat (purportedly a celebration of the summer solstice). In 2014, the municipal government published a statement distancing itself from the festival, saying it was not a cultural tradition, but rather a commercial event held by restaurants and the public. The festival in 2011 spanned 10 days, during which 15,000 dogs were consumed. Estimates of the number of dogs eaten in 2015 for the festival ranged from as high as 10,000 to lower than 1,000 amid growing pressure at home and abroad to end it. Festival organizers state that only dogs bred specifically for consumption are used, while objectors say that some of the dogs purchased for slaughter and consumption are strays or stolen pets. Some of the dogs at the festival are alleged to have been burnt or boiled alive or beaten out of the belief that increased adrenaline circulating in the dog's body adds to the flavor of the meat. Other reports, however, state that there have been little evidence of those practices since 2015. Prior to the 2014 festival, eight dogs (and their two cages) sold for 1,150 yuan ($185) and six puppies for 1,200 yuan. Prior to the 2015 festival, a protester bought 100 dogs for 7,000 yuan ($1,100; £710). The animal rights NGO Best Volunteer Centre commented that the city had more than 100 slaughterhouses, processing between 30 and 100 dogs a day. The Yulin Centre for Animal Disease Control and Prevention states the city has only eight dog slaughterhouses selling approximately 200 dogs, and this increases to about 2,000 dogs during the Yulin festival. There have been several campaigns to stop the festival, with the first one reportedly having started among locals in China. In 2016, a petition calling for an end to the festival garnered 11 million signatures in the country. More than 3 million people have also signed petitions against it on Weibo (China's equivalent of Twitter). Prior to the 2014 festival, doctors and nurses were ordered not to eat dog meat there, and local restaurants serving dog meat were ordered to cover the word "dog" on their signs and notices. Reports in 2014 and 2016 have also suggested that the majority of Chinese on and offline disapprove of the festival. The movement against the consumption of cat and dog meat was given added impetus by the formation of the Chinese Companion Animal Protection Network (CCAPN). Having expanded to more than 40 member societies, CCAPN began organizing protests against eating dog and cat meat in 2006, starting in Guangzhou and continuing in more than ten other cities following a positive response from the public. Before the 2008 Beijing Olympics, officials ordered dog meat to be taken off the menu at its 112 official Olympic restaurants to avoid offending visitors from various nations where the consumption of dog meat is taboo. In 2010, draft legislation was proposed to prohibit the consumption of dog meat. In 2010, the first draft proposal of it was introduced, with the rationale to protect animals from maltreatment. The legislation included a measure to jail people for up to 15 days for eating dog meat, but there were few expectations for it to be enforced. Decline. As of the early 21st century, dog meat consumption in China is declining or disappearing. In 2014, dog meat sales decreased by a third compared to 2013. It was reported that in 2015, one of the most popular restaurants in Guangzhou serving dog meat was closed after the local government tightened regulations; the restaurant had served dog meat dishes since 1963. Other restaurants that served dog and cat meat in the Yuancun and Panyu districts also stopped serving these dishes in 2015. Close to 9 million Chinese in 2016 also voted online for proposed legislation to end the consumption of dog and cat meat, but the legislation was not taken forward. In April 2020, Shenzhen became the first Chinese city to ban consumption and production of dog and cat meat. This came as part of a wider clampdown on the wildlife trade which was thought to be linked to COVID-19 outbreak. Citing examples of Hong Kong and Taiwan, the Shenzhen city government said, "Banning the consumption of dogs and cats and other pets is a common practice in developed countries... This ban also responds to the demand and spirit of human civilization". The city of Zhuhai followed suit in the same month with a similar ban. These decisions were applauded by animal welfare groups such as Humane Society International. In the same month, the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture said it considers dogs as "companion animals", not as livestock, signalling that dog meat consumption may not remain legal for long. Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, the "Dogs and Cats Ordinance" was introduced by the British Hong Kong Government on 6 January 1950. It prohibits the slaughter of any dog or cat for use as food by fine and imprisonment. In February 1998, a Hong Konger was sentenced to one month imprisonment and a fine of two thousand HK dollars for hunting street dogs for food. Four local men were sentenced to 30 days imprisonment in December 2006 for having slaughtered two dogs. Taiwan. In 2001, the Taiwanese government imposed a ban on the sale of dog meat, due to both pressure from domestic animal welfare groups and a desire to improve international perceptions, and there were some protests. In 2007, another law was passed, significantly increasing the fines to sellers of the meat. According to The Daily Meal in 2014, dog meat remained popular in Taiwan despite the laws, especially at smaller towns and villages. Animal rights activists have accused the Taiwanese government of not prosecuting those who continue to slaughter and serve dog meat at restaurants. In April 2017, Taiwan became the first country in the East Asia to officially ban the consumption of dog and cat meat as well as jail time for those who torture and kill animals. The Animal Protection Act amendments approved by the Legislative Yuan aims to punish the sale, purchase or consumption of dog or cat meat with fines ranging from NT$50,000 to NT$2 million. The amendments also stiffen punishment for those who intentionally harm animals to a maximum two years' imprisonment and fines of NT$200,000 to NT$2 million. In October 2017, Taiwan's national legislature, known as Legislative Yuan, passed amendments to the country's Animal Protection Act which "bans the sale and consumption of dog and cat meat and of any food products that contain the meat or other parts of these animals." India. With one of the largest vegetarian populations, consumption of dog meat is very rare in India, seen in a few tribal communities like among certain Tibeto-Burman communities, and in some states of Northeast India, particularly Mizoram, Nagaland, Manipur, Tripura, and Arunachal Pradesh. In March 2020, the Government of Mizoram passed the Animal Slaughter Bill 2020 which effectively bans dogs from being slaughtered in the state. In Nagaland, dog lovers had launched a campaign to end Nagaland's dog meat trade. The Government of Nagaland banned the consumption and trading of dog meat in the state on 3 July 2020. Indonesia. Indonesia is predominantly Muslim, a faith which considers dog meat, along with pork, to be haram (ritually unclean). "The New York Times" has reported that in spite of this, dog meat consumption has been growing in popularity among Muslims and other ethnic groups in the country due to its cheap price and purported health or medicinal benefits. Although reliable data on the dog meat trade is scarce, various welfare groups estimate that at least 1 million dogs are killed every year to be eaten. On the resort island of Bali alone, between 60,000 and 70,000 dogs are slaughtered and eaten a year, in spite of lingering concerns about the spread of rabies following an outbreak of the disease there a few years ago, according to the Bali Animal Welfare Association. Marc Ching of the Animal Hope and Wellness Foundation claimed in 2017 that the treatment of dogs in Indonesia was the "most sadistic" out of anywhere they were killed for their meat. According to Rappler and "The Independent", the slaughter process for dogs in Tomohon, Sulawesi resulted in some of them being blowtorched alive. The consumption of dog meat is often associated with the Minahasa culture of northern Sulawesi, Maluku culture, Toraja culture, various ethnic from East Nusa Tenggara, and the Bataks of northern Sumatra. The code for restaurants or vendors selling dog meat is "RW", an abbreviation for "rintek wuuk" (Minahasan euphemism means "fine hair") or "B1" abbreviation for "biang" (Batak language for female dog or "bitch"). Popular Indonesian dog-meat dishes are Minahasan spicy meat dish called "rica-rica". Dog meat "rica-rica" specifically called "rica-rica" "RW" which stands for "Rintek Wuuk" in Minahasan dialect, which means "fine hair" as a euphemism referring for fine hair found in roasted dog meat. It is cooked as "Patong" dish by Toraja people, and as "Saksang" "B1" (stands for "Biang" which means "dog" or "bitch" in Batak dialect) by Batak people of North Sumatra. On Java, there are several dishes made from dog meat, such as "sengsu" ("tongseng asu"), "sate" "jamu" (lit. "medicinal satay"), and "kambing balap" (lit. "racing goat"). "Asu" is Javanese for "dog". Dog consumption in Indonesia gained attention during the 2012 U.S. presidential election when incumbent Barack Obama was pointed out by his opponent to have eaten dog meat served by his Indonesian stepfather Lolo Soetoro when Obama was living in the country. Obama wrote about his experience of eating dog in his book "Dreams of My Father", and at the 2012 White House Correspondents' Dinner joked about eating dog. According to Lyn White of Animals Australia, the consumption of dog meat in Bali is not a long-held tradition. She said the meat first came from a Christian ethnic group coming to Bali, where a minority of the immigrants working in the hospitality industry have fuelled the trade. In June 2017, an investigative report discovered that tourists in Bali are unknowingly eating dog meat sold by street vendors. Japan. Although the vast majority of Japanese do not eat dog meat, it has been reported that more than 100 outlets in the country have been selling it imported, mainly to Zainichi Korean customers. There has been a belief in Japan that certain dogs have special powers in their religion of Shintoism and Buddhism. In 675 AD, Emperor Tenmu decreed a prohibition on its consumption during the 4th through 9th months of the year. According to "Meisan Shojiki Ōrai" (名産諸色往来) published in 1760, the meat of wild dog was sold along with boar, deer, fox, wolf, bear, raccoon dog, otter, weasel and cat in some regions of Edo. Korea. Gaegogi (개고기) literally means "dog meat" in Korean. The term itself is often mistaken as the term for Korean soup made from dog meat, which is actually called "bosintang" (보신탕; 補身湯, "Body nourishing soup") (sometimes spelled "bo-shintang"). The consumption of dog meat in Korean culture can be traced through history. Dog bones were excavated in a neolithic settlement in Changnyeong, South Gyeongsang Province. A wall painting in the Goguryeo tombs complex in South Hwangghae Province, a World Heritage Site which dates from the 4th century AD, depicts a slaughtered dog in a storehouse. The Balhae people also enjoyed dog meat, and the modern-day tradition of canine cuisine seems to have come from that era. People in both Koreas share the belief that consuming dog meat helps stamina during the summer. South Korea. The Humane Society International says that an estimated 2 million or possibly more than 2.5 million dogs are reared on "dog meat farms" in South Korea. According to the Korea Animal Rights Advocates (KARA), approximately 780,000 to 1 million dogs are consumed per year in South Korea. The number is lower based on estimates of sales from Moran Market, which occupies 30–40% of dog meat market in the nation. Sales at Moran Market have been declining in the past few years, down to about 20,000 dogs per year in 2017. In recent years dog meat consumption has declined as more people have been adopting dogs as pets. Dog restaurants are also closing down, with reports saying the country's 1,500 dog meat restaurants have almost halved in recent years. Some restaurants have reported declines in consumption of 20–30% per year. A poll conducted by Gallup Korea in 2015 reported that only 20 percent of men in their 20s consumed dog meat, compared to half of those in their 50s and 60s. According to the Korean Animal Rights Advocates (KARA), there are approximately 3,000 dog farms operating across the country, many of which receive dogs from overflow from puppy mills for the pet industry. Dog meat is often consumed during the winter months and is either roasted or prepared in soups or stews. The most popular of these soups is "bosintang and gaejang-guk", a spicy stew meant to balance the body's heat during the summer months. This is thought to ensure good health by balancing one's "qi", the believed vital energy of the body. Dog meat is also believed to increase the body temperature, so people sweat more to keep one cool during the summer (the way of dealing with heat is called "Heal heat with heat" (이열치열, 以熱治熱, "i-yeol-chi-yeol"). A 19th-century version of "gaejang-guk" explains the preparation of the dish by boiling dog meat with vegetables such as green onions and chili pepper powder. Variations of the dish contain chicken and bamboo shoots. The Ministry of Food and Drug Safety recognizes any edible product other than drugs as food. South Korean Food Sanitary Law (식품위생법) does not include dog meat as a legal food ingredient. In the capital city of Seoul, the sale of dog meat was outlawed by regulation on 21 February 1984, by classifying dog meat as "repugnant food" (혐오식품, 嫌惡食品, "hyeom-o sigpum"), but the regulation was not rigorously enforced except during the 1988 Seoul Olympics. In 2001, the Mayor of Seoul announced there would be no extra enforcement efforts to control the sale of dog meat during the 2002 FIFA World Cup, which was partially hosted in Seoul. In 2018, a South Korean court ruled that it was illegal to kill dogs for their meat. The primary dog breed raised for meat is a non-specific landrace, whose dogs are commonly named as "Nureongi" (누렁이) or "Hwangu" (황구). Nureongi are not the only type of dog currently slaughtered for their meat in South Korea. In 2015, "The Korea Observer" reported that many different pet breeds of dog are eaten in South Korea, including labradors, retrievers and cocker spaniels, and that the dogs slaughtered for their meat often include former pets. Some of them have reportedly been stolen from family homes. There is a large and vocal group of Koreans (consisting of a number of animal welfare groups) who are against the practice of eating dogs. Popular television shows like 'I Love Pet' have documented, in 2011 for instance, the continued illegal sale of dog meat and slaughtering of dogs in suburban areas. The program also televised illegal dog farms and slaughterhouses, showing the unsanitary and horrific conditions of caged dogs, several of which were visibly sick with severe eye infections and malnutrition. Some Koreans do not eat the meat, but feel that it is the right of others to do so. A smaller group wants to popularize the consumption of dog in Korea and the rest of the world. A group of activists attempted to promote and publicize the consumption of dog meat worldwide during the run-up to the 2002 FIFA World Cup, co-hosted by Japan and South Korea, which prompted retaliation from animal rights campaigners and prominent figures such as Brigitte Bardot to denounce the practice. Opponents of dog meat consumption in South Korea are critical of the eating of dog meat, as some dogs are beaten, burnt or hanged to make their meat more tender. The restaurants that sell dog meat, often exclusively, do so at the risk of losing their restaurant licenses. A case of a dog meat wholesaler, charged with selling dog meat, arose in 1997 where an appeals court acquitted the dog meat wholesaler, ruling that dogs were socially accepted as food. According to the National Assembly of South Korea, more than 20,000 restaurants, including the 6,484 registered restaurants, served soups made from dog meat in Korea in 1998. In 1999 the BBC reported that 8,500 tons of dog meat were consumed annually, with another 93,600 tons used to produce a medicinal tonic called "gaesoju" (개소주, "dog soju" ). By 2014, only 329 restaurants served dog meat in Seoul, and the numbers are continuing to decline each year. On 21 November 2018, the South Korean government closed the Taepyeong-dong complex in Seongnam, which served as the country's main dog slaughterhouse. North Korea. "Daily NK" reported that in early 2010, the North Korean government included dog meat in its list of one hundred fixed prices, setting a fixed price of 500 won per kilogram. Malaysia. The consumption of dog meat is legal in Malaysia. The issue was brought to light in 2013 after the Malaysian Independent Animal Rescue group received a report alleging that a restaurant in Kampung Melayu, Subang had dogs caged and tortured before slaughtering them for their meat. Philippines. The European Society of Dog and Animal Welfare estimates that half a million dogs are slaughtered for food each year in the Philippines. In the capital city of Manila, Metro Manila Commission Ordinance 82-05 specifically prohibits the killing and selling of dogs for food. More generally, the Philippine Animal Welfare Act 1998 prohibits the killing of any animal other than cattle, pigs, goats, sheep, poultry, rabbits, carabaos, horses, deer, and crocodiles–with exemptions for religious, cultural, research, public safety, and/or animal health reasons. Nevertheless, the consumption of dog meat is not uncommon in the Philippines, reflected in the occasional coverage in Philippine newspapers. Philippine news outlets ABS-CBN and SunStar alleged in 2012 and 2017 that Korean nationals in Baguio had been playing a role in the city's dog meat trade. According to the Animal Welfare Institute, stray dogs, with many of them having been people's pets, have been rounded up off the street for the dog meat trade and shipped to the Benguet province without food or water while steel cans are forced onto their noses and their legs are tied behind their backs. Nearly half the dogs reportedly die before reaching their final destination. They are usually then killed via clubbing or having their throats cut, after which their fur is scorched off with a blow-torch and their bodies are dismembered. According to a 2007 book co-authored by Temple Grandin, dogs and other animals in some rural Philippine areas could risk getting beaten before slaughter, out of the belief it would create better meat. Asocena is a dish primarily consisting of dog meat originating from the Philippines. The province of Benguet specifically allows cultural use of dog meat by indigenous people and acknowledges this might lead to limited commercial use. In the early 1980s, there was an international outcry about dog meat consumption in the Philippines after newspapers published photos of Margaret Thatcher, then British Prime Minister, with a dog carcass hanging beside her on a market stall. The British Government discussed withdrawing foreign aid and other countries, such as Australia, considered similar action. To avoid such action, the Filipino government banned the sale of dog meat. Dog meat was then the third most consumed meat, behind pork and goat and ahead of beef. The ban eventually became wholly disregarded and unenforced. Singapore. The sale of dog meat is banned in Singapore. Thailand. There used to be a small regional culture of eating dog meat, as well as a trade of dogs for consumption and transporting them to nearby Vietnam where dog meat consumption was more common. In 2014, Thailand passed the Prevention of Animal Cruelty and Provision of Animal Welfare Act which, among other provisions, made it illegal to trade in or consume dog meat. As of 2016, the trade to Vietnam has continued, with CNN reporting that broken bones and crushed skulls have been a common injury for the smuggled dogs. Timor-Leste. Dog meat is a delicacy popular in Timor-Leste. Uzbekistan. Dog meat has sometimes been used in Uzbekistan in the belief that it has medicinal properties. Vietnam. Around five million dogs are slaughtered in Vietnam every year, making the country the second biggest consumer of dog meat in the world after China. The consumption has been criticized by many in Vietnam and around the world as most of the dogs are pets stolen and killed in brutal ways, usually by being bludgeoned, stabbed, burned alive, or having their throat slit. Vietnam does not have strong regulations to stop the practice. Dog thieves are rarely punished, and neither are the people who buy and sell stolen meat. Dog meat is particularly popular in the urban areas of the north, and can be found in special restaurants which specifically serve dog meat. A 2013 survey on VietNamNet, with a participation of more than 3,000 readers, showed that the majority of people, at 80%, supported eating dog meat. Up to 66 percent of the readers said that dog meat is nutritious and has been a traditional food for a very long time. Some 13% said eating dog meat is okay but dog slaughtering must be strictly controlled in order to avoid embarrassing images. Dog meat is believed to bring good fortune in Vietnamese culture. It is seen as being comparable in consumption to chicken or pork. In urban areas, there are neighbourhoods that contain many dog meat restaurants. For example, on Nhat Tan Street, Tây Hồ District, Hanoi, many restaurants serve dog meat. Groups of customers, usually male, seated on mats, will spend their evenings sharing plates of dog meat and drinking alcohol. The consumption of dog meat can be part of a ritual usually occurring toward the end of the lunar month for reasons of astrology and luck. Restaurants which mainly exist to serve dog meat may only open for the last half of the lunar month. Dog meat is also believed to raise men's libido. There used to be a large smuggling trade from Thailand to export dogs to Vietnam for human consumption. A concerted campaign between 2007 and 2014 by animal activists in Thailand, led by the Soi Dog Foundation, convinced authorities in both Thailand and Vietnam that the dog meat trade was a hindrance to efforts to tackle rabies in Southeast Asia. In 2014, Thailand introduced a new law against animal cruelty, which greatly increased penalties faced by dog smugglers. The trade had significantly diminished. In 2009, dog meat was found to be a main carrier of the "Vibrio cholerae" bacterium, which caused the summer epidemic of cholera in northern Vietnam. Prior to 2014, more than 5 million dogs were killed for meat every year in Vietnam according to the Asia Canine Protection Alliance. There are indications that the desire to eat dog meat in Vietnam is waning. Part of the decline is thought to be due to an increased number of Vietnamese people keeping dogs as pets, as their incomes have risen in the past few decades. In 2018, officials in the city of Hanoi urged citizens to stop eating dog and cat meat, citing concerns about the cruel methods with which the animals are slaughtered and the diseases this practice propagates, including rabies and leptospirosis. The primary reason for this exhortation seems to be a fear that the practice of dog and cat consumption, most of which are stolen household pets, could tarnish the city's image as a “civilised and modern capital”. Europe. Austria. Section 6, Paragraph 2 of the law for the protection of animals prohibits the killing of dogs and cats for purposes of consumption as food or for other products. Switzerland. In 2012, the Swiss newspaper "Tages-Anzeiger" reported that dogs, as well as cats, are eaten regularly by a few farmers in rural areas. Commercial slaughter and sale of dog meat is banned, but farmers are allowed to slaughter dogs for personal consumption. The favorite type of meat comes from a dog related to the Rottweiler and consumed as "Mostbröckli", a form of marinated meat. Animals are slaughtered by butchers and either shot or bludgeoned. In his 1979 book "Unmentionable Cuisine", Calvin Schwabe described a Swiss dog meat recipe, "gedörrtes Hundefleisch", served as paper-thin slices, as well as smoked dog ham, "Hundeschinken", which is prepared by salting and drying raw dog meat. It is illegal in Switzerland to commercially produce food made from dog meat. United Kingdom. Although the commercial trade of dog meat is illegal, it is still currently legal in the United Kingdom to consume dog meat. Oceania. Australia. Each Australian state or territory has its own regulation, but all have laws either making it illegal to eat dog meat or to kill a dog for consumption. It is also prohibited to sell dog meat based on meat processing standards and codes. Tonga. The consumption of domestic dog meat is commonplace in Tonga, and has also been noted in expatriate Tongan communities in New Zealand, Australia, and the United States. Other dog products. Central Asia. According to Eurasianet, dog fat is seen as a well-established would-be treatment for tuberculosis in parts of Central Asia. The fat has reportedly been used as a folk remedy for COVID-19 in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Poland. Eating dog meat is taboo in Polish culture. However, since the 16th century, fat from various animals, including dogs, was used as part of folk medicine, and since the 18th century dog fat has had a reputation as being beneficial for the lungs. According to "Polityka," the main producers of dog fat in 19th and early 20th century Poland were Gypsies. While making lard, or smalec, out of dogs' fat is currently discouraged in the country, this practice continues in some rural areas, especially Lesser Poland. In 2009, Polish prosecutors reportedly found that a farm near Częstochowa was overfeeding dogs to be rendered down into lard. According to Grazyna Zawada, from "Gazeta Wyborcza", there were farms in Czestochowa, Klobuck, and in the Radom area, and in the decade from 2000 to 2010 six people producing dog lard were found guilty of breaching animal welfare laws and sentenced to jail. However, the "Krakow Post" reported that a man who had admitted to stealing and killing dogs for lard in 2009 at Wieliczka was found not guilty of any crimes by the court, who ruled that the dogs had been slaughtered humanely for culinary purposes. As of 2014, there have been new cases prosecuted. Dog breeds used for meat. The Nureongi in Korea is most often used as a livestock dog, raised for its meat, and not commonly kept as pets. In 2015, "The Korea Observer" reported that many different pet breeds of dog are eaten in South Korea, including labradors, retrievers and cocker spaniels, and that the dogs slaughtered for their meat may include former pets. The Xoloitzcuintli, or Mexican Hairless Dog, is one of several breeds of hairless dog and has been used as a historical source of food for the Aztec Empire. The extinct Hawaiian Poi Dog and Polynesian Dog were breeds of pariah dog used by Native Hawaiians as a spiritual protector of children and as a source of food. The extinct Tahitian Dog was a food source, and served by high ranking chiefs to the early European explorers who visited the islands. Captain James Cook and his crew developed a taste for the dog, with Cook noting, "For tame Animals they have Hogs, Fowls, and Dogs, the latter of which we learned to Eat from them, and few were there of us but what allow'd that a South Sea dog was next to an English Lamb."

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1051526

A chemical hazard is a (non-biological) substance that has the potential to cause harm to life or health. Chemicals are widely used in the home and in many other places. Exposure to chemicals can cause acute or long-term detrimental health effects. There are many types of hazardous chemicals, including neurotoxins, immune agents, dermatologic agents, carcinogens, reproductive toxins, systemic toxins, asthmagens, pneumoconiotic agents, and sensitizers. In the workplace, exposure to chemical hazards is a type of occupational hazard. The use of protective personal equipment(PPE) may substantially reduce the risk of damage from contact with hazardous materials. Long-term exposure to chemical hazards such as silica dust, engine exhausts, tobacco smoke, and lead (among others) have been shown to increase risk of heart disease, stroke, and high blood pressure. Routes of exposure. The most common exposure route to chemicals in the work environment is through inhalation. Gas, vapour, mist, dust, fumes, and smoke can all be inhaled. Those with occupations involving physical work may inhale higher levels of chemicals if working in an area with contaminated air. This is because workers who do physical work will exchange over 10,000 litres of air over a 8-hour day, while workers who do not do physical work will exchange only 2,800 litres. If the air is contaminated in the workplace, more air exchange will lead to the inhalation of higher amounts of chemicals. Chemicals may be ingested when food or drink is contaminated by unwashed hands or from clothing or poor handling practices. Chemical exposure to the skin is a common workplace injury and may also occur in domestic situations with chemicals such as bleach or drain-cleaners.. The exposure of chemicals to the skin most often results in local irritation to the exposed area. In some exposures, the chemical will be absorbed through the skin and will result in poisoning. The eyes have a strong sensitivity to chemicals, and are consequently an area of high concern for chemical exposure. Chemical exposure to the eyes results in irritation and may result in burns and vision loss. Injection is an uncommon method of chemical exposure in the workplace. Chemicals can be injected into the skin when a worker is punctured by a sharp object, such as a needle. Chemical exposure through injection may result in the chemical entering directly into the bloodstream. Symbols of chemical hazards. Hazard pictographs are a type of labeling system that alerts people at a glance that there are hazardous chemicals present. The symbols help identify whether the chemicals that are going to be in use may potentially cause physical harm, or harm to the environment. The symbols are distinctive, as they are shaped like diamonds with red borders. These signs can be divided into: These pictographs are also subdivided into class and categories for each classification. The assignments for each chemical depends on their type and their severity. Controlling chemical Exposure. Chemical exposure is estimated to have caused approximately 190,000 illnesses and 50,000 deaths of workers annually. There exists an unknown link between chemical exposure and subsequent illness and/or death. Therefore, the majority of these illnesses and deaths are thought to be caused by a lack of knowledge and/or awareness concerning the dangers of chemicals. The best method of controlling chemical exposure within the workplace is through the elimination or the substitution of all chemicals that are thought or known to cause illness and/or death. Although the elimination and the substitution of the harmful chemicals is the best known method for controlling chemical exposure, there are other methods that can be implemented to diminish exposure. The implementation of engineering controls is an example of another method for controlling chemical exposures. When engineer controls are implemented, there is a physical change made to the work environment that will eliminate or reduce the risk to chemical exposure. An example of engineer controls is the enclosure or isolation of the process that creates the chemical hazard. If the process that creates the chemical hazard cannot be enclosed or isolated, the next best method is the implementation of administrative and work practices controls. This is the establishment of administrate and work practices that will reduce the amount of time and how often the workers will be exposed to the chemical hazard. An example of administrative and work practices controls is the establishment of work schedules in which workers have rotating job assignments. This will ensure that all workers have limited exposure to chemical hazards. Employers should provide personal protective equipment (PPE) to protect their workers from chemicals used within the workplace. The use of PPE prevents workers from being exposed to chemicals through the routes of exposure—inhalation, absorption through skin and/or eyes, ingestion, and injection. One example of how PPE usage can prevent chemical exposure concerns respirators. If workers wear respirators, they will prevent the exposure of chemicals through inhalation. First aid. In case of emergency, it is recommended to understand first aid procedures in order to minimize any damage. Different types of chemicals can cause a variety of damage. Most sources agree that it is best to rinse any contacted skin or eye with water immediately. Currently, there is insufficient evidence of how long the rinsing should be done, as the degree of impacts will vary for substances such as corrosive chemicals. However, the recommended flush time is as follows: Transporting the affected person to a health care facility may be important, depending on condition. In the case that the victim needs to be transported before the recommended flush time, then flushing should be done during the transportation process. Some chemical manufacturers may state the specific type of cleansing agent that is recommended. Long-term risks. Cardiovascular disease. A 2017 SBU report found evidence that workplace exposure to silica dust, engine exhaust or welding fumes is associated with heart disease. Associations also exist for exposure to arsenic, benzopyrenes, lead, dynamite, carbon disulphide, carbon monoxide, metalworking fluids and occupational exposure to tobacco smoke. Working with the electrolytic production of aluminium, or the production of paper when the sulphate pulping process is used, is associated with heart disease. An association was also found between heart disease and exposure to compounds which are no longer permitted in certain work environments, such as phenoxy acids containing TCDD (dioxin) or asbestos. Workplace exposure to silica dust or asbestos is also associated with pulmonary heart disease. There is evidence that workplace exposure to lead, carbon disulphide, or phenoxyacids containing TCDD, as well as working in an environment where aluminium is being electrolytically produced, are associated with stroke.

career activities

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2432842

The Aesculapian snake (now "Zamenis longissimus", previously "Elaphe longissima"), is a species of nonvenomous snake native to Europe, a member of the Colubrinae subfamily of the family Colubridae. Growing up to in length, it is among the largest European snakes, similar in size to the four-lined snake ("Elaphe quatuorlineata") and the Montpellier snake ("Malpolon monspessulanus"). The Aesculapian snake has been of cultural and historical significance for its role in ancient Greek, Roman and Illyrian mythology and derived symbolism. Description. "Z. longissimus" hatches at around 30 cm (11.8 in). Adults are usually from 110 cm (43.3 in) to in total length (including tail), but can grow to , with the record size being . It is dark, long, slender, and typically bronzy in color, with smooth scales that give it a metallic sheen. Juveniles can easily be confused with juvenile grass snakes ("Natrix natrix") and barred grass snakes ("Natrix helvetica"), because juvenile Aesculapian snakes also have a yellow collar on the neck that may persist for some time in younger adults. Juvenile "Z. longissimus" are light green or brownish-green with various darker patterns along the flanks and on the back. Two darker patches appear in the form of lines running on the top of the flanks. The head in juveniles also features several distinctive dark spots, one hoof-like on the back of the head in-between the yellow neck stripes, and two paired ones, with one horizontal stripe running from the eye and connecting to the neck marks, and one short vertical stripe connecting the eye with the 4th to 5th upper labial scales. Adults are much more uniform, sometimes being olive-yellow, brownish-green, sometimes almost black. Often in adults, there may be a more or less regular pattern of white-edged dorsal scales appearing as white freckles all over the body up to moiré-like structures in places, enhancing the shiny metallic appearance. Sometimes, especially when pale in color, two darker longitudinal lines along the flanks can be visible. The belly is plain yellow to off-white, while the round iris has amber to ochre coloration. Melanistic, erythristic, and albinotic natural forms are known, as is a dark grey form. Although there is no noticeable sexual dimorphism in coloration, males grow significantly longer than females, presumably because of the more significant energy input of the latter into the reproductive cycle. Maximum weight for German populations has been for males and for females ( 1993; Gomille 2002). Other distinctions, as in many snakes, include in males a relatively longer tail to total body length and a wider tail base. Scale arrangement includes 23 dorsal scale rows at midbody (rarely 19 or 21), 211-250 ventral scales, a divided anal scale, and 60-91 paired subcaudal scales (Schultz 1996; 2002). Ventral scales are sharply angled where the underside meets the side of the body, which enhances the species' climbing ability. Lifespan is estimated at about 25 to 30 years. Geographic range. The contiguous area of the previous nominotypical subspecies, "Zamenis longissimus longissimus", which is now the only recognized monotypic form, covers most of France except in the north (up to about the latitude of Paris), the Spanish Pyrenees and the eastern side of the Spanish northern coast, Italy (except the south and Sicily), all of the Balkan peninsula down to Greece and Asia Minor and parts of Central and Eastern Europe up until about the 49th parallel in the eastern part of the range (Switzerland, Austria, South Moravia (Podyjí/Thayatal in Austria) in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, south Poland (mainly Bieszczady/Bukovec Mountains in Slovakia), Romania, south-west Ukraine). Further isolated populations have been identified in western Germany (Schlangenbad, Odenwald, lower Salzach, plus one - near Passau - connected to the contiguous distribution area) and the northwest of the Czech Republic (near Karlovy Vary, the northernmost known current natural presence of the species). Also found in a separate enclave south of Greater Caucasus along the Russian, Georgian and Turkish northeastern and eastern shores of the Black Sea. Two further enclaves include the first around Lake Urmia in northern Iran, and on the northern slopes of Mount Ararat in east Turkey, roughly halfway between the former and the Black Sea habitats. V.L. Laughlin hypothesized that parts of the species' geographical distribution may be the result of intentional placement and later release of these snakes by Romans from the temples of Asclepius, classical god of medicine, where they were important in the medical rituals and worship of the god. The previously recognized subspecies "Zamenis longissimus romanus", found in southern Italy and Sicily, has been recently elevated to the status of a separate new species, "Zamenis lineatus" (Italian Aesculapian Snake). It is lighter in color, with a reddish-orange to glowing red iris. The populations previously classified as "Elaphe longissima" living in south-east Azerbaijan and northern Iranian Hyrcanian forests were reclassified by Nilson and in 1984 to "Elaphe persica", now "Zamenis persicus". According to fossil evidence, the species' area in the warmer Atlantic period (around 8000–5000 years ago) of Holocene reached as far north as Denmark. Three specimens were collected in Denmark between 1810 and 1863 on the southern part of Zealand, presumably from a relict and now extinct population. The current northwestern Czech population now is considered an autochthonous remnant of that maximum distribution based on the results of genetic analyses (it is closest genetically to the Carpathian populations). This likely applies also to the German populations. There are also fossils showing that they had UK residency during earlier interglacial periods but were driven south afterwards with subsequent glacials; these repeated climate-caused contractions and extensions of range in Europe appear to have occurred multiple times over the Pleistocene. Escaped populations in Great Britain. There are three populations of Aesculapian snake which derive from escapes in Great Britain. The oldest recorded of these is in the grounds and vicinity of the Welsh Mountain Zoo near Conwy in North Wales. This population had persisted and reproduced since at least the early 1970s. A second, more recent population was reported in 2010 to be along the Regent's Canal near London Zoo, living on rats and thought to number a few dozen, limited by the scarcity of egg-laying sites. It is suspected this colony may have been there some years, undetected. It is not a harmful invasive species, and the population was thought likely to become extinct. In 2020, a third population was confirmed in Britain being present in Bridgend, Wales. This population has persisted for approximately 20 or so years. Habitat. The Aesculapian Snake prefers forested, warm but not hot, moderately humid but not wet, hilly or rocky habitats with proper insolation and varied, not sparse vegetation that provides sufficient variation in local microclimates, helping the reptile with thermoregulation. In most of their range they are typically found in relatively intact or fairly cultivated warmer temperate broadleaf forests including the more humid variety such as along river valleys and riverbeds (but not marshes) and forest steppes. Frequented locations include places such as forest clearings in succession, shrublands at the edges of forests and forest/field ecotones, woods interspersed with meadows etc. However, they generally do not avoid human presence, being often found in places such as gardens and sheds, and even prefer habitats such as old walls and stonewalls, derelict buildings and ruins that offer a variety of hiding and basking places. The synanthropic aspect appears to be more pronounced in northernmost parts of the range where they are dependent on human structures for food, warmth and hatching grounds. They avoid open plains and agricultural deserts. In the south their range seems to coincide with the borderline between deciduous broadleaf forests and mediterranean shrublands, with the latter presumably too dry for the species. In the north their line of presence appears temperature-limited. Diet and predators. Their main food source are rodents up to the size of rats (a 130 cm adult specimen has been reported to have overpowered a 200g rat) and other small mammals such as shrews and moles. They also eat birds as well as bird eggs and nestlings. They suffocate their prey by constriction, though harmless smaller mouthfuls may be eaten alive without constriction, or simply crushed on eating by jaws. Juveniles mainly eat lizards and arthropods, later small rodents. Other snakes and lizards are taken, but only found rarely in adult prey. Predators include badgers and other mustelids, foxes, wild boar (mainly by digging up and decimating hatches and newborns), hedgehogs, and various birds of prey (though there are reports of adults successfully standing their ground against feathered attackers). Juveniles may be eaten by smooth snakes and other reptilivorous snakes. Also a threat mainly to juveniles and hatches are domestic animals such as cats, dogs, and chickens, and even rats may be dangerous to inactive adult specimens in hibernation. In areas of concurrent distribution, they are also preyed upon by introduced North American raccoons and east Asian raccoon dogs. Behavior. The snakes are active by day. In the warmer months of the year, they come out in late afternoon or early morning. They are very good climbers capable of ascending even vertical, branchless tree trunks. The snakes have been observed at heights of 4–5 m and even 15–20 m in trees, and foraging in the roofs of buildings. Observed optimum temperature for activity in German populations is 20-22 °C (Heimes 1988) and they are rarely recorded below 16 °C or above 25 °C, other observations for Ukrainian populations (Ščerbak et Ščerban 1980) put minimum activity temperature from 19 °C and optimum to 21-26 °C. Above around 27 °C they try to avoid exposure to direct sunlight and cease activity with more extreme heat. The snakes will exhibit a degree of activity even during hibernation, moving around to keep a body temperature near 5 °C and occasionally emerging to bask on sunny days. The average home range for French populations has been calculated at 1.14ha, however males will travel longer distances of up to 2 km to find females during the mating season and females to find suitable hatching sites to lay eggs. The Aesculapian snakes are deemed secretive and not always easy to find even in areas of positive presence, or found in surprising contexts. In contact with humans, they can be rather tame, possibly due to their cryptic coloration keeping them hidden within their natural environment. They usually disappear and hide, but if cornered they may sometimes stand their ground and try to intimidate their opponent, sometimes with a chewing-like movement of the mouth and occasionally biting. It has been speculated that the species may be actually more prevalent than thought due to spending a significant part of its time in tree canopy, however no reliable data exist as to what part that would be. In France it is said to be the only snake species that occurs inside dense, shadowy forests with minimum undergrowth, presumably because of using foliage for basking and foraging. In other parts of the range it has been reported to only use the canopy on a more substantial basis in largely uninhabited areas, such as the natural beech forests of the East Slovak and Ukrainian Carpathians, with similar characteristics. Reproduction. Minimum length of individuals entering the reproductive cycle has been reported at 85–100 cm, which corresponds to sexual maturity age of about 4–6 years. Breeding occurs annually after hibernation in spring, typically from mid-May to mid-June. In this time the snakes actively seek each other and mating begins. Rival males engage in ritual fights the aim of which is to pin down the opponent's head with one's own or coils of one's body; biting may occur but is not typical. The actual courtship takes the form of an elegant dance between the male and female, with anterior portions of the bodies raised in an S-shape and the tails entwined. The male may also grasp the female's head with its jaw (Lotze 1975). 4 to 6 weeks after about 10 eggs are laid (extremes are from 2 to 20, with 5–11 on average) in a moist, warm spot where organic decomposition occurs, usually under hay piles, in rotting wood piles, heaps of manure or leaf mold, old tree stumps and similar places. Particularly in the northern parts of the range, preferred hatching grounds often are used by multiple females and are also shared with grass snakes. The eggs incubate for around 8 (6 to 10) weeks before hatching. Taxonomy. Apart from the recent taxonomic changes, there are currently four recognized phylogeographically traceable genetic lines in the species: the Western haplotype, Adriatic haplotype, the Danube haplotype and Eastern haplotype. The status of the Iranian enclave population remains unclear due to its specific morphological characteristics (smaller length, scale arrangement, darker underbelly), probably pending reclassification. History. The Aesculapian Snake was first described by Josephus Nicolaus Laurenti in 1768 as "Natrix longissima", later it was also known as "Coluber longissimus" and for the most part of its history as "Elaphe longissima". The current scientific name of the species based on revisions of the large genus "Elaphe" is "Zamenis longissimus". "Zamenis" is from Greek "ζαμενής" "angry", "irritable", "fierce", "longissimus" comes from Latin and means "longest"; the snake is one of the longest over its range. The common name of the species — "Aesculape" in French and its equivalents in other languages — refers to the classical god of healing (Greek Asclepius and later Roman Aesculapius) whose temples the snake was encouraged around. It is surmised that the typical depiction of the god with his snake-entwined staff features the species. Later from these, modern symbols developed of the medical professions as used in a number of variations today. The species, along with four-lined snakes, is carried in an annual religious procession in Cocullo in central Italy, which is of separate origin and was later made part of the Catholic calendar. Conservation. Though the Aesculapian snake occupies a relatively broad range and is not endangered as a species, it is thought to be in general decline largely due to anthropic disturbances. The snake is especially vulnerable in fringe parts and northern areas of its distribution where, given the historic retreat as a result of climatic changes since the Holocene climatic optimum, local populations remain isolated both from each other and from the main distribution centers, with no exchange of genetic material and no reinforcement through migration as a result. In such areas active local protection is due. The snake has been classified as Critically Endangered in the German Red List of endangered species. In most other countries including France, Switzerland, Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Poland, Ukraine and Russia it is also under protection status. Among the key concerns is human-caused habitat destruction, with a series of respective recommendations concerning forestry and agriculture as to the protection through non-intervention of the species' core distribution centers, including targeted protection of potential hatching and hibernation places like old growth zones and fringe ecotones near woodland areas. A significant threat also are roads both in terms of new construction and rising traffic, with a risk of further fragmentation of populations and loss of genetic exchange.

likely existence

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4255996

The Western Sahara conflict is an ongoing conflict between the Polisario Front and the Kingdom of Morocco. The conflict originated from an insurgency by the Polisario Front against Spanish colonial forces from 1973 to 1975 and the subsequent Western Sahara War against Morocco between 1975 and 1991. Today the conflict is dominated by unarmed civil campaigns of the Polisario Front and their self-proclaimed SADR state to gain fully recognized independence for Western Sahara. The conflict escalated after the withdrawal of Spain from the Spanish Sahara in accordance with the Madrid Accords. Beginning in 1975, the Polisario Front, backed and supported by Algeria, waged a 16-year-long war for independence against Mauritania and Morocco. In February 1976, the Polisario Front declared the establishment of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, which was not admitted into the United Nations, but won limited recognition by a number of other states. Following the annexation of Western Sahara by Morocco and Mauritania in 1976, and the Polisario Front's declaration of independence, the UN addressed the conflict via a resolution reaffirming the right to self-determination of the Sahrawi people. In 1977, France intervened as the conflict reached its peak intensity. In 1979, Mauritania withdrew from the conflict and territories, leading to a stalemate through most of the 1980s. After several more engagements between 1989 and 1991, a cease-fire agreement was reached between the Polisario Front and the Moroccan government. At the time, most of the Western Sahara territory remained under Moroccan control, while the Polisario controlled some 20% of the territory in its capacity as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, with additional pockets of control in the Sahrawi refugee camps along the Algerian border. At present, these borders are largely unchanged. Despite multiple peace initiatives through the 1990s and early 2000s, the conflict reemerged as the "Independence Intifada" in 2005; a series of disturbances, demonstrations and riots, which broke out in May 2005 in the Moroccan-held portions of Western Sahara, and lasted until November of that same year. In late 2010, the protests re-erupted in the Gdeim Izik refugee camp in Western Sahara. While the protests were initially peaceful, they were later marked by clashes between civilians and security forces, resulting in dozens of casualties on both sides. Another series of protests began on 26 February 2011, as a reaction to the failure of police to prevent anti-Sahrawi looting in the city of Dakhla, Western Sahara; protests soon spread throughout the territory. Though sporadic demonstrations continue, the movement had largely subsided by May 2011. To date, large parts of Western Sahara are controlled by the Moroccan Government and known as the Southern Provinces, whereas some 20% of the Western Sahara territory remains controlled by the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), the Polisario state with limited international recognition. The questions of mutual recognition, establishment of a possible Sahrawi state and the large numbers of Sahrawi refugees displaced by the conflict are among the key issues of the ongoing Western Sahara peace process. Background. Spanish Sahara. In 1884, Spain claimed a protectorate over the coast from Cape Bojador to Cap Blanc. Later, the Spanish extended their area of control. In 1958, Spain merged the previously separate districts of Saguia el-Hamra (in the north) and Río de Oro (in the south) to form the province of Spanish Sahara. Raids and rebellions by the indigenous Sahrawi population kept the Spanish forces out of much of the Spanish-claimed territory for a long time. Ma al-Aynayn the Saharan pro-Moroccan caïd of Tindouf and Smara named by the Moroccan sultan started an uprising against the French in 1910 in response to French attempts to expand their influence and control in North-West Africa. Ma al-Aynayn died in October 1910, and his son El Hiba succeeded him. El Hiba's forces were defeated during a failed campaign to conquer Marrakesh, and in retaliation French colonial forces destroyed the holy city of Smara in 1913. The city was promptly rebuilt, and Sahrawi resistance continued for the following twenty years. The rebellious territory was finally subdued in 1934, after joint Spanish and French forces destroyed Smara for a second time. In 1956, the Ifni War, initiated by the Moroccan Army of Liberation, marked renewed conflict in the region; after two years of war, the Spanish forces regained control, again with French aid. However, unrest lingered among the region's population, and in 1967 the Harakat Tahrir arose to challenge Spanish rule peacefully. After the events of the Zemla Intifada in 1970, when Spanish police forcibly disbanded the organization and "disappeared" its founder, Muhammad Bassiri, Sahrawi nationalism again swung towards militarism. Polisario Front. In 1971, a group of young Sahrawi students in the universities of Morocco began organizing what came to be known as "The Embryonic Movement for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro". After attempting in vain to gain backing from several Arab governments, including both Algeria and Morocco itself, the movement only succeeded in obtaining support from Libya and Mauritania. As a result of this ambivalence, the movement eventually relocated to Spanish-controlled Western Sahara to start an armed rebellion. Women in Western Sahara are prominent members of the Polisario Front as soldiers and activists. Conflict. Beginnings of armed struggle. The Polisario Front was formally constituted on 10 May 1973 in the Mauritanian city of Zouirate, with the express intention of militarily forcing an end to Spanish colonization. Its first Secretary General was El-Ouali Mustapha Sayed. On 20 May he led the Khanga raid, the Polisario's first armed action, in which a Spanish post manned by a team of Tropas Nomadas (Sahrawi-staffed auxiliary forces) was overrun and a cache of rifles seized. The Polisario gradually gained control over large swaths of the Western Saharan desert, and its power grew steadily after early 1975 when the Tropas Nomadas began deserting en masse to the Polisario Front, bringing their weapons and training with them. At this point, the maximum extent of the Polisario Front's manpower included perhaps 800 men, but they were backed by a larger network of supporters. The 1975 United Nations visiting mission to Spanish Sahara, headed by Simeon Aké, concluded that Sahrawi support for independence (as opposed to Spanish rule or integration with a neighboring country) amounted to an "overwhelming consensus" and that the Polisario Front was by far the most powerful political force in the country. Western Sahara War. The Western Sahara War was an armed conflict, lasting from 1975 to 1991, fought primarily between the Polisario Front and Morocco. The conflict erupted after the withdrawal of Spain from the Spanish Sahara in accordance with the Madrid Accords, by which it agreed to give administrative control of the territory to Morocco and Mauritania. The Polisario Front, backed by Algeria and Libya, desiring instead the establishment an independent Sahrawi state in the territory, fought both Mauritania and Morocco in quick succession, in an attempt to drive their forces out of the region. In 1979, Mauritania withdrew its forces from the disputed territory, and the Polisario Front and Morocco reached a ceasefire agreement in 1991. The war resulted in somewhere between 14,000 and 21,000 casualties between both sides.. Some 40,000–80,000 Sahrawi refugees were displaced as a result of the conflict; at present, most still reside in various Sahrawi refugee camps throughout the Tindouf province of Algeria. First Sahrawi Intifada. The First Sahrawi Intifada began in 1999 and lasted until 2004, transforming into the Independence Intifada in 2005. The First Sahrawi Intifada formed a part of the wider and still ongoing Western Sahara conflict. Independence Intifada. The Independence Intifada or the "Second Sahrawi Intifada" ("intifada" is Arabic for "uprising") and also "May Intifada" is a Sahrawi activist term for a series of disturbances, demonstrations and riots which broke out in May 2005 in the Moroccan-controlled parts of Western Sahara. During the events one civilian was killed and hundreds wounded. Gdeim Izik and Arab Spring protests. The Gdeim Izik protest camp was established in Western Sahara on 9 October 2010 and lasted into November, with related incidents occurring in the aftermath of its dismantlement on 8 November 2010. According to Human Rights Watch, the Moroccan security forces moved to dismantle the Gdeim Izik tent camp. Approximately 6,500 tents Sahrawis had erected in early October to protest their social and economic conditions in Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara. While protests were initially peaceful, they were later marked by clashes between civilians and security forces. Eleven security officers and at least two civilians were killed, by official count. Many public and private buildings and vehicles were burned in the city. In 2011, new protests erupted again on 26 February, as a reaction to the failure of police to prevent anti-Sahrawi looting and rioting in the city of Dakhla, Western Sahara, and blossomed into protests across the territory. These protests are considered the Western Saharan branch of the Arab Spring series of popular demonstrations and uprisings. Despite an initial outburst of support, the 2011 protests largely subsided on their own by May 2011. End of ceasefire. On 14 November 2020, SADR president Brahim Ghali announced that he had signed a decree bringing the 29 year old ceasefire to an end, citing an incident two days prior in which the Moroccan army forcibly entered a crossing within the buffer zone that was being blocked by protesters - acts which the SADR considered a declaration of war. The SADR claims the Moroccan-built road is illegal, as it was built after the 1991 United Nations-brokered truce. Morocco, however, claims that it will still abide by the ceasefire and alleges that the army was simply trying to re-open the road to traffic. The Sahara Press Service later said that Polisario fighters had attacked Moroccan positions along different parts of the frontline, which stretches hundreds of miles across the desert. The Moroccan government has not yet commented on these claims. Foreign actors. Algeria. Algeria sees itself as an "important actor" in the conflict, and officially supports the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination. The efforts invested by Algeria in the Western Sahara conflict, especially at the level of its international relations, are comparable to the ones of an involved party such as Morocco. Morocco's position is that Algeria is part of the conflict and uses the Sahara issue for geopolitical interests that date from the Cold War, claiming that this country in its official communication to the United Nations "presents itself sometimes as 'a concerned party,' other times as an 'important actor,' or as a 'party' in the settlement of the dispute". The United Nations has only ever officially considered Morocco and the Polisario Front parties to the conflict, however acknowledges that other interests may also be involved. Although the United Nations officially considers Morocco and the Polisario Front as the main parties to the conflict, former UN Secretary-General Mr. Kofi Annan viewed Algeria as a stakeholder in the Western Sahara conflict and has invited Algeria, "to engage as a party in these discussions and to negotiate, under the auspices of my Kofi Annan's Personal Envoy". In an interview with the Public Broadcasting Service, in August 2004, James Baker, former personal envoy of the United Nations Secretary to Western Sahara, identified Morocco and Algeria as being both the "two chief protagonists" of the conflict. Some third parties have called for both Morocco and Algeria to negotiate directly to find a solution for the conflict. Since the end of 2016, the UN has gathered stakeholders around roundtables organized in Geneva. The main novelty is that Algeria has been invited to these round tables. Algeria has refused to qualify itself as a "stakeholder" and has defined itself as an "observer". The first roundtable was held on 5 and 6 December, while a new roundtable was scheduled for 21 and 22 March. The refugee camps are located in Algeria and the country has armed, trained, and financed the Polisario for more than thirty years. More than two thousand Moroccan prisoners of war were previously detained on Algerian soil in Polisario camps, but all POWs have since been released. In response to the Green March and the ongoing disputed status of Western Sahara, Algeria has expropriated the property of and forcibly expelled tens of thousands of Moroccan civilians since 1975. This remains a source of much tension between the two countries. Even though Algeria has no official claim to Western Sahara, some experts see that the Sahara conflict represents a domestic political issue for the country. Stressing the role played by Algerian officers in allegedly interrogating and torturing the Moroccan POWs, France Libertés states in its report on The Conditions of Detentions of the Moroccan POWs Detained in Tindouf (Algeria) that "the involvement of Algeria in the conflict is well known". In March 2003 Khaled Nezzar, an Algerian retired general, referred to the conflict as being an issue only between Morocco and Algeria. In January and February 1976, there were direct battles in Amgala between the armies of these two countries. Morocco claims to have captured "dozens of Algerian officers and non-commissioned officers and soldiers" during these confrontations, but has released them to Algerian authorities. Spain. In 2011, Spanish Foreign Minister Trinidad Jiménez called for a U.N. committee to evaluate the security situation in the Polisario-controlled refugee camps in Tindouf (Algeria) and probe possible corruption in the distribution of international aid there. The statement by Jiménez came two days after two Spanish aid workers and one Italian were kidnapped by suspected al-Qaeda members in Tindouf, which is under the control of Polisario Front, which seeks the independence of Western Sahara from Morocco. Arab League. Efforts to gain support in the Arab World for the idea of a Greater Morocco did not receive much support despite efforts in the early 1960s to enlist the Arab League for its cause. Morocco's expansionist ambitions caused strains, including a temporary rupture of relations with Tunisia. The Moroccans have been more successful regarding the Western Sahara. Unlike the Organization of African Unity which has strongly backed Western Sahara's right to self-determination, the Arab League has shown little interest in the area. Moroccan claims. Morocco has argued that the Polisario Front receives support from Hezbollah, Iran, and al-Qaida. There is no third-party substantiation of these claims. African consulates. In March 2020 Liberia opened a consulate for Morocco in the city of Dakhla, becoming the 10th African country to establish a diplomatic mission to Morocco in Western Sahara effectively recognizing the Moroccan mission in the region. The opening of the consulate was condemned by international representatives of both the Polisario Front and Algeria. European Union. Members of European Parliament passed the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement (SFPA) in February 2019 which established an agreement for European Fishing vessels to fish in Moroccan territory and laid out plans for a transition towards a sustainable fishing model. Although the Polisario Front was not involved in the negotiations, the SFPA explicitly allows for European Vessels to fish in the disputed coast of the Western Sahara territory. The NGO Human Rights Watch penned a letter to European Members of Parliament seeking a vote against the proposition, arguing that Morocco has no legal basis to make agreements regarding a disputed territory and is thus illegal under international law. While the text of the agreement claimed that the fisheries will have no impact on the ongoing conflict, the agreement was denounced by various Saharawi groups. After the passing of the agreement a petition signed by leading Saharawi activist organizations in the region was penned to the E.U condemning the decision, and the Polisario Front announced it will challenge the vote in the European Court of Justice stating it was in clear violation of international law. This move galvanized Morocco who then passed a law in January 2020 extending its recognized borders across Western Saharan waters. United States. The Obama administration disassociated itself from the Moroccan autonomy plan in 2009, however, reversing the Bush-backed support of the Moroccan plan, and returning to a pre-Bush position, wherein the option of an independent Western Sahara is on the table again. In April 2013, the United States proposed that MINURSO monitored human rights (as all the other UN mission since 1991) in Western Sahara, a move that Morocco strongly opposed, cancelling the annual African Lion military exercises with U.S. Army troops. Also in mid-April, United States Ambassador to Morocco Samuel L. Kaplan declared during a conference in Casablanca that the Moroccan autonomy plan "can't be the only basis in these negotiations", referring to the UN sponsored talks between the Polisario Front and Morocco. On 10 December 2020, President Donald Trump announced that the United States would officially recognize Morocco's claims over Western Sahara, in exchange for Morocco agreeing to normalize relations with Israel. Peace process. Cease fire. The cease fire ending hostilities was officially signed in 1991. Further attempts have since been made to resolve the conflict, but no lasting resolution has been achieved to date. The ceasefire was upheld until 13 November 2020 when the Moroccan army entered into the demilitarized town of Guerguerat, and the Saharawi authorities responded by declaring that the ceasefire was broken and the SPLA armed forces attacked Moroccan army positions along the Moroccan Western Sahara Wall. Referendum and Houston agreement. The referendum, originally scheduled for 1992, was intended to give the local population of Western Sahara the option between independence or affirming integration with Morocco, but it quickly stalled. In 1997, the Houston Agreement attempted to revive the proposal for a referendum, but likewise has not met with had success. , negotiations over the terms of any potential referendum have not resulted in any substantive action. At the heart of the dispute lies the question of who qualifies as a potential voter; the Polisario has insisted on only allowing those found on the 1974 Spanish Census lists (see below) to vote, while Morocco has insisted that the census was flawed by evasion and sought the inclusion of members of Sahrawi tribes which escape from Spanish invasion to the north of Morocco by the 19th century. Consequently, both sides blame each other for the stalling of the referendum, and little progress is likely to be made in the near future. Efforts by the UN special envoys to find common ground between both parties did not succeed. By 1999 the UN had identified about 85,000 voters, with nearly half of them in the Moroccan-controlled parts of Western Sahara or Southern Morocco, and the others scattered between the Tindouf refugee camps, Mauritania and other locations throughout the world. The Polisario Front accepted this voter list, as it had done with the previous list presented by the UN (both of them originally based on the Spanish census of 1974), but Morocco refused. As rejected voter candidates began a mass-appeals procedure, the Moroccan government insisted that each application be scrutinized individually. Continuing disputes between the two factions once more brought the process to a halt. According to a NATO delegation MINURSO election observers stated in 1999 that "if the number of voters does not rise significantly the odds were slightly on the SADR side". By 2001, the process had reached a stalemate, and the UN Secretary-General asked the parties for the first time to explore other solutions. Indeed, shortly after the Houston Agreement (1997), Morocco officially declared that it was "no longer necessary" to include an option of independence on the ballot, offering instead autonomy. Erik Jensen, who played an administrative role in MINURSO, wrote that neither side would agree to a voter registration in which they believed they were destined to lose. Baker plan. The Baker Plan (formally, Peace Plan for Self-Determination of the People of Western Sahara) was a United Nations initiative led by James Baker to grant self-determination to Western Sahara, and was formulated in the year 2000. It was intended to replace the Settlement Plan of 1991 and the Houston Agreement of 1997, which had effectively failed to make any lasting improvement. Since early 2005, the UN Secretary-General has not referred to the plan in his reports, and by now it seems largely dead. No replacement plan exists, however, and worries persist that the political vacuum will result in renewed fighting. Morocco continues to propose autonomy for the territory as the solution to the conflict, while the Polisario Front insists on nothing other than complete independence. Moroccan initiative and Manhasset negotiations. In 2006 the Moroccan Royal Advisory Council for Saharan Affairs (CORCAS) proposed a plan for the autonomy of Western Sahara and made visits to a number of countries to explain and gather support for their proposal. Citing the Spanish approach to regional autonomy, the Moroccan government plans to model any future agreement after the cases of the Canary Islands, Basque Country, Andalusia or Catalonia. The plan was presented to the UN Security Council in April 2007, and has received the backing of both the United States of America and France. On 30 April 2007, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1754, which both urged the involved parties to "enter into direct negotiations without preconditions and in good faith." and extended the MINURSO mission until 31 October 2007. As a result of the passage of this resolution, the parties involved met in Manhasset, New York to once again try and settle the dispute. The talks between the Moroccan government and the Polisario Front were considered the first direct negotiations in seven years between the two parties, and hailed as a landmark in the peace process. Also present at the negotiations were the neighboring countries of Algeria and Mauritania, a nod to the role they play in the ongoing conflict. The first round of talks took place on 18–19 June 2007, during which both parties agreed to resume talks on 10–11 August. After another inconclusive round of talks, the parties finally, on 8–9 January 2008, agreed on "the need to move into a more intensive and substantive phase of negotiations". An additional round of talks was held from 18 to 19 March 2008, but once again no major agreement was reached. The negotiations were supervised by Peter van Walsum, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's personal envoy for Western Sahara. To date, all negotiations have failed to resolve the dispute. Peace talks resume. In 2018 the United Nations Security Counsel announced that peace talks regarding the Western Sahara territory would resume and delegates of the Polisario Front, Morocco, Algeria, and Mauritania would all be present. In April 2020, the Polisario Front publicly condemned the state of the on-going peace talks stating that its inaction legitimized the encroachment of Morocco into the territory. The statement reiterated the Polisario Front's request that the UN organize a free referendum within Western Sahara on their self-governing status. Currently the position of United Nations envoy to Western Sahara is empty and the Security Counsel is actively seeking a replacement. Current situation. Polisario-controlled areas. The Polisario controls about 20–25% of the Western Sahara territory, as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), and claim sovereignty over the entire territory of Western Sahara. SADR was proclaimed by the Polisario Front on 27 February 1976, in Bir Lehlu, Western Sahara. Polisario calls the territories under its control the Liberated Territories or the Free Zone, while Morocco controls and administers the rest of the disputed territory and calls these lands its Southern Provinces. The SADR government considers the Moroccan-held territory occupied territory, while Morocco considers the much smaller SADR held territory to be a buffer zone. In addition, the Polisario Front has a full autonomous control of the Sahrawi refugee camps. The refugee camps were set up in the Tindouf Province, Algeria in 1975–76 for the benefit of Sahrawi refugees fleeing from Moroccan forces during the Western Sahara War. With most refugees still living in the camps, the refugee situation is among the most protracted worldwide. Most affairs and camp life organization is run by the refugees themselves, with little outside interference. Women have been "responsible for much of the administration of the camps." Moroccan Wall. The Western Sahara Berm, also known as the Moroccan Wall, is an approximately 2,700 km-long defensive structure consisting primarily of sand running through Western Sahara and the southeastern portion of Morocco. It acts as a separation barrier between the Moroccan-controlled areas and the Polisario-controlled section of the territory (the SADR). According to maps from MINURSO or the UNHCR, part of the wall extends several kilometers into internationally recognized Mauritanian territory. According to Pascal Bongard, program director at Geneva Call, between five and ten million land mines have been laid in the areas around the wall. As early as 1979, the idea of a defensive wall has been an obvious one for the Moroccan authorities. Constructed in six stages, from 1980 to 1987, five 'breaches' along the wall allow Moroccan troops the right of pursuit. The Polisario call the Berm the "wall of shame" while Morocco calls it a "defensive wall", "wall of sand" or "security wall". Human rights. The Western Sahara conflict has resulted in severe human rights abuses, most notably the aerial bombardments with napalm and white phosphorus of the Sahrawi refugee camps, the exodus of tens of thousands of Sahrawi civilians from the country, and the forced expropriation and expulsion of tens of thousands of Moroccan expatriate civilians by the Algerian government in reaction to the Green March. The conflict has witnessed numerous violations of human rights and serious breaches of the Geneva convention on the part of all involved parties; the Polisario Front, the Moroccan government and the Algerian government among them. Media censorship. Several international human rights organizations have accused the Moroccan government of imposing a media blackout in the region by targeting protestors and journalists. A report by French non-profit Reporters Without Borders (RSF) which tracks the suppression of journalism around the world reported on a systematic targeting of journalists within Western Sahara and argued that the blocking of foreign media access to the region has made it difficult to receive accurate and consistent reporting from inside the disputed territory. In 2019 Amnesty International called for an investigation into a violent crackdown on protestors that took place on 19 July, in the city of Laayoune. The protests began as celebrations for Algeria's win in the 2019 Africa Cup of Nations, and eventually escalated into demonstrations for Sahrawi self-determination and clashes with Moroccan security forces. Footage from the clashes shows security forces using rocks, tear gas and live ammunition to disperse protestors. The clashes led to the arrest of dozens of protestors one death. Human Rights Watch has also been critical of the treatment of journalists during this conflict. In 2019 they accused the government of using Article 381 of Morocco's penal code to restrict freedom of the press. Article 381 restricts citizens from claiming a profession without meeting the necessary qualifications. Human Rights Watch called on the Moroccan government to amend the article to ensure it did not apply to journalists. on 4 December 2018 Moroccan forces arrested Nezha El Khalidi under Article 381 for live-streaming a Sahrawi protest and subsequently failing to meet the qualifications of a journalist. Spanish news agency Europa Press later criticized Moroccan authorities for expelling international observers from the public trail. in June 2019, a video of Moroccan authorities violently dragging and beating prominent Sahrawi journalist Walid Al-Batal circulated across the internet. The video inspired condemnation from international rights groups who called for an investigation to be made and for Al-Batal to be released. Moroccan authorities rebutted the condemnation saying Al-Batal had crashed into a police car and resisted arrest, however these claims were disputed in an investigation on the incident published by "The Washington Post". Al-Batal was sentenced to six years in prison. The Polisario Front has also been accused of suppressing media freedoms within its territories. In July 2019 the Polisario Front arrested three Saharawi activists within the refugee camps for criticizing the Polisario Front's governance in Facebook Posts. Human Rights Watch called for the release of the political prisoners reporting that they had been held in harsh conditions and tortured to sign confessions, a direct violation of international law. In the 2020 World Press Freedom Rankings reported on the treatment of journalists and independent media outlets in Morocco and Western Sahara rating it 133rd out of 180 countries. The country received a low score of 42.88 out of 100 citing the continued "judicial harassment" of the media.

overt idea

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24019568

The external morphology of Lepidoptera is the physiological structure of the bodies of insects belonging to the order Lepidoptera, also known as butterflies and moths. Lepidoptera are distinguished from other orders by the presence of scales on the external parts of the body and appendages, especially the wings. Butterflies and moths vary in size from microlepidoptera only a few millimetres long, to a wingspan of many inches such as the Atlas moth. Comprising over 160,000 described species, the Lepidoptera possess variations of the basic body structure which has evolved to gain advantages in adaptation and distribution. Lepidopterans undergo complete metamorphosis, going through a four-stage life cycle: egg, larva or caterpillar, pupa or chrysalis, and imago (plural: "imagines") / adult. The larvae – caterpillars – have a toughened (sclerotised) head capsule, chewing mouthparts, and a soft body, that may have hair-like or other projections, three pairs of true legs, and up to five pairs of prolegs. Most caterpillars are herbivores, but a few are carnivores (some eat ants, aphids, or other caterpillars) or detritivores. Larvae are the feeding and growing stages and periodically undergo hormone-induced ecdysis, developing further with each instar, until they undergo the final larval–pupal moult. The larvae of many lepidopteran species will either make a spun casing of silk called a cocoon and pupate inside it, or will pupate in a cell under the ground. In many butterflies, the pupa is suspended from a cremaster and is called a "chrysalis". The adult body has a hardened exoskeleton, except for the abdomen which is less sclerotised. The head is shaped like a capsule with appendages arising from it. Adult mouthparts include a prominent proboscis formed from maxillary galeae, and are adapted for sucking nectar. Some species do not feed as adults, and may have reduced mouthparts, while others have them modified for piercing and suck blood or fruit juices. Mandibles are absent in all except the Micropterigidae which have chewing mouthparts. Adult Lepidoptera have two immobile, multi-faceted compound eyes, and only two simple eyes or ocelli, which may be reduced. The three segments of the thorax are fused together. Antennae are prominent and besides the faculty of smell, also aid navigation, orientation, and balance during flight. In moths, males frequently have more feathery antennae than females, for detecting the female pheromones at a distance. There are two pairs of membranous wings which arise from the mesothoracic (middle) and metathoracic (third) segments; they are usually completely covered by minute scales. The two wings on each side act as one by virtue of wing-locking mechanisms. In some groups, the females are flightless and have reduced wings. The abdomen has ten segments connected with movable inter-segmental membranes. The last segments of the abdomen form the external genitalia. The genitalia are complex and provide the basis for family identification and species discrimination. The wings, head parts of thorax, and abdomen of Lepidoptera are covered with minute scales, from which feature the order Lepidoptera derives its names, the word "lepidos" in Ancient Greek meaning "scale". Most scales are lamellar (blade like) and attached with a pedicel, while other forms may be hair like or specialised as secondary sexual characteristics. The lumen, or surface of the lamella, has a complex structure. It gives colour either due to the pigments contained within it or through its three-dimensional structure. Scales provide a number of functions, which include insulation, thermoregulation, and aiding flight, amongst others, the most important of which is the large diversity of vivid or indistinct patterns they provide which help the organism protect itself by camouflage, mimicry, and to seek mates. External morphology. In common with other members of the superorder Holometabola, Lepidoptera undergo complete metamorphosis, going through a four-stage life cycle: egg, larva / caterpillar, pupa / chrysalis, and imago (plural: "imagines") / adult. Lepidopterans range in size from a few millimetres in length, such as in the case of microlepidoptera, to a wingspan of many inches, such as the Atlas moth and the world's largest butterfly Queen Alexandra's birdwing. General body plan. The body of an adult butterfly or moth (the imago) has three distinct divisions, called tagmata, connected at constrictions; these tagmata are the head, thorax, and abdomen. Adult lepidopterans have four wings — a forewing and a hindwing on both the left and the right side of the thorax — and, like all insects, three pairs of legs. The morphological characteristics which distinguish the order Lepidoptera from other insect orders are: Distinguishing taxonomic features. The chief characteristics used to classify lepidopteran species, genera, and families are: The morphological characteristics of caterpillars and pupae used for classification are completely different from that of adults; different classification schemes are sometimes provided separately for classifying adults, larvae, and pupae. The characteristics of immature stages are increasingly used for taxonomic purposes as they provide insights into systematics and phylogenies of Lepidoptera that are not apparent from examination of adults. Head. Like all animal heads, the head of a butterfly or moth contains the feeding organs and the major sense organs. The head typically consists of two antennae, two compound eyes, two palpi, and a proboscis. Lepidoptera have ocelli which may or may not be visible. They also have sensory structures called "chaetosemata", the functions of which are largely unknown. The head is filled largely by the brain, the sucking pump, and its associated muscle bundles. Unlike the adults, the larvae have one-segmented mandibles. The head capsule is well sclerotised and has a number of "sclerites" or plates, separated by "sutures". The sclerites are difficult to distinguish from "sulci" (singular – "sulcus") which are secondary thickenings. The regions of the head have been divided into a number of areas which act as a topographical guide for description by lepidopterists but cannot be discriminated in terms of their development. The head is covered by hair-like or lamellar scales and found either as tufts on the "frons" or "vertex" (referred to as "rough-scaled") or pressed close to the head (referred to as "smooth-scaled"). The sensory organs and structures on the head show great variety, and the shape and form of these structures, as also their presence or absence, are important taxonomic indicators for classifying taxa into families. Antennae. Antennae are prominent paired appendages that project forwards between the animal's eyes and consist of a number of segments. In the case of butterflies, their length varies from half the length of the forewing to three-quarters of the length of the forewing. The antennae of butterflies are either slender and knobbed at the tip and, in the case of the Hesperiidae, are hooked at the tip. In some butterfly genera such as "Libythea" and "Taractrothera" the knob is hollowed underneath. Moth antennae are either "filiform" (thread like), "unipectinate" (comb like), "bipectinate" (feather like), hooked, clubbed, or thickened. "Bombyx mandarina" is an example with bipectinate antennae. Some moths have knobbed antennae akin to those of butterflies, including the families Castniidae, Neocastniidae, and Euschemonidae. Antennae are the primary organs of olfaction (smell) in Lepidoptera. The antenna surface is covered with large numbers of olfactory scales, hairs, or pits; as many as 1,370,000 are found on the antennae of a monarch. Antennae are extremely sensitive; the feathered antennae of male moths from the Saturniidae, Lasiocampidae, and many other families are so sensitive that they can detect the pheromones of female moths from distances of up to away. Lepidoptera antennae can be angled in many positions. They help the insect in locating the scent and can be considered to act as a kind of "olfactory radar". In moths, males frequently have antennae which are more feathery than those of the females, for detecting the female pheromones at a distance. Since females do not need to detect the males, they have simpler antennae. Antennae have also been found to play a role in the time-compensated sun compass orientation in migratory monarch butterflies. Eyes. Lepidoptera have two large, immovable compound eyes which consist of a large number of facets or lenses, each connected to a lens-like cylinder which is attached to a nerve leading to the brain. Each eye may have up to 17,000 individual light receptors (ommatidia) which in combination provide a broad mosaic view of the surrounding area. One tropical Asian family, the Amphitheridae, has compound eyes divided into two distinct segments. The eyes are usually smooth but may be covered by minute hairs. The eyes of butterflies are usually brown, golden brown, or even red as in the case of some species of skippers. While most insects have three simple eyes, or ocelli, only two ocelli are present in all species of Lepidoptera, except a few moths, one on each side of the head near the edge of the compound eye. On some species, sense organs called chaetosemata are found near the ocelli. The ocelli are not homologous to the simple eyes of caterpillars which are differently named as stemmata. The ocelli of Lepidoptera are reduced externally in some families; where present, they are unfocussed, unlike stemmata of larvae which are fully focussed. The utility of ocelli is not understood at present. Butterflies and moths are able to see ultraviolet (UV) light, and wing colours and patterns are principally observed by Lepidoptera in these wavelengths of light. The patterns seen on their wing under UV light differ considerably from those seen in normal light. The UV patterns act as visual cues which help differentiate between species for the purpose of mating. Studies have been carried out on Lepidoptera (mostly butterflies) wing patterns illuminated by UV light. Palpi. Typically, the labial palpi are prominent, three-segmented, springing from under the head and curving up in front of the face. There is great variation in morphology of labial palpi in different families of Lepidoptera; sometimes the palpi are separate and sometimes they are "connivent" and form a beak, but they are always independently movable. In other cases, the labial palpi may not be erect but "porrect" (projecting forward horizontally). Palpi consist of a short basal segment, a comparatively long central segment, and a narrow terminal portion. The first two segments are densely scaled and may be hirsute; the terminal segment is bare. The terminal segment may be blunt or pointed; it may project straight or at an angle from the second segment inside which it may be concealed. Mouthparts. While mandibles or jaws (chewing mouthparts) are only present in the caterpillar stage, the mouthparts of most adult Lepidoptera mainly consist of the sucking kind; this part is known as the proboscis or "haustellum". A few Lepidoptera species have reduced mouthparts and do not feed in the adult state. Others, such as the basal family Micropterigidae, have chewing mouthparts. The proboscis (plural – proboscises) is formed from maxillary galeae and is adapted for sucking nectar. It consists of two tubes held together by hooks and separable for cleaning. Each tube is inwardly concave, thus forming a central tube up which moisture is sucked. Suction is effected through the contraction and expansion of a sac in the head. The proboscis is coiled under the head when the insect is at rest and extended only when feeding. The maxillary palpi are reduced and even vestigial. They are conspicuous and five segmented in some of the more basal families and are often folded. The shape and dimensions of the proboscis have evolved to give different species a wider and therefore more advantageous diet. There is an allometric scaling relationship between body mass of Lepidoptera and length of proboscis from which an interesting adaptive departure is the unusually long-tongued sphinx moth "Xanthopan morganii praedicta". Charles Darwin predicted the existence and proboscis length of this moth before its discovery based on his knowledge of the long-spurred Madagascan star orchid "Angraecum sesquipedale". There are primarily two feeding guilds in Lepidoptera – the nectarivorous who obtain the majority of their nutritional requirements from floral nectar and those of the frugivorous guild who feed primarily on juices of rotting fruit or fermenting tree sap. There are substantial differences between the morphology of the proboscises of both feeding guilds. Hawkmoths (family Sphingidae) have elongated proboscises which enable them to feed on and pollinate flowers with long tubular corollas. Besides this, a number of taxa (especially noctuid moths) have evolved different proboscis morphologies. Certain noctuid species have developed piercing mouthparts; the proboscis has sclerotised scales on the tip with which to pierce and suck blood or fruit juices. Proboscises in some "Heliconius" species have evolved to consume solids such as pollen. Some other moths, mostly noctuids, have modified proboscises to suit their mode of nutrition – lachrymophagy (feeding on tears of sleeping birds). The proboscises often have sharp apices as well as a host of barbs and spurs on the stem. Thorax. The thorax, which develops from segments 2, 3, and 4 of the larva, consists of three invisibly divided segments, namely prothorax, metathorax, and mesothorax. The organs of insect locomotion – the legs and wings – are borne on the thorax. The forelegs spring from the prothorax, the forewings and middle pair of legs are borne on the mesothorax, and the hindwings and hindlegs arise from the metathorax. In some cases, the wings are vestigial. The upper and lower parts of the thorax (terga and sterna respectively) are composed of segmental and intrasegmental sclerites which display secondary sclerotisation and considerable modification in the Lepidoptera. The prothorax is the simplest and smallest of the three segments while the mesothorax is the most developed. Between the head and thorax is the membranous neck or "cervix". It comprises a pair of lateral cervical sclerites and is composed of both cephalic and thoracic elements. Between the head and the thorax is a tufted scale called the pronotum. On either side is a shield-like scale called a scapula. In the Noctuoidea, the metathorax is modified with a pair of tympanal organs. Leg. Forelegs in the Papilionoidea exhibit reduction of various forms: the butterfly family Nymphalidae, or brush-footed butterflies as they are commonly known, have only the rear two pairs of legs fully functional with the forward pair strongly reduced and not capable of walking or perching. In the Lycaenidae, the tarsus is unsegmented, as the tarsomeres are fused, and, tarsal claws are absent. The aroliar pad (a pad projecting between the tarsal claws of some insects) and pulvilli (singular: pulvillus, a pad or lobe beneath each tarsal claw) are reduced or absent in the Papilionidae. The tarsal claws are also absent in the Riodinidae. In Lepidoptera, the three pairs of legs are covered with scales. Lepidoptera also have olfactory organs on their feet which aid in "tasting" or "smelling" food plants. Wings. Adult Lepidoptera have two pairs of membranous wings covered, usually completely, by minute scales. A wing consists of an upper and lower membrane which are connected by minute fibres and strengthened by a system of thickened hollow ribs, popularly but incorrectly referred to as "veins", as they may also contain tracheae, nerve fibres, and blood vessels. The membranes are covered with minute scales which have jagged ends or hairs and are attached by hooks. The wings are moved by the rapid muscular contraction and expansion of the thorax. The wings arise from the meso- and meta-thoracic segments and are similar in size in the basal groups. In more derived groups, the meso-thoracic wings are larger with more powerful musculature at their bases and more rigid vein structures on the costal edge. Besides providing the primary function of flight, wings also have secondary functions of self-defence, camouflage and thermoregulation. In some Lepidoptera families such as the Psychidae and Lymantriidae, the wings are reduced or even absent (often in the female but not the male). Shape. The shape of wings exhibits great variety in Lepidoptera. In the case of the Papilionoidea, the costa may be straight or highly arched. It is sometimes concave on the hindwing. It is occasionally serrate or minutely saw toothed on the forewing. The apex may be rounded, pointed, or falcate (produced and concave below). The termen tends to be straight or concave on the forewing while it is usually more or less convex on the hindwing. The termen is often crenulate or dentate, i.e. produced at each vein and concave in between them. The dorsum is normally straight but may be concave. The hindwing is frequently caudate, i.e. the veins near the end of the tornus have one or more tails. The tornus itself being often produced and frequently lobed. Along the hindwing termen there are tightly-packed scales in a double row. The underside of the scales project and form a regular narrow fringe referred to as cilia. Venation. Tubular veins run through the two-layered membranous wing. Veins are connected to the haemocoel and in theory allow haemolymph to flow through them. In addition, a nerve and trachea may pass through the veins. Lepidopteran venation is simple in that there are few crossbars. The wing venation in Lepidoptera is a diagnostic for distinguishing between the taxa as also the genera and families. The terminology is based on the Comstock-Needham system which gives the morphological description of insect wing venation. In the basal Lepidoptera, the venation of the forewing is similar to that of the hindwing; a condition referred to as "homoneurous". The Micropterigidae (Zeugloptera) have venation that resembles the most primitive caddisflies (Trichoptera). All other Lepidoptera, the vast majority (around 98%), are "heteroneurous", the venation of the hindwing differing from that from the forewing and being sometimes reduced. Moths of the families Nepticulidae, Opostegidae, Gracillariidae, Tischeriidae, and Bucculatricidae, amongst others, often have greatly reduced venation in both wings. Homoneurous moths tend to have the "jugum" form of wing coupling as opposed to the "frenulum–retinaculum" arrangement in the case of more advanced families. Wing coupling. The Lepidoptera have developed a wide variety of morphological wing-coupling mechanisms in the imago which render these taxa "functionally dipterous" (two winged). All but the most basal forms exhibit this wing coupling. There are three different types of mechanisms – jugal, frenulo–retinacular, and amplexiform. The more primitive groups have an enlarged lobe-like area near the basal posterior margin (i.e. at the base of the forewing) called a "jugum", that folds under the hindwing during flight. Other groups have a frenulum on the hindwing that hooks under a retinaculum on the forewing. In all butterflies (with the exception of male Euschemoninae) and in Bombycoidea moths (with the exception of the Sphingidae), there is no arrangement of frenulum and retinaculum to couple the wings. Instead, an enlarged humeral area of the hindwing is broadly overlapped by the forewing. Despite the absence of a specific mechanical connection, the wings overlap and operate in phase. The power stroke of the forewing pushes down the hindwing in unison. This type of coupling is a variation of frenate type but where the frenulum and retinaculum are completely lost. Scales. The wings of Lepidoptera are minutely scaled, which gives the name to this order; the name "Lepidoptera" was coined in 1735 by Carl Linnaeus for the group of "insects with four scaly wings". It is derived from Ancient Greek "lepis" (λεπίς) meaning "(fish) scale" (and related to "lepein" "to peel") and "pteron" (πτερόν) meaning "wing". Scales also cover the head, parts of the thorax and abdomen as well as parts of the genitalia. The morphology of scales has been studied by J. C. Downey and A. C. Allyn (1975) and scales have been classified into three groups, namely hair-like, or "piliform", blade-like, or "lamellar" and other variable forms. Primitive moths (non-Glossata and Eriocranidae) have "solid" scales which are imperforate, i.e., they lack a lumen. A few taxa of the Trichoptera (caddisflies), which are the sister group to the Lepidoptera, have hair-like scales, but always on the wings and never on the body or other parts of the insect. Caddisflies also possess caudal cerci on the abdomen, a feature absent in the Lepidoptera. According to Scoble (2005), "morphologically, scales are macrotrichia, and thus homologous with the large hairs (and scales) that cover the wings of Trichoptera (caddisflies)". Structure. Although there is great diversity in scale form, they all share a similar structure. Scales, like other macrochaetes, arise from special trichogenic (hair-producing) cells and have a socket which is enclosed in a special "tormogen" cell; this arrangement provides a stalk or "pedicel" by which scales are attached to the substrate. Scales may be piliform (hairlike) or flattened. The body or "blade" of a typical flattened scale consists of an upper and lower lamella with an air space in between. The surface towards the body is smooth and known as the "inferior" lamella. The upper surface, or "superior" lamella, has transverse and longitudinal ridges and ribs. The lamellae are held apart by struts called "trabaculae" and contain pigments which give colour. The scales cling somewhat loosely to the wing and come off easily without harming the butterfly. Colour. The scales on butterfly wings are pigmented with melanins that can produce the colours black and brown. The white colour in the butterfly family Pieridae is a derivative of uric acid, an excretory product. Bright blues, greens, reds, and iridescence are usually created not by pigments but through the microstructure of the scales. This structural coloration is the result of coherent scattering of light by the photonic crystal nature of the scales. The specialised scales that provide structural colours to reflected light mostly produce ultraviolet patterns which are discernible in that part of the ultraviolet spectrum that lepidopteran eyes can see. The structural colour seen is often dependent upon the angle of view. For example, in "Morpho cypris", the colour from the front is a bright blue but when seen from an angle changes very quickly to black. The iridescent structural coloration on the wings of many lycaenid and papilionid species, such as "Parides sesostris" and "Teinopalpus imperialis", and lycaenids such as "Callophrys rubi", "Cyanophrys remus", and "Mitoura gryneus", has been studied. They manifest the most complex photonic scale architectures known – regular three-dimensional periodic lattices, that occur within the lumen of some scales. In the case of the Kaiser-i-Hind ("Teinopalpus imperialis"), the three-dimensional photonic structure has been examined by transmission electron tomography and computer modelling to reveal naturally occurring "chiral tetrahedral repeating units packed in a triclinic lattice", the cause of the iridescence. Function. Scales play an important part in the natural history of Lepidoptera. Scales enable the development of vivid or indistinct patterns which help the organism protect itself by camouflage, mimicry, and warning. Besides providing insulation, dark patterns on wings allow sunlight to be absorbed and are probably involved in thermoregulation. Bright and distinctive colour patterns in butterflies which are distasteful to predators help communicate their toxicity or inedibility, thus preventing predation. In Batesian mimicry, wing colour patterns help edible lepidopterans mimic inedible models, while in Müllerian mimicry, inedible butterflies resemble each other to reduce the numbers of individuals sampled by inexperienced predators. Scales may have evolved initially for providing insulation. Scales on the thorax and other parts of the body may contribute to maintaining the high body temperatures required during flight. The "solid" scales of basal moths are however not as efficient as those of their more advanced relatives as the presence of a lumen adds air layers and increases the insulation value. Scales also help increase the lift to drag ratio in flight. For newly emerged adults of most myrmecophilous Lycaenidae, deciduous waxy scales provide some protection from predators as they emerge from the nest. In the case of the moth butterfly ("Liphyra brassolis"), the caterpillars are unwelcome guests in nests of tree ants, feeding on ant larvae. The adults emerging from pupae are covered with soft, loose adhesive scales which rub off and stick on the ants as they make their way out of the nest after hatching. Androconia. Male Lepidoptera possess special scales, called "androconia" (singular – "androconium"), which have evolved as a result of sexual selection for the purposes of disseminating pheromones for attracting suitable mates. Androconia may be dispersed on the wings, body, or legs or occur in patches, referred to as "brands", "sex brands" or "stigmata" on the wings, usually in invaginations of the upper surface of the forewings, sometimes concealed by other scales. Androconia are also known to occur in the folds of wings. These brands sometimes consist of hairlike tufts which facilitate the diffusion of the pheromone. The role of androconia in the courtship of pierid and nymphalid butterflies, such as "Pyronia tithonus" and "Dryas iulia", has been proven experimentally. Successive close-ups of the scales of a peacock wing Abdomen. The abdomen or body is composed of nine segments. In the larva it ranges from segments 5 to 13. The eleventh segment of the larva holds a pair of anal claspers, which protrude in some taxa and represent the genitalia. Many families of moths have special organs to help detect bat echolocation. These organs are known as "tympana" (singular – "typanum"). The Pyraloidea and almost all Geometroidea have tympana located on the anterior sternite of the abdomen. The Noctuoidea also have tympana, but in their case, the tympana are located on the underside of the metathorax, the structure and position of which are unique and a taxonomic distinguishing feature of the superfamily. The females of some moths have a scent-emitting organ located at the tip of the abdomen. Genitalia. The genitalia are complex and provide the basis for species discrimination in most families and also in family identification. The genitalia arise from the tenth or most distal segment of the abdomen. Lepidoptera have some of the most complex genital structures of all insects, with a wide variety of complex spines, setae, scales and tufts in males, claspers of different shapes and modifications of the "ductus bursae" in females, through which stored sperm is transferred within the female directly, or indirectly, to the vagina for fertilisation. The arrangement of genitalia is important in courtship and mating as they prevent cross-specific mating and hybridisation. The uniqueness of a species' genitalia led to the use of the morphological study of genitalia as one of the most important keys in taxonomic identification of taxa below family level. With the advent of DNA analysis, the study of genitalia has now become just one of the techniques used in taxonomy. There are three basic configurations of genitalia in the majority of the Lepidoptera based on how the arrangement in females of openings for copulation, fertilisation and egg laying has evolved: The genitalia of the male and female in any particular species are adapted to fit each other like a lock (male) and key (female). In males, the ninth abdominal segment is divided into a dorsal "tegumen" and ventral "viniculum". They form a ring-like structure for the attachment of genital parts and a pair of lateral clasping organs (claspers or "harpe"). The male has a median tubular organ (called the aedeagus) which is extended through an eversible sheath (or "vesica") to inseminate the female. The males have paired sperm ducts in all lepidopterans; the paired testes are separate in basal taxa and fused in advanced forms. While the layout of internal genital ducts and openings of the female genitalia depends upon the taxonomic group that insect belongs to, the internal female reproductive system of all lepidopterans consists of paired ovaries and accessory glands which produce the yolks and shells of the eggs. Female insects have a system of receptacles and ducts in which sperm is received, transported, and stored. The oviducts of the female join together to form a common duct (called the "oviductus communis") which leads to the vagina. When copulation takes place, the male butterfly or moth places a capsule of sperm (spermatophore) in a receptacle of the female (called the "corpus bursae"). The sperm, when released from the capsule, swims directly into or via a small tube into a special seminal receptacle (spermatheca), where the sperm is stored until it is released into the vagina for fertilisation during egg laying, which may occur hours, days, or months after mating. The eggs pass through the ovipore. The ovipore may be at the end of a modified ovipositor or surrounded by a pair of broad setose anal papillae. Butterflies of the Parnassinae (family Papilionidae) and some Acraeini (family Nymphalidae) add a post-copulatory plug, called the sphragis, to the abdomen of the female after copulation preventing her from mating again. The males of many species of Papilionoidea are furnished with secondary sexual characteristics. These consist of scent-producing organs, brushes, and brands or pouches of specialised scales. These presumably meet the function of convincing the female that she is mating with a male of the correct species. Three species of hawkmoth have been recorded to emit ultrasound clicks by rubbing their genitalia; males produce by rubbing rigid scales on the exterior of the "claspers" while females produce sound by contracting their genitalia which causes rubbing of scales against the abdomen. The function of this noise making is not clear and suggestions put forward include the jamming of bat echolocation, and, advertising that the bat's prey are prickly and excellent fliers. Cloaca. Lepidopteran insects feature a cloaca at the end of the abdomen. This may be complete, incorporating the anus, the ovipore and the copulatory pore, as in the case of the Dacnonypha, Zeugloptera and the majority of the Monotrysia; or incomplete, incorporating the anus and ovipore only, as found in some of the Monotrysia, the Psychidae, and in some Choreutidae and Cossidae. Development. The fertilised egg matures and hatches to give a caterpillar. The caterpillar is the feeding stage of the lepidopteran life cycle. The caterpillar needs to be able to feed and to avoid being eaten and much of its morphology has evolved to facilitate these two functions. After growth and ecdysis, the caterpillar enters into a sessile developmental stage called a pupa (or chrysalis) around which it may form a casing. The insect develops into the adult in the pupa stage; when ready the pupa hatches and the adult stage or imago of a butterfly or moth arises. Egg. Like most insects, the Lepidoptera are oviparous or "egg layers". Lepidopteran eggs, like those of other insects, are centrolecithal in that the eggs have a central yolk surrounded by cytoplasm. The yolk provides the liquid nourishment for the embryo caterpillar until it escapes from the shell. The cytoplasm is enclosed by the vitteline envelope and a proteinaceous membrane called the chorion protects the egg externally. The zygote nucleus is located posteriorly. In some species of Lepidoptera, a waxy layer is present inside the chorion adjacent to the vitelline layer which is thought to have evolved to prevent desiccation. In insects, the chorion has a layer of air pores in the otherwise solid material which provides very limited capability for respiratory function. In Lepidoptera, the chorion layer above this air pore layer is lamellar with successive sheets of protein arranged in a particular direction and stepped so as to form a helical arrangement. The top of the egg is depressed and forms a small central cavity called micropyle through which the egg is fertilised. The micropyle is situated on top in eggs which are globular, conical, or cylindrical; in those eggs which are flattened or lenticular, the micropyle is located on the outer margin or rim. The eggs of Lepidoptera are usually rounded and small (1 mm) though they may be as large as 4 mm in the case of Sphingidae and Saturniidae. They are generally quite plain in colour, white, pale green, bluish green, or brown. Butterfly and moth eggs come in various shapes; some are spherical, others hemispherical, conical, cylindrical, or lenticular (lens shaped). Some are barrel shaped or pancake shaped, while others are turban or cheese shaped. They may be angled or depressed at both ends, ridged or ornamented, spotted or blemished. The eggs are deposited singly, in small clusters, or in a mass, and invariably on or near the food source. Captive moths have been known to lay eggs in the cages they have been sequestered in. Egg size in the Lepidoptera is affected by a number of factors. Lepidoptera species which overwinter in the egg stage usually have larger eggs than the species that do not. Similarly, species feeding on woody plants in the larval stage have larger eggs than those species feeding on herbaceous plants. Eggs laid by older females of a few butterfly species have been noted to be smaller in size than their younger counterparts. In the absence of adequate nutrition, the females of the corn-borer moth ( "Ostrinia" spp.) have been recorded to lay clutches with egg sizes below normal. While escaping, the newly hatched larvae of many species sometimes eat the chorion to emerge. Alternatively, the egg shell may have a line of weakness around the cap which gives way allowing the larva to emerge. The egg shell and a small amount of yolk trapped in the amniotic membranes forms the first food for most lepidopteran larvae. Caterpillar. Caterpillars, are "characteristic larvae with cylindrical bodies, short thoracic legs and abdominal prolegs (pseudopods)". They have a toughened (sclerotised) head capsule, mandibles (mouthparts) for chewing, and a soft tubular, segmented body, that may have hair-like or other projections, three pairs of true legs, and additional prolegs (up to five pairs). The body consists of thirteen segments, of which three are thoracic (T1, T2, and T3) and ten are abdominal (A1 to A10). All true caterpillars have an upside-down Y-shaped line that runs from the top of the head downward. In between the Y-shaped line lies the frontal triangle or frons. The clypeus, located below the frons, lies between the two antennae. The labrum is found below the clypeus. There is a small notch in the centre of the labrum with which the leaf edge engages when the caterpillar eats. The larvae have silk glands which are located on the labium. These glands are modified salivary glands. They use these silk glands to make silk for cocoons and shelters. Located below the labrum are the mandibles. On each side of the head there are usually six stemmata just above the mandibles. These stemmata are arranged in a semicircle. Below the stemmata there is a small pair of antennae, one on each side. The thorax bears three pairs of legs, one pair on each segment. The prothorax (T1) has a functional spiracle which is actually derived from the mesothorax (T2) while the metathorax has a reduced spiracle which is not externally open and lies beneath the cuticle. The thoracic legs consist of coxa, trochanter, femur, tarsus, and claw and are constant in form throughout the order. However they are reduced in the case of certain leaf-miners and elongated in certain Notodontidae. In Micropterigidae, the legs are three-segmented, as the coxa, trochanter, and femur are fused. Abdominal segments three through six and ten may each bear a pair of legs that are more fleshy. The thoracic legs are known as true legs and the abdominal legs are called prolegs. The true legs vary little in the Lepidoptera except for reduction in certain leaf-miners and elongation in the family Notodontidae. The prolegs contain a number of small hooks on the tip, which are known as crochets. The families of Lepidoptera differ in the number and positioning of their prolegs. Some larvae such as inchworms (Geometridae) and loopers (Plusiinae) have five pairs of prolegs or less, while others like Lycaenidae and slug caterpillars (Limacodidae) lack prolegs altogether. In some leaf-mining caterpillars there are crochets present on the abdominal wall which are reduced prolegs, while other leaf-mining species lack the crochets entirely. The abdominal spiracles are located on each side of the body on the first eight abdominal segments. Caterpillars have different types of projections; setae (hairs), spines, warts, tubercles, and horns. The hairs come in an assortment of colours and may be long or short; single, in clusters, or in tufts; thinner at the point or clubbed at the end. A spine may either be a "chalaza" (having a single point) or a "scolus" (having multiple points). The warts may either be small bumps or short projections on the body. The tubercles are fleshy body projections that are either short and bump like or long and filament like. They usually occur in pairs or in a cluster on one or more segments. The horns are short, fleshy, and are drawn to a point. They are usually found on the eighth abdominal segment. A large number of species of families Saturniidae, Limacodidae, and Megalopygidae have stinging caterpillars which have poisonous setae, called urticating hairs, and in the case of "Lonomia" – a Brazilian saturniid genus – can kill a human due to its potent anticoagulant poison. Caterpillars of many taxa that have sequestered toxic chemicals from host plants or have sharp urticating hair or spines, display aposematic colouration and markings. Caterpillars undergo ecdysis and have a number of larval instars, usually five but varying between species. The new cuticle is soft and allows the increase in size and development of the caterpillar before becoming hard and inelastic. In the last ecdysis, the old cuticle splits and curls up into a small ball at the posterior end of the pupa and is known as the larval exuvia. Chrysalis or pupa. A cocoon is a casing spun of silk by many moth caterpillars, and numerous other holometabolous insect larvae as a protective covering for the pupa. Most Lepidoptera larvae will either make a cocoon and pupate inside them or will pupate in a cell under the ground, with the exception of butterflies and advanced moths such as noctuids, whose pupae are exposed. The pupae of moths are usually brown and smooth whereas butterfly pupae are often colourful and their shape varies greatly. In butterflies, the exposed pupa is often referred to as a chrysalis, derived from the Greek term "chrysalis": ("") for gold, referring to the golden colour of some pupae. The caterpillars of many butterflies attach themselves by a button of silk to the underside of a branch, stone, or other projecting surface. They remain attached to the silk pad by a hook-like process called a cremaster. Most chrysalids hang head downward, but in the families Papilionidae, Pieridae, and Lycaenidae, the chrysalis is held in a more upright position by a silk girdle around the middle of the chrysalis. The pupae of most Lepidoptera are "obtect", with appendages fused or glued to the body, while the rest have "exarate" pupae, having the antennae, legs, and wings free and not glued to the body. During the pupal stage, the morphology of the adult is developed through elaboration from larval structures. The general aspect of the adult is visible before the outer surface hardens – the head, resting on the thorax, the eyes, antennae (brought forward over the head), the wings brought over the thorax, and the six legs between the wings and the abdomen. Among the features discernible in the head region of a pupa are sclerites, sutures, pilifers, mandibles, eye-pieces, antennae, palpi, and the maxillae. The pupal thorax displays the three thoracic segments, legs, wings, tegulae, alar furrows, and axillary tubercles. The pupal abdomen exhibits the ten segments, spines, setae, scars of larval prolegs and tubercles, anal, and genital openings, as well as spiracles. The pupa of borers display the flange-plates while those of specialised Lepidoptera exhibit the cremaster. While the pupa is generally stationary and immobile, those of the primitive moth families Micropterigidae, Agathiphagidae, and Heterobathmiidae have fully functional mandibles. These serve principally to allow the adult to escape from the cocoon. Besides this, all appendages and the body are separate from the pupal skin and enjoy a degree of independent motion. All other superfamilies of the Lepidoptera are more specialised, have non-functional mandibles, appendages and body attached to the pupal skin, and lose a degree of independent movement. The pupae of some moths are able to wriggle their abdomen. The three caudal segments of the pupal abdomen (segments 8–10) are fixed; the other segments are movable to some degree. While the more evolved Lepidoptera can wriggle only the last two or three segments at the end of the abdomen, more basal taxa such as the Micropterigidae can wriggle the remaining seven segments of the abdomen; this presumably helps them to protrude the anterior end from the pupal case before eclosion. The pupae of Hepialidae are able to move back and forth in the larval tunnel by wriggling, aided by projections on the back in addition to spines. Abdominal wriggling is considered to be of startle value and discouraging to predators. In the case of a few hawk moths, such as "Theretra latreillii", the wriggling of the abdomens is accompanied by a rattling or clicking sound which adds to the startle effect. In some species, such as "Heliconius charithonia", mating can occur inside the pupa of females by males. Defense and predation. Lepidopterans are soft bodied, fragile, and almost defenseless while the immature stages move slowly or are immobile, hence all stages are exposed to predation by birds, small mammals, lizards, amphibians, invertebrate predators (notably parasitoid and parasitic wasps and flies) as well as fungi and bacteria. To combat this, Lepidoptera have developed a number of strategies for defense and protection which include camouflage, aposematism, mimicry, and the development of threat patterns and displays. Camouflage is an important defense strategy enabled by changes in body shape, colour, and markings. Some lepidopterans blend with the surroundings, making them difficult to be seen by predators. Caterpillars can be shades of green that match their host plant. Others resemble inedible objects, such as twigs or leaves. The larvae of some species, such as the common Mormon and the western tiger swallowtail look like bird droppings. Some species of Lepidoptera sequester or manufacture toxins which are stored in their body tissue, rendering them poisonous to predators; examples include the monarch butterfly in the Americas and "Atrophaneura" species in Asia. Predators that eat poisonous lepidopterans may become sick and vomit violently, and so learn to avoid those species. A predator who has previously eaten a poisonous lepidopteran may avoid other species with similar markings in the future, thus saving many other species as well. Toxic butterflies and larvae tend to develop bright colours and striking patterns as an indicator to predators about their toxicity. This phenomenon is known as aposematism. Aposematism has also led to the development of mimicry complexes of Batesian mimicry, where edible species mimic aposematic taxa, and Müllerian mimicry, where inedible species, often of related taxa, have evolved to resemble each other, so as to benefit from reduced sampling rates by predators during learning. Similarly, adult Sesiidae species (also known as clearwing moths) have a general appearance that is sufficiently similar to a wasp or hornet to make it likely that the moths gain a reduction in predation by Batesian mimicry. Eyespots are a type of automimicry used by some lepidopterans. In butterflies, the spots are composed of concentric rings of scales of different colours. The proposed role of the eyespots is to deflect predators' attention. Their resemblance to eyes provokes the predator's instinct to attack these wing patterns. The role of filamentous tails in Lycaenidae has been suggested as confusing predators as to the real location of the head, giving them a better chance of escaping alive and relatively unscathed. Some caterpillars, especially members of Papilionidae, contain an osmeterium, a Y-shaped protrusible gland found in the prothoracic segment of the larvae. When threatened, the caterpillar emits unpleasant smells from the organ to ward off the predators.

face serve

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=64327997

The Classical Association of South Africa (CASA) was first established in 1908, and has existed in its current form since 1956. The aim of CASA is to promote the study and appreciation of classical antiquity. The majority of its membership consists of academic staff and students, but membership is open to anyone who subscribes to this goal. The Association organises a national conference at its biennial meeting, and national branches organise more frequent regional meetings. The Association sponsors various prizes and awards, and promotes several outreach initiatives. History. The inaugural meeting of the Association was held on the 22nd of June 1908 in Cape Town with the presidential address given by Professor W. Ritchie at the South African College (now the University of Cape Town). The organisation was envisioned as a national association two years before the Union of South Africa came into being in 1910. The 1908 Association, though short-lived, was the precursor to the later association founded at Cape Town in 1927 by the Hon. J. H. Hofmeyr, Professors C. S. Edgar, W. Rollo, A. Petrie, and T. J. Haarhoff, with Marie V. Williams as Honorary Secretary. The 1927 Association enjoyed moderate success, but was beset with practical difficulties. After a period of decline and a brief revival in 1952, the Classical Association of South Africa was formally re-constituted in 1956. A national conference was held at Pretoria where the Association as it exists today was founded, with Professors A. Petrie and T. J. Haarhoff as its Honorary Presidents. In 1957 the biennial national conference was established, and in 1958 the first volume of "Acta Classica" was published. Early reports on the history of CASA are published in "Acta Classica". Publications. The Association produces a regular journal, "Acta Classica", and subsidises the publication of "Akroterion" (Journal for the Classics in South Africa, Department of Ancient Studies at the University of Stellenbosch).

ensuing group

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=59853

A retroreflector (sometimes called a retroflector or cataphote) is a device or surface that reflects radiation (usually light) back to its source with minimum scattering. This works at a wide range of angle of incidence, unlike a planar mirror, which does this only if the mirror is exactly perpendicular to the wave front, having a zero angle of incidence. Being directed, the retroflector's reflection is brighter than that of a diffuse reflector. Corner reflectors, and cat's eye reflectors are the most used kinds. Types. There are several ways to obtain retroreflection: Corner reflector. A set of three mutually perpendicular reflective surfaces, placed to form the internal corner of a cube, work as a retroreflector. The three corresponding normal vectors of the corner's sides form a basis in which to represent the direction of an arbitrary incoming ray, . When the ray reflects from the first side, say x, the ray's "x"-component, "a", is reversed to −"a", while the "y"- and "z"-components are unchanged. Therefore, as the ray reflects first from side x then side y and finally from side z the ray direction goes from to to to and it leaves the corner with all three components of its direction exactly reversed. Corner reflectors occur in two varieties. In the more common form, the corner is literally the truncated corner of a cube of transparent material such as conventional optical glass. In this structure, the reflection is achieved either by total internal reflection or silvering of the outer cube surfaces. The second form uses mutually perpendicular flat mirrors bracketing an air space. These two types have similar optical properties. A large relatively thin retroreflector can be formed by combining many small corner reflectors, using the standard hexagonal tiling. Cat's eye. Another common type of retroreflector consists of refracting optical elements with a reflective surface, arranged so that the focal surface of the refractive element coincides with the reflective surface, typically a transparent sphere and (optionally) a spherical mirror. In the paraxial approximation, this effect can be achieved with lowest divergence with a single transparent sphere when the refractive index of the material is exactly one plus the refractive index ni of the medium from which the radiation is incident (ni is around 1 for air). In that case, the sphere surface behaves as a concave spherical mirror with the required curvature for retroreflection. In practice, the optimal index of refraction may be lower than due to several factors. For one, it is sometimes preferable to have an imperfect, slightly divergent retroreflection, as in the case of road signs, where the illumination and observation angles are different. Due to spherical aberration, there also exists a radius from the centerline at which incident rays are focused at the center of the rear surface of the sphere. Finally, high index materials have higher Fresnel reflection coefficients, so the efficiency of coupling of the light from the ambient into the sphere decreases as the index becomes higher. Commercial retroreflective beads thus vary in index from around 1.5 (common forms of glass) up to around 1.9 (commonly barium titanate glass). The spherical aberration problem with the spherical cat's eye can be solved in various ways, one being a spherically symmetrical index gradient within the sphere, such as in the Luneburg lens design. Practically, this can be approximated by a concentric sphere system. Because the back-side reflection for an uncoated sphere is imperfect, it is fairly common to add a metallic coating to the back half of retroreflective spheres to increase the reflectance, but this implies that the retroreflection only works when the sphere is oriented in a particular direction. An alternative form of the cat's eye retroreflector uses a normal lens focused onto a curved mirror rather than a transparent sphere, though this type is much more limited in the range of incident angles that it retroreflects. The term "cat's eye" derives from the resemblance of the cat's eye retroreflector to the optical system that produces the well-known phenomenon of "glowing eyes" or eyeshine in cats and other vertebrates (which are only reflecting light, rather than actually glowing). The combination of the eye's lens and the cornea form the refractive converging system, while the tapetum lucidum behind the retina forms the spherical concave mirror. Because the function of the eye is to form an image on the retina, an eye focused on a distant object has a focal surface that approximately follows the reflective tapetum lucidum structure, which is the condition required to form a good retroreflection. This type of retroreflector can consist of many small versions of these structures incorporated in a thin sheet or in paint. In the case of paint containing glass beads, the paint adheres the beads to the surface where retroreflection is required and the beads protrude, their diameter being about twice the thickness of the paint. Phase-conjugate mirror. A third, much less common way of producing a retroreflector is to use the nonlinear optical phenomenon of phase conjugation. This technique is used in advanced optical systems such as high-power lasers and optical transmission lines. Phase-conjugate mirrors reflects an incoming wave so that the reflected wave exactly follows the path it has previously taken, and require a comparatively expensive and complex apparatus, as well as large quantities of power (as nonlinear optical processes can be efficient only at high enough intensities). However, phase-conjugate mirrors have an inherently much greater accuracy in the direction of the retroreflection, which in passive elements is limited by the mechanical accuracy of the construction. Operation. Retroreflectors are devices that operate by returning light back to the light source along the same light direction. The coefficient of luminous intensity, "RI", is the measure of a reflector performance, which is defined as the ratio of the strength of the reflected light (luminous intensity) to the amount of light that falls on the reflector (normal illuminance). A reflector appears brighter as its RI value increases. The "RI" value of the reflector is a function of the color, size, and condition of the reflector. Clear or white reflectors are the most efficient, and appear brighter than other colors. The surface area of the reflector is proportional to the RI value, which increases as the reflective surface increases. The RI value is also a function of the spatial geometry between the observer, light source, and reflector. Figures 1 and 2 show the observation angle and entrance angle between the automobile's headlights, bicycle, and driver. The observation angle is the angle formed by the light beam and the driver's line of sight. Observation angle is a function of the distance between the headlights and the driver's eye, and the distance to the reflector. Traffic engineers use an observation angle of 0.2 degrees to simulate a reflector target about 800 feet in front of a passenger automobile. As the observation angle increases, the reflector performance decreases. For example, a truck has a large separation between the headlight and the driver's eye compared to a passenger vehicle. A bicycle reflector appears brighter to the passenger car driver than to the truck driver at the same distance from the vehicle to the reflector. The light beam and the normal axis of the reflector as shown in Figure 2 form the entrance angle. The entrance angle is a function of the orientation of the reflector to the light source. For example, the entrance angle between an automobile approaching a bicycle at an intersection 90 degrees apart is larger than the entrance angle for a bicycle directly in front of an automobile on a straight road. The reflector appears brightest to the observer when it is directly in line with the light source. The brightness of a reflector is also a function of the distance between the light source and the reflector. At a given observation angle, as the distance between the light source and the reflector decreases, the light that falls on the reflector increases. This increases the amount of light returned to the observer and the reflector appears brighter. Applications. On roads. Retroreflection (sometimes called retroflection) is used on road surfaces, road signs, vehicles, and clothing (large parts of the surface of special safety clothing, less on regular coats). When the headlights of a car illuminate a retroreflective surface, the reflected light is directed towards the car and its driver (rather than in all directions as with diffuse reflection). However, a pedestrian can see retroreflective surfaces in the dark only if there is a light source directly between them and the reflector (e.g., via a flashlight they carry) or directly behind them (e.g., via a car approaching from behind). "Cat's eyes" are a particular type of retroreflector embedded in the road surface and are used mostly in the UK and parts of the United States. Corner reflectors are better at sending the light back to the source over long distances, while spheres are better at sending the light to a receiver somewhat off-axis from the source, as when the light from headlights is reflected into the driver's eyes. Retroreflectors can be embedded in the road (level with the road surface), or they can be raised above the road surface. Raised reflectors are visible for very long distances (typically 0.5–1 kilometer or more), while sunken reflectors are visible only at very close ranges due to the higher angle required to properly reflect the light. Raised reflectors are generally not used in areas that regularly experience snow during winter, as passing snowplows can tear them off the roadways. Stress on roadways caused by cars running over embedded objects also contributes to accelerated wear and pothole formation. Retroreflective road paint is thus very popular in Canada and parts of the United States, as it is not affected by the passage of snowplows and does not affect the interior of the roadway. Where weather permits, embedded or raised retroreflectors are preferred as they last much longer than road paint, which is weathered by the elements, can be obscured by sediment or rain, and is ground away by the passage of vehicles. For signs. For traffic signs and vehicle operators, the light source is a vehicle's headlights, where the light is sent to the traffic sign face and then returned to the vehicle operator. Retroreflective traffic sign faces are manufactured with glass beads or prismatic reflectors embedded in a base sheeting layer so that the face reflects light, therefore making the sign appear more bright and visible to the vehicle operator under darkened conditions. According to the United States National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA), the Traffic Safety Facts 2000 publication states the fatal crash rate is 3-4 times more likely during nighttime crashes than daytime incidents. A misconception many people have is that retroreflectivity is only important during night-time travel. However, in recent years, more states and agencies require that headlights be turned on in inclement weather such as rain and snow. According to the United States Federal Highway Administration (FHWA): Approximately 24% of all vehicle accidents occur during adverse weather (rain, sleet, snow and fog). Rain conditions account for 47% of weather-related accidents. These statistics are based on 14-year averages from 1995 to 2008. The FHWA's Manual on Uniform Traffic Control Devices requires that signs be either illuminated or made with retroreflective sheeting materials, and though most signs in the U.S. are made with retroreflective sheeting materials, they degrade over time. Until now, there has been little information available to determine how long the retroreflectivity lasts. The MUTCD now requires that agencies maintain traffic signs to a set of minimum levels but provide a variety of maintenance methods that agencies can use for compliance. The minimum retroreflectivity requirements do not imply that an agency must measure every sign. Rather, the new MUTCD language describes methods that agencies can use to maintain traffic sign retroreflectivity at or above the minimum levels. In Canada, aerodrome lighting can be replaced by appropriatey coloured retroreflectors, the most important of which are the white retroreflectors that delineate the runway edges, and must be seen by aircraft equipped with landing lights up to 2 nautical miles away. Ships, boats, emergency gear. Retroflective tape is recognized and recommended by the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS) because of its high reflectivity of both light and radar signals. Application to life rafts, personal flotation devices, and other safety gear makes it easy to locate people and objects in the water at night. When applied to boat surfaces it creates a larger radar signature—particularly for fiberglass boats, which produce very little radar reflection on their own. It conforms to International Maritime Organization regulation, IMO Res. A.658 (16) and meets U.S. Coast Guard specification 46 CFR Part 164, Subpart 164.018/5/0. Examples of commercially available products are 3M part numbers 3150A and 6750I, and Orafol Oralite FD1403. Surveying. In surveying, a retroreflector—usually referred to as a "prism"—is normally attached on a surveying pole and is used as a target for distance measurement using, for example, a total station. The instrument operator or robot aims a laser beam at the retroreflector. The instrument measures the propagation time of the light and converts it to a distance. Prisms are used with survey and 3D point monitoring systems to measure changes in elevation and position of a point. In space. On the Moon. Astronauts on the Apollo 11, 14, and 15 missions left retroreflectors on the Moon as part of the Lunar Laser Ranging Experiment. The Soviet "Lunokhod 1" and "Lunokhod 2" rovers also carried smaller arrays. Reflected signals were initially received from "Lunokhod 1", but no return signals were detected from 1971 until 2010, at least in part due to some uncertainty in its location on the Moon. In 2010, it was found in Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter photographs and the retroreflectors have been used again. "Lunokhod 2's" array continues to return signals to Earth. Even under good viewing conditions, only a single reflected photon is received every few seconds. This makes the job of filtering laser-generated photons from naturally occurring photons challenging. On Mars. A similar device, the Laser Retroreflector Array (LaRA), has been incorporated in the Mars "Perseverance" rover. The retroreflector was designed by the National Institute for Nuclear Physics of Italy, which built the instrument on behalf of the Italian Space Agency. In satellites. Many artificial satellites carry retroreflectors so they can be tracked from ground stations. Some satellites were built solely for laser ranging. LAGEOS, or Laser Geodynamics Satellites, are a series of scientific research satellites designed to provide an orbiting laser ranging benchmark for geodynamical studies of the Earth. There are two LAGEOS spacecraft: LAGEOS-1 (launched in 1976), and LAGEOS-2 (launched in 1992). They use cube-corner retroreflectors made of fused silica glass. As of 2020, both LAGEOS spacecraft are still in service. Three STARSHINE satellites equipped with retroreflectors were launched beginning in 1999. The LARES satellite was launched on February 13, 2012. (See also List of passive satellites) Other satellites include retroreflectors for orbit calibration and orbit determination, such as in satellite navigation (e.g., all Galileo satellites, most GLONASS satellites, IRNSS satellites, BeiDou, QZSS, and two GPS satellites) as well as in gravity field missions (GOCE) satellite altimetry (e.g., TOPEX/Poseidon, Sentinel-3). Retroreflectors can also be used for inter-satellite laser ranging (e.g., GRACE-FO). The BLITS (Ball Lens In The Space) spherical retroreflector satellite was placed into orbit as part of a September 2009 Soyuz launch by the Federal Space Agency of Russia with the assistance of the International Laser Ranging Service, an independent body originally organized by the International Association of Geodesy, the International Astronomical Union, and international committees. The ILRS central bureau is located at the United States' Goddard Space Flight Center. The reflector, a type of Luneburg lens, was developed and manufactured by the Institute for Precision Instrument Engineering (IPIE) in Moscow. The mission was interrupted in 2013 after a collision with space debris. Free-space optical communication. Modulated retroreflectors, in which the reflectance is changed over time by some means, are the subject of research and development for free-space optical communications networks. The basic concept of such systems is that a low-power remote system, such as a sensor mote, can receive an optical signal from a base station and reflect the modulated signal back to the base station. Since the base station supplies the optical power, this allows the remote system to communicate without excessive power consumption. Modulated retroreflectors also exist in the form of modulated phase-conjugate mirrors (PCMs). In the latter case, a "time-reversed" wave is generated by the PCM with temporal encoding of the phase-conjugate wave (see, e.g., SciAm, Oct. 1990, "The Photorefractive Effect," David M. Pepper, "et al."). Inexpensive corner-aiming retroreflectors are used in user-controlled technology as optical datalink devices. Aiming is done at night, and the necessary retroreflector area depends on aiming distance and ambient lighting from street lamps. The optical receiver itself behaves as a weak retroreflector because it contains a large, precisely focused lens that detects illuminated objects in its focal plane. This allows aiming without a retroreflector for short ranges. Other uses. Retroreflectors are used in the following example applications:

big gap

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1171612

Atelectasis is the collapse or closure of a lung resulting in reduced or absent gas exchange. It is usually unilateral, affecting part or all of one lung. It is a condition where the alveoli are deflated down to little or no volume, as distinct from pulmonary consolidation, in which they are filled with liquid. It is often called a collapsed lung, although that term may also refer to pneumothorax. It is a very common finding in chest x-rays and other radiological studies, and may be caused by normal exhalation or by various medical conditions. Although frequently described as a collapse of lung tissue, atelectasis is not synonymous with a pneumothorax, which is a more specific condition that features atelectasis. Acute atelectasis may occur as a post-operative complication or as a result of surfactant deficiency. In premature babies, this leads to infant respiratory distress syndrome. The term uses combining forms of "atel-" + "ectasis", from , "incomplete" + ἔκτασις, "extension". Signs and symptoms. May have no signs and symptoms or they may include: It is a common misconception and pure speculation that atelectasis causes fever. A study of 100 post-op patients followed with serial chest X-rays and temperature measurements showed that the incidence of fever decreased as the incidence of atelectasis increased. A recent review article summarizing the available published evidence on the association between atelectasis and post-op fever concluded that there is no clinical evidence supporting this speculation. Causes. The most common cause is post-surgical atelectasis, characterized by splinting, i.e. restricted breathing after abdominal surgery. Atelectasis develops in 75-90% of people undergoing general anesthesia for a surgical procedure. Another common cause is pulmonary tuberculosis. Smokers and the elderly are also at an increased risk. Outside of this context, atelectasis implies some blockage of a bronchiole or bronchus, which can be within the airway (foreign body, mucus plug), from the wall (tumor, usually squamous cell carcinoma) or compressing from the outside (tumor, lymph node, tubercle). Another cause is poor surfactant spreading during inspiration, causing the surface tension to be at its highest which tends to collapse smaller alveoli. Atelectasis may also occur during suction, as along with sputum, air is withdrawn from the lungs. There are several types of atelectasis according to their underlying mechanisms or the distribution of alveolar collapse; resorption, compression, microatelectasis and contraction atelectasis. Relaxation atelectasis (also called passive atelectasis) is when a pleural effusion or a pneumothorax disrupts the contact between the parietal and visceral pleurae. Risk factors associated with increased likelihood of the development of atelectasis include: type of surgery (thoracic, cardiopulmonary surgeries), use of muscle relaxation, obesity, high oxygen, the lower lung segments. Factors not associated with the development of atelectasis include: age, presence of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) or asthma, and type of anesthetic. In the early 1950s, in UK aviation medicine, the condition "acceleration atelectasis" was given the name "Hunter Lung" due to its prevalence in pilots of the transonic fighter jet, the Hawker Hunter, which used a 100% oxygen supply. Diagnosis. Clinically significant atelectasis is generally visible on chest X-ray; findings can include lung opacification and/or loss of lung volume. Post-surgical atelectasis will be bibasal in pattern. Chest CT or bronchoscopy may be necessary if the cause of atelectasis is not clinically apparent. Direct signs of atelectasis include displacement of interlobar fissures and mobile structures within the thorax, overinflation of the unaffected ipsilateral lobe or contralateral lung, and opacification of the collapsed lobe.In addition to clinically significant findings on chest X-rays, patients may present with indirect signs and symptoms such as elevation of the diaphragm, shifting of the trachea, heart and mediastinum; displacement of the hilus and shifting granulomas. Classification. Atelectasis may be an acute or chronic condition. In acute atelectasis, the lung has recently collapsed and is primarily notable only for airlessness. In chronic atelectasis, the affected area is often characterized by a complex mixture of airlessness, infection, widening of the bronchi (bronchiectasis), destruction, and scarring (fibrosis). Absorption (resorption) atelectasis. The Earth's atmosphere is mainly composed of 78 vol. % nitrogen and 21 vol. % oxygen (+ 1 vol. % argon and traces of other gases). Since oxygen is exchanged at the alveoli-capillary membrane, nitrogen is a major component for the alveoli's state of inflation. If a large volume of nitrogen in the lungs is replaced with oxygen, the oxygen may subsequently be absorbed into the blood, reducing the volume of the alveoli, resulting in a form of alveolar collapse known as absorption atelectasis. Compression (relaxation) atelectasis. It is usually associated with accumulation of blood, fluid, or air within the pleural cavity, which mechanically collapses the lung. This is a frequent occurrence with pleural effusion, caused by congestive heart failure (CHF). Leakage of air into the pleural cavity (pneumothorax) also leads to compression atelectasis. Cicatrization (contraction) atelectasis. It occurs when either local or generalized fibrotic changes in the lung or pleura hamper expansion and increase elastic recoil during expiration. Causes include granulomatous disease, necrotising pneumonia and radiation fibrosis. Chronic atelectasis. Chronic atelectasis may take one of two forms—middle lobe syndrome or rounded atelectasis. Right middle lobe syndrome. In right middle lobe syndrome, the middle lobe of the right lung contracts, usually because of pressure on the bronchus from enlarged lymph glands and occasionally a tumor. The blocked, contracted lung may develop pneumonia that fails to resolve completely and leads to chronic inflammation, scarring, and bronchiectasis. Patchy atelectasis. Is due to lack of surfactant, as occurs in hyaline membrane disease of newborn or acute (adult) respiratory distress syndrome (ARDS). Rounded atelectasis. In rounded atelectasis (folded lung or Blesovsky syndrome), an outer portion of the lung slowly collapses as a result of scarring and shrinkage of the membrane layers covering the lungs (pleura), which would show as visceral pleural thickening and entrapment of lung tissue. This produces a rounded appearance on x-ray that doctors may mistake for a tumor. Rounded atelectasis is usually a complication of asbestos-induced disease of the pleura, but it may also result from other types of chronic scarring and thickening of the pleura. Treatment. Treatment is directed at correcting the underlying cause. In atelectasis manifestations that result from the mucus plugging of the airways as seen in patients with cystic fibrosis and pneumonia, mucolytic agents such as acetylcysteine (NAC) is used. This nebulized treatment works by reducing mucous viscosity and elasticity by breaking disulfide bonds in mucoproteins within the mucus complex, thus facilitating mucus clearance. Post-surgical atelectasis is treated by physiotherapy, focusing on deep breathing and encouraging coughing. An incentive spirometer is often used as part of the breathing exercises. Walking is also highly encouraged to improve lung inflation. People with chest deformities or neurologic conditions that cause shallow breathing for long periods may benefit from mechanical devices that assist their breathing. One method is continuous positive airway pressure, which delivers pressurized air or oxygen through a nose or face mask to help ensure that the alveoli do not collapse, even at the end of a breath. This is helpful, as partially inflated alveoli can be expanded more easily than collapsed alveoli. Sometimes additional respiratory support is needed with a mechanical ventilator. The primary treatment for acute massive atelectasis is correction of the underlying cause. A blockage that cannot be removed by coughing or by suctioning the airways often can be removed by bronchoscopy. Antibiotics are given for an infection. Chronic atelectasis is often treated with antibiotics because infection is almost inevitable. In certain cases, the affected part of the lung may be surgically removed when recurring or chronic infections become disabling or bleeding is significant. If a tumor is blocking the airway, relieving the obstruction by surgery, radiation therapy, chemotherapy, or laser therapy may prevent atelectasis from progressing and recurrent obstructive pneumonia from developing.

distinct ailment

6655-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1685302

In 1971, the Nordic Council of Ministers, an intergovernmental forum, was established as a result of the Helsinki Treaty. The purpose of the Nordic Council of Ministers is to complement the Nordic Council and promote Nordic Cooperation. Structure. The governments of the Nordic Countries each have a Minister for Nordic Cooperation. This responsibility often goes to the Minister of Foreign Affairs or another ministerial post that the Nordic country has a special desire for cooperation. These Ministers for Nordic Cooperation delegate meetings for other Ministers to discuss avenues for cooperation in the minister's respective fields, thus the Ministers for Cooperation set up Ministerial Councils. Hence the name, Council of Ministers. Cooperation with other International Organizations. The Council and the Council of Ministers are involved in various forms of cooperation with neighbouring areas, amongst them being the Baltic Assembly and the Benelux, as well as Russia and Schleswig-Holstein. The Council of Ministers has offices in the following countries: Closed offices Programmes. Nordic Council of Ministers's educational programme for lifelong learning is "Nordplus". The main objective of the programme is to strengthen and develop Nordic educational cooperation.

a similar position within the ministry

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24362200

Miklós VII Zrínyi or Nikola VII Zrinski (Hungarian: "Zrínyi Miklós", Croatian: "Nikola Zrinski"; 5 January 1620 – 18 November 1664) was a Croatian and Hungarian military leader, statesman and poet. He was a member of the House of Zrinski (or Zrínyi), a Croatian-Hungarian noble family. He is the author of the first epic poem, "The Peril of Sziget", in Hungarian literature. Biography. Miklós was born in Csáktornya, Kingdom of Hungary (now Čakovec, Croatia) to the Croatian Juraj V Zrinski and the Hungarian Magdolna (Magdalena) Széchy. At the court of Péter Pázmány, he was an enthusiastic student of Hungarian language and literature, although he prioritized military training. From 1635 to 1637, he accompanied Szenkviczy, one of the canons of Esztergom, on a long educative tour through the Italian Peninsula. Over the next few years, he learned the art of war in defending the Croatian frontier against the Ottoman Empire, and proved himself one of the most important commanders of the age. In 1645, during the closing stages of the Thirty Years' War, he acted against the Swedish troops in Moravia, equipping an army corps at his own expense. At Szakolcza he scattered a Swedish division and took 2,000 prisoners. At Eger he saved the Holy Roman Emperor, Ferdinand III, who had been surprised at night in his camp by the offensive of Carl Gustaf Wrangel. Although not enthusiastic for having to fight against Hungarians of Transylvania, subsequently he routed the army of George I Rákóczi, prince of Transylvania, on the Upper Tisza. For his services, the emperor appointed him captain of Croatia. On his return from the war he married the wealthy Eusebia Drašković. In 1646 he distinguished himself in the actions against Ottomans. At the coronation of Ferdinand IV of Austria, King of the Germans, King of Hungary, Croatia and Bohemia, he carried the sword of state, and was made ban and captain-general of Croatia. In this double capacity he presided over many Croatian diets. During 1652–1653, Zrínyi was continually fighting against the Ottomans – nevertheless, from his castle at Csáktornya (Čakovec) he was in constant communication with the intellectual figures of his time; the Dutch scholar, Jacobus Tollius, even visited him, and has left in his "Epistolae itinerariae" a lively account of his experiences. Tollius was amazed at the linguistic resources of Zrínyi, who spoke Croatian, Hungarian, Italian, German, Ottoman Turkish and Latin with equal ease. Zrínyi's Latin letters (from which it was gathered that he was married a second time, to Sophia Löbl) are, according to the "Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition" of 1911, "fluent and agreeable, but largely interspersed with Croatian and Magyar expressions". In a Latin letter from 1658 to friend Ivan Ručić expressed his consciousness of being an ethnic Croat and Zrinski ("Ego mihi conscius aliter sum, etenim non degenerem me Croatam et quidem Zrinium esse scio"). In 1655, he made an attempt to be elected Palatine of Hungary ("nádor"); in spite of support by the petty nobility, his efforts failed. The king, reacting to Zrínyi's good connections to Protestants and the Hungarians of Transylvania, nominated Ferenc Wesselényi instead. Activities in 1664. The last year of his life was also a culmination of his efforts and prestige. In 1663, the Turkish army, led by Grand Vizier Köprülü Ahmed, launched an overwhelming offensive against Royal Hungary, ultimately aiming at the siege and occupation of Vienna. The imperial army failed to put up any notable resistance; the Turkish army was eventually stopped by adverse weather conditions. As a preparation for the new Turkish onslaught due next year, German troops were recruited from the Holy Roman Empire and aid was called from France, and Zrínyi, under the overall command of the Italian Raimondo Montecuccoli, leader of the Imperial army, was named commander-in-chief of the Hungarian army. As a preparation for campaigns planned for 1664, Zrínyi set out to destroy the strongly fortified Suleiman Bridge (the "Osijek (Hungarian: Eszék) bridge") which, since 1566, had linked Darda to Osijek (across the Drava and the marshes of Baranya). Destruction of the bridge would cut off the retreat of the Ottoman Army and make any Turkish reinforcement impossible for several months. Re-capturing strong fortresses (Berzence, Babócsa, the town of Pécs, etc.) on his way, Zrínyi advanced 240 kilometers on enemy territory and destroyed the bridge on 1 February 1664. However, the further pursuance of the campaign was frustrated by the refusal of the Imperial generals to co-operate. The court remained suspicious of Zrínyi all the way, regarding him as a promoter of Hungarian secessionist ideas and accusing him of having disturbed the peace by building his castle, Novi Zrin (Hungarian: "Új-Zrínyivár" or "Zrínyi-Újvár", English: "New Zrin" or "Zrin-Newcastle"), erected in 1661 at his own expense, in the theoretically de-militarised zone between the two empires. Zrínyi's siege of Kanizsa, the most important Turkish fortress in Southern Hungary, failed, as the beginning of the siege was seriously delayed by machinations of the overly jealous Montecuccoli, and later the Emperor's military commanders (apart from Hungarian and Croatian leaders), unwilling to combat the Grand Vizier's army hastily coming to the aid of Kanizsa, retreated. Despite the failed siege, the expedition made his name famous and praised throughout Europe. According to the 1911 "Britannica", "it was said that only the Zrínyis had the secret of conquering the Turks". Emperor Leopold offered him the title of prince, while Pope Alexander VII struck a commemorative medal with the effigy of Zrínyi as a field marshal, the Spanish King Philip IV sent him the Order of the Golden Fleece, and France's King Louis XIV created him a Peer. After relieving Kanizsa, the Grand Vizier turned against Novi Zrin. The Imperial troops under Raimondo Montecuccoli remained inactive while Zrínyi hastened to relieve the castle, refusing all assistance, with the result that the fortress fell. The Viennese court concentrated all its troops on the Hungarian-Austrian border, sacrificing Novi Zrin to hold back the Turkish army. The Turkish army, ultimately, was stopped in the Battle of Saint Gotthard (1664). The Turkish defeat could have offered an opportunity for Hungary to be liberated from the Turkish yoke. However, the Habsburg court chose not to push its advantage in order to save its strength for the brewing conflict that would come to be known as the War of the Spanish Succession. The infamous Peace of Vasvár was negotiated by Zrínyi's adversary, Montecuccoli. The peace treaty laid down unfavourable terms, not only giving up recent conquests, but also offering a tribute to the Sublime Porte (which would never be paid) against a few presents from the Ottomans - all despite the fact that Austrian-Hungarian troops maintained the upper hand. Zrínyi rushed to Vienna to protest against the treaty, but his view was ignored; he left the city in disgust, after assuring the Venetian minister, Sagridino, that he was willing at any moment to assist the Republic against the Ottoman Empire with 6,000 men. Zrínyi then returned to Csáktornya (Čakovec). It is widely accepted that he, despite being a loyal supporter of the court before, participated in launching the conspiracy which later became known as the Wesselényi conspiracy, aimed at the restoration of the independent Kingdom of Croatia and Kingdom of Hungary. However, on November 18, he was killed in a hunting accident in a place called Kursanecz (today Kuršanec, Croatia), by a wounded wild boar. To this day, rumors persist that he was killed at the order of the Habsburg Court. No conclusive evidence has ever been found to support this claim; however, it remains true that the Habsburgs lost their mightiest adversary with his death. The village where he died was renamed "Zrínyifalva" in Hungarian to commemorate him. Works. Beside being a leading military figure of 17th-century Croatia and Hungary, Zrínyi is well known for his literary works, also reflected in his often-recited epithet "Zrínyi Miklós, a költő hadvezér és politikus" (Hungarian for "Miklós Zrínyi, the poet the general and the politician"). He is the author of the first epic poem in Hungarian literature. Zrínyi's most significant literary work, The "Peril of Sziget" ("Szigeti veszedelem" or "Zrínyiász"), an epic poem written in the Göcsej dialect of Hungarian, was written in the winter of 1648-1649, and was published, together with a few miscellaneous pieces of poetry, under the title of "The Siren of the Adriatic Sea" ("Adriai tengernek Syrenája") in Vienna in 1651. The epic was composed in the manner of the classic epic poets, such as Virgil and their 16th century successor Torquato Tasso. The subject is the heroic but unsuccessful defence of Szigetvár by the author's great-grandfather, Nikola IV Zrinski (). Many criticized the indiscriminate use of foreign words and seemingly careless metres of the work; however, it was also much praised for its poetic strength, which made Zrínyi the most notable Hungarian poet of the 17th century. The work also earned him praise due to its fundamental idea (the strength of Hungarian/Croatian valour to overthrow Ottoman rule, with the help of God), and to its enthusiastic tone. The Peril of Sziget has drawn comparisons with the other Baroque epics of the period and despite its obsolete language being difficult to interpret to the average reader remains, to this day, one of the few pre-19th century Hungarian literary works still widely known to the public. The epic was translated to Croatian by Miklós's brother, Petar Zrinski () who, while Miklós was a master of Hungarian, excelled in the Croatian language. Beside his poetic works, Zrínyi is also a forerunner of Croatian and Hungarian political thinking and military science. In his essays and manifestos, such as "Ne bántsd a magyart – Az török áfium ellen való orvosság" ("Do not hurt the Hungarians - An antidote to the Turkish poison") or "Mátyás király életéről való elmélkedések" ("Reflections on the life of King Matthias") he makes a case for a standing army, moral renewal of the nation, the re-establishment of the national kingdom, the unification of Royal Hungary with Transylvania, and, of course, the ousting of the Turkish occupants. Honors. Postage stamps issued: Miklós Zrínyi Stamps were issued by Hungary on 1 January 1943, 1 May 1945, 18 June 1966, 18 August 2000 in Hungarian History series, and 5 September 2008.

additional facility

7930-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4270644

Gahirmatha Beach () is a beach in Kendrapara district of the Indian state of Odisha. The beach separates the Bhitarkanika Mangroves from the Bay of Bengal and is the world's most important nesting beach for olive ridley sea turtles. The beach is part of Gahirmatha Marine Wildlife Sanctuary, which also includes the adjacent portion of the Bay of Bengal. Know it better. Odisha coast has the world's largest known rookery of olive ridley sea turtle. Apart from Gahirmatha rookery, two other masses are there where nesting beaches have been located which are at the mouth of rivers Rushikulya and Devi. The spectacular site of the mass congregation of olive ridley sea turtles for mating and nesting enthralls both the scientists and the nature lovers throughout the world. An event that took place in April 2017 validates this phenomenon. In this month, it was reported by forest officials that at least two lakh (200,000) baby olive ridley turtles have come out of their pits within a span of 24 hours. This news was received well by conservation societies and wildlife lovers. Events like these are expected to last at least a week at the Gahirmatha Beach. That rarity of mass congregation and the cruelty meted out to these innocent marine creatures, paved the way for declaration of the stretch of water body from old lighthouse near Batighar to Maipura river mouth as Gahirmatha (Marine) Wildlife Sanctuary. Location. Gahirmatha is the only marine wildlife sanctuary of Odisha. This was notified as such in Government of Odisha, Forest & Environment Department Notification No. 18805/ F&E dated 27 September 1997 and published in the "Odisha Gazette", extraordinary No. 1268 dated 17 October 1997. It is located between 86 degrees 45' 57" to 87 degrees 17' 36"- east longitude and 20 degree 17' 32" to 20 degree 45'58" - north latitude. The total area of the sanctuary is 1435.0 km2 which includes 1408.0 km2 of the water body and 27.0 km2 of land mass including reserve forests, mud flats, and accreted sandbars. The core area of the sanctuary consists of 725.50 km2 and the buffer zone accounts for 709.50 km2. The entire sanctuary area comes within the revenue district of Kendrapara. Importance. Olive ridley sea turtles migrate in huge numbers from the beginning of November, every year, for mating and nesting along the coast of Odisha. Gahirmatha coast has the annual nesting figure between one hundred to five hundred thousand, each year. there has been decline in the population of these turtles in the recent past due to mass mortality. Olive ridley sea turtle has found place in Schedule - I of Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972 (amended 1991). All the species of sea turtles in the coastal water of Odisha are listed as "vulnerable" as per IUCN Red Data Book. The sea turtles are protected under the 'Migratory Species Convention' and CITES (Convention of International Trade on Wildlife Flora and Fauna). India is a signatory nation to all these conventions. The 'Homing' characteristics of the ridley sea turtles make them more prone to mass casualty. The voyage to the natal nesting beaches is the dooming factor for the sea turtles. Since Gahirmatha coast serves as the natal nesting beach for millions of turtles, it has immense importance on turtle conservation. Food habits. Olive ridley sea turtles feed on marine snails, smaller forms of fish, fish eggs, crustaceans, and jellyfish. The algal material is also used as food by the ridleys. Ridleys generally crush and grind the food materials before intaking. Migration. The best feeding ground of sea turtles may not be the best nesting ground for them. The sea turtles migrate thousands of kilometers to meet both the ends. It has been observed that olive ridley sea turtles migrate from the coastal water of Sri Lanka in the Indian Ocean to the coastal water of Gahirmatha in the north. The 'Homing' characteristics and the uncanny ability to orient itself in open sea help the sea turtles to migrate over long distance without getting lost in the vastness of the sea. Mating immediately after the arrival of ridley sea turtles in the coastal water of Gahirmatha, they indulge in mating activities. Males mount over the females and are often seen floating on the surface with the intermittent movement of flippers. Sometimes more than one male is seen mounting over one female. The courtship continues for hours unless there is any external threat. A female will continue to mate with several males throughout the breeding season. Mostly the mating pairs are seen off the coast of Ekakula. Nesting The mass nesting behavior of olive ridley sea turtles is known as "Arribada". Thousands of female carrying turtles scramble on the nesting beach at Nasi - I & II islands to release the eggs in flask-shaped cavities. The turtles scoop the soft sand to a depth of 45  cm with the help of flippers and release 100 to 180 eggs. Before scampering on to the beach, the turtles survey the nesting ground from the sea and in case they smell and danger, they shun the beach and search for safer breeding ground. The urge to release the egg is so intense that they are so oblivious of the presence of any foreigner, at the time of nesting. Generally, dark nights are preferred by the ridleys for nesting. It has been observed that nesting takes place once the southerly wind starts blowing. The period of emergence and retreat into the sea after nesting takes 45 to 55 minutes. Due to the shrinkage of the nesting beach, overcrowding of turtles is observed during nesting. The eggs which are scooped out by successive nesters is known as "doomed" egg as it would never be able to hatch. Sporadic nesting is also not uncommon. These eggs are mostly damaged by predators. The nesting females emit hissing noise at the time of laying eggs as the intake of oxygen is maximum at that moment. After laying eggs, the female turtle fills up the pit with sand by the flippers and tries to camouflage the pit site. The mother turtle rams the pit with the help of its body's heaviness. Hatching. The eggs inside the flask-shaped pits, being incubated by the sun and the metabolic heat, hatch after 50 to 60 days. The hatching takes place during the night or in the predawn period to avoid predation by jackals, dogs, and birds. The walls of the pit gradually collapse, thereby allowing the eggs on the lower strata to rise upwards. After the emergence of hatchlings, they immediately head for the open sea. The tiny replicas of turtles are in a frenzy to enter the sea water. This is the most spectacular sight. The hatchlings orient themselves by the reflection of stars on seawater or by the brighter horizon and head en masse towards the sea. The hatchlings swim deep into the sea until they reach the sea current. During this period large-scale mortality of hatchlings take place. It is studied that 1 in 1000 survives. Bigger fishes, ghost crabs or seagulls either predates the hatchlings. Then the period of "lost year" begins.

irregular motion

3426-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=535982

A charity shop (UK), thrift shop or thrift store (USA) or opportunity shop (others) is a retail establishment run by a charitable organization to raise money. Charity shops are a type of social enterprise. They sell mainly used goods such as clothing, books, music albums, shoes, DVDs, toys, and furniture donated by members of the public, and are often staffed by volunteers. Because the items for sale were obtained for free, and business costs are low, the items can be sold at competitive prices. After costs are paid, all remaining income from the sales is used in accord with the organization's stated charitable purpose. Costs include purchase and/or depreciation of fixtures (clothing racks, bookshelves, counters, etc. ), operating costs (maintenance, municipal service fees, electricity, heat, telephone, limited advertising) and the building lease or mortgage. Some charity shops also offer for sale a limited amount of edibles such as soda drinks, water, ice cream, snacks, and candy. When available, these items are usually near the stores' cashiers. Terminology. Charity shops may also be referred to as thrift stores (in the United States and Canada), hospice shops, resale shops (a term that in the United States also covers consignment shops), and opportunity (or op) shops (in Australia and New Zealand). History. One of the earliest known charity shops in the United Kingdom was set up by the Wolverhampton Society for the Blind (now called the Beacon Centre for the Blind) in 1899 to sell goods made by blind people to raise money for the Society. During World War I, various fund-raising activities occurred, such as a charity bazaar in Shepherd Market, London, which made £50,000 for the Red Cross. However, it was during the Second World War that the charity shop became widespread. Edinburgh University Settlement opened their "Thrift Shop for Everyone" in Edinburgh in 1937, the Red Cross opened up its first charity shop at 17 Old Bond Street, London in 1941. For the duration of the war, over two hundred “permanent” Red Cross gift shops and about 150 temporary Red Cross shops were opened. A condition of the shop licence issued by the Board of Trade was that all goods offered for sale were gifts. Purchase for re-sale was forbidden. The entire proceeds from sales had to be passed to the Duke of Gloucester’s Red Cross or the St John Fund. Most premises were lent free of rent and in some cases owners also met the costs of heating and lighting. The first Oxfam charity shop in the United Kingdom was established by Cecil Jackson-Cole in Broad Street, Oxford, and began trading in December 1947. Popularity. In the early 2020s, shopping at a charity shop became popular enough to earn a name in the United States: "thrifting". Environmentalists may prefer buying second-hand goods as this uses fewer natural resources and would usually do less damage to the environment than by buying new goods would, in part because the goods are usually collected locally. In addition, reusing second-hand items is a form of recycling, and thus reduces the amount of waste going to landfill sites. People who oppose sweatshops often purchase second-hand clothing as an alternative to supporting clothing companies with dubious ethical practices. People who desire authentic vintage clothing typically shop at charity shops since most clothing that is donated is old and out of normal fashion, or is from a recently deceased person who had not updated his clothing for a long time. Many YouTube channels make thrifting videos showcasing fashionable and unusual finds. Second-hand goods are considered to be quite safe. The South Australian Public Health Directorate says that the health risk of buying used clothing is very low. It explains that washing purchased items in hot water is just one of several ways to eliminate the risk of contracting infectious diseases. Another reason for charity shop popularity is the chance to occasionally find rare or collectible items at these stores. Sale of new goods. Some charity shops, such as the British Heart Foundation, also sell a range of new goods which may be branded to the charity, or have some connection with the cause the charity supports. Oxfam stores, for example, sell fair trade food and crafts. Charity shops may receive overstock or obsolete goods from local for-profit businesses; the for-profit businesses benefit by taking a tax write-off and clearing unwanted goods from their store instead of throwing the goods out, which is costly. Charity shops by region. Australia. In Australia, major national opportunity shop chains include the St. Vincent de Paul Thrift Store (trading as Vinnies) which operate 627 shops across Australia, Anglicare Shops, that currently operate in 19 locations across Sydney and the Illawarra also various locations around Australia, the Salvation Army (trading as Salvos), the Red Cross, MS Research Australia, and the Brotherhood of St. Laurence. Many local charitable organisations, both religious and secular, run opportunity shops. Common among these are missions and animal shelters. United Kingdom. Oxfam has the largest number of charity shops in the UK with over 700 shops. Many Oxfam shops also sell books, and the organization now operates over 70 specialist Oxfam Bookshops, making them the largest retailer of second-hand books in the United Kingdom. Other Oxfam affiliates also have shops, such as Jersey, Germany, Ireland (45 shops in NI/ROI), the Netherlands and Hong Kong. Other charities with a strong presence on high streets in the UK include The Children's Society, YMCA, British Heart Foundation, Barnardos, Cancer Research UK, Shelter, Roy Castle Lung Cancer Foundation, Age UK (formerly Age Concern and Help the Aged), Marie Curie Cancer Care, Norwood, Save the Children, Scope, PDSA, Naomi House Children's Hospice and Sue Ryder Care. Many local hospices also operate charity shops to raise funds. There are over 9,000 charity shops in the UK and Republic of Ireland. Their locations can be found on the Charity Retail Association (CRA) website, along with information on charity retail, what shops can and can't accept, etc. The CRA is a member organisation for charities which run shops. British charity shops are mainly staffed by unpaid volunteers, with a paid shop manager. Goods for sale are predominantly from donations - 87% according to the official estimate. Donations should be taken directly to a charity shop during opening hours, as goods left on the street may be stolen or damaged by passers-by or inclement weather. In expensive areas, donations include a proportion of good quality designer clothing and charity shops in these areas are sought out for cut-price fashions. 'Standard' charity shops sell a mix of clothing, books, toys, videos, DVDs, music (like CDs, cassette tapes and vinyl) and bric-a-brac (like cutlery and ornaments). Some shops specialise in certain areas, like vintage clothing, furniture, electrical items, or records. Almost all charity shops sell on their unsold textiles (i.e. unfashionable, stained or damaged fabric) to textile processors. Each charity shop saves an average of 40 tonnes of textiles every year, by selling them in the shop, or passing them on to these textile merchants for recycling or reuse. This grosses to around 363,000 tonnes across all charity shops in the UK; based on 2010 landfill tax value at £48 per tonne, the value of textiles reused or passed for recycling by charity shops in terms of savings in landfill tax is £17,424,000 p.a. Gift Aid is a UK tax incentive for individual donors where, subject to a signed declaration being held by the charity, income tax paid on donations can be reclaimed by the charity. Although initially intended only for cash donations, the scheme now (since 2006) allows tax on the income earned by charity shops acting as agent for the donor to be reclaimed. Charity shops in the UK get mandatory 80% relief on business rates on their premises, which is funded by central government (not by local ratepayers) and is one illustration of their support for the charity sector and the role of charity shops in raising funds for charities. Charities can apply for discretionary relief on the remaining 20%, which is an occasional source of criticism from retailers which have to pay in full. Largest charity retailers. The Charity Shops Survey 2017 revealed the ten largest charity retailers in the UK based on annual income and number of stores. United States. In the United States, major national charity shop operators include Goodwill Industries, Salvation Army, St. Vincent de Paul Thrift Store, and ReStore (operated by Habitat for Humanity). Value Village/Savers, while looking like a thrift store and selling donated goods, is actually a private, for-profit company. Regional operators include Deseret Industries in the Western United States, and those run by Bethesda Lutheran Communities in the Upper Midwest. Many local charitable organizations, both religious and secular, operate thrift stores. Common among these are missions, children's homes, homeless shelters, and animal shelters. In addition, some charity shops are operated by churches as fundraising venues that support activities and missionary work.

formal evaluation

13675-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=55996683

In 2014, the Cyprus Guaranteed Minimum Income and Social Benefits Law was passed to replace the previous Public Assistance and Service Law. It covers all EU citizens and also long-term residents with legal status, and its main intention is to shelter those with higher risk of poverty and to guarantee the recipients with basic standard of living. All EU citizens and Cypriots are applicable to the program if they have lived in Cyprus for more than five years before the application and will continue to reside there. Similar with conservative welfare states, Cyprus’s Minimum Income (MI) Law adopted the principle of subsidiarity, which means that family unit must serve as the first defending line for individuals. For Cyprus’s MI Law, eligibility for help is based on the total needs of a family unit. A family is qualified for benefits as long as its total income cannot satisfy its total need. Additionally, property ownership is also calculated based on family unit. The assumption is that members inside a family must collaborate and help each other. Only when they together as a social unit cannot afford to live well would the state came to help as the last-resort safety net. Moreover, the basic income value for a person that has zero income reported is set €480 per month, which is more than half of the respective poverty threshold. The value is set in an ad hoc basis to adapt to varying levels of national income and inflation. Benefits of Cyprus’s MI Law are given based on means testing. Potential recipients need to apply and demonstrate that they have certifiable needs, and that they’re really out of means except government support. To truly distribute benefits to those that need them the most, the Cyprus’s MI Law sets an age limit (above 28 years old) to eliminate young people who’re not earning much but are enjoying high standard of living with their parents from the list beneficiaries. It also has an activation strategy aimed to encourage the unemployed to actively seek jobs. Recipients would be required to accept available jobs in their relative fields, and those who’re unemployed voluntarily would be excluded from the program. Pension system. The Cyprus social security pension system consists of six parts: the General Social Insurance Scheme; the Social Pension Scheme; the Special Allowance to pensioners; the Government Employees Pension Scheme; other Public Sector Employees Pension Schemes; the Voluntary Provident Funds and other similar collective arrangements. Each scheme calculates benefits in different formulations. The General Social Insurance Scheme covers everyone who's gainfully employed in Cyprus with contributory interests. The Government Employees Pension Scheme covers pensions for those who're inside the army and work for the government and is also earning-related. It is notable that while Cyprus pension system do target various social groups, including the self-employed, its employees in private sector still are largely unsheltered. Cyprus pension system also pays specific attention to the elderly, especially those who experienced the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, many of whom have lost their means of life. Legal residents in Cyprus are entitled for pension programs as long as they have lived 20 years in Cyprus after the age of 40 and 35 years after the age of 18. Besides, the Agreement on Social Security signed between Canada and Cyprus in 1991 permits that those who have worked in Canada and have contributed to the Canada Pension Plan for a certain period of time might be qualified to enjoy the benefits of Cyprus pension system after verification. Even though the Cyprus pension programs have covered its population comparatively comprehensive, the replacement rate is still pretty low.

collective group

1146-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=35151113

Automated essay scoring (AES) is the use of specialized computer programs to assign grades to essays written in an educational setting. It is a form of educational assessment and an application of natural language processing. Its objective is to classify a large set of textual entities into a small number of discrete categories, corresponding to the possible grades, for example, the numbers 1 to 6. Therefore, it can be considered a problem of statistical classification. Several factors have contributed to a growing interest in AES. Among them are cost, accountability, standards, and technology. Rising education costs have led to pressure to hold the educational system accountable for results by imposing standards. The advance of information technology promises to measure educational achievement at reduced cost. The use of AES for high-stakes testing in education has generated significant backlash, with opponents pointing to research that computers cannot yet grade writing accurately and arguing that their use for such purposes promotes teaching writing in reductive ways (i.e. teaching to the test). History. Most historical summaries of AES trace the origins of the field to the work of Ellis Batten Page. In 1966, he argued for the possibility of scoring essays by computer, and in 1968 he published his successful work with a program called Project Essay Grade (PEG). Using the technology of that time, computerized essay scoring would not have been cost-effective, so Page abated his efforts for about two decades. Eventually, Page sold PEG to Measurement Incorporated By 1990, desktop computers had become so powerful and so widespread that AES was a practical possibility. As early as 1982, a UNIX program called Writer's Workbench was able to offer punctuation, spelling and grammar advice. In collaboration with several companies (notably Educational Testing Service), Page updated PEG and ran some successful trials in the early 1990s. Peter Foltz and Thomas Landauer developed a system using a scoring engine called the Intelligent Essay Assessor (IEA). IEA was first used to score essays in 1997 for their undergraduate courses. It is now a product from Pearson Educational Technologies and used for scoring within a number of commercial products and state and national exams. IntelliMetric is Vantage Learning's AES engine. Its development began in 1996. It was first used commercially to score essays in 1998. Educational Testing Service offers "e-rater", an automated essay scoring program. It was first used commercially in February 1999. Jill Burstein was the team leader in its development. ETS's Criterion Online Writing Evaluation Service uses the e-rater engine to provide both scores and targeted feedback. Lawrence Rudner has done some work with Bayesian scoring, and developed a system called BETSY (Bayesian Essay Test Scoring sYstem). Some of his results have been published in print or online, but no commercial system incorporates BETSY as yet. Under the leadership of Howard Mitzel and Sue Lottridge, Pacific Metrics developed a constructed response automated scoring engine, CRASE. Currently utilized by several state departments of education and in a U.S. Department of Education-funded Enhanced Assessment Grant, Pacific Metrics’ technology has been used in large-scale formative and summative assessment environments since 2007. Measurement Inc. acquired the rights to PEG in 2002 and has continued to develop it. In 2012, the Hewlett Foundation sponsored a competition on Kaggle called the Automated Student Assessment Prize (ASAP). 201 challenge participants attempted to predict, using AES, the scores that human raters would give to thousands of essays written to eight different prompts. The intent was to demonstrate that AES can be as reliable as human raters, or more so. The competition also hosted a separate demonstration among nine AES vendors on a subset of the ASAP data. Although the investigators reported that the automated essay scoring was as reliable as human scoring, this claim was not substantiated by any statistical tests because some of the vendors required that no such tests be performed as a precondition for their participation. Moreover, the claim that the Hewlett Study demonstrated that AES can be as reliable as human raters has since been strongly contested, including by Randy E. Bennett, the Norman O. Frederiksen Chair in Assessment Innovation at the Educational Testing Service. Some of the major criticisms of the study have been that five of the eight datasets consisted of paragraphs rather than essays, four of the eight data sets were graded by human readers for content only rather than for writing ability, and that rather than measuring human readers and the AES machines against the "true score", the average of the two readers' scores, the study employed an artificial construct, the "resolved score", which in four datasets consisted of the higher of the two human scores if there was a disagreement. This last practice, in particular, gave the machines an unfair advantage by allowing them to round up for these datasets. In 1966, Page hypothesized that, in the future, the computer-based judge will be better correlated with each human judge than the other human judges are. Despite criticizing the applicability of this approach to essay marking in general, this hypothesis was supported for marking free text answers to short questions, such as those typical of the British GCSE system. Results of supervised learning demonstrate that the automatic systems perform well when marking by different human teachers is in good agreement. Unsupervised clustering of answers showed that excellent papers and weak papers formed well-defined clusters, and the automated marking rule for these clusters worked well, whereas marks given by human teachers for the third cluster ('mixed') can be controversial, and the reliability of any assessment of works from the 'mixed' cluster can often be questioned (both human and computer-based). Different dimensions of essay quality. According to a recent survey, modern AES systems try to score different dimensions of an essay's quality in order to provide feedback to users. These dimensions include the following items: Procedure. From the beginning, the basic procedure for AES has been to start with a training set of essays that have been carefully hand-scored. The program evaluates surface features of the text of each essay, such as the total number of words, the number of subordinate clauses, or the ratio of uppercase to lowercase letters—quantities that can be measured without any human insight. It then constructs a mathematical model that relates these quantities to the scores that the essays received. The same model is then applied to calculate scores of new essays. Recently, one such mathematical model was created by Isaac Persing and Vincent Ng. which not only evaluates essays on the above features, but also on their argument strength. It evaluates various features of the essay, such as the agreement level of the author and reasons for the same, adherence to the prompt's topic, locations of argument components (major claim, claim, premise), errors in the arguments, cohesion in the arguments among various other features. In contrast to the other models mentioned above, this model is closer in duplicating human insight while grading essays. The various AES programs differ in what specific surface features they measure, how many essays are required in the training set, and most significantly in the mathematical modeling technique. Early attempts used linear regression. Modern systems may use linear regression or other machine learning techniques often in combination with other statistical techniques such as latent semantic analysis and Bayesian inference. Criteria for success. Any method of assessment must be judged on validity, fairness, and reliability. An instrument is valid if it actually measures the trait that it purports to measure. It is fair if it does not, in effect, penalize or privilege any one class of people. It is reliable if its outcome is repeatable, even when irrelevant external factors are altered. Before computers entered the picture, high-stakes essays were typically given scores by two trained human raters. If the scores differed by more than one point, a more experienced third rater would settle the disagreement. In this system, there is an easy way to measure reliability: by inter-rater agreement. If raters do not consistently agree within one point, their training may be at fault. If a rater consistently disagrees with how other raters look at the same essays, that rater probably needs extra training. Various statistics have been proposed to measure inter-rater agreement. Among them are percent agreement, Scott's π, Cohen's κ, Krippendorf's α, Pearson's correlation coefficient r, Spearman's rank correlation coefficient ρ, and Lin's concordance correlation coefficient. Percent agreement is a simple statistic applicable to grading scales with scores from 1 to n, where usually 4 ≤ n ≤ 6. It is reported as three figures, each a percent of the total number of essays scored: exact agreement (the two raters gave the essay the same score), adjacent agreement (the raters differed by at most one point; this includes exact agreement), and extreme disagreement (the raters differed by more than two points). Expert human graders were found to achieve exact agreement on 53% to 81% of all essays, and adjacent agreement on 97% to 100%. Inter-rater agreement can now be applied to measuring the computer's performance. A set of essays is given to two human raters and an AES program. If the computer-assigned scores agree with one of the human raters as well as the raters agree with each other, the AES program is considered reliable. Alternatively, each essay is given a "true score" by taking the average of the two human raters' scores, and the two humans and the computer are compared on the basis of their agreement with the true score. Some researchers have reported that their AES systems can, in fact, do better than a human. Page made this claim for PEG in 1994. Scott Elliot said in 2003 that IntelliMetric typically outperformed human scorers. AES machines, however, appear to be less reliable than human readers for any kind of complex writing test. In current practice, high-stakes assessments such as the GMAT are always scored by at least one human. AES is used in place of a second rater. A human rater resolves any disagreements of more than one point. Criticism. AES has been criticized on various grounds. Yang "et al". mention "the over-reliance on surface features of responses, the insensitivity to the content of responses and to creativity, and the vulnerability to new types of cheating and test-taking strategies." Several critics are concerned that students' motivation will be diminished if they know that no human will read their writing. Among the most telling critiques are reports of intentionally gibberish essays being given high scores. HumanReaders.Org Petition. On 12 March 2013, HumanReaders.Org launched an online petition, "Professionals Against Machine Scoring of Student Essays in High-Stakes Assessment". Within weeks, the petition gained thousands of signatures, including Noam Chomsky, and was cited in a number of newspapers, including "The New York Times", and on a number of education and technology blogs. The petition describes the use of AES for high-stakes testing as "trivial", "reductive", "inaccurate", "undiagnostic", "unfair" and "secretive". In a detailed summary of research on AES, the petition site notes, "RESEARCH FINDINGS SHOW THAT no one—students, parents, teachers, employers, administrators, legislators—can rely on machine scoring of essays ... AND THAT machine scoring does not measure, and therefore does not promote, authentic acts of writing." The petition specifically addresses the use of AES for high-stakes testing and says nothing about other possible uses. Software. Most resources for automated essay scoring are proprietary.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1048798

Civil law is a legal system originating in mainland Europe and adopted in much of the world. The civil law system is intellectualized within the framework of Roman law, and with core principles codified into a referable system, which serves as the primary source of law. The civil law system is often contrasted with the common law system, which originated in medieval England, whose intellectual framework historically came from uncodified judge-made case law, and gives precedential authority to prior court decisions. Historically, a civil law is the group of legal ideas and systems ultimately derived from the "Corpus Juris Civilis", but heavily overlaid by Napoleonic, Germanic, canonical, feudal, and local practices, as well as doctrinal strains such as natural law, codification, and legal positivism. Conceptually, civil law proceeds from abstractions, formulates general principles, and distinguishes substantive rules from procedural rules. It holds case law secondary and subordinate to statutory law. Civil law is often paired with the inquisitorial system, but the terms are not synonymous. There are key differences between a statute and a code. The most pronounced features of civil systems are their legal codes, with concise and broadly applicable texts that typically avoid factually specific scenarios. The short articles in a civil law code deal in generalities and stand in contrast with ordinary statutes, which are often very long and very detailed. Overview. Origin and features. Civil law is sometimes referred to as neo-Roman law, Romano-Germanic law or Continental law. The expression "civil law" is a translation of Latin "jus civile", or "citizens' law", which was the late imperial term for its legal system, as opposed to the laws governing conquered peoples ("jus gentium"); hence, the Justinian Code's title "Corpus Juris Civilis". Civil law practitioners, however, traditionally refer to their system in a broad sense as "jus commune." The civil law system is the most widespread system of law in the world, in force in various forms in about 150 countries. It draws heavily from Roman law, arguably the most intricate known legal system before the modern era. In civil law legal systems where codes exist, the primary source of law is the law code, a systematic collection of interrelated articles, arranged by subject matter in some pre-specified order. Codes explain the principles of law, rights and entitlements, and how basic legal mechanisms work. The purpose of codification is to provide all citizens with manners and written collection of the laws which apply to them and which judges must follow. Law codes are laws enacted by a legislature, even if they are in general much longer than other laws. Rather than a compendium of statutes or catalog of case law, the code sets out general principles as rules of law. Other major legal systems in the world include common law, Islamic law, Halakha, and canon law. Unlike common law systems, civil law jurisdictions deal with case law apart from any precedent value. Civil law courts generally decide cases using codal provisions on a case-by-case basis, without reference to other (or even superior) judicial decisions. In actual practice, an increasing degree of precedent is creeping into civil law jurisprudence, and is generally seen in many nations' highest courts. While the typical French-speaking supreme court decision is short, concise and devoid of explanation or justification, in Germanic Europe, the supreme courts can and do tend to write more verbose opinions, supported by legal reasoning. A line of similar case decisions, while not precedent "per se", constitute "jurisprudence constante". While civil law jurisdictions place little reliance on court decisions, they tend to generate a phenomenal number of reported legal opinions. However, this tends to be uncontrolled, since there is no statutory requirement that any case be reported or published in a law report, except for the councils of state and constitutional courts. Except for the highest courts, all publication of legal opinions are unofficial or commercial. Subcategories. Civil law systems can be divided into: Prominent civil codes. A prominent example of a civil law code is the Napoleonic Code (1804), named after French emperor Napoleon. The Napoleonic code comprises three components: Another prominent civil code is the German Civil Code ("Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch" or BGB), which went into effect in the German empire in 1900. The German Civil Code is highly influential, inspiring the civil codes in countries such as Japan, South Korea and Switzerland (1907). It is divided into five parts: History. Civil law takes as its major inspiration classical Roman law ("c". AD 1–250), and in particular Justinian law (6th century AD), and further expanded and developed in the late Middle Ages under the influence of canon law. The Justinian Code's doctrines provided a sophisticated model for contracts, rules of procedure, family law, wills, and a strong monarchical constitutional system. Roman law was received differently in different countries. In some it went into force wholesale by legislative act, i.e., it became positive law, whereas in others it was diffused into society by increasingly influential legal experts and scholars. Roman law continued without interruption in the Byzantine Empire until its final fall in the 15th century. However, given the multiple incursions and occupations by Western European powers in the late medieval period, its laws became widely implemented in the West. It was first received in the Holy Roman Empire partly because it was considered imperial law, and it spread in Europe mainly because its students were the only trained lawyers. It became the basis of Scots law, though partly rivaled by received feudal Norman law. In England, it was taught academically at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, but underlay only probate and matrimonial law insofar as both were inherited from canon law, and maritime law, adapted from "lex mercatoria" through the Bordeaux trade. Consequently, neither of the two waves of Roman influence completely dominated in Europe. Roman law was a secondary source that was applied only when local customs and laws were found lacking on a certain subject. However, after a time, even local law came to be interpreted and evaluated primarily on the basis of Roman law, since it was a common European legal tradition of sorts, and thereby in turn influenced the main source of law. Eventually, the work of civilian glossators and commentators led to the development of a common body of law and writing about law, a common legal language, and a common method of teaching and scholarship, all termed the "jus commune", or law common to Europe, which consolidated canon law and Roman law, and to some extent, feudal law. Codification. An important common characteristic of civil law, aside from its origins in Roman law, is the comprehensive codification of received Roman law, i.e., its inclusion in civil codes. The earliest codification known is the Code of Hammurabi, written in ancient Babylon during the 18th century BC. However, this, and many of the codes that followed, were mainly lists of civil and criminal wrongs and their punishments. The codification typical of modern civilian systems did not first appear until the Justinian Code. Germanic codes appeared over the 6th and 7th centuries to clearly delineate the law in force for Germanic privileged classes versus their Roman subjects and regulate those laws according to folk-right. Under feudal law, a number of private custumals were compiled, first under the Norman empire ("Très ancien coutumier", 1200–1245), then elsewhere, to record the manorial—and later regional—customs, court decisions, and the legal principles underpinning them. Custumals were commissioned by lords who presided as lay judges over manorial courts in order to inform themselves about the court process. The use of custumals from influential towns soon became commonplace over large areas. In keeping with this, certain monarchs consolidated their kingdoms by attempting to compile custumals that would serve as the law of the land for their realms, as when Charles VII of France in 1454 commissioned an official custumal of Crown law. Two prominent examples include the "Coutume de Paris" (written 1510; revised 1580), which served as the basis for the Napoleonic Code, and the "Sachsenspiegel" (c. 1220) of the bishoprics of Magdeburg and Halberstadt which was used in northern Germany, Poland, and the Low Countries. The concept of codification was further developed during the 17th and 18th centuries AD, as an expression of both natural law and the ideas of the Enlightenment. The political ideals of that era was expressed by the concepts of democracy, protection of property and the rule of law. Those ideals required certainty of law, recorded, uniform law. So, the mix of Roman law and customary and local law gave way to law codification. Also, the notion of a nation-state implied recorded law that would be applicable to that state. There was also a reaction to law codification. The proponents of codification regarded it as conducive to certainty, unity and systematic recording of the law; whereas its opponents claimed that codification would result in the ossification of the law. In the end, despite whatever resistance to codification, the codification of Continental European private laws moved forward. Codifications were completed by Denmark (1687), Sweden (1734), Prussia (1794), France (1804), and Austria (1811). The French codes were imported into areas conquered by Napoleon and later adopted with modifications in Poland (Duchy of Warsaw/Congress Poland; Kodeks cywilny 1806/1825), Louisiana (1807), Canton of Vaud (Switzerland; 1819), the Netherlands (1838), Serbia (1844), Italy and Romania (1865), Portugal (1867) and Spain (1888). Germany (1900), and Switzerland (1912) adopted their own codifications. These codifications were in turn imported into colonies at one time or another by most of these countries. The Swiss version was adopted in Brazil (1916) and Turkey (1926). In theory, codes conceptualized in the civil law system should go beyond the compilation of discrete statutes, and instead state the law in a coherent, and comprehensive piece of legislation, sometimes introducing major reforms or starting anew. In this regard, civil law codes are more similar to the Restatements of the Law, the Uniform Commercial Code (which drew from European inspirations), and the Model Penal Code in the United States. In the United States, U.S. states began codification with New York's 1850 Field Code (laying down civil procedure rules and inspired by European and Louisiana codes). Other examples include California's codes (1872), and the federal revised statutes (1874) and the current United States Code (1926), which are closer to compilations of statute than to systematic expositions of law akin to civil law codes. For the legal system of Japan, beginning in the Meiji Era, European legal systems—especially the civil law of Germany and France—were the primary models for emulation. In China, the German Civil Code was introduced in the later years of the Qing dynasty, emulating Japan. In addition, it formed the basis of the law of the Republic of China, which remains in force in Taiwan. Furthermore, Korea, Taiwan, and Manchuria, former Japanese colonies, have been strongly influenced by the Japanese legal system. Some authors consider civil law the foundation for socialist law used in communist countries, which in this view would basically be civil law with the addition of Marxist-Leninist ideals. Even if this is so, civil law was generally the legal system in place before the rise of socialist law, and some Eastern European countries reverted to the pre-socialist civil law following the fall of socialism, while others continued using a socialist legal systems. Differentiation from other major legal systems. The table below contains essential disparities (and in some cases similarities) between the world's four major legal systems. Civil law is primarily contrasted with common law, which is the legal system developed first in England, and later among English-speaking peoples of the world. Despite their differences, the two systems are quite similar from a historical point of view. Both evolved in much the same way, though at different paces. The Roman law underlying civil law developed mainly from customary law that was refined with case law and legislation. Canon law further refined court procedure. Similarly, English law developed from Anglo-Saxon customary law, Danelaw and Norman law, further refined by case law and legislation. The differences are Codification, however, is by no means a defining characteristic of a civil law system. For example, the statutes that govern the civil law systems of Sweden and other Nordic countries and the Roman-Dutch countries are not grouped into larger, expansive codes like those in French and German law. Subgroups. The term "civil law" comes from English legal scholarship and is used in English-speaking countries to lump together all legal systems of the "jus commune" tradition. However, legal comparativists and economists promoting the legal origins theory prefer to subdivide civil law jurisdictions into four distinct groups: However, some of these legal systems are often and more correctly said to be of hybrid nature: Napoleonic to Germanistic influence: The Italian civil code of 1942 replaced the original one of 1865, introducing germanistic elements due to the geopolitical alliances of the time. This approach has been imitated by other countries, including Portugal (1966), the Netherlands (1992), Brazil (2002) and Argentina (2014). Most of them have innovations introduced by the Italian legislation, including the unification of the civil and commercial codes. Germanistic to Napoleonic influence: The Swiss civil code is considered mainly influenced by the German civil code and partly influenced by the French civil code. The civil code of the Republic of Turkey is a slightly modified version of the Swiss code, adopted in 1926 during Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's presidency as part of the government's progressive reforms and secularization. Some systems of civil law do not fit neatly into this typology, however. Polish law developed as a mixture of French and German civil law in the 19th century. After the reunification of Poland in 1918, five legal systems (French Napoleonic Code from the Duchy of Warsaw, German BGB from Western Poland, Austrian ABGB from Southern Poland, Russian law from Eastern Poland, and Hungarian law from Spisz and Orawa) were merged into one. Similarly, Dutch law, while originally codified in the Napoleonic tradition, has been heavily altered under influence from the Dutch native tradition of Roman-Dutch law (still in effect in its former colonies). Scotland's civil law tradition borrowed heavily from Roman-Dutch law. Swiss law is categorized as Germanistic, but it has been heavily influenced by the Napoleonic tradition, with some indigenous elements added in as well. Louisiana private law is primarily a Napoleonic system. Louisiana is the only U.S. state partially based on French and Spanish codes and ultimately Roman law, as opposed to English common law. In Louisiana, private law was codified into the Louisiana Civil Code. Current Louisiana law has converged considerably with American law, especially in its public law, judicial system, and adoption of the Uniform Commercial Code (except for Article 2) and certain legal devices of American common law. In fact, any innovation, whether private or public, has been decidedly common law in origin. Quebec law, whose private law is also of French civil origin, has developed along the same lines, adapting in the same way as Louisiana to the public law and judicial system of Canadian common law. By contrast, Quebec private law has innovated mainly from civil sources. To a lesser extent, other states formerly part of the Spanish Empire, such as Texas and California, have also retained aspects of Spanish civil law into their legal system, for example community property. The legal system of Puerto Rico exhibits similarities to that of Louisiana: a civil code whose interpretations rely on both the civil and common law systems. Because Puerto Rico's Civil Code is based on the Spanish Civil Code of 1889, available jurisprudence has tended to rely on common law innovations due to the code's age and in many cases, obsolete nature. Several Islamic countries have civil law systems that contain elements of Islamic law. As an example, the Egyptian Civil Code of 1810 that developed in the early 19th century—which remains in force in Egypt is the basis for the civil law in many countries of the Arab world where the civil law is used— is based on the Napoleonic Code, but its primary author Abd El-Razzak El-Sanhuri attempted to integrate principles and features of Islamic law in deference to the unique circumstances of Egyptian society. Japanese Civil Code was considered as a mixture of roughly 60 percent of the German civil code and roughly 30 percent of the French civil code and 8 percent of Japanese customary law and 2 percent of the English law. The code includes the doctrine of ultra vires and a precedent of Hadley v Baxendale from English common law system.

particular theme

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8572837

SoulFest is an annual Christian music festival held in New England, United States. It currently takes place at the Gunstock Mountain Resort in Gilford, New Hampshire and features three stages and over 80 artists and speakers. Stages. Soulfest has two major stages in the actual festival area. The biggest stage, the Revival Stage, hosts major name artists, such as Skillet, TobyMac, Third Day and Switchfoot, and houses well over ten thousand people on the surrounding grounds. The second biggest stage is Inside Out Stage, which has more rock-oriented artists, such as Kardia, The Chariot Collington and Flyleaf along with a number of bands geared towards worship including Jason Upton, and Gateway Worship. Their other stages are Mercy Street and Mountain Top Stage. The Mercy Street stage is inside of a large ski lodge near the main entrance of Soulfest. Although it hosts mostly smaller acts that are lesser known, big-name acts sometimes play shows at this venue, usually late at night, at events called "Late Night Performances". The Mountain Top stage hosts mainly acoustic acts in the festival's most scenic venue. Artists perform on the front deck of a cabin that sits on top of one of Gunstock's mountains. Guests can choose to take the chairlift to the stage or walk the beautiful hike up to the top. At this stage, you can find artists like Maeve and Matt Maher, normally with just an acoustic guitar, but occasionally a piano or a small drum set will be played. Some main stage artist will even have special acoustic and/or solo concerts at this venue. History. Soulfest was founded in 1998 by Dan Russell, President of NewSound Artist Management and NewSound International, who produces the annual event. The 3 day festival began at Loon Mountain in Lincoln, New Hampshire and changed locations in 2005 to Gunstock Mountain Resort in Gilford, NH where it currently resides.

anterior extension

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=50581149

Rainer Grießhammer (born 14 July 1953) is a German chemist and member of the executive board of the Oeko-Institut. Besides his practical work, Grießhammer is managing director of the Future Heritage Foundation (Stiftung Zukunftserbe) in Freiburg (since 2000). He is the author of numerous scientific articles and popular science publications. Since 2012, Grießhammer has been honorary professor for sustainable products at the Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg. Education and career. Grießhammer studied chemistry at the University of Basel and at the Eberhard Karls University, Tübingen. After graduating, he began his career as a scientist at the Oeko-Institut and has helped to shape the institute’s development over more than 30 years – including as a member of its committee and of its executive board. The progression of his career mirrors the evolution of the environmental movement from a neglected sideline to a key societal and political topic of the present day. In parallel to his work at the Oeko-Institut Grießhammer was the publisher of the chemical policy journal "Informationsdienst Chemie und Umwelt, ICU" (1984–1997), gave lectures at the University of Giessen (1996–1999) and has served since 2000 as executive director of the Legacy for the Future Foundation (Stiftung Zukunftserbe). Since 2012, ' Grießhammer has been honorary professor for sustainable products at the Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg and a member of the research advisory board of the “Consumers, Market and Policy” Research Centre at the Zeppelin University in Friedrichshafen. Fields of work and (selected) projects. Griesshammer’s main areas of work have been “chemistry and environment” (1982–1992), product evaluation and life-cycle assessments (1989–1995), sustainable development and material flow management (1992–2000), sustainable products and consumption, and transformations (from around 1996 to now). His product-related studies substantially influenced the international development of methods in the field of life-cycle assessment (life-cycle management, material flow analyses and product sustainability assessment). Corresponding projects and critical reviews were carried out at EU level and in Denmark, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland. The research projects in the area of "chemistry and environment" (1982–1992) concentrated on the environmental impacts caused by chemicals and the specific problems associated with them, on the one hand, and on German chemicals legislation, European Union chemicals law and the conception of a new chemicals policy, on the other. This phase culminated and concluded with work in and on behalf of the Enquete Commission of the German Bundestag on “Protection of Humanity and the Environment”. Both the concept of a societally transformed management of chemicals and the results of the Enquete Commission of the German Bundestag were substantially influenced by Griesshammer. In the area of “product evaluation and life-cycle assessments” (1989–1995), Grießhammer most notably contributed (including internationally, under the auspices of SETAC) to developing the life-cycle assessment (LCA) method and by carrying out practice-oriented LCAs and sustainability assessments of all kinds of products (laundry detergents, domestic appliances, TV sets, computers, products containing CFCs, recycled paper, packaging, surgical drape materials, plastics, textiles and coffee). The ISO 14040 standard requires extensive “critical reviews” to be performed for published life-cycle assessments – in this connection Rainer Grießhammer is one of the expert reviewers in most frequent demand internationally. His research work in the area of sustainable development and material flow management (1992–2000) concentrated on overarching environmental objectives and sustainability indicators, on concretising and implementing the guiding vision of sustainable development at the level of products and materials in general, and for certain sectors and areas of need in particular (information and communication, construction and housing, clothing and washing), and on the structuring of stake-holder cooperation. Around 1996 he commenced research work on the theme of sustainable products and consumption. A major aspect of this field of work is the development of the PROSA product sustainability assessment methodology. The PROSA approach, in contrast to LCA, places special emphasis on the analysis of social and economic aspects and on the inclusion of utility aspects and consumer research. In developing the associated tools, attention was paid to international harmonisation and exchange of experience, e.g. with SETAC on Life Cycle Costing, with the UNEP-SETAC Life Cycle Initiative on Social LCA, and with large corporations on application in practice. Griesshammer’s main work areas come to bear in the EcoTopTen initiative, a German campaign for sustainable products across a range of product categories. The initiative was prepared with a project designed and led by Grießhammer under commission from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF), and public relations communication has been in progress since March 2005 in the form of a major information campaign. Since 2010 he has been researching the thematic complexes of transformations, sustainable industry policy and product policy. Since 2014 Griesshammer, along with Prof. Matthias Bergman of the Institute for Socio-Ecological Research (ISOE), has jointly headed the scientific coordination of the BMBF programme "Environmentally and socially compatible transformation of the German energy system”. Memberships. Expert member of the Enquete Commission of the German Bundestag on the "Protection of Humanity and the Environment" (1992–1994), member of the Scientific Advisory Board on “Consumer and Food Policy” at the Federal Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Consumer Protection (since 2002); acting member of the board of trustees at Stiftung Warentest (since 2003), member of the German Advisory Council on Global Change (WBGU) (2004–2009), member of the Scientific Committee of terre des hommes, Germany (since 2012), and member of the board of trustees of Utopia-Stiftung, a German foundation for sustainable consumption (since 2008). Awards. In 2010 Grießhammer was awarded the German Environmental Award of Deutsche Bundesstiftung Umwelt, the German Federal Environmental Foundation.

commodity groupings

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2606877

Natural horsemanship is a collective term for a variety of horse training techniques which have seen rapid growth in popularity since the 1980s. The techniques vary in their precise tenets but generally share principles of "a kinder and gentler cowboy" to develop a rapport with horses, using methods said to be derived from observation of the natural behavior of free-roaming horses and rejecting abusive training methods. Natural horsemanship practitioners often describe their principles with evangelical zeal, describing the approach as being a radical departure from "traditional" techniques, which are often portrayed as being based in the use of unnecessary force. Users and practitioners tend to relate benefits both in relation to the quasi-scientific narrative of the ethology of horse behavior, viewing the horse as "other", but also to the idea of an anthropomorphic partnership. High-profile practitioners of natural horsemanship such as Monty Roberts and Pat Parelli market their methods and equipment extensively through books, television appearances, live shows and other media. The natural horsemanship movement is controversial in the mainstream equestrian community, with criticism leveled at practitioners on a number of levels, while natural horsemanship advocates in turn are highly critical of more traditional methods. Natural horsemanship promoters face criticism that their techniques are not "new" and are classical concepts that are simply renamed or repackaged in order to be able to sell products and merchandise. History. The idea of working in sympathy with a horse in order to obtain cooperation is not new, with documented instances as far back as the two part treatise "On Horsemanship" by Xenophon (c. 430 – 354 BCE), which amongst other points, emphasized operant conditioning and emphasized reassurance over punishment. Later classical dressage practitioners such as Antoine de Pluvinel (1555–1620 CE) and François Robichon de La Guérinière (1688–1751) also emphasized gentle techniques. However, gentle training methods have always had to compete with harsher methods, which often appear to obtain faster, but less predictable results. In particular, the cowboy tradition of the American west, where the economics of needing to break large numbers of semi-feral horses in a short period of time led to the development of a number of harsh training methods that the natural horsemanship movement specifically has set out to replace. The modern natural horsemanship movement, though not originally described as such, developed primarily in the United States Pacific Northwest and Rocky Mountain states, where the "buckaroo" or "vaquero"-style cowboy tradition was the strongest. Brothers Tom and Bill Dorrance were early modern practitioners, who had background in the Great Basin buckaroo tradition. They had a particularly strong influence on Ray Hunt, who in turn became a significant influence upon Buck Brannaman. Many practitioners claim influence from the Dorrance brothers and Hunt, some having trained directly with these individuals. Other practitioners, such as Pat Parelli, came from the rodeo world. In Europe a number of variations are practiced that developed independently of the American model, influenced by Spanish or Hungarian horsemanship traditions as well as the teachings of Classical dressage. Some include work rooted in the use of human body language to communicate effectively to the horse. The growth in the modern acceptance of the techniques (and the growth in marketing of them) has been increasing since the 1970s, with initial slow growth accelerating through the 1980s and 1990s. Nomenclature. The term "horse whispering" dates to nineteenth century Europe when an Irish horseman, Daniel "Horse-Whisperer" Sullivan (d. 1810), made a name for himself in England by rehabilitating horses that had become vicious and intractable due to abuse or accidental trauma. John Solomon Rarey, a nineteenth century American trainer, was summoned to Windsor Castle in 1852 by Queen Victoria to demonstrate his Rarey technique on her wildest horses. Some natural horsemanship practitioners do not use the term "horse whisperer" to describe themselves, and some horse trainers dislike the "horse whispering" moniker to the extent that they openly ask that the term not be applied to them. "Natural horsemanship" is a more recent term, originating in the western United States, and not coming into popular use until around 1985. Its origin is widely attributed within the movement to Pat Parelli, who wrote a book using the phrase in the title. The term became linked to "horse whispering" in the 1990s, when the popularity of Nicholas Evans' book "The Horse Whisperer", and the later Robert Redford film of the same name, promoted popular awareness of natural horsemanship. However, some trainers linked to the movement, such as Mark Rashid and Tom Moates, have stated their discomfort with the term "natural horsemanship." The movement has led many people in the horse industry to question "traditional" practices and to look at learning theory and equitation science to better understand horse behavior. Within the Natural Horsemanship movement, the phrases "traditional" or "traditional methods" generally refer to brutal methods of horse-breaking that trained horses by dominating the horse and breaking its spirit. Some of these techniques are attributable to simple human failings such as ignorance or machismo. Others were derived from certain types of military training that insisted upon complete submission and learned helplessness from the horse, with misbehavior attributed to deliberate acts by the horse instead of a reaction to pain or fear of the handler. Still others were attributed to equipment and methods used on rodeo horses in the speed events such as calf roping and barrel racing. However, practitioners of classic, time-honored, humane training methods take issue with the characterization of "traditional" methods of training as "inhumane", noting that gentle techniques have always existed. Some natural horsemanship advocates acknowledge that there are "traditional" techniques that can be used in a humane manner, even suggesting that multiple styles can be used together in a complementary fashion. Common theories. Techniques and precise theories vary between practitioners of natural horsemanship, but the central theme is that they advocate training and handling techniques which they claim are kind and gentle. Part of the premise of natural horsemanship is that teaching through pain and fear does not result in the type of relationship that benefits both horse and handler. Like almost all horse training, the principal teaching aid is the use of operant conditioning to reinforce desired behaviours. The most common conditioning method is the use of pressure and release, with physical pressure being applied until the horse complies, or tries to comply, at which point the pressure is released as a negative reinforcement to the action. Punishment by physical force is rarely used in natural horsemanship, and many practitioners caution against the misuse of aids such as whips. Many techniques focus on the extensive use of ground handling to build rapport and mutual understanding with the horse. Methods include the use of leading and suppling exercises, and training the horse on the longe line or loose in a round pen. Most natural horsemanship practitioners advocate use of a type of rope halter that has a thinner noseband and heavy heel knot reminiscent of a bosal style hackamore for groundwork, and, for some, riding. Usually use of a lead rope is promoted, which doubles as a lead line and a short longe line. Some, though not all, practitioners work horses bridleless, or consider bridleless work to represent the culmination of their training. Once a horse is under saddle, most practitioners advocate use of either a loose-ring or a full cheek style snaffle bit, and rope reins that include slobber straps and a lead rope section on the left side characteristic of a hackamore's mecate, sometimes called a "McCarty outfit." All practitioners emphasize that communication should be possible through light or minimal rein contact with the horse's mouth, encouraging primary use of weight and leg aids. Natural horsemanship and riding disciplines that emphasize steady, light contact are not incompatible, however. One practitioner has suggested that use of a patented design of bitless bridle can create more effective control of the horse, and solve other problems related to bitting. However, the benefits of a bitless bridle have been questioned in light of recent studies showing that the cross-under design puts significant pressure on the poll and under the chin, while soft tissues such as the tongue are actually better suited to handling pressure from a rider's hands than hard tissues like the nose bone and the palate, though bitless designs may still be suitable for horses with mouth injuries. Efficacy. A 2009 small-scale study of the efficacy of natural horsemanship techniques compared to "traditional" exercises indicated that natural horsemanship exercises could be more efficient at improving the human–horse relationship and reduce stress on the horse during training without compromising technical performance. A 2012 study, however, questioned some types of round pen training on the grounds that pressure-release methods do not enhance horse-human interaction (as remote-controlled cars were used to elicit similar responses) but actually control the horse through fear and for that reason may be less humane than originally thought. Criticism. The natural horsemanship movement has been criticized from a number of angles. The first criticism is that claims of natural horsemanship being something new and different are wholly unfounded, that similar methods have been around for a very long time. Some practitioners, particularly in classical dressage and other English riding disciplines, consider much of the movement to simply be the application of humane methods of classical horsemanship that have been practiced for centuries. However, many natural horsemanship practitioners acknowledge that they did not invent natural horsemanship and credit earlier work in humane horse-handling techniques. Another common concern is that the movement has been promoted with too much hype and marketing. In particular, there are concerns that stories of near-miraculous results can mislead beginners to believe that they can accomplish miracles with their horses with little effort, education, or experience in horse training. A related concern is that practitioners rename common pieces of horse equipment and then sell their branded versions for premium prices. Some trainers view the use of particular brands or styles of common equipment as having more to do with personal preference than anything else. Others view certain tools as unneeded or prone to misuse. Practitioners counter that the equipment that they sell, such as rigid sticks and yachting-braid rope, have distinct characteristics that lend themselves to natural horsemanship training. In particular, the characterization of "traditional" methods of training as "inhumane" does not accurately describe classic, time-honored, humane training methods. Though some critics acknowledge that some historical techniques were not always gentle, they point out that gentle techniques have always existed as well. Others express concern that natural horsemanship fails as a complete method of horse training. Other trainers point out that the very act of catching and training horses is not "natural" at all, that everything people do with horses is not actually "natural" to the horse. Other authors such as Lawrence Scanlan suggest that "Domestication [of the horse] was a natural consequence... for those.. who were more curious, less territorial, less aggressive, more dependent [and] better able to deflect human aggression through submission". Overuse of negative reinforcement in any training method to increase rates of desired behaviors can produce anxiety and stress in the horse until the aversive stimulus or "pressure" is released. Failure of the horse to emit the desired behavior, or failure of the trainer to relieve the pressure after a correct performance, will only prolong this stress.

specifically robust impact

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=33441959

This is a list of devices capable of communicating on an AWS-1 network. AWS-1 (Advanced Wireless Services) is a wireless communication frequency band of the radio spectrum. It is used for transmission of voice, data, video, and messaging over a cellular network. AWS-1 is used in various countries of the Americas. It replaces the spectrum formerly allocated to Multipoint Multichannel Distribution Service (MMDS). Compatible devices. A partial list of phones, smartphones, tablets and modems that support the AWS-1 frequency on a UMTS network: BlackBerry. Many of the above listed BlackBerry devices have multiple versions, only one of each being AWS compatible. HTC. Many of the above listed HTC phones have more than one version. The consumer must ensure that he or she purchases the correct version that supports the AWS frequency. Motorola. Some of the above listed Motorola phones have more than one version, only one of which is AWS compatible.

right model

14903-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=52472211

The District Council of Truro was a local government area in South Australia from 1876 to 1991. It was proclaimed on 15 August 1876, comprising an area of 508 square kilometres, including the Hundred of Anna, the southern portion of the Hundred of Dutton and the northern portion of the Hundred of Jellicoe. There had been two previous proposals to introduce local government in the Truro area, in 1860 and 1868, but these were rejected after local opposition. The council was divided into three wards (Truro, Dutton and Anna), each electing two councillors, on 16 June 1885. In the same year, it built council chambers in Truro township at a cost of £104. The council gained the Hundred of Skurray on 7 September 1933 from the abolished District Council of Swan Reach, which added the town of Blanchetown. An additional ward, Skurray Ward, was established, electing one councillor. In 1936, the council covered a total area of 190,382 acres, with a population of 892 residing in 450 houses. The council area had a ratable capital value of £292,360, resulting in an annual income for the council of £791/16/2. In that year, it was responsible for 30 miles of main roads and 434 miles of district roads. In 1966, the council chambers moved to a building adjoining their original chambers. The chambers moved again in 1983, when the council purchased and refurbished a separate building. In 1976, their centenary year, the council published "The District Council of Truro: One Hundred Years of Local Government" by Reg Munchenburg. A second history by Munchenburg, "Truro, the travellers rest, wheels, wheat, wool, 1838-1989 : a history of Truro, Dutton, St. Kitts, Sandleton and Steinfeld" was published by the council in 1989. In 1986, the council district had an area of 792.5 square kilometres, "bounded on the west by the watershed of the Mount Lofty Ranges...and on the east by the Murray River", with a population estimated at 600. The main towns were Truro and Blanchetown. The primary industries of the district were wheat, barley, oats and grazing, with tourism being the main secondary industry. It was acknowledged by the 1980s that the Truro council would "experience constant pressure for amalgamation or dismemberment" in the coming years. This occurred on 1 October 1991, when the council amalgamated with the District Council of Ridley to form the District Council of Ridley-Truro.

incessant stress

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=56717352

Time-resolved RNA sequencing methods are applications of RNA-seq that allow for observations of RNA abundances over time in a biological sample or samples. Second-Generation DNA sequencing has enabled cost effective, high throughput and unbiased analysis of the transcriptome. Normally, RNA-seq is only capable of capturing a snapshot of the transcriptome at the time of sample collection. This necessitates multiple samplings at multiple time points, which increases both monetary and time costs for experiments. Methodological and technological innovations have allowed for the analysis of the RNA transcriptome over time without requiring multiple samplings at various time points. Background. While DNA encodes all of the functional elements of life, the information encoded must be converted into functional form. Following the central dogma of molecular biology, messenger RNA encodes genetic information for producing proteins, which, alongside functional RNA carry out the majority of cellular processes required for life. Changes in RNA abundance may be used as a measurement of changes in cellular behavior, such as heat stress, infection by virus, or oncogenesis. Knowledge of how the transcriptome changes during cellular processes allows for greater understanding of the exact mechanisms underlying these processes. Originally, transcriptome-wide RNA abundance could only be assessed using methods such as DNA microarrays or serial analysis of gene expression (SAGE). These methods are prohibitive in differing regards; microarrays, while cheap, provide inconsistent results and SAGE is based on sanger sequencing, which provides limited throughput. Using second generation sequencing, instead of measuring relative hybridization of sequences to probes in the case of microarrays or sequencing short segments in the case of SAGE, a researcher can simply sequence the bulk RNA within a sample and measure relative abundances of specific types of RNA by comparing the number of times each RNA molecule was sequenced in a given sample. Normally, in a traditional RNA-seq, microarray, or SAGE experiment RNA is extracted from a biological sample such as cultured cells, and the RNA is analyzed using the chosen method. The data obtained from such an experiment corresponds to abundance of RNA under the given experimental conditions at the time of harvest. For many applications, such as comparing the abundance of mRNA molecules between cells exposed to a drug and those not exposed to the drug, this type of experimental approach is sufficient. However, many cellular processes of scientific and medical interest are processes which occur over time, such as cellular differentiation or phagocytosis. Studying such processes requires analysis of RNA abundance across a series of time points. Methods. Time series samples. Sample preparation and data processing. The simplest approach towards assessing RNA abundance over time is to simply use multiple samples which are treated in exactly the same way, except for the duration of treatment. For example, to investigate a biological process which is estimated to occur for an hour, a researcher might design an experiment where the process is triggered for five minutes, 15 minutes, 30 minutes, 45 minutes, one hour, and two hours in separate cell culture samples before harvesting the cells for RNA-seq analysis. The researcher would then have measurements of the transcriptome at each of these time points, and comparing between these samples would indicate which cellular processes are activated and deactivated over time. Strengths. This method is the most common for measurement of RNA over time in cell culture models, mainly due to its simplicity. Each biological sample need only be processed in exactly the same way, and the factor of time is easily adjusted in most experimental protocols. Furthermore, since each time point is its own sample, more RNA can be harvested and sequenced for a study. Weaknesses. The requirement of multiple samples for time-resolved data collection increases the cost of the experiment as well as introducing a greater potential for technical errors. While the price of massively parallel sequencing has decreased greatly since its introduction, it is still prohibitively expensive for many laboratories to conduct large scale RNA-seq studies. This issue is compounded by additional time points increasing the number of samples by a multiple of the number of time points; using two time points rather than one doubles the number of samples required in an experiment. Consequently, many studies which use time series RNA-seq become limited in either their sample size, which reduces statistical power, or the number of time points, which reduces their time resolution, or both. Finally, by requiring a greater number of biological samples, there is greater risk for human error to affect the results, which may lead to spurious conclusions Affinity Purification. Sample preparation and data processing. In this approach, cell culture samples are cultured with tagged nucleotides which allow for selective purification of newly synthesized RNA molecules. One popular approach is pulse labeling with 4-thiouridine (4-sU), a uracil analogue that is incorporated in newly synthesized RNA molecules. In this type of experiment, a researcher would supplement cells with 4-sU at the time of the experiment or shortly beforehand. When the experimental treatment presumably affects RNA expression, newly synthesized RNA would be labeled with 4-sU. Newly synthesized RNA is labeled with a reactive thiol group, making it possible to link useful molecules to the RNA. Biotin is a popular molecule for use in this type of assay, as it is inexpensive and binds incredibly strongly and selectively to streptavidin. Incubation of biotinylated RNA with beads containing streptavidin allows for the selective purification of newly synthesized RNA. From here, newly synthesized and total RNA are sequenced separately and compared for differences. Strengths. Affinity purification makes use of the incredibly popular biotin-streptavidin system for fractionation of biological materials. Binding of biotin to streptavidin is incredibly strong (Kd < 10−14 mol/L). It is also highly specific, which results in minimal background signal from non-specific binding events. Furthermore, time resolution is obtained in a single biological sample, resulting in reduced biological variability compared to using separate samples for each time point. Weaknesses. The weaknesses of this method are mainly centered around efficiency. One major difficulty is uptake of 4-sU into cultured cells. If 4-sU is given too early, then it will be incorporated into RNA that was not synthesized before the cell began responding to the experimental conditions. If it is given too late, then early stages of the cellular response are not captured by the experiment. The rate of uptake of 4-sU can be measured, but this requires additional experiments to determine optimal dosage and time. Furthermore, these parameters need to be measured in the specific cell lines of interest, as different cell lines may take up 4-sU more slowly than others. RNA is known to be prone to degradation "in vitro". It is common for experimental protocols involving RNA to include a number of steps to reduce chances of Ribonuclease contamination or spontaneous degradation of samples, as RNA quality affects RNA-seq results. Metabolic labeling involves a number of additional steps that must be performed in the laboratory on RNA that is in solution. Since metabolic labeling requires that the RNA be kept unfrozen in liquid solution, some level of spontaneous degradation is unavoidable, although it is usually not to such an extent that results are affected. Of greater risk is the chances of ribonuclease contamination, which would render a sample useless, wasting time and resources. It is important for researchers working with RNA in any capacity to minimize unnecessary handling of RNA due to these risks. One additional drawback of using this method is, given equivalent sample size, more sequencing runs are required compared to a time-series experiment. This is because multiple RNA samples corresponding to the initial time point must be sequenced. Research suggests that 4-sU labeling may result in transcriptional changes on its own, which would affect any results obtained using this method. Nucleotide Conversion. Sample preparation and data processing. Nucleotide conversion works by converting some nucleotides in newly synthesized RNA into others, which can be detected through sequencing. Timelapse-seq is an example of such an approach. As in affinity purification, cells are incubated with 4-sU. After extraction of RNA from samples, they are treated with 2,2,2-trifluoroethylamine and sodium periodate, which converts 4-sU into trifluoroethyl cytosine, a cytosine analogue that is sequenced as a cytosine nucleotide instead of uracil. During sequence alignment and data processing, the U-to-C conversions are used to quantify the number of transcripts that are newly synthesized compared to bulk RNA. Strengths. This method shares many strengths with affinity purification; notably the fact that multiple samples are not required for a time-series. This method eliminates the need for multiple sequencing runs for multiple time points, as all RNA is run together on the sequencing instrument and labeled RNA is separated from nonlabeled "in silico". This reduces sequencing costs significantly, as now time resolution may be obtained without the need for additional samples or additional sequencing runs. Furthermore, by sequencing multiple time points together, technical variability introduced by sample processing is further reduced in addition to the reduced biological variability provided through the 4-sU experimental strategy. Weaknesses. As with strengths, this method shares many weaknesses with affinity purification methods. Notably, 4-sU uptake and increased sample handling. Since Timelapse-seq relies upon synthetic chemistry methods to convert nucleotides, incomplete reactions result in an underestimation of the abundance of newly synthesized RNA and may result in variability between samples. Nascent Transcript Sequencing. Sample preparation and data processing. Unlike metabolic labeling, nascent transcript sequencing (NET-seq) directly sequences transcripts that are still undergoing transcription by RNA polymerase II. This method allows for the study of the dynamics of transcription elongation, which is not possible with metabolic labeling techniques. For a NET-seq experiment, cells are treated as with a standard RNA-seq experiment until they are lysed. Lysis is performed such that RNA-protein complexes remain intact, and RNA polymerase II is immunoprecipitated from the lysate. RNA that was undergoing transcription from DNA is still attached to RNA polymerase and is subsequently eluted from the polymerase and sequenced. Strengths. Since NET-seq extracts transcripts that have not completed transcription, it is possible to obtain single-nucleotide resolution on the most recently synthesized nucleotide of transcripts. This is valuable in the study of phenomena such as transcriptional kinetics. Furthermore, it allows for the study of unstable transcripts which are degraded shortly after transcription. The general approach of immunoprecipitating RNA-binding proteins has great utility in understanding other areas of RNA biology, such as splicing. Weaknesses. This method relies upon immunoprecipitation of RNA polymerase II. There are a number of issues with immunoprecipitation, including non-specific binding interactions which may result in the immunoprecipitation of off-target RNA molecules. The temporal resolution of NET-seq is limited to transcription elongation. While comparing relative abundances between transcripts using NET-seq is possible, it is not the intention of the method. Future Directions. Aside from time-series sampling, there are currently no methods for comparing more than two time points. Metabolic labeling experiments are only capable of comparing RNA abundances before and after pulse-labeling. It is of interest to be able to observe modifications to the transcriptome over a series of time points in a single sample, as this would provide increased time resolution in studies. Existing methods of metabolic labeling are of interest for this; if multiple different metabolic labels were used at differing time points this may allow for intermediate time points to be investigated. However, such approaches must be developed with care, as biases in labeling methods and sample processing steps could contribute to misleading results if data from different methods are compared to one another. Metabolic labeling with 4-sU has been reported to affect cellular phenotype. In current practice, this is unavoidable and is tolerated as the obtained data still fit current biological models, as well as the fact that 4-sU samples are compared with 4-sU samples in most cases. However, this has the potential to result in spurious conclusions, especially if there is any interaction between the effect of 4-sU and the chosen experimental condition. It is not possible to distinguish differences in RNA levels as being due to the experimental conditions being studied or being the result of 4-sU treatment. Identification of labeling chemicals that do not affect cellular phenotype would eliminate these issues altogether.

considerable usefulness

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25096983

"Pee" is the thirteenth season finale of the American animated television series "South Park". The 195th overall episode of the series, it originally aired on Comedy Central in the United States on November 18, 2009. In the episode, the boys visit Pi Pi's Splashtown, the local waterpark, where so many people urinate in the pools to the point that the entire park becomes engulfed in tsunamis of urine. The episode was written and directed by series co-creator Trey Parker, and was rated TV-MA L in the United States. "Pee" served as a parody of the disaster film genre, particularly the movie "2012" which was released five days before "Pee" was broadcast. According to Nielsen ratings, the finale episode was seen by 2.87 million households, making it the highest rated cable show of the night. The episode received mixed reviews. Plot. One summer day, Cartman, and his friends, Stan, Kyle, Kenny, Butters and Jimmy arrive at Pi Pi's Splashtown, the local waterpark. Cartman is distraught to discover that most of the park's attendants are people of different races, while Kyle is incredibly repulsed to learn so many people freely urinate in the pools. Based on his observance of more minorities at the park than white people, Cartman calculates there will be no white people left by the year 2012, and interprets this as a sign that Mayans accurately predicted the world would end the same year, and that the new world will be "made up of minorities." Annoyed by Cartman's "racism", Kyle points out that since white people do not make up the majority of the park's attendance, then they are the new minority, but Cartman refuses to believe it, ignorantly thinking that a minority is someone who is "black or brown." At the same time, Kyle walks by an elderly man and woman and finds out that the man peed in the pool, which disgusts Kyle. A bespectacled male scientist tests the park's water and discovers it is 98% urine. He urges Pi Pi, the park's Venetian owner, to immediately close and evacuate his park, claiming the high urine content will soon trigger a cataclysmic event. Pi Pi dismisses the warning. But when a little girl is shown urinating in a wave pool, the park is overcome and destroyed by tsunamis of yellow urine and volcanic eruptions. Hundreds of people drown in the subsequent flood, including Kenny, but the other boys manage to survive. The destroyed park is quarantined, and the scientist advises against a mission to rescue those trapped inside, fearing their exposure to "pee contamination" has turned them into dangerous, hate-filled mutants. To prove his theory, the scientist urinates onto a test monkey, which clearly becomes annoyed and enraged. An antidote to this reaction is then tested on other monkeys, but proven unsuccessful when the monkeys still become angered when urinated on. Meanwhile, Cartman clings to debris to stay afloat, while the other boys have reached higher ground. Cartman is rescued by the occupants of an inflatable raft from a water park ride. Noticing he is the only white person in the raft, Cartman assumes he is the "last of his species," and that his envisioned 2012 scenario has occurred three years early. He imagines a world in which he must speak in minority slang, is paid lower wages, and eventually forced to live in a concentration camp. The other boys find Pi Pi, who informs them the park can be drained of the inundation if someone can swim through the pee to reach an emergency release valve. Kyle reluctantly agrees to do the job as he said at the start of the episode that he could hold his breath for the longest, but is horrified to learn he must drink some of the pee in order to offset the fluid pressure he will encounter at the depths. Outside, an antidote that keeps the monkeys calm during yet another urination test is discovered: bananas. Back inside the park, Kyle reluctantly drinks a jarful of pee in preparation for his plunge into the flood. Just after he finishes the jar, helicopters arrive as part of the rescue mission, which made Kyle extremely furious for drinking pee for nothing. After escaping the pee-filled water park, Cartman reunites with his friends, and is glad that he isn't the last of the species and he declares that he will live up to the fullest. Kyle angrily says that he has to get his stomach pumped at the hospital. Stan reassures that it's only a little pee. Kyle angrily complains that bananas are the only thing (in his opinion) "more disgusting" than pee. The water tester doles out bananas to the kids. The fire marshal tells them that they must eat their bananas immediately. Kyle angrily asks why, but a police officer aims his gun at Kyle, saying that he must do it, or he'll be put down and Kyle yells in frustration. Production. "Pee", the "South Park" thirteenth season finale, was written and directed by series co-founder Trey Parker, and was rated [TV-MA) in the United States. Since the episode takes place in a waterpark, all animation had to be drawn from scratch. The episode was conceived a mere week before its initial broadcast, and the animation was almost completely unfinished two days before airing. Parker and Matt Stone had the idea of a waterpark-themed episode for a long time and reminisced about Water World in Denver, Colorado during the episode's production. Initially, the name of the park in the episode was Pi Pi's Urine World. "Pee" first aired on November 18, 2009 in the United States on Comedy Central. The episode marked the third time during the thirteenth season that Kenny was killed, a running gag throughout the series. He also died during the season premiere, "The Ring" and during "W.T.F." During one of the final scenes, an alien holding a banana is visible among the crowd in the background. The alien was placed in the episode as part of a contest offered by the show's official website, in which viewers who could find and identify the alien in the episode could enter a contest, with the winner getting an animated version of himself or herself placed in the "South Park" opening credits. The episode featured a musical number sung by Cartman in which he despairs over the number of minorities at the waterpark. He also reminisces about the park before the ride instructions were also read in Spanish. The day after "Pee" was originally broadcast, three different kinds of T-shirts and hooded sweatshirts based on the episode were made available on South Park Studios, the official website of "South Park". One featured Butters standing next to a puddle of urine saying, "1 in 3 People Admit They Pee in Pools". The second included Cartman and his quote from the episode, "Your world is cold and void of any humanity". The third featured Stan, Cartman, Kyle and Kenny wearing bathing suits and standing in front of a Pi Pi's Splashtown logo. Cultural references. The episode is a parody on the disaster film genre, which has been parodied in previous "South Park" episodes, like "Pandemic", the twelfth season parody of the film "Cloverfield". "Pee" included a particularly large number of references to "2012", a science fiction film about the end of the world as predicted by the Mayan calendar, which was released only days before "Pee" was originally broadcast. The episode parodies many common elements of such disaster films, including scientists struggling to figure out the source of the problem. The destruction of rides and park amenities by the tsunami of urine is a reference to the destruction of historical monuments in "2012", and other such disaster films by Roland Emmerich, the director of, "White House Down", "2012", "Independence Day" and "The Day After Tomorrow". "Pee" also includes several references to the 2012 phenomenon, the prediction that cataclysmic events would occur in the year 2012, which is said to be the end of the Mayan Long Count calendar. The scene in which Kyle is forced to drink three cups of urine in order to prevent his body from enduring the effects of fluid pressure before swimming down to drain it all out, is a parody of a scene in the 1989 film "The Abyss", where the protagonist inhales a liquid breathing medium before venturing into the ocean depths. There is also a reference to the film "Alive" (1993) when Randy comes to rescue the children on a helicopter. He is holding a red baby shoe, just as Nando Parrado at the end of the movie. Reception. In its original American broadcast on November 18, 2009, "Pee" was watched by 2.87 million overall households, according to the Nielsen ratings, making it the most watched cable show of the night. It beat the second highest-ranked cable show, Bravo's "Top Chef", by about 600,000 households. The episode received generally mixed reviews. "If Magazine" writer Carl Cortez, who was critical of the second half of season thirteen, said "Pee" ranked as one of the best episodes of the season, and said it included several "classic "South Park" moments". Cortez called it a "wonderfully twisted spoof" of disaster films and called the script "pretty biting stuff ... without being wholly offensive". Ramsey Isler of "IGN" said the emergency staff subplot working on a cure was not "quite perfect parody". But he praised Kyle in the ending scene, as well as the way "South Park" found a new, literal twist on "toilet humor" by featuring rivers and tsunamis of pee. Sean O'Neal of "The A.V. Club" said that the episode was overly offensive, rather than an ironic commentary on racism. Although O'Neal said previous "South Park" episodes like "With Apologies to Jesse Jackson" were effective, "Pee" and its references to minority park attendees and the Italian waterpark owner "came off less like ironic racism and more as good, old-fashioned, butter-your-cornbread-with-it racism". An airing on August 4, 2017 featured a muffled version of the song. Home release. "Pee", along with the thirteen other episodes from "South Park"'s thirteenth season, was released on a three-disc DVD set and two-disc Blu-ray set in the United States on March 16, 2010. The sets included brief audio commentaries by Parker and Stone for each episode, a collection of deleted scenes, and a special mini-feature "Inside Xbox: A Behind-the-Scenes Tour of South Park Studios", which discussed the process behind animating the show with "Inside Xbox" host Major Nelson.

flame and smoke safety officer

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2545963

Chief Walkara (c. 1808 – 1855; also known as Wakara, Wahkara, Chief Walker or Colorow) was a Shoshone leader of the Utah Indians known as the Timpanogo and Sanpete Band. It is not completely clear what cultural group the Utah or Timpanogo Indians belonged to, but they are listed as Shoshone. He had a reputation as a diplomat, horseman and warrior, and a military leader of raiding parties, and in the Wakara War. He was the most prominent Native American chief in the Utah area when the Mormon Pioneers arrived in 1847. One observer described Walkara in 1843 as: "the principal ruling chief... owing his position to great wealth. He is a good trader, trafficking with the whites and reselling goods to such of his nation as are less skillful in striking a bargain." In 1865, some ten years after his death, the Timpanogo agreed to go live on the Uintah Reservation under Chief Tabby-To-Kwanah and merged with the Northern Shoshone. Walkara is often referred to as Ute, but this is incorrect. Ute is a blanket name for many tribes. The Shoshone have cultural and linguistic heritage as part of the Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. Walkara is Shoshone and his name, "Walkara," means Hawk, in Shoshone. Timpanogos Chief. Walkara was born approximately 1808 along the Spanish Fork River in Utah. He was one of the five sons of a chief of the Timpanogos Tribe. He spent much time fishing along the Utah Lake shores in what is now Provo and Vineyard. Walkara could communicate in Spanish, English, and native languages. His brothers included Chief Arapeen, for whom the Arapeen Valley near Sterling, Utah was named; Chief San-Pitch, for whom Sanpete County is named; Chief Kanosh, for whom a town was named; and Chief Sowiette. He gathered a raiding band of warriors from Great Basin tribes, Ute, Paiute and Shoshone, and often rode with his brothers on raids. His band raided ranches and attacked travelers in the Great Basin and along the Old Spanish Trail between New Mexico and California. Small native bands and tribes in the area paid him tribute in return for protection and assistance. Walkara was often distinguished by the yellow face paint that he wore. Some people called him, 'The Greatest Horse thief in History.' In California, especially, Walkara was known as a great horse thief, due to his stealing around 3,000 horses in Southern California in the 1840s. In some of these raids, the band fought Cahuilla leader Juan Antonio. Mountain men James Beckwourth and Thomas "Pegleg" Smith were involved in this campaign and were known to trade with Walkara, providing the band with whiskey in return for horses. In 1845 Benjamin Davis Wilson, Justice of the Peace and assistant for Indian affairs in Riverside County, was commissioned to track down Walkara and his marauders and bring them to justice, but never succeeded. Their mission was interrupted by the discovery of the Big Bear Lake area. No additional account of the pursuit was ever reported. Horsethief Canyon and Little Horsethief Canyon in the Cajon Pass are named for Walkara's exploits. Several men were killed in both canyons. Ambivalent relations with the Mormons and settlers. When Mormon pioneers arrived in what is today known as Utah, they were caught between the Shoshone and the Ute: both tribes claimed the Salt Lake Valley. The settlers refused to pay the Shoshone for the land, knowing that they would have to pay the Ute as well. Brigham Young, the president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), recommended the Mormon settlers avoid trading with Native American tribes. At this time, the Ute bands of Indians were divided, but Walkara's band was one of the most influential. Walkara recognized that trading with the settlers would enable his band to become more powerful. However, the Ute were angered by the Mormons building a permanent settlement in the area, and Walkara favored driving them out by force. His brother, Sowiette, wanted to accommodate the Mormons. After initial disagreement, Walkara conceded to Sowiette. Instead of war, the Mormons initially had peace with the Timpanogo. The first act of violence between the Ute and the Mormon settlers occurred on March 5, 1849. Some Ute had disregarded their leaders' instruction not to steal from the Mormons, and had killed and stolen livestock from the settlers. In retaliation, the settlers set out to find those responsible. They ambushed some Ute, resulting in six killed, in an event known as the Battle Creek massacre. Later in April, Walkara supported Ute attacks on Fort Utah; nevertheless, Young and Walkara entered into a peaceful relationship by May. In late 1849, Walkara met with Young, asking him to send men to help settle Ute land, and with that request, settlers including Welcome Chapman went to the Sanpete Valley. Young dispatched a company of about 225 settlers, under the direction of Isaac Morley. The settlers arrived at the present location of Manti, Utah in November, and established a base camp for the winter, digging temporary shelters into the south side of the hill on which the LDS Church's Manti Utah Temple now stands. It was an isolated place, at least four days by wagon from the nearest Mormon settlement. Relations between the Mormon settlers and the local Ute Indians were helpful and cooperative. Morley and his settlers felt that part of their purpose was to bring the gospel to the Indians. Morley wrote, "Did we come here to enrich ourselves in the things of this world? No. We were sent to enrich the Natives and comfort the hearts of the long oppressed." During the severe winter, a measles epidemic broke out. The Mormons used their limited medicine to nurse the Indians, and likewise when Mormon supplies ran low, the Ute shared their food supply. In 1850, Walkara agreed to be baptized into the LDS Church with his son. Walkara regularly traded women and children as slaves in order to trade for horses, guns, and ammunition. Mormon settlers tried to stop this practice, but their efforts only angered the tribe for interfering with their Indian slave trade. Relations with the Mormon settlers deteriorated rapidly. Walkara's raiding lifestyle was under pressure from an increasing number of federal troops in the Great Basin and Southwest and from the expansion of Latter-day Saint settlements. One conjecture holds that Mormon settlers also strongly objected to the profitable traditional trade in native slaves and interfered in many transactions. This is contradictory to the fact that Young was not, by his own account, an abolitionist. In addition, increasing numbers of non-Mormon trading expeditions and settlers were traveling through Central and Southern Utah, adding to the competition for water and resources. Some isolated natives were killed, and Walkara and other leaders became increasingly angry with both the "Mormonees" and the "Mericats", designations used by local tribes to distinguish Mormon settlers from non-Mormon Americans. Walker War. Growing tension between the Mormon settlers and the Ute Indians resulted in the Walker War. The war was sparked on July 17, 1853 by a confrontation with James Anderson Ivie in Springville in Utah Valley. It resulted in the death of a band member, Shower-O-Cats, a relative of Walkara. The Indians wanted to trade goods near Ivie's home, when Ivie tried to intervene in an argument over a trade between a Ute and his wife. Ivie wounded several of the Indians and one died. When Ivie would not comply with Indian requests for compensation, believing that he acted in self-defense, tension between Mormon settlers and the Ute reached its peak. A militia unit went to Walkara's camp in Payson to work out a peaceful resolution; however, no arrangement was agreed upon. The Utes demanded retribution, seeking the death of a Euro-American. When the Mormons refused, the Ute shot and killed Alexander Keele on July 18, 1853 in Payson. This event was the tipping point in the relations between the two groups. Indians started attacks in nearby towns. By July 25, Walkara was reported to be gathering Ute for a war. Mormon colonels Peter Conover and Stephen Markham rounded up men and called for volunteers to pursue the Ute, and families were advised to fortify their houses, store their grains, and protect their livestock. In a defensive effort, Brigham Young directed settlers to move from outlying farms and ranches and establish centralized forts. His people began to heavily guard the travel routes between Mormon settlements. Walkara and his warriors conducted raids against Mormon outposts in central and southern Utah; in turn pioneer militias retaliated. In one case, four settlers driving oxen-drawn wagons to Salt Lake City from Manti were attacked and killed at Uintah Springs on the night of September 30, 1853. Historical accounts indicate that pioneers retaliated the next day, and intermittent fighting continued until early November. In December of that year, Young offered amnesty to all the Ute. They did not respond and continued to commit violent acts for several more weeks. On March 24, Young sent Major E.A. Bedell, the federal Indian agent, to meet with Walkara and other Ute leaders. Bedell was to inquire if they would make a treaty with Young for the sale of their land. During the meeting with Bedell, Walkara said that "he would prefer not to sell if he could live peacefully with the white people which he was anxious to do." The Walker War ended through this understanding personally negotiated between Young and Walkara that was finalized in May 1854 in Levan, near Nephi, Utah. In his contemporary work "Incidents of Travel and Adventure in the Far West" (1857), photographer and artist Solomon N. Carvalho gives an account of the peace council held between Walkara, other native leaders in central Utah, and Brigham Young. Carvalho took the opportunity to persuade the Indian leader to pose for a portrait, now held by the Thomas Gilcrease Institute, Tulsa, Oklahoma. Although immediate hostilities ended, none of the underlying conflicts were resolved. Walkara died of "lung fever" on 29 January 1855 at Meadow Creek, Utah. At his funeral, fifteen horses, two wives, and two children were killed and buried along with him. However, tensions remained; together with some who refused to accept the peace, another incident precipitated the longer and more costly Ute Black Hawk War a decade later. In all, casualties during the war totaled twelve white settlers and an equally modest number of Indians. In addition, U.S. surveyor John Williams Gunnison and seven members of his party were attacked and killed, apparently by local tribesmen, along the lower Sevier River in 1853. An archaeological dig in 2007 examined seven bodies of Native American men and boys found in a relatively shallow grave near Nephi. Wounds on some of the remains suggest these Native Americans were executed rather than killed in combat. One skeleton appeared to have been bound by a leather strap at the time of his death. The bodies probably belonged to members of a Utah or Goshute tribe. A rock monument was built in Memorial Park in Payson to commemorate the death of a settler during the war. Another was built in Spanish Fork, Utah at the site of the Old Palmyra Fort. Tribe joining the LDS Church by baptism. After the Walker War had ended, on July 27, 1854, under the direction of stake president Welcome Chapman, 120 members (103 males, 17 females) of Walkara's tribe were baptized as members of the LDS Church in Manti's City Creek. Walkara was possibly re-baptized at this time. After his baptism, he was renamed Joseph Walker. Slavery. There is controversy over whether Chief Walkara was involved in slavery and human sacrifice. His descendants report that such activities were never cultural with them and would have been considered dishonorable. Walkara supposedly was involved with the slave trade in the Great Basin. The custom of the Ute tribes allowed for them to sell women and children in exchange for supplies and horses, which they ate. Some children were acquired for trading through war raids and then were sold to Mexican traders who sold them as slaves in California or Mexico. A boy could typically be sold for $100, and girls were for $150 to $200. At first, church leaders encouraged Walkara's slave trade. Apostle George A. Smith gave him talking papers that certified "it is my desire that they [Captain Walker and Peteetneet] should be treated as friends, and as they wish to Trade horses, Buckskins and Piede children, we hope them success and prosperity and good bargains." Brigham Young encouraged the saints to "buy up the Lamanite children as fast as they could," for the purpose of educating them and teach them the gospel of Jesus Christ. In 1906, Susa Young Gates accused Walkara of kidnapping Brigham Young's daughter, Sally Young Kanosh. However, there is little evidence that it occurred. Child sacrifice. Walkara was said to have been involved in human sacrifice. The Ute had a practice of burying children alive to serve as servants to the recently deceased and be their companion in the next life. Walkara may have had two captive children killed to relieve his own pain. When the Walker War ended, Walkara's daughter was sick; he said that if his child died, an Indian woman must be sacrificed so that his daughter's spirit did not travel alone in the spirit world. Upon Walkara's death, two Indian women, three deceased children, twenty horses, and one live boy were buried as formal sacrifices with him. Death. Walkara died after a lingering illness, possibly pneumonia, on January 28, 1855, while at Meadow Creek, Utah Territory. As Chief of the Timpanogos Utes, he reportedly had a rather elaborate burial and was entombed in a small canyon in the mountains, along with animal and human sacrifices. This burial scene involved carrying his corpse to the rocky entombment site by binding his corpse so that it sat upright on a horse. Walkara's weapons and ammunition were laid beside him and his personal horses were killed to company him on his journey to the next life. He had a letter from Brigham Young in his hand. A live boy and girl were placed on top of the burial pit in order to watch over his grave until they joined Walkara in the afterlife. The boy broke free and cried for help. Although nearby settlers heard him, gunfire from the Indian tribe warned them not to interfere. Isaac Morley, his long time friend, had promised Walkara that he would speak at the entombment. Morley later described the terrible ordeal and reported that he dare not object to the ceremony for fear of causing an uprising in the already delicate relationship between Walkara's brothers and the white settlers.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=402737

Pudong is a district of Shanghai located east of the Huangpu River across from the historic city center of Shanghai in Puxi. The name refers to its historic position as "The East Bank" of the Huangpu River, which flows through central Shanghai, although it is now administered as the Pudong New Area, a state-level new area which extends all the way to the East China Sea. The traditional area of Pudong is now home to the Lujiazui Finance and Trade Zone and the Shanghai Stock Exchange and many of Shanghai's best-known buildings, such as the Oriental Pearl Tower, the Jin Mao Tower, the Shanghai World Financial Center, and the Shanghai Tower. These modern skyscrapers directly face Puxi's historic Bund, a remnant of former foreign concessions in China. The rest of the new area includes the Port of Shanghai, the Shanghai Expo and Century Park, Zhangjiang Hi-Tech Park, Shanghai Pudong International Airport, the Jiuduansha Wetland Nature Reserve, Nanhui New City, and the Shanghai Disney Resort. History. "Pudong"—literally "The East Bank of the Huangpu River"—originally referred only to the less-developed land across from Shanghai's Old City and foreign concessions. The area was mainly farmland and only slowly developed, with warehouses and wharfs near the shore administered by the districts of Puxi on the west bank: Huangpu, Yangpu, and Nanshi. Pudong was originally established as a county in 1958 until 1961 which the county was split among Huangpu, Yangpu, Nanshi, Wusong and Chuansha County. On October 1, 1992 the original area of Pudong County and Chuansha County merged and established Pudong New Area. In 1993, the Chinese government set up a Special Economic Zone in Chuansha, creating the Pudong New Area. The western tip of the Pudong district was designated as the Lujiazui Finance and Trade Zone and has become a financial hub of modern China. Several landmark buildings were constructed, including the Oriental Pearl Tower, and the supertall Jin Mao Building (), Shanghai World Financial Center () and Shanghai Tower (), the world's first trio of adjacent supertall skyscrapers. These buildings—all along Century Avenue and visible from the historic Bund—now form the most common skyline of Shanghai. On May 6, 2009, it was disclosed that the State Council had approved the proposal to merge Nanhui District with Pudong and comprise the majority of eastern Shanghai. In 2010, Pudong was host to the main venues of the Shanghai Expo, whose grounds now form a public park. Pudong New Area consist of the original Pudong County (northeastern portion of Shanghai County), Chuansha County, and Nanhui County. Government. Districts of the Direct-Controlled Municipality of Shanghai are administratively on the same level as prefecture-level cities. However, the government of Pudong has a status equivalent to that of a sub-provincial city, which is a half-level above a prefecture-level city. This is due to Pudong's size and importance as the financial hub of China. The Pudong Communist Party Secretary is the top office of the district, followed by the district governor of Pudong. The Pudong party chief is customarily also a member of the Shanghai Party Standing Committee. On April 27, 2015, the People's Government of Pudong New Area is working with China (Shanghai) Pilot Free-Trade Zone Administrative Committee. Demographics. Pudong is bounded by the Huangpu River in the west and the East China Sea in the east. Pudong is distinguished from Puxi ("West Bank"), the older part of Shanghai. It has an area of and according to the 2010 Census, a population of 5,044,430 inhabitants, 1.9 million more than in 2000. Currently, at least 2.1 million of residents of Pudong are newcomers from other provinces or cities in China. Pudong is the most populous district in Shanghai. According to the 2010 Census, it has 5,044,430 people in 1,814,802 families, around 1/4 of Shanghai's total population, an explosive growth since the last census thanks to immigrants. Pudong's resident population growth is well above national average because it is a popular immigration destination. The 2010 census shows a 58.26% increase in the last decade, or an annual pace of 4.7%. In particular, the district saw am immigration growth of 189.5%, or an annual pace of 11.22%. Excluding immigrants, the birth rate is 0.806% while the death rate is 0.729, resulting a net growth of 0.077%. The total fertility rate is 1.03, well below the replacement level. The district actually has a negative registered household population growth if immigrants are excluded, thus the growth is purely driven by immigration. The 2010 Census shows a population density of 3,909/km2. About 3/4 of the population live in the northern part and part of city center called "Northern Territory". 1/4 live in the "Southern Territory" that was the Nanhui District. The Northern Territory has a 6,667 population density, while the Southern Territory has 1,732/km2. Suburbs saw a greater increase in population during 2000–2010 with the help of the city's suburb expansion policy. Some counties in the traditional city center saw a population decrease. Education. Primary and secondary schools. Public schools: International schools: Other private schools: Economy. With the Nanhui District merger in May 2009, the size of Pudong's economy grew. The district's 2015 gross domestic product amounts to an estimated 789.8 billion RMB (~US$113.5 billion), with services comprising 70% of economic output. Its GDP per capita in terms of purchasing power parity is approximately $50,783. The area is divided into four distinct economic districts. Apart from Lujiazui Trade and Finance Zone, there is Waigaoqiao Free Trade Zone, the largest free trade zone in mainland China covering approximately in north-east Pudong. The Jinqiao Export Processing Zone is another major industrial area in Pudong covering Zhangjiang Hi-Tech Park is a special area for technology-oriented businesses. The Pudong area continues to experience rapid development, especially in the commercial sector, with 1.3 million square meters of prime office space reaching completion in 2008, more than the previous two years combined. Pudong has also attracted considerable fixed asset and real estate investment, reporting 87.268 billion RMB in fixed asset investment and 27.997 billion RMB in real estate investment in 2008. The newest Disney resort, with a Disneyland included, is located in Pudong, which is open to tourists in June 2016. Businesses. Bao Steel has its head office in the Bao Steel Tower () in Pudong. Comac has its head office in Pudong. The headquarters of Yangtze River Express, a cargo airline, are in the Pufa Tower () in Pudong. Hang Seng Bank has its mainland offices in the Hang Seng Bank Tower in Pudong. Kroll has an office in the Hang Seng Bank Tower. Google has its Shanghai offices in the Shanghai World Financial Center. Transportation. The Shanghai Pudong International Airport opened its doors in 1999, shortening the travel time for visitors. In the same year, Line 2 of the Shanghai Metro commenced services. An extension brought the line further east, where it serves the airport. Other lines, namely Lines 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13 and 16 also have sections that serve parts of Pudong. A magnetic levitation train began operating in 2004, moving passengers between the airport and Longyang Road Metro station. Pudong is connected to Puxi by several tunnels and four major bridges. The first of these bridges were the Nanpu Bridge (1991) and the Yangpu Bridge (1993). The Xupu Bridge opened in 1996. The latest of these is Lupu Bridge, which is the world's second longest arch bridge and was completed in 2002. Currently there are five tunnels that link the two sides, Dapu Rd. Tunnel, the first tunnel across the Huangpu River, Yan'an Rd. Tunnel, running east–west, and Dalian Rd. Tunnel, running north–south, Fuxing Rd. Tunnel, complementing the Yan'an Rd. Tunnel, Waihuan Tunnel, one part of Shanghai Outer Ring Express. Two new tunnels linking Lujiazui to Puxi are under construction. Roads in Pudong have no particular longitudinal or latitudinal orientation. Major thoroughfares Pudong Avenue, Zhangyang Road and Yanggao Road run east–west until Yangpu Bridge before turning gradually to become north–south. Century Avenue crosses all three major roads and extends from Lujiazui to Century Park. Yanggao Road extends south to the A20, Shanghai's outer Ring road, which runs east–west from Xupu Bridge and then north–south beginning at the interchange near Renxi Village, when the east–west expressway turns into Yingbin Avenue, headed for Pudong International Airport. Metro. Pudong is currently served by ten metro lines and one tram line operated by Shanghai Metro and one maglev line operated by Shanghai Maglev Train and one suburban line operated by China Railway: Twin towns — sister cities. Pudong is twinned with:

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Cripps Pink is a cultivar (cultivated variety) of apple. It is one of several cultivars from which apples that meet quality standards can be sold under the trade mark name . Cripps Pink was originally bred by John Cripps at the (then named) Western Australia Department of Agriculture by crossing the Australian apple Lady Williams with a Golden Delicious; the result is a combination of the firm, long-storing property of Lady Williams with the sweetness and lack of storage scald of Golden Delicious. Registered trade mark. Cripps Pink is owned and licensed by the Department of Agriculture and Food, Western Australia (DAFWA), which has plant breeders' rights in multiple countries. The peak industry body for Australian apple and pear growers – Apple and Pear Australia Limited (APAL) – owns and manages within their territory the intellectual property in the Pink Lady family of trade marks, which is registered in more than 80 territories. Pink Lady America manages the Pink Lady family of trademarks in the United States and Mexico for Brandt's Fruit Trees of Washington State who own the series of trademarks in these countries. Registration of the Pink Lady trade mark in Australia has been a challenging process. This is primarily due to the apple being widely known by the industry and public by the trade mark name, Pink Lady, rather than the cultivar name, Cripps Pink. Growth and development. The apple shape is ellipsoid, it has a distinctive blush mixed with a green "background", and taste is tart. Cripps Pink requires a long, 200-day growth period and a hot climate, making them difficult to grow in more temperate latitudes or climates subjected to early winter freezes. They are principally grown in Australia, but are also grown in New Zealand, Chile, Canada, Argentina, South Africa, Uruguay, Brazil, Japan, Italy, Spain, France, Serbia, Israel, and in the United States since the late 1990s. In the United Kingdom, the Pink Lady brand has increased in popularity in the 20 years since the first shipment of apples from Australia. In 2012, for the first time, Pink Lady brand apples replaced Granny Smith apples from the number three spot by value in the United Kingdom. Cultivation. Pink Lady brand apples must meet certain trade mark quality specifications. Criteria for the specifications include sugar content, firmness, blemishes and colour. Inspections are regularly performed to ensure both the quality and traceability of the apple from the orchard to the shop. Cripps Pink apples are the earliest to blossom (late March/early April in the Northern Hemisphere and late September/early October in the Southern Hemisphere), and some of the last to be harvested (end of October/early November in the Northern Hemisphere and late April/early May for the Southern Hemisphere). It is the significant change in temperature between night and day in the autumn that gives the apples their colouring. However, they must also be well exposed. Therefore, the trees must be carefully pruned and their fruit production well managed. Mutations. Several natural occurring mutations, called sports, of the Cripps Pink cultivar have been discovered and adopted into cultivation. A number have either achieved registration, or are seeking registration of plant breeders' rights or Plant Patents in multiple countries. Rosy Glow and Lady in Red have been accepted by APAL and Pink Lady America into the Pink Lady business model, allowing fruit of the improved variety, which meets the Pink Lady quality criteria, to be sold as Pink Lady brand apples. In general, the improved selections produce apples with a larger area of blush. The benefit of higher colour is the potential of higher packouts, and better fruit colour in hotter growing areas. The earlier-maturing strains also allow growing regions to expand, as crops can be grown without fear of losing the crop to winter freeze. Pink Lady America has also accepted the early clones listed as PLMAS98 (Maslin) and PLBAR B1 (Barnsby) as well as Ruby Pink and PLFOG99 into their business model for the Pink Lady brand.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20863794

As with other countries, the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) off the coast of the United States gives its fishing industry special fishing rights. It covers 11.4 million square kilometres (4.38 million sq mi), which is the second largest zone in the world, exceeding the land area of the United States. According to the FAO, in 2005, the United States harvested 4,888,621 tonnes of fish from wild fisheries, and another 471,958 tonnes from aquaculture. This made the United States the fifth leading producer of fish, after China, Peru, India, and Indonesia, with 3.8 percent of the world total. Management. Historically, fisheries developed in the U.S. as each area was settled. Concern for the sustainability of fishery resources was evident as early as 1871, when Congress wrote that "... the most valuable food fishes of the coast and the lakes of the U.S. are rapidly diminishing in number, to the public injury, and so as materially to affect the interests of trade and commerce..." However, it was not until 1976, with the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act, that the federal government began actively managing fisheries. Today, inland fisheries and nearshore marine fisheries are managed by state (or regional or county) fisheries commissions. State jurisdictions usually extend out to sea. Coastal fisheries in the EEZ beyond state jurisdictions are the responsibility of the federal system. The primary institutions of the federal system are eight regional fishery management councils and the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS), also known as NOAA Fisheries. NMFS works in partnership with industry, universities, and state, local, and tribal agencies to collect data about commercial species. Fisheries observers on fishing vessels, transmit real time data electronically to NMFS. NMFS works in partnership with the regional fishery management councils to prevent overfishing, and restore overfished stocks. Objectives are to reduce fishing intensity, monitor the fisheries, and implement measures to reduce bycatch and protect essential fish habitat. NMFS is establishing marine protected areas and individual fishing quotas, and implementing ecosystem based fishery management. Wild fisheries. EEZ. The U.S. EEZ is the second largest in the world, 1.7 times the land area of the US, and includes eight large marine ecosystems: Nearshore fisheries. Nearshore fishing areas consist of estuaries and coastal areas that lie within of the shoreline. These are under the control of the relevant coastal state rather than under federal or NMFS control. They vary widely in species diversity and abundance. Many species are highly prized game fish, while others are small forage fish used for bait, animal food, and industrial products. Those of greatest interest include invertebrate species like crabs, shrimps, abalones, clams, oysters, and scallops. Many species are of unknown status because it is difficult to assess their condition. There are no firm estimates exist for long term potential yield. Management is spread out among the coastal states and other local authorities, and a comprehensive treatment of the fisheries has not been attempted. Traditional techniques are usually employed, including size limits, catch limits, method restrictions, and area and time closures. Coastal fisheries. The coastal fisheries are the fisheries that lie within of the coast that defines the exclusive economic zone, but outside the distance that defines the nearshore fisheries. Coastal fisheries are under federal control in the form of NMFS, as well as under the control of one of the eight regional fishery management councils. Northeast. Traditionally the most valued fishery for the northeast region has been groundfish. However, the groundfish, especially haddock, yellowtail flounder, and cod, have been overfished. Record-low spawning biomass levels occurred in 1993–1994, but these are now recovering. Dogfish and skate rebounded in the 1970s, while groundfish and flounder declined. These fish are an important part of the Georges Bank. The next most important fishery by value is American lobster and Atlantic sea scallop. The Port of New Bedford, Massachusetts is America's #1 Fishing Port with fish landings valued at $369 million. Each year, there are nearly 50 million pounds of sea scallops landed there. The striped bass was driven to low levels early in the 1980s. Catch restrictions were applied in the mid 1980s, and by 1995, this species of fish had recovered. The region has valuable mollusk fisheries too. Offshore are sea scallops, surfclams, American lobsters, and ocean quahog. Inshore are oysters, blue mussels, blue crabs, and clam fisheries. These fisheries are pretty much fully exploited. The fisheries in the Northeast Region are governed mostly by Fishery Management Plans (FMPs). An example of successful regulation is the 1994 Amendment 4 to the Sea Scallop FMP. This set out to control scallop fishing effort by not accepting more entrants, by restricting the time vessels could fish each day, and by requiring bigger mesh sizes on dredges. Additional protection for scallops was given closing parts of Georges Bank to groundfish fishing. The scallops recovered. Southeast. The Southeast region spans the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean Sea and the US Southeast Atlantic. Important species are menhaden, drum, croaker, invertebrates, highly migratory species, reef fish, and other nearshore species. Overfishing of king and Spanish mackerel occurred in the 1980s. Regulations were introduced to restrict the size, amount of catch, fishing locations, and bag limits for recreational fishers as well as commercial fishers. Gillnets were banned in waters off Florida. By 2001, the mackerel stocks had bounced back. Menhaden and stone crabs and the three major species of shrimp - (pink, brown, and white) - are fully exploited. Spiny lobster are over-exploited. Better data is needed if stocks are to be assessed accurately. Until 2016, commercial fish farming was prohibited in federal waters, meaning that the Gulf of Mexico was closed to the practice. NOAA announced in January 2016, however, that companies can now set up commercial aquaculture in the Gulf. This is the first opening of federal waters to fish farming, which NOAA hopes will increase production and reduce the US's dependence on foreign fish imports. Pacific Coast. On the Pacific Coast, important rich resources and species are chum, Pacific halibut, Pacific salmon, shellfish, groundfish, flatfish, pelagic fishes, herring, and nearshore species. The stocks are mostly overfished or fully exploited. In Alaska, the Aleutian Islands, a series of over 300 rocky islands, stretch over from southwest Alaska to Russia. They are home to the largest fishing port in the U.S., Dutch Harbor. The primary target species is pollock, but crabs, salmon, and groundfish are also important. Between 1997 and 2001, groundfish were caught by bottom trawling, a fishing method which destroys the habitat of the groundfish, the ocean floor coral, and sponge communities. In 2005, about 80,000 km2 (30,000 sq mi) of seafloor around the Aleutian Islands were permanently closed to destructive fishing gears. In 2008, NOAA fisheries created the Aleutian Islands Habitat Conservation Area (AIHCA), most of which is closed to bottom trawling. At 725,000 km2 (280,000 sq mi), the AIHCA is the largest marine protected area in the USA. Western Pacific. The Western Pacific region includes the western and central Pacific, the Hawaiian Islands, and the islands of the Northern Marianas, Guam, and American Samoa. These are tropical or subtropical waters. They have large species diversity, but, because ocean nutrients are not rich, the sustainable yields is low. Pelagic armorhead is the only overfished stock. High sea fisheries. The high seas, or international waters, are the waters outside the jurisdiction of the EEZ of any country. U. S. distant fisheries operate in some of these waters, alongside other nations, beyond the jurisdiction of any nation's coastal fisheries. Highly migratory species. The main commercial species in the high seas are the highly migratory species. These fish make long migrations across the high seas, and are fished by many nations. Highly migratory fish also cross boundaries without regard for international laws. In particular, they enter the EEZ zones of the U.S., which means they become important species also for U.S. coastal fisheries. In the Atlantic, overfished species include: The biomass of swordfish in the North Atlantic has increased, probably due to catch reduction and strong recruitment. In the Pacific, these transboundary fisheries are also important to other Pacific Rim nations, and to U.S. fleets fishing within and beyond the EEZ. The major U.S. catch stock is tuna, though billfish, swordfish, and shark are also caught. These stocks account for 99 percent of the Western Pacific region's catch. Seamounts. A seamount is a mountain rising from the ocean seafloor that does not reach the ocean surface. They are defined by oceanographers as independent features that rise at least 1,000 meters above the seafloor. Seamounts became interesting during the 1960s, when it was discovered that they can maintain large stocks of commercially important fishes and invertebrates. From 1968 to about 1990, foreign fleets harvested pelagic armorhead across seamounts in the Hawaiian Ridge. Since 1984, fishing has been prohibited there so the stock can recover. Generally, seamounts are found in the high seas, outside the continental shelves, and outside the jurisdiction of any nation's EEZ. However, the U.S. Pacific Coast region has an unusually small continental shelf, while the Western Coast region contains islands with no continental shelf. As a result, there are some seamounts within U.S. jurisdiction. Inland fisheries. Fisheries in inland waters of the United States are small compared to marine fisheries. The largest fisheries are the landings from the Great Lakes, worth about $13 million in 2003, with a similar amount from the Mississippi River basin. This is less than one percent of the dollar value of the marine fisheries. Fishing fleet. Until the late 19th century, the U.S. fishing fleet used sailing vessels. By the early 20th century, fishing vessels were built as steam boats with steam engines, or as schooners with auxiliary gasoline engines. By the 1930s the fleet was almost completely converted to diesel vessels. Fishing gear became more technical: Alaska purse seiners were in use by 1870, longliners were introduced in 1885; otter trawls were operating in the groundfish and shrimp fisheries by the early 20th century. In the late 1960s, factory ships from other countries started fishing haddock, herring, salmon, and halibut on traditional U.S. fishing grounds. Technological advances have played an important role in the development of U.S. fisheries. Increases in size and speed allowed vessels to fish in more distant waters. Advances include double trawls, the Puretic power blocks for retrieving seine nets, refrigerated holds, durable synthetic fibres for lines and nets, GPS to navigate and locate fishing grounds, fishfinders for the location of fish, and spotter planes to locate fish schools. The vessel size and gear types of the U.S. fishing fleet varies geographically and between fisheries. Because of this, management of U.S. fisheries with a single policy is not feasible. Individual fisheries have their own biological, economic, and sociological characteristics which make broad policies impractical. On the other hand, ad hoc regulations for individual fisheries is not practical either. U.S. fisheries use most fishing gear types. Vessels are often configured so they can change rapidly between two or more gear types, such as lobster pots to bottom trawls to scallop dredges. The main techniques are purse seining and trawling. Some vessels freeze their catch at sea, such as factory trawlers, tuna boats, Alaskan crab pot vessels, and some southeast shrimp trawlers. Vessels usually land their catches near their homeports. Bycatch mitigation. Based in Hawaii, a longline fishery for tuna and billfish were popular. Now, new management approaches, including placing fisheries observers on vessels to observe what is happening with protected species such as albatross and leatherback, loggerhead and green sea turtles, is expected to reduce incidental catch. Overfished stocks. By 2003, overfishing had occurred on 60 stocks. Another 232 stocks were not overfished. Overfishing had been stopped on 31 stocks, and a gain was made of 13 stocks that had been fully rebuilt. There were 617 other stocks which have limited data or for which criteria for overfishing had not been defined. These stocks mostly have harvests which are not significant, so they are not allocated research funding. Their assessment can be expensive, and there is no evidence of overfishing. Rebuilding strategies are operating or are being developed for most stocks which are overfished. There were 267 major stocks, that is, stocks with at least 200,000 pounds (91,000 kg) in annual landings. Of these, 40 were overfished, 147 were not, and it was not known whether the remaining 80 stocks were overfished. There were 642 minor stocks, of which 20 were overfished, 85 were not, and the remainder had an overfishing status which is unknown or is undefined. Marine protected areas. A marine protected area (MPA) is federally defined as: "any area of the marine environment that has been reserved by federal, state, tribal, territorial, or local laws or regulations to provide lasting protection for part or all of the natural and cultural resources therein." Fourteen MPAs covering have been federally designated as National Marine Sanctuaries, and are administered by a division of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). In practice, these MPAs are defined areas where natural and/or cultural resources are given more protection than occurs in the surrounding waters. United States MPAs cover many habitats including the open ocean, coastal areas, intertidal zones, estuaries, and the Great Lakes. They vary in purpose, legal authorities, agencies, management approaches, level of protection, and restrictions on human uses. Aquaculture. The value of aquaculture products grew from $45 million in 1974 to about $866 million (393,400 tonnes) in 2003. Aquaculture, in the United States, includes the farming of hatchery fish and shellfish which are grown to market size in ponds, tanks, cages, or raceways, and released into the wild. Aquaculture is also used to support commercial and recreational marine fisheries by enhancing or rebuilding wild stock populations. It also includes the cultivation of ornamental fish for the aquarium trade, as well as plant species used in various pharmaceutical, nutritional, and biotechnology products. According to the FAO, in 2004 the United States ranked 10th in total aquaculture production, behind China, India, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Japan, Chile, and Norway. The United States imports aquaculture products from these and other countries, and operates an annual seafood trade deficit of over $9 billion. Shellfish (oysters, clams, mussels), account for two-thirds of marine aquaculture production, followed by salmon (25 percent) and shrimp (10 percent). Production occurs mainly on land, in ponds, and in coastal waters under state jurisdiction. As a result of recent advances in offshore aquaculture technology, commercial finfish and shellfish operations have been established in more exposed, open ocean locations in state waters in New Hampshire, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico. Total U.S. aquaculture production, including aquatic plants, is about $1 billion annually, compared to the total world production of about $70 billion. Only about 20 percent of U.S. aquaculture production is from marine species. NOAA estimates that the annual U.S. domestic aquaculture production of all species could increase from about 0.5 million tons to 1.5 million tons by 2025. Subsidies. In a study of federal investment in the fishery sector in 1999, most aspects of United States tax, fisheries, and societal policies were examined to see whether they created subsidies for the fishing industry and whether these subsidies had impacts. The gross value of direct U.S. subsidies was about 0.5% of the gross ex-vessel value of commercial landings. There are no major ship construction subsidies, market development, or other forms of assistance that often exist in developed and developing fishing industries around the world. Recreational. In 2006, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service estimated that 30.0 million U.S. anglers, 16 years old and older, took 403 million fishing trips, spending $42.0 billion in fishing related expenses. Of these, 25.4 million were freshwater anglers who took 337 million trips and spent $26.3 billion. Saltwater fishing attracted 7.7 million anglers who took 67 million trips and spent $8.9 billion.

lone protocol

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=41783956

Baby-led potty training is a system for meeting babies' toileting needs. The main feature of the system is that care-givers 'hold babies out' or support them on a potty in order for them to void in an appropriate place outside their nappy. The method is typically started before the baby is six months old. Care-givers use a combination of timing, and observing babies' own signals, to decide when to hold them out. In many countries it is the norm for parents to care for their babies "without nappies" from the first days of life. The term "Baby-led potty training" describes the method being used by a growing number of families in the UK. It is an adaptation of the techniques used in Africa, India and China amongst others, to fit into a modern Western life-style. It is similar to the US movement Elimination Communication, though UK proponents of the method emphasise its pragmatic approach with no strict rules, and it can be used by any type of parent. Some parents use the technique just occasionally, others as an alternative to full-time nappies, and some as a route to toilet independence. Benefits. Parents report benefits in three areas: for baby, parents and the environment. These are some of the main advantages: For baby: reduces incidence of nappy rash; more comfortable; encourages communication; helps relieve constipation and wind. For parents: cheaper; less washing; more hygienic; fewer leaking nappies; more confidence; greater bond with baby; another tool to soothe a crying baby. For the environment: reduces number of soiled and wet nappies sent to landfill; less washing of cloth nappies; solid waste treated via sewerage instead of going to landfill where it releases methane. Method. Babies are born with a primitive reflex which causes them to empty their bladder when parents remove the nappy and hold them in a squat position. By holding their baby out regularly, parents capitalise on this reflex. They encourage the baby to go in this position, and soon the baby is conditioned to try to void when in this hold. Parents then offer the baby opportunities to go throughout the day. They can offer based on timing—either at convenient times for the parents, on a routine, or through learning what times the baby is likely to need to pass waste. They can also look out for signs that the baby is uncomfortable with a full bladder or bowel. Once the baby has become accustomed to passing waste when held or on the potty, parents are able to adapt the method to suit their lifestyle. They can offer the potty just occasionally to help relieve an unsettled baby, or they can offer regularly throughout the day in order to drastically reduce the reliance on nappies. When continued through to the baby's second year, the method is adapted to help them transition to complete toilet independence. Historical usage. The method of holding a baby out to trigger the reflex to urinate and defecate has presumably been used by mothers since the first homo-sapiens. The English doctor Pye Henry Chavasse suggested in his 1839 book "Advice to a Mother on the Management of her Children", that the baby should be held out over a pot at least a dozen times a day at 3 months old; if this were done, there need be no more nappies at 4 months. In 1912 Edward Mansfield Brockbank advised that babies should be supported on the pot from two months old. The practise was commonplace up until the fifties, when Dr Spock's method of delaying the start of toilet training until 18 months became popular. This, coupled with the advent of disposable nappies meant that the practise of BLPT diminished. Although some mothers still used the method, learning about it either by accident or intuition, or from knowledge passed on by grandparents, the method dropped out of common usage. From the nineties until the present, official UK health advice suggests that it is counter-productive to start toilet training before 18 months, and the standard advice is to wait until children showed signs of "readiness" (but not before 18 – 24 months of age). Amongst some health professionals there is a received wisdom that babies have no bladder or bowel control under two years.

wailing infant

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=46789796

Regarded as the last successful pirate of the Caribbean during the 19th century's suppression era, the life of Roberto Cofresí has been romanticized in his native Puerto Rico and neighboring nations. Already possessing a reputation as hard to capture in life, the freebooter became a symbol for an archipelago immersed in the political unrest caused by its status as a colony within the struggling Spanish Empire. Under these circumstances, Cofresí was soon characterized as a benign and generous thief. In a similar trend, he was also associated with the Puerto Rican independence movement of the era. During the late 19th and early 20th century, the abundant oral tradition led to a subgenre of folk hero literature which depicted Cofresí as a benevolent force and contradicted the other pirate-related works of the time, including the well known "Treasure Island" and "Peter Pan". A century later, this contrast became the subject of sociological study. Research to uncover the historical figure behind these myths has also been published by authors linked to the Puerto Rican Genealogical Society, which creates a parallel to this narrative. While in prison, Cofresí claimed to possess at least 4,000 pieces of eight still accessible after the authorities confiscated his ship, mentioning them in an unsuccessful attempt to bribe an officer in exchange for his freedom. This made him one of the few pirates that are implied to have kept a hidden cache, a rare occurrence despite its prominence in popular culture due to their tendency to divide and misspend the earnings, and fueled legends of buried treasures waiting to be found. All sort of objects serve as the subjects of these tales, from magic guitars made of solid gold to chests that are bound to chains that emerge from the sea. This tendency had extended to Hispaniola by the end of the 19th century, with a novel claiming that the island served as the locale of such treasures. During the 20th century, the destination marketing organizations in the region took notice of them and began exploiting the association of certain places and the pirate to attract tourism. Raising his profile during this time period also led to several non-profit homages. Cofresí has since served as the namesake of several sport teams and events, vehicles, companies, alcoholic brands and hotels. Figures such as Alejandro Tapia y Rivera, Luis Lloréns Torres, Rafael Hernández Marín and Juan Emilio Viguié worked to adapt the legends to other mediums, including plays, popular music and films. Cofresí is also the only pirate of the pre-flight era to have a copycat crime in his stead recorded during the 20th century. This happened when his name was employed as an alias during the first act of sky piracy involving an American airline. An entirely different class of myths was created by those that were directly affected by his actions, be it politically or economically. The first to vilify the pirate and his deeds were the merchants that suffered severe losses during the peak of his career, who described him as nothing more than a tyrant. A mistranslated letter that actually reports the death of a crewmember, but misidentifies it as "Cofresin", may have been the catalyst behind several legends that grant Cofresí a connection to the supernatural. These come in two classes, those that portray him as being nearly impossible to eliminate, employing magic to survive lethal wounds such as being stabbed in the heart or even reincarnating if successfully killed, and those that grant extraordinary powers to his ghost. A variety of reasons are given for these abilities, from a pact with the Devil to the practice of witchcraft or mysticism. Some curses are also associated to his figure, of which at least one is purported to have been fulfilled with the shipwreck of the U.S.S. "Grampus". Of these, most concern those that loot the treasures that he left behind and usually conclude with the victim dead or dragged to Davy Jones' Locker. Traits and popular perception. As is the case with other pirates, the actual traits of Cofresí became romanticized and entangled in the mythic aura that surrounds his person long ago. Cofresí was known to be bold and risky, to the point that Salvador Brau argues in "Historia de Puerto Rico" that had he lived during the 18th century, he would have even eclipsed the accomplishments of Miguel Enríquez. Historian Walter Cardona Bonet also supports this notion, noting that he acted with "a lot of courage and bravery", with his leadership being further established by his "charisma [and] intelligence". This particular aspect, has been heavily mystified, with most legends emphasizing his bravery. The Spanish authorities actually recognized this trait, which Pedro Tomas de Córdova notes in his compilation, "Memorias", and may have unwittingly help develop a cult of personality around his figure. During his lifetime, the colonial government of Puerto Rico made efforts to portray him as a fierce and violent criminal. His epithet, "The Terror of the Seas", reflects his position as the unopposed "Pirate Lord" of the region during the early 19th century. In the United States, the media did its part by sensationalizing Cofresí's death row confession of having murdered around 400 victims. This had the effect of portraying him as an antithesis to authority in a troubled society. Author Robert Fernández Valledor notes that the legends that follow his life basically emerge from this status as "Puerto Rico's first rebel". As a consequence of the power void following his death, there was a sharp decline in piracy as no other figure could gather the support of the local population in this fashion. This tendency was reflected throughout the Caribbean, where no pirate would be involved in instigating a similar number of homicides until "The Rajah" John Boysie Singh in the 20th century. Cofresí is said to have possessed a rebellious personality and to have been rather independent, taking decisions under his own criteria. He also appeared to be very keen, to the point of being capable of causing the ridicule of the authorities that pursued him. His nautical savvy and familiarity with naval strategy have been attributed to a privileged education and growing in a harbor town. According to historian Enriquez Ramírez Brau's "Cofresí: historia y genealogía de un pirata, 1791-1825", the siblings went to private school in their hometown of Cabo Rojo, where the young Roberto was mentored by Ignacio Venero. This figure is said to have taught him Roman Catholic catechism, literature and arithmetic, among other subjects. The young Cofresí is said to have displayed a particular interest in geography. Living in a coastal municipality, the brothers often came into contact with visiting sailors. They were inspired to become seamen by the tales that they heard from the sailors who visited their town. Cofresí eventually purchased a small boat. His brothers attempted to convince him to quit these ventures, but their requests were ignored. According to popular belief, his first vessel was known as "El Mosquito" or "Relámpago", depending on the account. Cofresí's physical appearance has been idealized, often being described as athletic, muscular, agile, with masculine traits and of medium height. However, as part this process he has also been differentiated from most contemporary Puerto Ricans, with multiple authors describing him as possessing blue eyes and curly blonde hair. Based on both tradition and the physical appearance of those related to him, historian Ursula Acosta supports this notion, stating that he most likely had blonde or brown hair and light-colored eyes. She also notes that the Ramírez de Arellano lineage also had a heavy Nordic origin. Some accounts incorrectly label him as tanned or mestizo, product of Taíno and Spanish bloodlines. These likely attempted to adapt Cofresí to what is now regarded as the common Puerto Rican ethnicity composed of Spanish, Taíno and African heritage. In 1846, reporter Freeman Hunt introduced several of these elements to his North American public by describing a scene that took place after the pirate's final arrest. He states that the authorities were surprised after finding a "handsome" young man with an "intelligent" and "very amiable" facial expression, who due to a "gentlemanly bearing" would "never have been taken for a murderer or a pirate". Besides emphasizing his brilliance and a "suavity of the Spanish manner", Hunt takes note of a reputation for "daring", "energy" and "celebrity". Stories have linked him to a host of women, including an account where he serves as the lover of a Cacique's wife, despite the fact that by the 19th century the Taíno's domain had fallen apart. One particular tale names his lover "Ana", after his ship. These contradict historic documents that actually place Cofresí close to Juana throughout his life, offering no further evidence supporting this reputation. However, given the era's cultural approach and customs there is a possibility that he may have had several unrecorded lovers. This interpretation of Cofresí's personality found its way to the angloparlant media during the first half of the 20th century. The September 17, 1939, edition of "The Milwaukee Sentinel" relays an account in which the pirate crew capture a schooner that had several Spanish women as passengers. According to this story, the captured ship attempted to escape under the cover of darkness. However, the staff of the schooner was unfit to travel under stormy weather and the vessel came close to sinking. The account concludes with Cofresí defying the weather and rescuing the women, but not before charming them with his manners. Influence in modern culture. Oral tradition. Cofresí's life and death have inspired several myths and stories. These included those depicting him as a generous figure, who used to share what he stole with the region's poor population. In these myths he is generally described as a benevolent person, with authors writing about his supposed personality. Others take note of his purported sense of humor. In general, these portray him as a noble gentleman who became a pirate out of necessity or as a generous man, claiming that on one occasion he provided money for the upbringing of a baby girl that he had saved. Others depict a brave man, showing disregard for his life on several occasions. The "generous thief" archetype that is associated with Cofresí was predominant during the 19th century, being promoted by the romanticism present in the work of several prominent authors. Further influenced by an anti-establishment sentiment that arose from the dire conditions of the general population, the poor people quickly identified with these "rebels", "who were simply trying to make justice in an unfair social structure where the poor would always take the worst part". Shortly after his death, the popular songs that described his life painted his actions in a positive light, as "feats" instead of crimes. Another copla testifies how the general public praises his bravery, while labeling the authorities as cowards. However, the merchant class also had its own oral tradition, which portrayed him as a "tyrant" of the seas and celebrates that with him gone the business would be normalized. An example from Guayama claims that the pirates would bait the crews of passing vessels by disembarking at Cayo Caribe and posing as shipwrecked sailors, murdering them after the ships ran aground in the shallows. The Spanish government tried to create a parallel reputation, perpetuating Cofresí as a vile murder and thief. The American government fueled this, describing him as a "famous piratical chief" that ran a "bloodthirsty" leadership. In modern oral tradition, the fact that no other pirate, regardless of nationality, has been said to recurrently share his loot with the poor is emphasized. With time, popular culture has come to grant Cofresí the quality of chivalry, describing him as a gentleman, especially with women. For example, the tradition at Aguada claims that Cofresí would share his loot and throw banquets in the municipality to gain the public's favor. According to these, due to this tendency a peak used as a lookout to oversee the Aguada Bay, Pico Atalaya, played a key role in the capture of the pirates. This contrast is further noted when rival pirates are portrayed as ruthless cutthroats, that only want to invade his territory. In reality, little is known about the interactions between Cofresí and other pirate groups, but a folktale claims that when another captain named Hermenegildo "El Tuerto" López attempted to plunder the "Ana", he defeated them and adopted the survivors into his own crew. Another local story claims that Cofresí's career began forcefully, when he was shanghai'd into a crew after killing their captain. Cofresí is further dignified with accounts that place him freeing captive slaves during a time where slavery was both accepted and widespread. Besides the widespread notion that he was generous, folklore has also claimed that he would protect the weak, in particular children. Ibern Fleytas claims that Cofresí was also protective of his daughter, once confiscating a set of emerald earrings that another crew-member had given to her. He is also portrayed a fervent protector of women and guardian of their well being. Ultimately, the depiction of Cofresí fits within the same swashbuckler archetype seen in modern media, but precedes the genre's popularization in film by several years. The use of an ax or hatchet is seen frequently in oral tradition, to the point that the weapon is even named "Arturo" and described as an "inseparable friend". The axe is actually associated with Cabo Rojo, due to a territory dispute where its residents defended their land with said tool, and has since become the symbolic representation of its inhabitants. Its inclusion in the myths is likely meant to reflect the municipality's cultural identity. His physical appearance has been largely able to escape the modern stereotype of the pirates in popular culture, being rarely described with clichéd elements like an eye patch, large hat or a wooden leg. Several of these oral stories deviate from the historical account and from each other. One particular aspect that is rarely consistent are the circumstances of his death, which has been described from a peaceful death along his wife in Caja de Muertos to mutiny or being hanged at Ponce or Humacao. The commander of a failed mission in search of some pirates, Ramón Aboy, has been said to be the one to capture him. Another prefers to say that Cofresí died by drowning, in an effort to deny the government any credit. Another notable contrast in the myths is that he is also often depicted as a man that was a pirate by choice, since belonging to a wealthy family meant that he had no economic need to do so, instead living as a pirate to donate the wealth. His birthplace is mostly correct, but some stories vary with Mayagüez and even the middle of the sea being mentioned. Even his background is inconsistent, with him being portrayed as both a member of an influential family and of a working low class family. There are other miscellaneous accounts, such as a moralistic story in which Cofresí confessed the location of his treasure to his lover while drunk, only for her to betray him and plunder it along another man. Even his ship and crew have been mystified. There are stories that depict the vessel as partially submersible and made from bamboo, which made it capable of easily ambushing potential victims. After his death, Juan Portugués became the subject of his own legend and part of Mona's folklore. Ramírez Brau details accounts that place Campechano dying in 1894, having lived to the age of 153 at Santo Domingo. Cofresí's treasure. By intercepting merchant vessels that traveled from Europe to the West Indies, Cofresí is said to have gathered a significant amount of loot. To this day the location of his buried treasures remains a key aspect of the oral tradition surrounding his figure. In Puerto Rico, the undiscovered loot is said to be dispersed throughout the beaches in the west coast. The locations have been several, ranging from Cabo Rojo to Rincón. Specific beaches such as Guajataca, Puerto Herminia, Pico de Piedra or La Sardinera are mentioned depending the municipality where the stories originate. The lesser known Saona, a former pirate's nest, has been quoted as well. His treasure has been placed as far north as Añasco River's mouth and as far east as Tamarindo del Sur in Vieques, where fishermen reportedly saw boxes tied with chains. Some excavations have met moderate success near these places, with people retrieving a small quantities of silver and gold coins in Guaniquilla (part of southern Cabo Rojo), which further fueled the idea that a larger treasure could be nearby. Similar legends are recorded in the adjacent Aguada, where several stories claim that the "Ana's" water supply was taken from local water sources. Historian Pedro Vélez of the Aguada Museum claims that coin caches found in the municipality lend some credibility to these stories. During the 1950s, numerous excavation were held at Cayo Pirata in Culebra, which found Taíno remains. The same happened at the eponymous Cayo Cofresí, near the vicinity of Jobos Bay and Salinas, where native ceramics were excavated. Few of these accounts agree with each other, but a ritual where he would kill a crewmember and leave his body besides the treasure is recurrent and seen in most accounts, even some with notable variations. These were promoted by Richard Winer, who in "The Devil's Triangle 2" reported finding a small amount of coins in a vase next to a human skull during an expedition to Mona in 1957. Another story claims that while a countryman traversed a road to a nearby town, he encountered a well dressed man riding a white horse. While casually discussing the fate of Cofresí's treasure, the man began irradiating with a yellow light and revealed the location of it under an higüero. However, the countryman was terrified and only took a single gold coin, which he used to pay in a tavern that he frequented. The owner of the establishment asked where he found the coin and was told the entire account, ordering his sons to retrieve the treasure. When the countryman returned to the location, the treasure was gone. A story claims that after boarding a ship in Aguada, he buried the treasure captured under a palm tree, as well as the body of a comrade that fell during that battle. According to this legend, the spirit of the dead pirate would guard it to this day. Another story elaborates on this version, claiming that Cofresí would ask his crew who wanted to guard the loot and if he noticed anyone being particularly enthusiastic, he would bring that person along him when he went ashore, murdering his companion and Burying him along with the treasure. An alternative presents him as a hoarder, placing everything in a large chest that was bound with chains (sometimes claimed to be made of gold), which he eventually cast into the sea, which still protects it to this day by turning rough when approached. Another version of this account claims that he would throw the chests in the sea along the head of a member of his crew, which as was the case in other myths, would guard them for eternity. If someone is lucky enough to find one of his treasures, it is said that bad luck or madness will follow them for the rest of their life. Some legends were darker in nature. Among these, one claims that the chest containing the loot was hidden in the water under a Ceiba tree and was only visible while the light of the full moon directly illuminated it. According to this legend, the treasure was guarded by a fish school that would constantly swim around it to keep it disguised under the murky water and were also capable of transforming into sharks, devouring any one that approached it when there was no moonlight and taking their souls to Davy Jones' Locker. A similar account has the pirate baiting a woman named Yadira with an illusion of a jewel encrusted bracelet, only to be dragged underwater by a shadow and become the guard fish herself. Death was also said to be the price for looting a chest hidden at the El Ojo del Buey, a rock formation in Dorado. A myth from Aguadilla, says that when a fisherman tried to retrieve a treasure buried in the sector of Playitas, Cofresí's soul manifested itself as a bull and tried to prevent the liberation of the pirate that had been left behind as guardian. In Cabo Rojo, folklore claims that his treasure might be buried at the end of an anchor's chain, but that when trying to pull it out with bulls, the animals won't budge after perceiving the presence of death nearby. Another claimed that at Poza Clara in Isabela there was a large loot, but that the only way to reach it was to sacrifice a newborn at the site, an action that would cause the water to part and allow access to the area without interacting with its guardian soul. Outside Puerto Rico, there are similar accounts. El Uvero in Mona is supposed to hold a treasure waiting to be discovered. A second account explores the notion that Cofresí killed a crewmate when burying loot, claiming that after noticing that Hermenegildo "El Tuerto" López was planning to kill him, he took the initiative and murdered him instead, throwing the body on top of the chest that they intended to hide. Several caves located on that island such as Cueva del Pirata and Cueva Esqueleto have been associated with the pirates. In the Dominican Republic, the pirates are purported to have buried treasure in several locations. Among the places listed are Gran Estero in Santo Domingo, where he is supposed to have hidden a large amount of loot, Bahía Escocesa, Río San Juan, Sosúa, Cabarete, Puerto Plata and Maimión. These legends claim that Cofresí would leave hints so that he could retrieve them, which included planting recognizable trees nearby. Other accounts list other distinctions, including a series of silver medallions engraved with the initials "R.C." or a chain that emerged from the sea and went into the jungle. Throughout the Dominican Republic, there are supposedly nearly 30 locations where loot was buried along these medallions, most of which remain undiscovered. Cofresí and the supernatural. Several legends grant Cofresí a connection to the supernatural. Historian Roberto Fernández Valledor argues that a letter published in "El Colombiano" erroneously claiming that he was killed might have been a catalyst for these. According to this report the coronel in command of the Spanish military in the west half of Puerto Rico, comprised by the regions of Ponce through Arecibo, ordered an incursion in Mona. A small boat with a crew of 20 was sent, but as soon as the pirates noticed it they docked in the coast and ran inland. According to the letter, the soldiers pursued the pirates and managed to maim and kill one of them, which was misidentified as a "Portuguese named Cofresin". However, the document also notes how despite receiving some injuries, several of the pirates including their captain (presumably the actual Cofresí) managed to escape. The body of the misidentified victim, was transported to Mayagüez, where its head and severed hand were placed on display. His nationality was misreported because he was also confused with José Joaquín Almeida, a Portuguese privateer that was known by the nickname of "El Portugués", who was executed at San Juan years later. Six other pirates were captured and sent to the mainland along the body. Similarly, a late 19th-century author and poet named Félix Matos Bernier used the pen name "Cofresí", despite still remaining under the domain of the same Spanish authorities that executed him. This might have fueled the rumors that the pirate still roamed Puerto Rico. Other myths and stories describe Cofresí as an evil or demonic figure. Among them there are myths that claim that during his life he had sold his soul to the devil in order to "defeat men and be loved by women". According to legend, Cofresí "maldijo" (placed a curse on) Captain Sloat and the USS "Grampus" before he died. In 1848, the schooner was lost at sea with all hands aboard. However, Captain Sloat was not among those who perished, he went on to become the Commander of the Norfolk Navy Yard. Accounts of apparitions of his spirit include versions claiming that when summoned in medium sections, the strength of Cofresí's spirit was excessive, to the point of killing some of the hosts he possessed. An article authored by Margarita M. Ascencio and published in "Fiat Lux", a magazine published in Cabo Rojo, notes that several persons in that municipality have said that they have witnessed the pirate's spirit. This was explained in an account stating that the reason for these is that his soul can not rest until somebody finds one of his buried chests. And so, every seven years he appears on seven consecutive nights, looking for someone to free him of this curse. According to this tradition, he appears engulfed in flames and has been witnessed by several fishermen in Aguada. Another claims that he possessed a mystical characteristic known as "Capilares de María", a series of capillaries arranged in unique fashion in one of his arms and which rendered him immortal, being able to even survive being stabbed through the heart. Folklore also lists the Bioluminescent Bay of the adjacent La Parguera as a favored route of escape, citing that he would sail into the illuminated waters while his pursuers would disengage, fearing some sort of supernatural influence in what they believed to be a cursed area. In the Dominican Republic, folktales attribute magic abilities to Cofresí, who has been referred to as a mystic; these say that he was able to make his boat disappear when surrounded or that he was resuscitated by wicked forces after his death. This was based on a hideout that he had established in a cave located in a nearby beach. Some even suggest that he was reincarnated in another body after dying. Origin and retribution stories. The reasons behind Cofresí's turn toward piracy are unclear, but most popular theories ignore his previous criminal record and propose alternative motivations. For example, Cofresí is popularly said to have worked a route between Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic for some time, until a Spanish vessel stole his goods in a move that is purported to have influenced his move towards piracy. A variant of this tale blames the Spanish Civil Guard, which is also made responsible for the death of his girlfriend. An alternative theory blames the British. This one, presented by historian Ramón Ibern Fleytas, claims that Cofresí attempted to sell fish and fruit to the crew of a brigantine. However, since the sailors did not understand Spanish they mocked these intentions and pushed him off the boat, precipitating a fall. Despite this incident, Cofresí was stated to continue as a merchant. He was subsequently recruited to deliver several documents to another British ship, since the vessels' captain had forgotten them at customs. Cofresí completed this task, but was still assaulted by one of the sailors when he picked some sugar from a barrel. A few days later, another ship rammed his ship and damaged it. According to this version, the sailors aboard ignored his requests for help, forcing him to swim to the coast by himself. These acts are said to have pushed him towards a life of piracy. Like the rest of the oral tradition, the actual accounts contradict each other and depending on the story he would become a pirate for something as pedestrian as other fishermen stealing his haul to serious transgressions. The latter class includes features such as the rape of his sister and the murder of his father or son. In 1846, "Boston Traveller" reporter Freeman Hunt published a short biography in "Hunt's Merchants' Magazine" describing an account of Cofresí's life that was purportedly narrated by the pirate himself. According to this version "his father was a gentleman of wealth, but was cheated out of it", precipitating the young man to adopt a life of gambling and piracy "to get back what the world owed him". Despite these inclinations, Hunt notes that Cofresí was well educated and describes him as possessing an "eye of remarkable brilliancy", which was reflected in an "intelligent countenance", who even expressed disdain in the lack of bravery that the average member of his crew exhibited. This biography includes an origin story, where he began plundering aboard a canoe with two black men as his crew, only to be dragged to the Dominican Republic during a storm, where he was placed in jail. There Cofresí gained the thrust of the jailer's wife and daughter, who would request him to do menial tasks and treat him as a member of the family. After waiting for a year, he is said to have employed another storm as a distraction to escape along his crew, docking at the Mona Passage for food before eventually returning to Cabo Rojo. From there the pirate took a "large boat" with his original underlings and forced the sailors to join them. According to Hunt, Cofresí adopted a rule specifying that "no witnesses [were allowed] to remain unless they joined his crew", which made their number grow in a fashion that allowed them to secure some "rich captures" early, which they "gambled away" before returning to sea for more. This author notes that this tendency would backfire, recounting an instance where the authorities were alerted about the pirate's presence in a covert gaming house in the woods of Cabo Rojo, stealthily mobilizing a captain and twenty soldiers during the night. Being the only one to act on intuition, Cofresí is said to have jumped out of a window, only managing to escape after clearing a seven-foot fence. Popular beliefs state that Cofresí was influenced by the secessionist faction which was supporting Puerto Rico's independence from Spain. According to these accounts, he felt that the Spaniards were oppressing the Puerto Ricans in their own home and then began assaulting Spanish ships, particularly those that were being used to export local resources such as gold, as well as American and English vessels that visited the local ports to trade. Cofresí would do this in order to debilitate the Spanish economy, justifying it by allegedly saying that he "wouldn't allow foreign hands to take a piece of the country that saw his birth". In a twist to the British origin theory, his move towards piracy has also been blamed on the United States and said to have originated when he was once caught eating sugar from an American cargo ship without paying, being injured by the ship's captain. Authors from the 19th century fed off this theory, writing that Cofresí generally ignored the ships that came from other nations including those from France, the Netherlands and England, with his attacks being mainly focused on ships from the United States. According to these depictions, Cofresí had declared war on all of those that operated under the flag of the United States. He is portrayed displaying a cruel behavior against hostages that were on these vessels, including an interpretation where he ordered that his captives were to be nailed alive to "El Mosquito's" deck. In reality, Spain and the United States were experiencing diplomatic and political differences, therefore the administrators of the colonial government would not pursue Cofresí or his crew as long they assaulted American ships. The government would interpret such actions as patriotic, due to the collateral effect of disrupting the trade of its adversary. Tributes and homages. In Puerto Rico, several places are named after Cofresí. Playa Cofi in Vieques was named in his honor, since he was known to frequent the island and sail its waters. Cayo Pirata near Ensenada Honda in Culebra is named after the pirate, having also served as a brief hideout. Supposedly a series of excavations near its vicinity retrieved gold coins (mostly Spanish doubloons) and jewels. Cofresí's Cave is located in a sector of Cabo Rojo called Barrio Pedernales found south of Boquerón, which also hosts a plaza named after him. According to local legend, after Cofresí shared some of his treasure with his family and friends, he would hide what was left over in this grotto. Throughout the years no one has found any treasure in the cave. A similar tale surrounds another cavern, Cueva de las Golondrinas, located in Aguadilla. Another example of "Cofresí's Cove" is found at Boca de Yuma in the La Altagracia province of the Dominican Republic, where several such homages are found. North of this place is the eponymous town of Cofresí, found ten kilometers west of Puerto Plata. This province also features Playa Cofresí, which was named to serve as a tourist trap, with the intent of attracting foreigners that were interested in the legends despite the fact that no historical accounts place the pirates near its vicinity. Local lore claims that among the hideouts used by Cofresí was a fortress located in Quebradillas, Puerto Rico. The small structure was constructed in the 18th century in the Puerto Herminia beach, serving as a storage building for Spanish customs where materials that entered through the local port were held. According to these legends, the pirates would use the merchant activity to pass unnoticed and use the rivers to go inland, where they hid the pludered treasure inside sewer systems. Employing this tendency for smuggling in his favor, Cofresí supposedly used this fortress as his strategic base and was supported by the local population, which he rewarded for its support. The remains of the stone masonry structure still stand in the coast, having become a tourist attraction due to the mysticism surrounding it. To this day, the municipality of Quebradillas is nicknamed "La guarida del pirata" (lit. "The pirate's hideout") and several of its sports teams are named after these stories, including its most notable one, the Baloncesto Superior Nacional's Piratas de Quebradillas. In his native Cabo Rojo, he is honored by the Roberto Cofresí Soccer Club (affiliated to the "Liga Nacional de Fútbol") and the Roberto Cofresí Cup, both in the discipline of association football. In 1972, the Cofresí Motorcycle Club was also established in this municipality. Other kinds of tributes have been made to commemorate Cofresí both locally and internationally. In Puerto Rico, a monument in his image was built by José Buscaglia Guillermety in Boquerón Bay. This made Cabo Rojo the first municipality in Hispanic America to erect a statue commemorating a pirate. Despite the fact that tributes within the aviation industry are scarce, the few examples that cite Cofresi's name have been linked to notable events. Puertorriqueña de Aviación, the earliest flag carrier company recorded in Puerto Rico, christened its first seaplane with the cognomen of "Kofresí". In the only copycat crime dedicated to his name, Antulio Ramírez Ortíz adopted the pseudonym "Elpirata Cofresí" when he seized control of National Airlines' Flight 337 and redirected it to Cuba by holding the pilot hostage with a knife. This was the first act of air piracy that involved an American airline in the history of the United States. Literature and fine arts. Pedro Tomás de Córdova was the first to publish a formal book where Cofresí figured as a topic, recounting the pirate's career in his 1832 "Memorias geográficas, históricas, económicas y estadísticas de la isla de Puerto Rico". However, in 1946 Fernando José Géigel notes in "Corsarios y piratas de Puerto Rico" his belief that the Spanish manipulated the reports employed by his predecessor. Among the works created by Alejandro Tapia y Rivera, the most notable Puerto Rican playwright of the 19th century, was the first novel based on the life of Cofresí. The eponymous narrative was directly based on "Memorias" and was initially released as a serial in a magazine named "La Azucena" on October 31, 1875, before being gathered in a volume the following year. In this work, the pirate undergoes a pseudo-deification, receiving abilities rivaling those of a Homeric hero such as commanding the wind with a simple whisper. An early example of a fictional novel is Ricardo del Toro Soler's 1897 "Huracán: novela basada en la leyenda del pirata Roberto Cofresí". Since then, Cofresí has been the subject of numerous biographical books which include "El Marinero, Bandolero, Pirata y Contrabandista Roberto Cofresí" by Walter R. Cardona Bonet; "El Mito de Cofresí en la Narrativa Antillana" by Roberto Fernandez Valledor and "Roberto Cofresí: El Bravo Pirata de Puerto Rico" by Edwin Vázquez. Despite being a historical biography, "Historia y Genealogía del pirata Roberto Cofresí" by Ramírez Brau employed the symbolism of pirates in popular culture. In 1934, Bienvenido G. Camacho published "El Aguila Negra; ó Roberto Cofresí: intrépido pirata puertorriqueño, el terror de los navegantes. ", a book that claimed to be a historical account of Cofresí's life, but was actually a fictional novel. "Corsario: Última Voluntad y Testamento Para La Posteridad del Capitán Don Roberto Cofresí y Ramírez de Arellano de Cabo Rojo" by Luis Ascencio Camacho, "El caribe huele a pólvora: La verdad sobre un corsario llamado Roberto Cofresí" by Joaquín Rozas Joaco and "¡Cofresí en Armas! ¡Presente!" by Osvaldo Torres Santiago are semi-fictional and based on the research of its authors. Other pieces of historical fiction are directed towards a juvenile audience. Painter Roland Borges Soto has published a series of works including the coloring books "The boy who dreamed of being a Pirate: Cofresi's Treasures" and "Piratas: Coloring Book", as well as a novel titled "Último Pirata del Caribe: Cofresí". Poet Georgina Lázaro wrote "Leyendas del Oeste de la Isla: El Pirata Cofresi y El Milagro de Hormigueros", which introduces the mythical aspects of the pirate to this audience. A comic adaptation was published by José A. Rabelo in 2011. "El Corsario Cofresí: Héroe Puertorriqueño", by Josefina Barceló Jiménez and Midiam Astacio Méndez, reinterprets the theory that Cofresi could have been a privateer in a children-friendly manner. Several foreign authors have also depicted him in their works, notably those from the adjacent Dominican Republic. In "La gloria llamó dos veces", author Julio González Herrera offers a tale that links the pirate with one of that country's most iconic figures, Juan Pablo Duarte, which serves as a reflection of the impact that he retained throughout the Caribbean. In a similar context, fellow Dominican Francisco Carlos Ortea published "El tesoro de Cofresí", which follows a modern family that travels to Mona and finds a hidden treasure. However, this influence has expanded beyond Latin American countries, reaching Europe in the form of Germany, where Angelika Mechtel published "Das Kurze Heldenhafte Leben Des Don Roberto Cofresí". In 1999, Robert L. Muckley collaborated with Adela Martínez-Santiago on "Stories from Puerto Rico", which translated some popular legends into English. David K. Stone and Lee Cooper wrote a book titled "The Pirate of Puerto Rico", which offers a fictional account that was aimed to portray the Cofresí as a positive role model to English-speaking children. The pirate also plays a prominent role in the 2014 romance novel "Wind Raven", authored by Regan Walker. The pirate also plays secondary parts in other works. In Anthony Bjorklund's "I Just Had To Go Back To Di Island" his treasures serve as a plot element. Reyna Ramírez-Arellano, a major character of Rick Riordan's "The Blood of Olympus", is portrayed as a descendant of Cofresí and Marion Frederic Ramírez de Arellano. Several short stories detailing legends have been published in compendiums. An early example of these was Cayetano Coll y Toste's '1928 book "Leyendas Puertorriqueñas". This novel was adapted for theater as "Leyendas Puertorriqueñas de Cayetano Coll y Toste" by general director of the Ateneo Puertorriqueño Roberto Ramos Perea and debuted on November 29, 2010. In 1973, his granddaughter Isabel Cuchí Coll published a similar piece named "Un patriota y un pirata". Defunct newspaper, "El Imparcial" distributed a series of folkloric accounts, among which was a story titled "Cofresí" authored by José Luis Vivas Maldonado. "Pueblos Hispanos", a weekly publication based in New York, dedicated a section to the analytical work, "El Buen Borincano". In "Cuentos de la tierra y cuentos del mar", Néstor A. Rodríguez Escudero includes three different narratives. Some of these publications where even used in public instruction. In 1926, professor Paulino Rodríguez published "Gotas del estío", which included a brief work titled "La caja de Cofresí". A story written by Juan B. Huyke for his book "Cuentos y leyendas" was selected by the Puerto Rico Department of Public Instruction for "Secretos y Maravillas", which was used in public schools. Another titled "El Puerto Rico Ilustrado", published several notes that discuss the topic, including a short story titled "Palabra de militar" by Vicente Palés Matos, which portrays the life of the pirate from the perspective of the people and politicians involved. The first crossover of the legends into English literature was carried out by John Alden Mason and Aurelio M. Espinosa, who first published it in the "Journal of American Folklore" and eventually compiled it in a book titled "Porto Rican Folklore: Folk-tales" in 1929. In 1934, he was the topic of a nine-act play titled "El Tesoro del Pirata". Between 1944 and 1945, another play written by Edna Coll was staged in the University of Puerto Rico's Río Piedras Campus, where it won the first place on a theater contest. In the 1940s, Rafael Hernández Marín, one of the most notable composers in Puerto Rico during the 20th century, presented an operetta simply titled "Cofresí". Luis Palés Matos collaborated with the script based on the novel by Tapia. The musical was first staged on December 21, 1949, at Teatro Tapia in San Juan. Nearly 30 years after, the Puerto Rican Zarzuela and Operetta Foundation held a second function. However, afterwards it was lost with time. The operetta was reinterpreted in 2013 for the Interamerican University of Puerto Rico's 100th anniversary, with a script based on the original by Gustavo Palés Matos and adapted by Pablo Cabrera. The cast was heavily local, led by Rafael Dávila as Cofresí and counting with Elaine Ortiz Arandes, Manolo González, Guido Lebrón, Ilca López and Gil René as support cast. With the help of Rafael's son, Alejandro "Chalí" Hernández, the work had to be reconstructed from remnants of the original version, with the process taking two years. Directed by Roselin Pabón, the play was recorded live by the Puerto Rico Symphony Orchestra for an eponymous album produced by Julio Bagué along Gerardo Lopez, Alfonso Ordoñez, Juan Cristobal Losada and Michael Bishop. The production was nominated in the "Best Classical Album" category of the Latin Grammy Awards of 2013. "Cofresí ... O un bubulú caribeño", a musical written by José Luis Ramos Escobar and featuring choreography by José Félix Gómez debuted at the theatre of the University of Puerto Rico on November 3, 1990. The play featured talent from the campus' drama department and was headlined by Gustavo Rodríguez, Marcos Garay, Sonia Gándia, Julio Augusto Cintrón, Tony Váldes, Víctor Corrian and Miguel Morales, with escenography by Cheko Cuevas and wardrobe by Gloria Sáez. In 2007, a play based on Cofresi was presented at the Distrito Federal in Mexico. On October 30, 2011, the Western Ballet Theatre debuted Howard Phillips's "El Pirata Cofresí" at the Theatre Festival held at Caguas, Puerto Rico. Cofresí has also been the inspiration behind a number of paintings. Besides the common canvas representation, the pirate has also been featured in other mediums. In 1971, Rafael Rivera Garcia painted a mural titled "El Pirata Cofresí", which was restored in 2002 with the patronage of the Interamerican University of Puerto Rico. The artwork was installed in the library of that the Bayamón campus of institution and re-inaugurated along a new painting. Other pieces use the pirate as an allegory, while depicting a scene that requires critical analysis to establish a connection. Among the earliest of these is José R. Oliver's 1961 acrylic painting "Barquitos de Pápel". The work itself features a single paper ship sailing away from (or towards, depending on perspective) an origami flotilla of three identical vessels, all of which is happening in a tranquil and rocky waterside setting. Despite not being immediately apparent, Oliver was actually depicting a naval engagement between Cofresí and corsairs, from which the pirate emerged victorious. Another example is a piece of expressionist art bearing his name and elaborated by Ibsen Espada. Sociohistorical and subjective analysis. During the 20th century, the interest in the romanticism of Cofresí turned towards formal study. In 1914, Agustín Navarrete presented his research on the mystification of the pirate's figure during a presentation titled "La piratería combatida en Puerto Rico", which was later adapted into a book. Based on his actions and the political environment of his time, the possibility that Cofresí may have been an insurgent privateer instead of a pirate has also been explored, both by historians and in narratives. His career as a pirate coincided directly with Simón Bolívar's independence movement, which gathered the participation of figures from several other Latin American countries and colonies, reaching Puerto Rico in the figure of Antonio Valero de Bernabé. In 1819, this campaign resulted in the creation of the Republic of Colombia, now known as Gran Colombia, in its original constitution. This country emerged from direct conflict against the Spanish Empire and soon became antagonized by the postures of the United States. Both Cuba and Puerto Rico were listed by Bolívar as future targets for his movement, but this was mostly deterred due to internal problems within Colombia. Citing a source from the United States as support for this theory, Juan Antonio Corretjer noted how he believed that under these circumstances, Cofresí's own interest influenced him to join this revolution by working as privateer for Bolívar. It has been proposed that among his cooperations with this campaign, he may have donated captured ships during the ongoing Venezuelan War of Independence. In a study discussing the transition of Puerto Rico's society from mostly rural to predominantly urban, sociologist Ángel Quintero Rivera notes that Cofresí's capture put a symbolic end to the era of the marronage. This term refers to a time period dominated by wealthy European landowners, when slaves that were brought from Africa would escape the Haciendas and settle down in uninviting terrains. Quintero emphasizes that in this early rural setting, the Maroons were the first laborer class to exist within the local society. He also notes that the 19th century brought changes that ultimately brought an end to this model. Quintero concludes that "[the] capture of Cofresi represents the last fatal blow to the dying world of marronage, of [Puerto Rico's] first peasantry." Soon afterwards, centralized commerce would take over as economic model. Another of his possible motivations has also been analyzed. In the comedic work "The Code of the Zombie Pirate: How to Become an Undead Master of the High Seas", satirist Scott Kenemore discusses how Cofresí and other notorious pirates decided to baptize their ships with names that do not sound threatening, in direct contrast to their reputation. "El Mosquito" is mentioned among several other examples, including Bartholomew Roberts' "Little Ranger" and several of Edward Low's vessels such as "Fancy", "Rose Pink" and "Merry Christmas". In line with the comedic tone of the book, the author questions if this ironic naming was a display of machismo or if it was done intentionally, so that sailors would avoid facing them just to prevent the ridicule of reporting their loss to a ship with an inoffensive name. In "Piracy, Globalization and Marginal Identities: Navigating Gender and Nationality in Contemporary Hispanic Fiction", Alana B. Reid notes how the narratives based on Cofresí differ from the mainstream format seen in other Spanish work. These were mostly used in a political manner that either served as propaganda for the Spanish Empire or to cast their opponents as villains. As a rebel hometown hero, Cofresí's depiction is an antithesis of the norm. She also lists how it differs from contemporary pirate literature, where the authors choose to depict pirates that share their own cultural identity as vile and unredeemable characters. This is the case with angloparlant writers J. M. Barrie and Robert Louis Stevenson, who created the villainous figures of Captain Hook and Long John Silver. She traces this depiction of Cofresí as a righteous pirate to Tapia y Rivera, who portrays him as a moral man who had trouble retaining his faith in a world filled with injustice. Reid links this to the fledgling Puerto Rican nationalism during the 19th century, with subsequent authors adopting the same editorial line during the next century as a way to reinforce a now established identity that continues in conflict with an ambiguous political status. To this end, he has also been depicted wielding the machete, a weapon commonly associated with Puerto Rican nationalism and resistance. Social historian Alice M. del Toro Ruiz agrees with Reid's assessment in an essay titled "La narrativa fundacional: Cofresí de Alejandro Tapia y Rivera (1876)". She calls the work of this author an "identity fable" that is part of Puerto Rico's fundamental fiction. In 2014, Wladimir Márquez Jiménez prepared a thesis discussing the contrasts between Tapia's Cofresí and Ricardo del Toro Soler's "Huracán". This author divides the literary depictions of Cofresí in three classes: autonomist, independentist and anti-imperialist. He notes that these are product of the desire to reflect present problems in an early 19th-century narrative. The publishing of a second edition of "Cofresí" and the reappearance of its serial version in the political publications "El Mundo", "Pueblos Hispanos" and "Alma Latina" between 1943 and 1945, is seen as a reflection of the prominence that the status issue was gaining. Márquez Jiménez argues that the third edition of Tapia's work was published under similar conditions in 1968. The author struggles to classify this depiction of Cofresí in a manner that would adapt to the work of others, such as Nina Gerassi Navarro or Juan Pablo Dabove, instead noting that he "is something else". After contrasting it to American and British depictions, Márquez concludes that the pirate's conversion ends the novel on a positive note despite the death of the main character. This, combined with the death of the more violent and rebellious character of Caín, is interpreted by the author as a call for diplomacy. When reviewing "Huracán", Márquez notes that the book was published and received awards in Ponce, then the epicenter of the autonomist and independentist movements. The novel was also published in a time when the conflicts that eventually led to the Hispano-American War were at its height, and the author believes that its narrative was directed towards those that saw an ally in the United States, noting that in essence they were after the same imperial goals as Spain. Márquez states that the pirate's motives are portrayed in two different fronts, the local and international scenarios, with a hint of mystification labeling him as the first Puerto Rican rebel. Like Reid, the author soon notices the contrast between this etic representation of the pirate and the cutthroat stereotypes of contemporary literature. Ultimately, this version of Cofresí portrays a "champion of the Puerto Rican cause" that faces off against the Imperial powers of the era, with the virtue of valor being represented as fundamental beyond social classes, a symbol of Del Toro's desire to promote a collective alliance. As was the case with Tapia's "Cofresí", here the death of the pirate serves to create this multisectorial union. Márquez concludes that both authors used their books to argue for a solution to Puerto Rico's status as a colony of Spain, but that Tapia's work inclined towards negotiating while Del Toro emphasized the need for resistance. Janice Hume studied a different tendency in a paper titled "The Buccaneer as Cultural Metaphor: Pirate Mythology in Nineteenth-Century American Periodicals", which was presented at the 84th Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication held in 2001. The study focuses on the influence of pirates in the advent of sensational crime coverage during this timeframe and its impact on the public consciousness and popular culture. In it, Hume notes how Hezekiah Niles' "Weekly Register" adopted a hard-line approach when it came to piracy, actively lobbying to promote the death sentence as its only punishment and opposing a resolution that was proposed in the United States Senate that would modify this custom. In order to further this goal, the capture, execution and purported gibbeting of his crew was highlighted. However, Hume notices a subtle change in the tone of the article when it comes to the defiant honesty in Cofresí's last words, as if "the "Register" seemed to admit a grudging respect for the death of the leader of this gang". Miscellaneous. Outside his reputation as a pirate, Cofresí has also been directly linked to the creation of what later became the official beverage of Puerto Rico, the piña colada. According to this account, when the crew's morale was low, he would mix them a beverage that contained coconut, pineapple and white rum. This connection has been commercially exploited by different elements of the alcohol industry. In 2014, California-based The Bruery introduced a piña colada variant of the traditional American sour ale and named it "El Pirata Cofresí" after this legend. During the 20th century, a rum brand adopted his patronymic as its namesake. Ron Kofresí was distributed in Puerto Rico and was merchandised in a bottle that depicted a stereotypical pirate, wearing a large black hat, belts, and wielding a sword and a gun around his waist. Since then the namesake has been used by other distilleries, including Dominican-produced Ron Cofresí and the New York-based Cofresí Rum Company. Although they didn't name the product after him, Bacardi exploited the legends of his purported treasure in a viral campaign used to launch Ron Orbucán in the market of Levante, Spain. The company hid a reward in the island of Tabarca and then commissioned advertising agency Seis Grados to create a mock-up legend. The organization granted control of the campaign to publicist Cira López, who in 2005 created a fake blog named El tesoro del Orbucán where she posed as a college student named "Iván Fuentes". Under this persona, López claimed to have found an encrypted diary, discussing the hints hidden in a book purportedly authored by Edgar J. Howles, a disciple of Howard Pyle, and requested help decoding it. The document published online was populated with covert hints of the reward's location and narrated the fictional encounter of a Spanish friar named Pietro Benincasa with Cofresí at Málaga. The conclusion of the story depicts the pirates escaping from the authorities and taking control of a galleon full of gold, the location of which was purportedly hidden and the map to it given to the friar before they boarded a schooner and left Spain with the Armada in pursuit. López then claimed that in 1942 an American named Thomas Hearne deciphered the hints with the help of a cryptologist uncle named William R. Newbold and found the treasure in Cabo Rojo, from where he took it to Cádiz. The following year, the agency the took a multimedia approach, involving journalists and street marketing. The reward was found on June 1, 2007, with the final reference to the pirates being the real reward, a dagger made of gold and worth €11,000. Other products and services have been merchandised under the "Cofresí" brand, including belts, terrace building companies and a brand of windows named Grand Corsair. Furthermore, countless businesses have used the pirate's reputation to attract customers. There are schools, bakeries, small inns, hotels, grocery stores, bars and villas bearing his name. Restaurants Villa Cofresí in Rincón and la Guarida del Pirata in Toa Baja are among the most notorious. His name is also used by brands in other markets including presses, clothing and costume lines and ointments to alleviate rheumatism. Non-commercially, a pirate outfit inspired by his legends and incorporating some stereotypical elements was created by designer Carlos Alberto for Miss Puerto Rico 2007 Uma Blasini. The piece was featured during Miss Universe 2007's National Costume Presentation. This trend even made its way to the United States, where an international moving and hauling company, Agencia Cofresí, was named after him. The name holds such notoriety, that Enrique Laguerre once considered writing a book based on his life but intended to rename the protagonist "Roberto Caribe", to avoid exploiting Cofresí's reputation. The author immediately noticed how the work lost its merchantability. Cofresí was the inspiration for numerous folk songs, which reached the commercial music industry via Italian singer Tony Croatto and were also recorded as a bilingual rock opera by Pedro Candelaria. The very first cinematographic company was Cine Puerto Rico established in 1912, which produced films until going bankrupt in 1917. After this organization closed, renowned poet Lloréns Torres purchased its production materials and created his own entity, Cine Tropical. After his first film was a success, Llorens programmed a series of projects. The first scheluded was "Los misterios de Cofresí", also known as "El Tesoro de Cofresí", which was meant to be released in the chapter play format. However, the filming was stopped in mid-production when the lead actor, Aquiles Zorda, suddenly left Puerto Rico and did not return. The onset of World War I prevented the continuation of Cine Tropical, which was now unable to import materials, and the movie was never finished. In 1919, Juan Emilio Viguié began filming another production titled "La Vida de Cofresí". The municipality of Ponce served as setting, but like its predecessor the film could not be completed. Another attempt was made in 1973 when Boquerón Films, Inc. employed several actors and began a study of the myths in Cabo Rojo. Anecdotes were recorded in order to prepare a script. A completed film was exhibited during the 1980s, but its content was mostly fictitious. Flags of Cofresí. When Spain issued a decree blocking foreign countries from trading, selling or buying merchandise in its Caribbean colonies, the entire region became engulfed in a power struggle among the naval superpowers. The newly independent United States later became involved in this scenario, complicating the conflict. As a consequence, Spain increased the issuing of privateering contracts, a development that was in turn exploited by pirates. In the midst of this chaos, Cofresí freely hoisted the flags of Spain and Colombia, sailing under them with the intent of approaching unsuspecting ships before plundering their cargo. He was known to use this tactic in attacks that took place in the coastlines of Ponce, Fajardo, Vieques, Peñuelas, Guayama and Patillas. Other flags have been associated with Cofresí, however, no historical proof has been provided to support their use. In his literary work "El Pirata Cofresí", author Coll y Toste links him to the traditional Jolly Roger, describing his use of the "flag of death" or "the black flag used by pirates", without elaborating further. While other sources state that upon capture, "Anne" was flying "the red flag of Puerto Rico". Ensigns of this color were historically used by pirates to notify that no quarters would be granted, but its local use is different. This coloration became a symbol for several social and political struggles in Puerto Rico throughout the 19th century. The earliest recorded use of a red flag locally was in a military conspiracy within the Regimiento de Granada and led by Andrés Vizcarrondo, Buenaventura Valentín Quiñones and Juan Vizcarrondo, which intended to assassinate several key figures before declaring independence. The ensign would remain in use for the following decades and was unfurled by Manuel Rojas, General Commander of the Liberation Army during the Grito de Lares. Despite the widespread use, its association with Cofresí is most likely anachronistic and related to the several legends linking him to the Puerto Rican independence movement. This trend is repeated in "A History of the United States Navy", where author Fletcher Pratt directly states that the pirates would sail under the "flag of the independent Puerto Rico Republic". References. Notes Citations Bibliography Further reading

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Black Flag is an American hardcore punk band formed in 1976 in Hermosa Beach, California by Greg Ginn, the band's guitarist, primary songwriter, and sole constant member. During Black Flag's 10-year existence, the band went through 16 distinct lineups involving 17 different musicians. Aside from Ginn, the longest-lasting members were singer Henry Rollins (five years), bassist Chuck Dukowski (4½ years), and drummer Roberto "Robo" Valverde (three years). The 1983–1985 lineup of Ginn, Rollins, bassist Kira Roessler, and drummer Bill Stevenson recorded four albums and three EPs together in a sixteen-month period. After breaking up in 1986 and briefly reuniting in 2003, Black Flag announced another reunion in January 2013. Two versions of Black Flag are currently touring; the Ginn-fronted band known as "Black Flag" still touring in 2020, and one featuring founding vocalist Keith Morris and other previous members known simply as "Flag". Member history. Ginn formed the band with singer Keith Morris in the summer of 1976. Ginn's younger brother Raymond—known later by his pseudonym Raymond Pettibon—played bass guitar with them in early rehearsals but soon bowed out of the group to focus on his college education. To fill out the rhythm section Morris recruited some of his friends, whom he described as "scruffy beach rat types who were more interested in getting laid and finding drugs than really playing". By early 1977 these included a bassist known only as "Kansas" and drummer Bryan Migdol, though both would frequently skip rehearsals. The band originally called themselves Panic. Ginn's friend Glenn Lockett, also known as Spot, played bass guitar with the group during rehearsals in early 1977. Würm bassist Gary McDaniel, who later adopted the pseudonym Chuck Dukowski, began sitting in with the band and soon became their permanent bassist. Spot became a recording engineer and record producer, recording the band's releases over the next eight years and working with many of the other bands on Ginn and Dukowski's independent record label SST. Panic changed their name to Black Flag in 1978, and released their debut EP "Nervous Breakdown" in January 1979. Migdol left and was replaced by Robo, a Colombian national. Morris recorded basic tracks for Black Flag's second release, but left the band to form the Circle Jerks shortly before Black Flag was to embark on a summer 1979 West Coast tour. He was replaced by Ron Reyes, who also recorded tracks for the band's second release but quit mid-performance in May 1980. The band convinced him to return to finish recording the "Jealous Again" EP (1980), then replaced him with Dez Cadena in June 1980. Cadena sang on the "Louie Louie" single (1981) and both sang and played guitar on the "Six Pack" EP (1981), but his voice suffered from the strain of constant touring and he expressed a desire to move to guitar. When the band toured the East Coast of the United States in December 1980, they met Washington, D.C. native and State of Alert singer Henry Garfield, who stayed in touch with Dukowski. When they returned to the East Coast that spring, Garfield jumped on stage at a New York City show and sang a song with them. A few days later they asked him to audition in New York City and offered him the position of lead singer. After settling his affairs at home, Garfield met up with Black Flag in Detroit and sang at soundchecks and encores throughout the rest of the tour while Cadena continued to sing the main sets. On arriving in Los Angeles with the band, Garfield took the pseudonym Henry Rollins. The five-piece Black Flag lineup of Ginn, Dukowski, Robo, Cadena, and Rollins recorded the band's first full-length album, "Damaged", in 1981. However, Robo encountered visa problems at the end of a December 1981 tour of the United Kingdom and could not legally return to the United States. Descendents drummer Bill Stevenson was brought in to finish the tour with a week of East Coast dates. For the first half of 1982, sixteen-year-old Emil Johnson drummed for Black Flag, playing on the title track of the "TV Party" EP, but quit in the middle of a U.S. tour after a fight with the band's roadie Mugger. He was replaced by Chuck Biscuits of D.O.A., but Biscuits lasted only several months as he would not agree to the band's demanding rehearsal schedule. With the Descendents on hiatus, Bill Stevenson joined Black Flag in early 1983 as their new drummer, and the band toured the United States and Europe. Cadena left Black Flag in August 1983 to form his own band, DC3, and was not replaced. Ginn also attempted to edge out Dukowski, desiring a new musical direction, and in the fall of 1983 Rollins took it upon himself to fire Dukowski from Black Flag in order to resolve the situation. Dukowski remained involved with Black Flag, acting as their manager and booking agent. Throughout 1982 and 1983, the band had been in a legal dispute with Unicorn Records over the rights to "Damaged" that had prevented them from releasing material under the Black Flag name, though they had released the 1982 compilation album "Everything Went Black", consisting of demos recorded during Morris, Reyes, and Cadena's stints as singer (Morris was credited as "Johnny 'Bob' Goldstein" and Reyes as "Chavo Pederast"). When Unicorn went bankrupt in late 1983, the band was free to release new material and recorded their second album, 1984's "My War", with Ginn playing bass guitar under the pseudonym Dale Nixon. Shortly after the album's recording, Kira Roessler was added as the band's new bassist. The lineup of Ginn, Rollins, Stevenson, and Roessler was Black Flag's most prolific, releasing three more albums in 1984 ("Family Man", "Slip It In", and "Live '84") along with two more albums ("Loose Nut" and "In My Head") and an EP ("The Process of Weeding Out") in 1985. Stevenson was fired from Black Flag by Ginn in late April 1985 and returned to the Descendents. He was replaced by Anthony Martinez, who toured North America with the band and played on the live album "Who's Got the 10½?" (1986). Roessler was fired in September 1985 and replaced by C'el Revuelta, who performed on the band's final tour from January to June 1986. Ginn disbanded Black Flag that August. In September 2003 Ginn organized three Black Flag reunion shows to benefit cat rescue organizations. The lineup for these performances was Ginn on lead guitar, Dez Cadena on vocals and rhythm guitar, C'el Revuelta on bass guitar, and Robo on drum. Pro-skateboarder Mike Vallely sang for Black Flag and drummer Gregory Moore was on the drums for one of the sets of this show when the band played the entire My War album with a pre-recorded bass track by Ginn. In January 2013, Ginn announced that he was reuniting Black Flag with Ron Reyes on vocals and Gregory Moore on drums and that the band would make a European and North American tour as well as release a new album. Black Flag has been confirmed to headline the Hevy Festival in the U.K., the Ruhrpott Rodeo Festival in Germany and the Muddy Roots Music Festival in Cookeville, Tennessee in 2013. In November of the same year, Reyes was fired on stage and replaced by Mike Vallely from Ginn's other band Good for You. Also in January 2013, other former Black Flag members who are estranged from Greg Ginn, former singer Keith Morris, former bassist Chuck Dukowski and former drummer Bill Stevenson announced that they would also play some shows as "Flag", playing Black Flag songs, with Stephen Egerton of All and The Descendents instead of Greg Ginn on guitar during Spring and Summer of 2013. Singers. Keith Morris. Keith Morris grew up in Hermosa Beach and attended Mira Costa High School, where brothers Greg and Raymond Ginn were also students. After graduating in 1973 he studied fine art and painting while working at his father's bait shop. One of his co-workers at the shop was Bill Stevenson, a Mira Costa student eight years Morris' junior who would also go on to be a member of Black Flag (Morris' father befriended Ozzie Cadena, who son Dez would also later join Black Flag). Becoming a fan of heavy rock and protopunk groups, Morris took a second job working at local record store Rubicon Records. It was here that he struck up a friendship with Greg Ginn, whose sister was dating Morris' record store co-worker. Morris soon left the family bait shop and began working for Ginn's amateur radio and electronics business, Solid State Tuners (SST). The two bonded over shared musical tastes, including an interest in early punk rock groups, and decided to start a band together. Morris originally planned to play drums in the group, but Ginn convinced him to take the role of vocalist after witnessing his frantic energy while singing along to the radio. In the summer of 1976 they began rehearsing songs that Ginn had written on guitar, with Ginn's brother Raymond accompanying on bass guitar. By early 1977 Morris had recruited friends of his to serve as the rhythm section, including bassist "Kansas" and drummer Brian Migdol, and the group took the name Panic. Morris performed at Panic's early shows and on their debut EP, "Nervous Breakdown", recorded in January 1978. Later that year he and then-Panic bassist Gary McDaniel (later known as Chuck Dukowski) took up residence at "The Church", an abandoned Baptist church the band was then using as a rehearsal space. The band changed its name to Black Flag in early 1979. By November 1979, however, Morris was growing "burned out" with Black Flag's long and frequent rehearsals, and began making excuses to miss them. His feelings of isolation within the band exacerbated his problems with drugs and alcohol: "I was doing a lot of drugs, and I was drinking quite a bit", he later recalled, "That's like the major reason for me leaving Black Flag, because it wasn't fun, and part of my fun was to drink away the bad stuff, or party away all the things in my life that I didn't want to be a part of." Tensions came to a head during the band's two-day recording session that month for a prospective full-length album, and Morris announced at the end of the session that he was leaving the group. McDaniel later said that Morris quit because "he wanted to stay exactly the same. Our music was changing, and he didn't like a lot of our new songs." Morris claimed to have felt blamed by the other members for slowing the band's progress: "Whenever there would be arguments, everyone would be pointing their finger at me, and it would be my fault. Like, if we weren't learning new songs fast enough, it was my fault. Coming to rehearsal after having drunk a six-pack of beer, maybe having snorted a couple lines of coke, that would be my fault. They made me feel like I was the cement shoes attached to their feet." Black Flag's constant rehearsals also eroded Morris' friendships with Ginn and then-Black Flag drummer Robo: "I guess our line of communication just ceased to exist, and that's really important", he later said, "There has to be some free space, some head time, we can't be around each other in these grungy, dirty, filthy-carpet-covered rooms all the time. We needed to get out and breathe some fresh air, rub elbows with our friends in other bands, and play more shows, instead of just rehearsing, rehearsing and rehearsing all the time." According to Morris, his departure was not acrimonious: It was entirely my decision. For me, we had pretty much run our course. I love Robo, I still respect Greg, Gary kind of irritated me at times. But the fact of the matter is, when I left I felt no hatred towards them; it wasn't like "Fuck you guys, man, I don't ever wanna see you again!" It wasn't like that. Because I still lived in the church and they were still rehearsing there. They probably breathed a sigh of relief, because I was completely in the throes of being a full-blown alcoholic cokehead, and it didn't help that Robo was one of my suppliers. A couple of weeks later, I started my next group. This next group was the Circle Jerks, which included guitarist Greg Hetson, who had recently quit Red Cross, as well as drummer Lucky Lehrer and bassist Roger Rogerson. Their early set list included some of Morris' Black Flag lyrics set to new music: "Nervous Breakdown"'s "Wasted", the recorded-but-unreleased "I Don't Care", and two songs Morris had written with Black Flag but had not recorded: "Red Tape" and "Behind the Door" (originally titled "Room 13"). They also used some songs that Hetson had written with Red Cross, and gave them new lyrics. This caused conflict with Morris' former bandmates in Black Flag: "They were extremely angry and spiteful about it," he said. "These were songs that I did with Black Flag, but I wrote the lyrics, so I can do with them whatever I want. We souped them up, we changed the notes, the tempos... The only people who were upset about this were the guys in Black Flag and Red Cross." The Circle Jerks' versions of these songs appeared on their debut album "Group Sex" (1980). Black Flag responded by rewriting "I Don't Care" as "You Bet We've Got Something Personal Against You!" for 1980's "Jealous Again" EP, taking the music from their original version but changing Morris' lyrics into a screed against him, accusing him of stealing their song and lying about it, and declaring "you've got nowhere to go but down". Morris was asked by director Penelope Spheeris to sing with Black Flag for her documentary film "The Decline of Western Civilization". Morris declined, and ultimately both the Circle Jerks and Black Flag appeared in the film, the latter with Morris' replacement Ron Reyes singing. After Reyes quit Black Flag in May 1980, Morris filled in for two shows in Los Angeles and San Francisco. "Black Flag was my first love;" he later recalled, "I've got the Black Flag bars tattooed on my heart, branded in my brain. Greg [Ginn] and Chuck [Dukowski] asked me to fill in, and I knew that I was just filling in, that I wasn't rejoining Black Flag on any permanent basis, because the Circle Jerks had made a record, it was very popular, and people really loved us, and we were selling out shows. So everything was cool, and I had no problem filling in for Ron Reyes for a couple of nights." Ron Reyes. Ron Reyes, a punk rock fan of Puerto Rican descent, dropped out of Mira Costa High school at age 18. He was present for Black Flag's first performance, at the Redondo Beach Moose Lodge, and the experience left a strong impression on him: I was just blown away. Keith [Morris] was like an "animal"; it was so fun, to see this guy just screaming and shouting. Everything about them was so over-the-top, and so energetic; the bands I'd seen before, like X and the Germs, they just paled in comparison to the energy that Black Flag had. Those other bands, they were 'rock bands', and Black Flag were...something "else". The intensity of Greg Ginn's guitar playing, I have never seen anything like that, to this day. And Gary McDaniel, y'know, he was just wild, crazy, and so intense. It was just the intensity of it all. I'd never seen anything like that before. Reyes and Dez Cadena were friends and had practiced songs together on guitar. In summer 1979 Reyes moved into "The Church", where Black Flag rehearsed; He would watch the band practice and became good friends with them, particularly Morris. He purchased a drum kit from a friend as a favor, and soon began drumming for a group called The Tourists, with Greg Hetson and brothers Jeff and Steven McDonald. The Tourists opened for Black Flag at their infamous July 22, 1979 performance at Manhattan Beach's Polliwog Park, and the following month changed their name to Red Cross. Reyes continued to follow Black Flag, travelling to San Francisco that fall for their first performances outside the Los Angeles area. By the time Morris left Black Flag in November 1979, Reyes had quit Red Cross and was playing drums with a group called The Tracks. Greg Ginn and Gary McDaniel approached him with an offer to sing for Black Flag. "I was a little bit nervous, I guess," recalled Reyes, "but it seemed really natural; I had no experience as a singer, I'd never wanted to be a singer, but I wasn't intimidated. Because it was very clear to me from the get-go that the whole spirit of punk rock was not about experience, and talent, and chops — It was all about attitude and energy. I figured I had enough of that to get by." Reyes speculated that Black Flag chose him because he was not part of the Hollywood punk rock scene: They had quite a lot of distaste for the Hollywood scene. So I think they went out of their way to avoid that, and finding a home-grown South kinda guy was attractive to them. Certainly, I was a huge fan, I loved the band, I was at all their shows, right up the front, raising a bunch of hell with them. Black Flag was really kind of a family down there in the South Bay, it was close-knit, and I don't think they would have been interested in going the normal route of doing auditions with people they didn't know. Probably it was just being in the right place, at the right time. Reyes' first show with Black Flag was December 16, 1979, less than three weeks after Morris' departure. His performance style was spirited and anarchic, characterized by the frantic energy with which he would dash across the stage and hurl himself into the audience while barking the lyrics in a howling, out-of-breath fashion. Ginn also began teaching Reyes how to play guitar, with an eye towards making him a rhythm guitarist as well as vocalist, which would free Ginn up to play lead guitar and add solos to his songs. Ultimately, however, Reyes would never play guitar in Black Flag. He appeared with the band in the documentary film "The Decline of Western Civilization" and performed with them on their first shows outside of California, traveling to Vancouver, Seattle, and Portland in February and April 1980. Having attempted to record their debut album with Morris the previous November, Black Flag made another attempt at it with Reyes in April 1980. The session was unsuccessful, in part because Reyes would sometimes leave the studio mid-take. "I was a little intimidated by the studio process", he later admitted. "Put me on stage for 20 minutes, where I could just go wild, and I loved that. But now I had to sing the song in key, in tune...And Greg was committed to a level of excellence. He would not have let us do anything that wasn't great. Some of our earlier recordings were frustrating for a lot of us." Reyes quit Black Flag mid-performance during a May 23, 1980 show at The Fleetwood in Redondo Beach, California. "There was a lot of violence, and I was really starting to lose my taste for it", he later recalled. "It seemed like it didn't matter what we did up there, we could've just been up onstage masturbating and it wouldn't have made a difference; [the audience] would have kept on slamming and going around in circles and doing their thing, and that's all they cared about. I felt, 'What's the point?' ... So I just walked offstage. I remember saying something to the effect of, 'I don't really care about being the background to whatever it is that you're doing out there...' It didn't have anything to do with the other band members, I had no beef with any of them." Black Flag finished the set by playing an extended version of "Louie Louie", with various audience members taking the microphone. Despite having quit the band, Reyes agreed to return to finish recording the tracks they had begun in April. Recording engineer and producer Spot recalled that "recording the vocals in a posthumous manner [Reyes] was surprisingly cooperative and I was moved to remark: 'This is so easy now! Why didn't you quit the band before this? Reyes later remarked that "Spot just wanted to finish the project. I don't think they had a desire that I would join the band again. I felt, 'OK, that's cool'. I still loved the band, I loved the music, I had no bad feelings towards the guys, so I was totally into it." According to Ginn, "Ron was kind of apprehensive about recording. He liked to sing live, but he just hated the recording process, so it was like pulling teeth, but we finally got it done. And that's the thing about Ron, his energy was incredible onstage, he would just burst out, you know? And we finally got that performance on tape, but it took a little bit of doing, just because he wasn't ever really comfortable in the studio." Reyes had begun dating a girl from Vancouver, and soon moved there. When the "Jealous Again" EP was released in August 1980, he was credited on the sleeve as "Chavo Pederast", a mean-spirited joke on the part of Black Flag: "Chavo" after the homeless orphan character in the Mexican sitcom "El Chavo", and "Pederast" after pederasty. "At the time, I'm not even sure I understood the derogatory nature of the name, and I don't think I would have cared anyway", said Reyes. "It seemed a very natural, punk-rock thing to do, and I would have done the same thing if I was in their shoes ... When I became a family man, and the meaning of that name became more apparent to me, then it was something I felt a little shame over. I found I had to explain myself, a lot, when people called me Chavo Pederast." Dez Cadena. Dez Cadena moved with his family from New Jersey to Hermosa Beach in 1974, at age 13. His father, record producer and jazz promoter Ozzie Cadena, befriended Keith Morris' father Jerry Morris. In February 1979 the 17-year-old Dez was present, along with his friend Ron Reyes, for Black Flag's first performance. He continued to follow the band, hanging out at their rehearsals and attending many of their performances. In June 1980 he was playing guitar in a reformed Red Cross when Black Flag approached him to replace Ron Reyes as their singer. Cadena recalled Chuck Dukowski asking him to join the band: "He said, 'You know all the words to our songs, in a week we have to play a gig in Vancouver, why don't you become our next singer? Never having sung before, Cadena was initially reserved, but Dukowski assured him that did not matter. "Black Flag was my favorite band," Cadena later said, "and these guys were my friends, so I didn't want to let them down." In contrast to the sardonic anarchism of Keith Morris and the chaotic energy of Ron Reyes, Cadena's singing was a blunt, flinty bark delivered with passion and fury, evoking vocal cords strained almost to breaking point. His guitar-playing skills were attractive to Ginn, who planned—as he had with Reyes—to eventually position Cadena to also play rhythm guitar, freeing Ginn up to play lead and add solos. Cadena's first performance with Black Flag was a party at the end of summer 1980 to close out "The Church", the abandoned Baptist church they had used as a living and rehearsal space since 1978. The band had moved out of the building several months prior, and on the eve of a West Coast tour invited many of their fans to demolish the property as means of provoking the police before they left town. Guitarists. Greg Ginn. Greg Ginn is Black Flag's lead guitarist, primary songwriter, sole constant member, and the only musician to play on all of the band's releases. He attended Mira Costa High School with Keith Morris, and started a mail-order company for amateur radio equipment called Solid State Tuners (SST). He became interested in blues and jazz while studying economics and business management at UCLA, and began playing guitar at age 19, becoming a fan of the Grateful Dead as well as various protopunk and punk rock groups He befriended Morris when Ginn's younger sister began dating Morris' record store co-worker. Morris started working for SST, and he and Ginn bonded over musical taste and decided to start a band. In the summer of 1976 they began rehearsing songs that Ginn had written, with Morris singing Ginn's lyrics and Ginn's younger brother Raymond accompanying on bass guitar. By early 1977 they had named the band Panic, with Morris' friends "Kansas" and Brian Migdol on bass guitar and drums, respectively. Because Kansas and Migdol would often fail to show up for rehearsals, Ginn modified his guitar style to a percussive strum that doubled as a lead and rhythm section. During the band's early years he played a transparent lucite Ampeg Dan Armstrong guitar that he heavily customized, caulking it to prevent blood and sweat from seeping into the electronics and hard-wiring the cord into the instrument so that the socket would not be pulled out if someone tripped on the cord. He had rented storage and workspace for SST at an abandoned Baptist church, and this became Panic's new home when they were kicked out of their rehearsal space in late 1978. When Panic became Black Flag in early 1979, Ginn booked their first shows under the new name himself, and released their debut EP "Nervous Breakdown" through his own label, SST Records (which shared its name with his electronics company). Bassists. Raymond Pettibon. When Greg Ginn and Keith Morris first began rehearsing together in the summer of 1976, Ginn's brother Raymond accompanied them on bass guitar. By early 1977 Raymond had bowed out of the group to focus on earning his degree in economics from UCLA, after which he became a high school mathematics teacher. "I kinda played bass and learned their songs, but I was never in the band", he later recalled, "There's nothing I could do that would deaden the mind more than play bass in a punk band. Especially that band." In early 1979 the band was looking to change their name from Panic, and it was Raymond—who had since quit his teaching job in favor of pursuing a career as a visual artist under the pseudonym Raymond Pettibon—who suggested the name Black Flag and designed their logo. Over the next six years Pettibon's single-frame illustrations were used for the band's sleeve artwork, posters, and gig flyers, their unsettling and provocative imagery becoming synonymous with Black Flag's music while helping to build the group's notoriety and expand their fan base. His artwork appears on the covers of "Nervous Breakdown", "Jealous Again", "Six Pack", "Everything Went Black", "My War", "Family Man", "Slip It In", "Loose Nut", "The Process of Weeding Out", and "In My Head". He also did artwork for other SST releases including the compilation albums "The Blasting Concept" and "Cracks in the Sidewalk", and released pamphlet books of his art through SST. However, he had a falling out with Black Flag and SST in 1985 over the "Loose Nut" artwork, which had been used for a flyer several years earlier. Greg Ginn resurrected it without telling his brother and turned it over to drummer Bill Stevenson to do the layout, who cut it into pieces and used them as elements for the cover and lyric sheet. Pettibon became irate and ended his relationship with the band and the label, and he and Ginn stopped speaking for some time: "As far as I'm concerned, SST is not even a part of my past. For one thing, it was dishonestly procured. I was never paid for any of that stuff. If you talk to [SST] it's like Stalinist Russia, rewriting history. Somebody is some big commissar and the next day he's purged and all traces of his existence are literally written out of the official history." Pettibon later worked with Keith Morris again, providing cover artwork for his band Off! in 2010. Kansas. After Pettibon's exit from the group, a friend of Morris' known as "Kansas", real name Jim Dearmen, became their new bassist. Described by Morris as "just this huge stoner", Kansas and drummer Bryan Migdol were not committed to the band and would often fail to show up for rehearsals. This caused Ginn to modify his guitar style to a percussive strum that doubled as a lead and rhythm section. Kansas left the band before the summer of 1977, and was replaced at rehearsals by Glenn "Spot" Lockett. Spot. Glen "Spot" Lockett was a friend of Greg Ginn and a staff engineer at Media Art recording studio, and Ginn invited him to play bass guitar with Panic in rehearsals after Kansas' departure. He later recalled his experience in the liner notes of "Everything Went Black": The band had a total of six songs, each of which lasted no longer than one minute. Greg showed me the simple repetitive chords..."OK, here we go, 1–2–3–4..." and BANG!! the drummer started smashing out a fast, trashy straight four-pattern beat, and the wiry little singer started bellowing and jumping around wildly, and Greg's body lurched forward as he underwent a remarkable transformation from Jekyll to Hyde...Within seconds it was over. Jekyll calmly stepped out of his Hyde as if stepping out of a routine nightmare...I was dumbfounded, shocked; my eyes wide in amazement, my mouth hanging open in disbelief. We played again. "1–2–3–4!! "...Ten minutes later we had played the entire six-song set twice. Spot decided that he could not commit to playing with Panic, and was soon replaced by Würm bassist Gary McDaniel. Spot continued to work at Media Art and convinced Panic to record their first record there in January 1978, which produced the "Nervous Breakdown" EP. The studio's senior engineer, Dave Tarling, acted as producer for the session, with Spot's role limited to "setting up microphones and later running some rough mixes for the band." Chuck Dukowski. Gary McDaniel was the bass guitarist of the band Würm, and met Greg Ginn when he sold the latter a speaker cabinet in early 1977. By that summer Würm were living and rehearsing at a space in the Hermosa Bathhouse, which they referred to as the Würmhole. Würm guitarist Ed Danky met Keith Morris and, learning that he was also in a band, invited him to hang out at their rehearsals. Morris and Greg Ginn came to observe Würm and ended up renting the vacant half of the Bathhouse for Panic, sharing practice space with Würm. When Spot decided that he could not commit to playing bass with Panic, McDaniel began jamming with them. He fit in well with the band musically, and impressed Ginn with his outspokenness and intellectual restlessness. By the end of the year Würm had broken up, and Ginn invited McDaniel to join Panic permanently. "I wanted to tour, I didn't just want to play in my living room", said McDaniel, "I thought Panic's music was easy to 'get'. It came across. Later, our music became more challenging to the audience; but back then, it hit heavy and hard, and people got it instantly." McDaniel performed on Black Flag's debut EP, "Nervous Breakdown", recorded in January 1978. Later that year the band was evicted from the Bathhouse, and McDaniel and Morris took up residence in their new rehearsal space "The Church", an abandoned Baptist church. By December 1979 McDaniel had quit his job working for a pool table company in order to commit himself to Black Flag and SST Records, and had taken the pseudonym Chuck Dukowski. "It was for fun, at first, just trying on personalities," he later said of the name change. "At first I didn't use Chuck all the time, but when I quit my straight job to work on the band full-time, I made a break. I found the new name to be convenient when I had to deal with the police. And I had to deal with them too fucking much. I liked the name Chuck Dukowski — it seemed like a regular guy name." Dukowski developed a prominent presence in Black Flag through both his playing—which was physically aggressive and produced powerful, thudding low-end notes—and through his intellect and passion for revolutionary thinking, which informed the band's ethos. An outspoken anarchist, he would often use interviews and between-song pauses during shows as opportunities to declare his ideas and beliefs. Kira Roessler. Roessler (sister of Paul Roessler from L.A. gothic punk rock band 45 Grave) replaced Dukowski and played with the band through their mid-to-late period work (1983–85) appearing on the albums "Family Man", "Slip It In", "Loose Nut", and "In My Head". C'el Revuelta. C'el joined the band in 1986 replacing Roesler on bass. He only played on the final tour of the band in 1986. He later came back in the 2003 Black Flag reunion. He did not appear in any of the releases. C'el died on May 3, 2017, after a long battle with stage 4 brain cancer. Dave Klein. Klein is known for being a bass player in Screeching Weasel (2011–2013) and he went on tour with Black Flag in 2013. Klein left Black Flag in 2014. Tyler Smith. Smith originally joined Black Flag in early 2013 but had to back out due to personal obligations back home. When he learned that the previous bass player left the band, he contacted Greg, auditioned again, and rejoined Black Flag. Drummers. Bryan Migdol. Bryan Migdol (aka Brian Migdol) was recruited from amongst Morris' friends in early 1977 to serve as the drummer for Panic (the band that was the precursor to Black Flag). He performed at Panic's early shows and was developmental in the arrangement of many of the songs which would later be recorded by Black Flag. He was with the band when they made their early transition from Panic to Black Flag and played all the drum tracks on the band's debut EP, "Nervous Breakdown", recorded in January 1978 at Media Art Studios, as well as some of the tracks appearing on the albums "Everything Went Black", "The First Four Years" and "Wasted…Again". Disappointed with so much rehearsing and very little performing, he decided to leave the band in the summer of 1978. "Our mentality was, we were never popular, and playing music wasn't going to change that. We played because we needed to play — we played what we played because most of the time when we played, we were playing for ourselves. We did an awful lot of rehearsing, and that was because nobody wanted to hear what we were." Robo. Colombian native Roberto Valverde replaced Migdol in Panic by the end of the summer of 1978. He had entered the United States on a student visa and was living in El Segundo, working in a plastics factory. He had begun playing drums in 1976 and responded to an advertisement that Panic had placed in a record store reading "Band from the South Bay looking for drummer. Into Ramones, Sex Pistols." Valverde impressed Panic with his audition, setting up his transparent perspex drum kit—which happened to match Ginn's transparent lucite guitar—so that all the drums and cymbals were level, and playing with a stiff, robotic style that relied on arm rather than wrist movement. Emil Johnson. Emil Johnson was 15 when hired, although his place in the band was short lived. His only playing credit is the A-Side of the "TV Party" EP. Bill Stevenson. Black Flag's fifth drummer was South Bay native Bill Stevenson. A Mira Costa High School student and avid fisherman, he frequented Jerry Morris' bait shop and ended up working there alongside Keith Morris. Stevenson first auditioned to drum for Panic in summer 1978, at age 15, after Brian Migdol had left the band. His audition turned into a drunken jam session including members of Panic and The Last, and the position of drummer in Panic ultimately went to Robo. By late 1978 Stevenson had joined the Descendents, who made their onstage debut as an opening act at Black Flag's second performance, at a San Pedro community center in February 1979. Anthony Martinez. Anthony Martinez replaced Bill Stevenson, and was their last drummer before their breakup. He played on the live album "Who's Got The 10 and a 1/2?" and the live EP "Annihilate This Week", which consists entirely of songs from Who's Got The 10 and a 1/2? Gregory Moore. Gregory Moore is a drummer from Georgia who is sometimes credited as Gregory Amoore, or simply "Drummer". He has recorded and toured with Greg Ginn on several of his solo releases as well as Ginn's projects Gone, El Bad, and Get Me High. He performed with Black Flag at their 2003 reunion show, their tour in 2013, and on the "What the..." album. Gregory currently plays with the bands Are You A Cop, 2Ton Bridge, and Fer in Los Angeles. Brandon Pertzborn. Brandon received an email from Greg in early 2014 to see if he would like to audition for Black Flag. He called Greg later that night and they set up an audition two days later. Brandon learned a good number of songs and then drove to Greg's studio to audition. Over the course of a few hours, Brandon played about 15 songs. After he drove back home, he recorded two songs a day and would send them to Greg every day for a week so Greg could get more of an idea what his playing style sounds like. A week after his audition, Brandon got the call that he made the band. Brandon did not know Mike or Greg personally before he started playing with Black Flag, but he had known who they were for years. As a Black Flag fan growing up, Pertzborn was familiar with Ginn's role with the band. Pertzborn used to skateboard in his spare time and knew of Mike Vallely's career as a professional streetskater and a musician. Pertzborn currently dates Emily Vallely, who is the daughter of Black Flag lead singer Mike Vallely.

rehearsal spot

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=6771

College football () is gridiron football consisting of American football played by teams of student athletes fielded by American universities, colleges, and military academies, or Canadian football played by teams of student athletes fielded by Canadian universities. It was through college football play that American football rules first gained popularity in the United States. Unlike most other sports in North America, no official minor league farm organizations exist in American or Canadian football. Therefore, college football is generally considered to be the second tier of American football in the United States and Canadian football in Canada; one step ahead of high school competition, and one step below professional competition. However, in some areas of the country, college football is more popular than professional football, and for much of the early 20th century, college football was seen as more prestigious than professional football. It is in college football where a player's performance directly impacts his chances of playing professional football. The best collegiate players will typically declare for the professional draft after three to four years of collegiate competition, with the NFL holding its annual NFL draft every spring in which 256 players are selected annually. Those not selected can still attempt to land an NFL roster spot as an undrafted free agent. History. Even after the emergence of the professional National Football League (NFL), college football remained extremely popular throughout the U.S. Although the college game has a much larger margin for talent than its pro counterpart, the sheer number of fans following major colleges provides a financial equalizer for the game, with Division I programs — the highest level — playing in huge stadiums, six of which have seating capacity exceeding 100,000 people. In many cases, college stadiums employ bench-style seating, as opposed to individual seats with backs and arm rests (although many stadiums do have a small number of chair back seats in addition to the bench seating). This allows them to seat more fans in a given amount of space than the typical professional stadium, which tends to have more features and comforts for fans. (Only three stadiums owned by U.S. colleges or universities — Cardinal Stadium at the University of Louisville, Center Parc Stadium at Georgia State University, and FAU Stadium at Florida Atlantic University — consist entirely of chair back seating.) College athletes, unlike players in the NFL, are not permitted by the NCAA to be paid salaries. Colleges are only allowed to provide non-monetary compensation such as athletic scholarships that provide for tuition, housing, and books. Rugby football in Great Britain and Canada. Modern North American football has its origins in various games, all known as "football", played at public schools in Great Britain in the mid-19th century. By the 1840s, students at Rugby School were playing a game in which players were able to pick up the ball and run with it, a sport later known as rugby football. The game was taken to Canada by British soldiers stationed there and was soon being played at Canadian colleges. The first documented gridiron football match was played at University College, a college of the University of Toronto, November 9, 1861. One of the participants in the game involving University of Toronto students was (Sir) William Mulock, later Chancellor of the school. A football club was formed at the university soon afterward, although its rules of play at this stage are unclear. In 1864, at Trinity College, also a college of the University of Toronto, F. Barlow Cumberland and Frederick A. Bethune devised rules based on rugby football. Modern Canadian football is widely regarded as having originated with a game played in Montreal, in 1865, when British Army officers played local civilians. The game gradually gained a following, and the Montreal Football Club was formed in 1868, the first recorded non-university football club in Canada. American college football. Early games appear to have had much in common with the traditional "mob football" played in Great Britain. The games remained largely unorganized until the 19th century, when intramural games of football began to be played on college campuses. Each school played its own variety of football. Princeton University students played a game called "ballown" as early as 1820. A Harvard tradition known as "Bloody Monday" began in 1827, which consisted of a mass ballgame between the freshman and sophomore classes. In 1860, both the town police and the college authorities agreed the Bloody Monday had to go. The Harvard students responded by going into mourning for a mock figure called "Football Fightum", for whom they conducted funeral rites. The authorities held firm and it was a dozen years before football was once again played at Harvard. Dartmouth played its own version called "Old division football", the rules of which were first published in 1871, though the game dates to at least the 1830s. All of these games, and others, shared certain commonalities. They remained largely "mob" style games, with huge numbers of players attempting to advance the ball into a goal area, often by any means necessary. Rules were simple, violence and injury were common. The violence of these mob-style games led to widespread protests and a decision to abandon them. Yale, under pressure from the city of New Haven, banned the play of all forms of football in 1860. American football historian Parke H. Davis described the period between 1869 and 1875 as the 'Pioneer Period'; the years 1876–93 he called the 'Period of the American Intercollegiate Football Association'; and the years 1894–1933 he dubbed the 'Period of Rules Committees and Conferences'. Princeton–Columbia–Yale–Rutgers. On November 6, 1869, Rutgers University faced Princeton University (then known as the College of New Jersey) in the first game of intercollegiate football that resembled more the game of soccer than "football" as it is played today. It was played with a round ball and, like all early games, used a set of rules suggested by Rutgers captain William J. Leggett, based on The Football Association's first set of rules, which were an early attempt by the former pupils of England's public schools, to unify the rules of their public schools games and create a universal and standardized set of rules for the game of football and bore little resemblance to the American game which would be developed in the following decades. It is still usually regarded as the first game of college football. The game was played at a Rutgers field. Two teams of 25 players attempted to score by kicking the ball into the opposing team's goal. Throwing or carrying the ball was not allowed, but there was plenty of physical contact between players. The first team to reach six goals was declared the winner. Rutgers won by a score of six to four. A rematch was played at Princeton a week later under Princeton's own set of rules (one notable difference was the awarding of a "free kick" to any player that caught the ball on the fly, which was a feature adopted from The Football Association's rules; the fair catch kick rule has survived through to modern American game). Princeton won that game by a score of 8 – 0. Columbia joined the series in 1870, and by 1872 several schools were fielding intercollegiate teams, including Yale and Stevens Institute of Technology. Columbia University was the third school to field a team. The Lions traveled from New York City to New Brunswick on November 12, 1870, and were defeated by Rutgers 6 to 3. The game suffered from disorganization and the players kicked and battled each other as much as the ball. Later in 1870, Princeton and Rutgers played again with Princeton defeating Rutgers 6–0. This game's violence caused such an outcry that no games at all were played in 1871. Football came back in 1872, when Columbia played Yale for the first time. The Yale team was coached and captained by David Schley Schaff, who had learned to play football while attending Rugby School. Schaff himself was injured and unable to the play the game, but Yale won the game 3-0 nonetheless. Later in 1872, Stevens Tech became the fifth school to field a team. Stevens lost to Columbia, but beat both New York University and City College of New York during the following year. By 1873, the college students playing football had made significant efforts to standardize their fledgling game. Teams had been scaled down from 25 players to 20. The only way to score was still to bat or kick the ball through the opposing team's goal, and the game was played in two 45 minute halves on fields 140 yards long and 70 yards wide. On October 20, 1873, representatives from Yale, Columbia, Princeton, and Rutgers met at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York City to codify the first set of intercollegiate football rules. Before this meeting, each school had its own set of rules and games were usually played using the home team's own particular code. At this meeting, a list of rules, based more on the Football Association's rules than the rules of the recently founded Rugby Football Union, was drawn up for intercollegiate football games. Harvard–McGill (1874). Old "Football Fightum" had been resurrected at Harvard in 1872, when Harvard resumed playing football. Harvard, however, preferred to play a rougher version of football called "the Boston Game" in which the kicking of a round ball was the most prominent feature though a player could run with the ball, pass it, or dribble it (known as "babying"). The man with the ball could be tackled, although hitting, tripping, "hacking" (shin-kicking) and other unnecessary roughness was prohibited. There was no limit to the number of players, but there were typically ten to fifteen per side. A player could carry the ball only when being pursued. As a result of this, Harvard refused to attend the rules conference organized by Rutgers, Princeton and Columbia at the Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York City on October 20, 1873 to agree on a set of rules and regulations that would allow them to play a form of football that was essentially Association football; and continued to play under its own code. While Harvard's voluntary absence from the meeting made it hard for them to schedule games against other American universities, it agreed to a challenge to play the rugby team of McGill University, from Montreal, in a two-game series. It was agreed that two games would be played on Harvard's Jarvis baseball field in Cambridge, Massachusetts on May 14 and 15, 1874: one to be played under Harvard rules, another under the stricter rugby regulations of McGill. Jarvis Field was at the time a patch of land at the northern point of the Harvard campus, bordered by Everett and Jarvis Streets to the north and south, and Oxford Street and Massachusetts Avenue to the east and west. Harvard beat McGill in the "Boston Game" on the Thursday and held McGill to a 0–0 tie on the Friday. The Harvard students took to the rugby rules and adopted them as their own, The games featured a round ball instead of a rugby-style oblong ball. This series of games represents an important milestone in the development of the modern game of American football. In October 1874, the Harvard team once again traveled to Montreal to play McGill in rugby, where they won by three tries. Inasmuch as Rugby football had been transplanted to Canada from England, the McGill team played under a set of rules which allowed a player to pick up the ball and run with it whenever he wished. Another rule, unique to McGill, was to count tries (the act of grounding the football past the opposing team's goal line; it is important to note that there was no end zone during this time), as well as goals, in the scoring. In the Rugby rules of the time, a try only provided the attempt to kick a free goal from the field. If the kick was missed, the try did not score any points itself. Harvard–Tufts, Harvard–Yale (1875). Harvard quickly took a liking to the rugby game, and its use of the try which, until that time, was not used in American football. The try would later evolve into the score known as the touchdown. On June 4, 1875, Harvard faced Tufts University in the first game between two American colleges played under rules similar to the McGill/Harvard contest, which was won by Tufts. The rules included each side fielding 11 men at any given time, the ball was advanced by kicking or carrying it, and tackles of the ball carrier stopped play – actions of which have carried over to the modern version of football played today Harvard later challenged its closest rival, Yale, to which the Bulldogs accepted. The two teams agreed to play under a set of rules called the "Concessionary Rules", which involved Harvard conceding something to Yale's soccer and Yale conceding a great deal to Harvard's rugby. They decided to play with 15 players on each team. On November 13, 1875, Yale and Harvard played each other for the first time ever, where Harvard won 4–0. At the first The Game (as the annual contest between Harvard and Yale came to be named) the future "father of American football" Walter Camp was among the 2000 spectators in attendance. Walter, who would enroll at Yale the next year, was torn between an admiration for Harvard's style of play and the misery of the Yale defeat, and became determined to avenge Yale's defeat. Spectators from Princeton also carried the game back home, where it quickly became the most popular version of football. On November 23, 1876, representatives from Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and Columbia met at the Massasoit House hotel in Springfield, Massachusetts to standardize a new code of rules based on the rugby game first introduced to Harvard by McGill University in 1874. Three of the schools—Harvard, Columbia, and Princeton—formed the Intercollegiate Football Association, as a result of the meeting. Yale initially refused to join this association because of a disagreement over the number of players to be allowed per team (relenting in 1879) and Rutgers were not invited to the meeting. The rules that they agreed upon were essentially those of rugby union at the time with the exception that points be awarded for scoring a try, not just the conversion afterwards (extra point). Incidentally, rugby was to make a similar change to its scoring system 10 years later. Walter Camp: Father of American football. Walter Camp is widely considered to be the most important figure in the development of American football. As a youth, he excelled in sports like track, baseball, and association football, and after enrolling at Yale in 1876, he earned varsity honors in every sport the school offered. Following the introduction of rugby-style rules to American football, Camp became a fixture at the Massasoit House conventions where rules were debated and changed. Dissatisfied with what seemed to him to be a disorganized mob, he proposed his first rule change at the first meeting he attended in 1878: a reduction from fifteen players to eleven. The motion was rejected at that time but passed in 1880. The effect was to open up the game and emphasize speed over strength. Camp's most famous change, the establishment of the line of scrimmage and the snap from center to quarterback, was also passed in 1880. Originally, the snap was executed with the foot of the center. Later changes made it possible to snap the ball with the hands, either through the air or by a direct hand-to-hand pass. Rugby league followed Camp's example, and in 1906 introduced the play-the-ball rule, which greatly resembled Camp's early scrimmage and center-snap rules. In 1966, rugby league introduced a four-tackle rule (changed in 1972 to a six-tackle rule) based on Camp's early down-and-distance rules. Camp's new scrimmage rules revolutionized the game, though not always as intended. Princeton, in particular, used scrimmage play to slow the game, making incremental progress towards the end zone during each down. Rather than increase scoring, which had been Camp's original intent, the rule was exploited to maintain control of the ball for the entire game, resulting in slow, unexciting contests. At the 1882 rules meeting, Camp proposed that a team be required to advance the ball a minimum of five yards within three downs. These down-and-distance rules, combined with the establishment of the line of scrimmage, transformed the game from a variation of rugby football into the distinct sport of American football. Camp was central to several more significant rule changes that came to define American football. In 1881, the field was reduced in size to its modern dimensions of 120 by 53 yards (109.7 by 48.8 meters). Several times in 1883, Camp tinkered with the scoring rules, finally arriving at four points for a touchdown, two points for kicks after touchdowns, two points for safeties, and five for field goals. Camp's innovations in the area of point scoring influenced rugby union's move to point scoring in 1890. In 1887, game time was set at two halves of 45 minutes each. Also in 1887, two paid officials—a referee and an umpire—were mandated for each game. A year later, the rules were changed to allow tackling below the waist, and in 1889, the officials were given whistles and stopwatches. After leaving Yale in 1882, Camp was employed by the New Haven Clock Company until his death in 1925. Though no longer a player, he remained a fixture at annual rules meetings for most of his life, and he personally selected an annual All-American team every year from 1889 through 1924. The Walter Camp Football Foundation continues to select All-American teams in his honor. Expansion. College football expanded greatly during the last two decades of the 19th century. Several major rivalries date from this time period. November 1890 was an active time in the sport. In Baldwin City, Kansas, on November 22, 1890, college football was first played in the state of Kansas. Baker beat Kansas 22–9. On the 27th, Vanderbilt played Nashville (Peabody) at Athletic Park and won 40–0. It was the first time organized football played in the state of Tennessee. The 29th also saw the first instance of the Army–Navy Game. Navy won 24–0. East. Rutgers was first to extend the reach of the game. An intercollegiate game was first played in the state of New York when Rutgers played Columbia on November 2, 1872. It was also the first scoreless tie in the history of the fledgling sport. Yale football starts the same year and has its first match against Columbia, the nearest college to play football. It took place at Hamilton Park in New Haven and was the first game in New England. The game was essentially soccer with 20-man sides, played on a field 400 by 250 feet. Yale wins 3–0, Tommy Sherman scoring the first goal and Lew Irwin the other two. After the first game against Harvard, Tufts took its squad to Bates College in Lewiston, Maine for the first football game played in Maine. This occurred on November 6, 1875. Penn's Athletic Association was looking to pick "a twenty" to play a game of football against Columbia. This "twenty" never played Columbia, but did play twice against Princeton. Princeton won both games 6 to 0. The first of these happened on November 11, 1876, in Philadelphia and was the first intercollegiate game in the state of Pennsylvania. Brown enters the intercollegiate game in 1878. The first game where one team scored over 100 points happened on October 25, 1884, when Yale routed Dartmouth 113–0. It was also the first time one team scored over 100 points and the opposing team was shut out. The next week, Princeton outscored Lafayette 140 to 0. The first intercollegiate game in the state of Vermont happened on November 6, 1886, between Dartmouth and Vermont at Burlington, Vermont. Dartmouth won 91 to 0. Penn State played its first season in 1887, but had no head coach for their first five years, from 1887 to 1891. The teams played its home games on the Old Main lawn on campus in State College, Pennsylvania. They compiled a 12–8–1 record in these seasons, playing as an independent from 1887 to 1890. In 1891, the Pennsylvania Intercollegiate Football Association (PIFA) was formed. It consisted of Bucknell (University of Lewisburg), Dickinson, Franklin & Marshall, Haverford, Penn State and Swarthmore. Lafayette and Lehigh were excluded because it was felt they would dominate the Association. Penn State won the championship with a 4–1–0 record. Bucknell's record was 3–1–1 (losing to Franklin & Marshall and tying Dickinson). The Association was dissolved prior to the 1892 season. The first nighttime football game was played in Mansfield, Pennsylvania on September 28, 1892, between Mansfield State Normal and Wyoming Seminary and ended at halftime in a 0–0 tie. The Army–Navy game of 1893 saw the first documented use of a football helmet by a player in a game. Joseph M. Reeves had a crude leather helmet made by a shoemaker in Annapolis and wore it in the game after being warned by his doctor that he risked death if he continued to play football after suffering an earlier kick to the head. Middle West. In 1879, the University of Michigan became the first school west of Pennsylvania to establish a college football team. On May 30, 1879, Michigan beat Racine College 1–0 in a game played in Chicago. The "Chicago Daily Tribune" called it "the first rugby-football game to be played west of the Alleghenies." Other Midwestern schools soon followed suit, including the University of Chicago, Northwestern University, and the University of Minnesota. The first western team to travel east was the 1881 Michigan team, which played at Harvard, Yale and Princeton. The nation's first college football league, the Intercollegiate Conference of Faculty Representatives (also known as the Western Conference), a precursor to the Big Ten Conference, was founded in 1895. Led by coach Fielding H. Yost, Michigan became the first "western" national power. From 1901 to 1905, Michigan had a 56-game undefeated streak that included a 1902 trip to play in the first college football bowl game, which later became the Rose Bowl Game. During this streak, Michigan scored 2,831 points while allowing only 40. Organized intercollegiate football was first played in the state of Minnesota on September 30, 1882, when Hamline was convinced to play Minnesota. Minnesota won 2 to 0. It was the first game west of the Mississippi River. November 30, 1905, saw Chicago defeat Michigan 2 to 0. Dubbed "The First Greatest Game of the Century", broke Michigan's 56-game unbeaten streak and marked the end of the "Point-a-Minute" years. South. Organized intercollegiate football was first played in the state of Virginia and the south on November 2, 1873, in Lexington between Washington and Lee and VMI. Washington and Lee won 4–2. Some industrious students of the two schools organized a game for October 23, 1869, but it was rained out. Students of the University of Virginia were playing pickup games of the kicking-style of football as early as 1870, and some accounts even claim it organized a game against Washington and Lee College in 1871; but no record has been found of the score of this contest. Due to scantiness of records of the prior matches some will claim Virginia v. Pantops Academy November 13, 1887, as the first game in Virginia. On April 9, 1880, at Stoll Field, Transylvania University (then called Kentucky University) beat Centre College by the score of 13¾–0 in what is often considered the first recorded game played in the South. The first game of "scientific football" in the South was the first instance of the Victory Bell rivalry between North Carolina and Duke (then known as Trinity College) held on Thanksgiving Day, 1888, at the North Carolina State Fairgrounds in Raleigh, North Carolina. On November 13, 1887 the Virginia Cavaliers and Pantops Academy fought to a scoreless tie in the first organized football game in the state of Virginia. Students at UVA were playing pickup games of the kicking-style of football as early as 1870, and some accounts even claim that some industrious ones organized a game against Washington and Lee College in 1871, just two years after Rutgers and Princeton's historic first game in 1869. But no record has been found of the score of this contest. Washington and Lee also claims a 4 to 2 win over VMI in 1873. On October 18, 1888, the Wake Forest Demon Deacons defeated the North Carolina Tar Heels 6 to 4 in the first intercollegiate game in the state of North Carolina. On December 14, 1889, Wofford defeated Furman 5 to 1 in the first intercollegiate game in the state of South Carolina. The game featured no uniforms, no positions, and the rules were formulated before the game. January 30, 1892, saw the first football game played in the Deep South when the Georgia Bulldogs defeated Mercer 50–0 at Herty Field. The beginnings of the contemporary Southeastern Conference and Atlantic Coast Conference start in 1894. The Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Association (SIAA) was founded on December 21, 1894, by William Dudley, a chemistry professor at Vanderbilt. The original members were Alabama, Auburn, Georgia, Georgia Tech, North Carolina, , and Vanderbilt. Clemson, Cumberland, Kentucky, LSU, Mercer, Mississippi, Mississippi A&M (Mississippi State), Southwestern Presbyterian University, Tennessee, Texas, Tulane, and the University of Nashville joined the following year in 1895 as invited charter members. The conference was originally formed for "the development and purification of college athletics throughout the South". It is thought that the first forward pass in football occurred on October 26, 1895, in a game between Georgia and North Carolina when, out of desperation, the ball was thrown by the North Carolina back Joel Whitaker instead of punted and George Stephens caught the ball. On November 9, 1895, John Heisman executed a hidden ball trick utilizing quarterback Reynolds Tichenor to get Auburn's only touchdown in a 6 to 9 loss to Vanderbilt. It was the first game in the south decided by a field goal. Heisman later used the trick against Pop Warner's Georgia team. Warner picked up the trick and later used it at Cornell against Penn State in 1897. He then used it in 1903 at Carlisle against Harvard and garnered national attention. The 1899 Sewanee Tigers are one of the all-time great teams of the early sport. The team went 12–0, outscoring opponents 322 to 10. Known as the "Iron Men", with just 13 men they had a six-day road trip with five shutout wins over Texas A&M; Texas; Tulane; LSU; and Ole Miss. It is recalled memorably with the phrase "... and on the seventh day they rested." Grantland Rice called them "the most durable football team I ever saw." Organized intercollegiate football was first played in the state of Florida in 1901. A 7-game series between intramural teams from Stetson and Forbes occurred in 1894. The first intercollegiate game between official varsity teams was played on November 22, 1901. Stetson beat Florida Agricultural College at Lake City, one of the four forerunners of the University of Florida, 6–0, in a game played as part of the Jacksonville Fair. On September 27, 1902, Georgetown beat Navy 4 to 0. It is claimed by Georgetown authorities as the game with the first ever "roving center" or linebacker when Percy Given stood up, in contrast to the usual tale of Germany Schulz. The first linebacker in the South is often considered to be Frank Juhan. On Thanksgiving Day 1903, a game was scheduled in Montgomery, Alabama between the best teams from each region of the Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Association for an "SIAA championship game", pitting Cumberland against Heisman's Clemson. The game ended in an 11–11 tie causing many teams to claim the title. Heisman pressed hardest for Cumberland to get the claim of champion. It was his last game as Clemson head coach. 1904 saw big coaching hires in the south: Mike Donahue at Auburn, John Heisman at Georgia Tech, and Dan McGugin at Vanderbilt were all hired that year. Both Donahue and McGugin just came from the north that year, Donahue from Yale and McGugin from Michigan, and were among the initial inductees of the College Football Hall of Fame. The undefeated 1904 Vanderbilt team scored an average of 52.7 points per game, the most in college football that season, and allowed just four points. Southwest. The first college football game in Oklahoma Territory occurred on November 7, 1895, when the 'Oklahoma City Terrors' defeated the Oklahoma Sooners 34 to 0. The Terrors were a mix of Methodist college and high school students. The Sooners did not manage a single first down. By next season, Oklahoma coach John A. Harts had left to prospect for gold in the Arctic. Organized football was first played in the territory on November 29, 1894, between the Oklahoma City Terrors and Oklahoma City High School. The high school won 24 to 0. Pacific Coast. The University of Southern California first fielded an American football team in 1888. Playing its first game on November 14 of that year against the Alliance Athletic Club, in which USC gained a 16–0 victory. Frank Suffel and Henry H. Goddard were playing coaches for the first team which was put together by quarterback Arthur Carroll; who in turn volunteered to make the pants for the team and later became a tailor. USC faced its first collegiate opponent the following year in fall 1889, playing St. Vincent's College to a 40–0 victory. In 1893, USC joined the Intercollegiate Football Association of Southern California (the forerunner of the SCIAC), which was composed of USC, Occidental College, Throop Polytechnic Institute (Caltech), and Chaffey College. Pomona College was invited to enter, but declined to do so. An invitation was also extended to Los Angeles High School. In 1891, the first Stanford football team was hastily organized and played a four-game season beginning in January 1892 with no official head coach. Following the season, Stanford captain John Whittemore wrote to Yale coach Walter Camp asking him to recommend a coach for Stanford. To Whittemore's surprise, Camp agreed to coach the team himself, on the condition that he finish the season at Yale first. As a result of Camp's late arrival, Stanford played just three official games, against San Francisco's Olympic Club and rival California. The team also played exhibition games against two Los Angeles area teams that Stanford does not include in official results. Camp returned to the East Coast following the season, then returned to coach Stanford in 1894 and 1895. On December 25, 1894, Amos Alonzo Stagg's Chicago Maroons agreed to play Camp's Stanford football team in San Francisco in the first postseason intersectional contest, foreshadowing the modern bowl game. Future president Herbert Hoover was Stanford's student financial manager. Chicago won 24 to 4. Stanford won a rematch in Los Angeles on December 29 by 12 to 0. The Big Game between Stanford and California is the oldest college football rivalry in the West. The first game was played on San Francisco's Haight Street Grounds on March 19, 1892, with Stanford winning 14–10. The term "Big Game" was first used in 1900, when it was played on Thanksgiving Day in San Francisco. During that game, a large group of men and boys, who were observing from the roof of the nearby S.F. and Pacific Glass Works, fell into the fiery interior of the building when the roof collapsed, resulting in 13 dead and 78 injured. On December 4, 1900, the last victim of the disaster (Fred Lilly) died, bringing the death toll to 22; and, to this day, the "Thanksgiving Day Disaster" remains the deadliest accident to kill spectators at a U.S. sporting event. The University of Oregon began playing American football in 1894 and played its first game on March 24, 1894, defeating Albany College 44–3 under head coach Cal Young. Cal Young left after that first game and J.A. Church took over the coaching position in the fall for the rest of the season. Oregon finished the season with two additional losses and a tie, but went undefeated the following season, winning all four of its games under head coach Percy Benson. In 1899, the Oregon football team left the state for the first time, playing the California Golden Bears in Berkeley, California. American football at Oregon State University started in 1893 shortly after athletics were initially authorized at the college. Athletics were banned at the school in May 1892, but when the strict school president, Benjamin Arnold, died, President John Bloss reversed the ban. Bloss's son William started the first team, on which he served as both coach and quarterback. The team's first game was an easy 63–0 defeat over the home team, Albany College. In May 1900, Yost was hired as the football coach at Stanford University, and, after traveling home to West Virginia, he arrived in Palo Alto, California, on August 21, 1900. Yost led the 1900 Stanford team to a 7–2–1, outscoring opponents 154 to 20. The next year in 1901, Yost was hired by Charles A. Baird as the head football coach for the Michigan Wolverines football team. On January 1, 1902, Yost's dominating 1901 Michigan Wolverines football team agreed to play a 3–1–2 team from Stanford University in the inaugural "Tournament East-West football game" what is now known as the "Rose Bowl Game" by a score of 49–0 after Stanford captain Ralph Fisher requested to quit with eight minutes remaining. The 1905 season marked the first meeting between Stanford and USC. Consequently, Stanford is USC's oldest existing rival. The Big Game between Stanford and Cal on November 11, 1905, was the first played at Stanford Field, with Stanford winning 12–5. In 1906, citing concerns about the violence in American Football, universities on the West Coast, led by California and Stanford, replaced the sport with rugby union. At the time, the future of American football was very much in doubt and these schools believed that rugby union would eventually be adopted nationwide. Other schools followed suit and also made the switch included Nevada, St. Mary's, Santa Clara, and USC (in 1911). However, due to the perception that West Coast football was inferior to the game played on the East Coast anyway, East Coast and Midwest teams shrugged off the loss of the teams and continued playing American football. With no nationwide movement, the available pool of rugby teams to play remained small. The schools scheduled games against local club teams and reached out to rugby union powers in Australia, New Zealand, and especially, due to its proximity, Canada. The annual Big Game between Stanford and California continued as rugby, with the winner invited by the British Columbia Rugby Union to a tournament in Vancouver over the Christmas holidays, with the winner of that tournament receiving the Cooper Keith Trophy. During 12 seasons of playing rugby union, Stanford was remarkably successful: the team had three undefeated seasons, three one-loss seasons, and an overall record of 94 wins, 20 losses, and 3 ties for a winning percentage of .816. However, after a few years, the school began to feel the isolation of its newly adopted sport, which was not spreading as many had hoped. Students and alumni began to clamor for a return to American football to allow wider intercollegiate competition. The pressure at rival California was stronger (especially as the school had not been as successful in the Big Game as they had hoped), and in 1915 California returned to American football. As reasons for the change, the school cited rule change back to American football, the overwhelming desire of students and supporters to play American football, interest in playing other East Coast and Midwest schools, and a patriotic desire to play an "American" game. California's return to American football increased the pressure on Stanford to also change back in order to maintain the rivalry. Stanford played its 1915, 1916, and 1917 "Big Games" as rugby union against Santa Clara and California's football "Big Game" in those years was against Washington, but both schools desired to restore the old traditions. The onset of American involvement in World War I gave Stanford an out: In 1918, the Stanford campus was designated as the Students' Army Training Corps headquarters for all of California, Nevada, and Utah, and the commanding officer Sam M. Parker decreed that American football was the appropriate athletic activity to train soldiers and rugby union was dropped. Mountain West. The University of Colorado began playing American football in 1890. Colorado found much success in its early years, winning eight Colorado Football Association Championships (1894–97, 1901–08). The following was taken from the "Silver & Gold" newspaper of December 16, 1898. It was a recollection of the birth of Colorado football written by one of CU's original gridders, John C. Nixon, also the school's second captain. It appears here in its original form: In 1909, the Rocky Mountain Athletic Conference was founded, featuring four members: Colorado, Colorado College, Colorado School of Mines, and Colorado Agricultural College. The University of Denver and the University of Utah joined the RMAC in 1910. For its first thirty years, the RMAC was considered a major conference equivalent to today's Division I, before 7 larger members left and formed the Mountain States Conference (also called the Skyline Conference). Violence, formation of NCAA. College football increased in popularity through the remainder of the 19th and early 20th century. It also became increasingly violent. Between 1890 and 1905, 330 college athletes died as a direct result of injuries sustained on the football field. These deaths could be attributed to the mass formations and gang tackling that characterized the sport in its early years. The 1894 Harvard–Yale game, known as the "Hampden Park Blood Bath", resulted in crippling injuries for four players; the contest was suspended until 1897. The annual Army–Navy game was suspended from 1894 to 1898 for similar reasons. One of the major problems was the popularity of mass-formations like the flying wedge, in which a large number of offensive players charged as a unit against a similarly arranged defense. The resultant collisions often led to serious injuries and sometimes even death. Georgia fullback Richard Von Albade Gammon notably died on the field from concussions received against Virginia in 1897, causing Georgia, Georgia Tech, and Mercer to suspend their football programs. The situation came to a head in 1905 when there were 19 fatalities nationwide. President Theodore Roosevelt reportedly threatened to shut down the game if drastic changes were not made. However, the threat by Roosevelt to eliminate football is disputed by sports historians. What is absolutely certain is that on October 9, 1905, Roosevelt held a meeting of football representatives from Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. Though he lectured on eliminating and reducing injuries, he never threatened to ban football. He also lacked the authority to abolish football and was, in fact, actually a fan of the sport and wanted to preserve it. The President's sons were also playing football at the college and secondary levels at the time. Meanwhile, John H. Outland held an experimental game in Wichita, Kansas that reduced the number of scrimmage plays to earn a first down from four to three in an attempt to reduce injuries. The "Los Angeles Times" reported an increase in punts and considered the game much safer than regular play but that the new rule was not "conducive to the sport". In 1906, President Roosevelt organized a meeting among thirteen school leaders at the White House to find solutions to make the sport safer for the athletes. Because the college officials could not agree upon a change in rules, it was decided over the course of several subsequent meetings that an external governing body should be responsible. Finally, on December 28, 1905, 62 schools met in New York City to discuss rule changes to make the game safer. As a result of this meeting, the Intercollegiate Athletic Association of the United States was formed in 1906. The IAAUS was the original rule making body of college football, but would go on to sponsor championships in other sports. The IAAUS would get its current name of National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) in 1910, and still sets rules governing the sport. The rules committee considered widening the playing field to "open up" the game, but Harvard Stadium (the first large permanent football stadium) had recently been built at great expense; it would be rendered useless by a wider field. The rules committee legalized the forward pass instead. Though it was underutilized for years, this proved to be one of the most important rule changes in the establishment of the modern game. Another rule change banned "mass momentum" plays (many of which, like the infamous "flying wedge", were sometimes literally deadly). Modernization and innovation (1906–1930). As a result of the 1905–1906 reforms, mass formation plays became illegal and forward passes legal. Bradbury Robinson, playing for visionary coach Eddie Cochems at Saint Louis University, threw the first legal pass in a September 5, 1906, game against Carroll College at Waukesha. Other important changes, formally adopted in 1910, were the requirements that at least seven offensive players be on the line of scrimmage at the time of the snap, that there be no pushing or pulling, and that interlocking interference (arms linked or hands on belts and uniforms) was not allowed. These changes greatly reduced the potential for collision injuries. Several coaches emerged who took advantage of these sweeping changes. Amos Alonzo Stagg introduced such innovations as the huddle, the tackling dummy, and the pre-snap shift. Other coaches, such as Pop Warner and Knute Rockne, introduced new strategies that still remain part of the game. Besides these coaching innovations, several rules changes during the first third of the 20th century had a profound impact on the game, mostly in opening up the passing game. In 1914, the first roughing-the-passer penalty was implemented. In 1918, the rules on eligible receivers were loosened to allow eligible players to catch the ball anywhere on the field—previously strict rules were in place allowing passes to only certain areas of the field. Scoring rules also changed during this time: field goals were lowered to three points in 1909 and touchdowns raised to six points in 1912. Star players that emerged in the early 20th century include Jim Thorpe, Red Grange, and Bronko Nagurski; these three made the transition to the fledgling NFL and helped turn it into a successful league. Sportswriter Grantland Rice helped popularize the sport with his poetic descriptions of games and colorful nicknames for the game's biggest players, including Notre Dame's "Four Horsemen" backfield and Fordham University's linemen, known as the "Seven Blocks of Granite". In 1907 at Champaign, Illinois Chicago and Illinois played in the first game to have a halftime show featuring a marching band. Chicago won 42–6. On November 25, 1911 Kansas and Missouri played the first homecoming football game. The game was "broadcast" play-by-play over telegraph to at least 1,000 fans in Lawrence, Kansas. It ended in a 3–3 tie. The game between West Virginia and Pittsburgh on October 8, 1921, saw the first live radio broadcast of a college football game when Harold W. Arlin announced that year's Backyard Brawl played at Forbes Field on KDKA. Pitt won 21–13. On October 28, 1922, Princeton and Chicago played the first game to be nationally broadcast on radio. Princeton won 21–18 in a hotly contested game which had Princeton dubbed the "Team of Destiny." Rise of the South. One publication claims "The first scouting done in the South was in 1905, when Dan McGugin and Captain Innis Brown, of Vanderbilt went to Atlanta to see Sewanee play Georgia Tech." Fuzzy Woodruff claims Davidson was the first in the south to throw a legal forward pass in 1906. The following season saw Vanderbilt execute a double pass play to set up the touchdown that beat Sewanee in a meeting of the unbeaten for the SIAA championship. Grantland Rice cited this event as the greatest thrill he ever witnessed in his years of watching sports. Vanderbilt coach Dan McGugin in "Spalding's Football Guide"'s summation of the season in the SIAA wrote "The standing. First, Vanderbilt; second, Sewanee, a might good second;" and that Aubrey Lanier "came near winning the Vanderbilt game by his brilliant dashes after receiving punts." Bob Blake threw the final pass to center Stein Stone, catching it near the goal amongst defenders. Honus Craig then ran in the winning touchdown. Heisman shift. Utilizing the "jump shift" offense, John Heisman's Georgia Tech Golden Tornado won 222 to 0 over Cumberland on October 7, 1916, at Grant Field in the most lopsided victory in college football history. Tech went on a 33-game winning streak during this period. The 1917 team was the first national champion from the South, led by a powerful backfield. It also had the first two players from the Deep South selected first-team All-American in Walker Carpenter and Everett Strupper. Pop Warner's Pittsburgh Panthers were also undefeated, but declined a challenge by Heisman to a game. When Heisman left Tech after 1919, his shift was still employed by protégé William Alexander. Notable intersectional games. In 1906, Vanderbilt defeated Carlisle 4 to 0, the result of a Bob Blake field goal. In 1907 Vanderbilt fought Navy to a 6 to 6 tie. In 1910 Vanderbilt held defending national champion Yale to a scoreless tie. Helping Georgia Tech's claim to a title in 1917, the Auburn Tigers held undefeated, Chic Harley-led Big Ten champion Ohio State to a scoreless tie the week before Georgia Tech beat the Tigers 68 to 7. The next season, with many players gone due to World War I, a game was finally scheduled at Forbes Field with Pittsburgh. The Panthers, led by freshman Tom Davies, defeated Georgia Tech 32 to 0. Tech center Bum Day was the first player on a Southern team ever selected first-team All-American by Walter Camp. 1917 saw the rise of another Southern team in Centre of Danville, Kentucky. In 1921 Bo McMillin-led Centre upset defending national champion Harvard 6 to 0 in what is widely considered one of the greatest upsets in college football history. The next year Vanderbilt fought Michigan to a scoreless tie at the inaugural game at Dudley Field (now Vanderbilt Stadium), the first stadium in the South made exclusively for college football. Michigan coach Fielding Yost and Vanderbilt coach Dan McGugin were brothers-in-law, and the latter the protégé of the former. The game featured the season's two best defenses and included a goal line stand by Vanderbilt to preserve the tie. Its result was "a great surprise to the sporting world." Commodore fans celebrated by throwing some 3,000 seat cushions onto the field. The game features prominently in Vanderbilt's history. That same year, Alabama upset Penn 9 to 7. Vanderbilt's line coach then was Wallace Wade, who coached Alabama to the South's first Rose Bowl victory in 1925. This game is commonly referred to as "the game that changed the south." Wade followed up the next season with an undefeated record and Rose Bowl tie. Georgia's 1927 "dream and wonder team" defeated Yale for the first time. Georgia Tech, led by Heisman protégé William Alexander, gave the dream and wonder team its only loss, and the next year were national and Rose Bowl champions. The Rose Bowl included Roy Riegels' wrong-way run. On October 12, 1929, Yale lost to Georgia in Sanford Stadium in its first trip to the south. Wade's Alabama again won a national championship and Rose Bowl in 1930. Coaches of the era. Glenn "Pop" Warner. Glenn "Pop" Warner coached at several schools throughout his career, including the University of Georgia, Cornell University, University of Pittsburgh, Stanford University, Iowa State University, and Temple University. One of his most famous stints was at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, where he coached Jim Thorpe, who went on to become the first president of the National Football League, an Olympic Gold Medalist, and is widely considered one of the best overall athletes in history. Warner wrote one of the first important books of football strategy, "Football for Coaches and Players", published in 1927. Though the shift was invented by Stagg, Warner's single wing and double wing formations greatly improved upon it; for almost 40 years, these were among the most important formations in football. As part of his single and double wing formations, Warner was one of the first coaches to effectively utilize the forward pass. Among his other innovations are modern blocking schemes, the three-point stance, and the reverse play. The youth football league, Pop Warner Little Scholars, was named in his honor. Knute Rockne. Knute Rockne rose to prominence in 1913 as an end for the University of Notre Dame, then a largely unknown Midwestern Catholic school. When Army scheduled Notre Dame as a warm-up game, they thought little of the small school. Rockne and quarterback Gus Dorais made innovative use of the forward pass, still at that point a relatively unused weapon, to defeat Army 35–13 and helped establish the school as a national power. Rockne returned to coach the team in 1918, and devised the powerful Notre Dame Box offense, based on Warner's single wing. He is credited with being the first major coach to emphasize offense over defense. Rockne is also credited with popularizing and perfecting the forward pass, a seldom used play at the time. The 1924 team featured the Four Horsemen backfield. In 1927, his complex shifts led directly to a rule change whereby all offensive players had to stop for a full second before the ball could be snapped. Rather than simply a regional team, Rockne's "Fighting Irish" became famous for barnstorming and played any team at any location. It was during Rockne's tenure that the annual Notre Dame-University of Southern California rivalry began. He led his team to an impressive 105–12–5 record before his premature death in a plane crash in 1931. He was so famous at that point that his funeral was broadcast nationally on radio. From a regional to a national sport (1930–1958). In the early 1930s, the college game continued to grow, particularly in the South, bolstered by fierce rivalries such as the "South's Oldest Rivalry", between Virginia and North Carolina and the "Deep South's Oldest Rivalry", between Georgia and Auburn. Although before the mid-1920s most national powers came from the Northeast or the Midwest, the trend changed when several teams from the South and the West Coast achieved national success. Wallace William Wade's 1925 Alabama team won the 1926 Rose Bowl after receiving its first national title and William Alexander's 1928 Georgia Tech team defeated California in the 1929 Rose Bowl. College football quickly became the most popular spectator sport in the South. Several major modern college football conferences rose to prominence during this time period. The Southwest Athletic Conference had been founded in 1915. Consisting mostly of schools from Texas, the conference saw back-to-back national champions with Texas Christian University (TCU) in 1938 and Texas A&M in 1939. The Pacific Coast Conference (PCC), a precursor to the Pac-12 Conference (Pac-12), had its own back-to-back champion in the University of Southern California which was awarded the title in 1931 and 1932. The Southeastern Conference (SEC) formed in 1932 and consisted mostly of schools in the Deep South. As in previous decades, the Big Ten continued to dominate in the 1930s and 1940s, with Minnesota winning 5 titles between 1934 and 1941, and Michigan (1933, 1947, and 1948) and Ohio State (1942) also winning titles. As it grew beyond its regional affiliations in the 1930s, college football garnered increased national attention. Four new bowl games were created: the Orange Bowl, Sugar Bowl, the Sun Bowl in 1935, and the Cotton Bowl in 1937. In lieu of an actual national championship, these bowl games, along with the earlier Rose Bowl, provided a way to match up teams from distant regions of the country that did not otherwise play. In 1936, the Associated Press began its weekly poll of prominent sports writers, ranking all of the nation's college football teams. Since there was no national championship game, the final version of the AP poll was used to determine who was crowned the National Champion of college football. The 1930s saw growth in the passing game. Though some coaches, such as General Robert Neyland at Tennessee, continued to eschew its use, several rules changes to the game had a profound effect on teams' ability to throw the ball. In 1934, the rules committee removed two major penalties—a loss of five yards for a second incomplete pass in any series of downs and a loss of possession for an incomplete pass in the end zone—and shrunk the circumference of the ball, making it easier to grip and throw. Players who became famous for taking advantage of the easier passing game included Alabama end Don Hutson and TCU passer "Slingin" Sammy Baugh. In 1935, New York City's Downtown Athletic Club awarded the first Heisman Trophy to University of Chicago halfback Jay Berwanger, who was also the first ever NFL Draft pick in 1936. The trophy was designed by sculptor Frank Eliscu and modeled after New York University player Ed Smith. The trophy recognizes the nation's "most outstanding" college football player and has become one of the most coveted awards in all of American sports. During World War II, college football players enlisted in the armed forces, some playing in Europe during the war. As most of these players had eligibility left on their college careers, some of them returned to college at West Point, bringing Army back-to-back national titles in 1944 and 1945 under coach Red Blaik. Doc Blanchard (known as "Mr. Inside") and Glenn Davis (known as "Mr. Outside") both won the Heisman Trophy, in 1945 and 1946. On the coaching staff of those 1944–1946 Army teams was future Pro Football Hall of Fame coach Vince Lombardi. The 1950s saw the rise of yet more dynasties and power programs. Oklahoma, under coach Bud Wilkinson, won three national titles (1950, 1955, 1956) and all ten Big Eight Conference championships in the decade while building a record 47-game winning streak. Woody Hayes led Ohio State to two national titles, in 1954 and 1957, and won three Big Ten titles. The Michigan State Spartans were known as the "football factory" during the 1950s, where coaches Clarence Munn and Duffy Daugherty led the Spartans to two national titles and two Big Ten titles after joining the Big Ten athletically in 1953. Wilkinson and Hayes, along with Robert Neyland of Tennessee, oversaw a revival of the running game in the 1950s. Passing numbers dropped from an average of 18.9 attempts in 1951 to 13.6 attempts in 1955, while teams averaged just shy of 50 running plays per game. Nine out of ten Heisman Trophy winners in the 1950s were runners. Notre Dame, one of the biggest passing teams of the decade, saw a substantial decline in success; the 1950s were the only decade between 1920 and 1990 when the team did not win at least a share of the national title. Paul Hornung, Notre Dame quarterback, did, however, win the Heisman in 1956, becoming the only player from a losing team ever to do so. Modern college football (since 1958). Following the enormous success of the 1958 NFL Championship Game, college football no longer enjoyed the same popularity as the NFL, at least on a national level. While both games benefited from the advent of television, since the late 1950s, the NFL has become a nationally popular sport while college football has maintained strong regional ties. As professional football became a national television phenomenon, college football did as well. In the 1950s, Notre Dame, which had a large national following, formed its own network to broadcast its games, but by and large the sport still retained a mostly regional following. In 1952, the NCAA claimed all television broadcasting rights for the games of its member institutions, and it alone negotiated television rights. This situation continued until 1984, when several schools brought a suit under the Sherman Antitrust Act; the Supreme Court ruled against the NCAA and schools are now free to negotiate their own television deals. ABC Sports began broadcasting a national Game of the Week in 1966, bringing key matchups and rivalries to a national audience for the first time. New formations and play sets continued to be developed. Emory Bellard, an assistant coach under Darrell Royal at the University of Texas, developed a three-back option style offense known as the wishbone. The wishbone is a run-heavy offense that depends on the quarterback making last second decisions on when and to whom to hand or pitch the ball to. Royal went on to teach the offense to other coaches, including Bear Bryant at Alabama, Chuck Fairbanks at Oklahoma and Pepper Rodgers at UCLA; who all adapted and developed it to their own tastes. The strategic opposite of the wishbone is the spread offense, developed by professional and college coaches throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Though some schools play a run-based version of the spread, its most common use is as a passing offense designed to "spread" the field both horizontally and vertically. Some teams have managed to adapt with the times to keep winning consistently. In the rankings of the most victorious programs, Michigan, Ohio State, and Notre Dame are ranked first, second, and third in total wins. Growth of bowl games. In 1940, for the highest level of college football, there were only five bowl games (Rose, Orange, Sugar, Sun, and Cotton). By 1950, three more had joined that number and in 1970, there were still only eight major college bowl games. The number grew to eleven in 1976. At the birth of cable television and cable sports networks like ESPN, there were fifteen bowls in 1980. With more national venues and increased available revenue, the bowls saw an explosive growth throughout the 1980s and 1990s. In the thirty years from 1950 to 1980, seven bowl games were added to the schedule. From 1980 to 2008, an additional 20 bowl games were added to the schedule. Some have criticized this growth, claiming that the increased number of games has diluted the significance of playing in a bowl game. Yet others have countered that the increased number of games has increased exposure and revenue for a greater number of schools, and see it as a positive development. With the growth of bowl games, it became difficult to determine a national champion in a fair and equitable manner. As conferences became contractually bound to certain bowl games (a situation known as a tie-in), match-ups that guaranteed a consensus national champion became increasingly rare. In 1992, seven conferences and independent Notre Dame formed the Bowl Coalition, which attempted to arrange an annual No.1 versus No.2 matchup based on the final AP poll standings. The Coalition lasted for three years; however, several scheduling issues prevented much success; tie-ins still took precedence in several cases. For example, the Big Eight and SEC champions could never meet, since they were contractually bound to different bowl games. The coalition also excluded the Rose Bowl, arguably the most prestigious game in the nation, and two major conferences—the Pac-10 and Big Ten—meaning that it had limited success. In 1995, the Coalition was replaced by the Bowl Alliance, which reduced the number of bowl games to host a national championship game to three—the Fiesta, Sugar, and Orange Bowls—and the participating conferences to five—the ACC, SEC, Southwest, Big Eight, and Big East. It was agreed that the No.1 and No.2 ranked teams gave up their prior bowl tie-ins and were guaranteed to meet in the national championship game, which rotated between the three participating bowls. The system still did not include the Big Ten, Pac-10, or the Rose Bowl, and thus still lacked the legitimacy of a true national championship. However, one positive side effect is that if there were three teams at the end of the season vying for a national title, but one of them was a Pac-10/Big Ten team bound to the Rose Bowl, then there would be no difficulty in deciding which teams to place in the Bowl Alliance "national championship" bowl; if the Pac-10 / Big Ten team won the Rose Bowl and finished with the same record as whichever team won the other bowl game, they could have a share of the national title. This happened in the final year of the Bowl Alliance, with Michigan winning the 1998 Rose Bowl and Nebraska winning the 1998 Orange Bowl. Without the Pac-10/Big Ten team bound to a bowl game, it would be difficult to decide which two teams should play for the national title. Bowl Championship Series. In 1998, a new system was put into place called the Bowl Championship Series. For the first time, it included all major conferences (ACC, Big East, Big 12, Big Ten, Pac-10, and SEC) and four major bowl games (Rose, Orange, Sugar and Fiesta). The champions of these six conferences, along with two "at-large" selections, were invited to play in the four bowl games. Each year, one of the four bowl games served as a national championship game. Also, a complex system of human polls, computer rankings, and strength of schedule calculations was instituted to rank schools. Based on this ranking system, the No.1 and No.2 teams met each year in the national championship game. Traditional tie-ins were maintained for schools and bowls not part of the national championship. For example, in years when not a part of the national championship, the Rose Bowl still hosted the Big Ten and Pac-10 champions. The system continued to change, as the formula for ranking teams was tweaked from year to year. At-large teams could be chosen from any of the Division I-A conferences, though only one selection—Utah in 2005—came from a BCS non-AQ conference. Starting with the 2006 season, a fifth game—simply called the BCS National Championship Game—was added to the schedule, to be played at the site of one of the four BCS bowl games on a rotating basis, one week after the regular bowl game. This opened up the BCS to two additional at-large teams. Also, rules were changed to add the champions of five additional conferences (Conference USA [C-USA], the Mid-American Conference [MAC], the Mountain West Conference [MW], the Sun Belt Conference and the Western Athletic Conference [WAC]), provided that said champion ranked in the top twelve in the final BCS rankings, or was within the top 16 of the BCS rankings and ranked higher than the champion of at least one of the BCS Automatic Qualifying (AQ) conferences. Several times since this rule change was implemented, schools from non-AQ conferences have played in BCS bowl games. In 2009, Boise State played TCU in the Fiesta Bowl, the first time two schools from non-AQ conferences played each other in a BCS bowl game. The last team from the non-AQ ranks to reach a BCS bowl game in the BCS era was Northern Illinois in 2012, which played in (and lost) the 2013 Orange Bowl. College Football Playoff. The longtime resistance to a playoff system at the FBS level finally ended with the creation of the College Football Playoff (CFP) beginning with the 2014 season. The CFP is a Plus-One system, a concept that became popular as a BCS alternative following controversies in 2003 and 2004. The CFP is a four-team tournament whose participants are chosen and seeded by a 13-member selection committee. The semifinals are hosted by two of a group of traditional bowl games known as the New Year's Six, with semifinal hosting rotating annually among three pairs of games in the following order: Rose/Sugar, Orange/Cotton, and Fiesta/Peach. The two semifinal winners then advance to the College Football Playoff National Championship, whose host is determined by open bidding several years in advance. The establishment of the CFP followed a tumultuous period of conference realignment in Division I. The WAC, after seeing all but two of its football members leave, dropped football after the 2012 season. The Big East split into two leagues in 2013; the schools that did not play FBS football reorganized as a new non-football Big East Conference, while the FBS member schools that remained in the original structure joined with several new members and became the American Athletic Conference. The American retained the Big East's automatic BCS bowl bid for the 2013 season, but lost this status in the CFP era. The Alabama Crimson Tide have been dominant in the past couple of years. They have qualified for the college football playoffs in all but one year. The 10 FBS conferences are formally and popularly divided into two groups: Official rules and notable rule distinctions. Although rules for the high school, college, and NFL games are generally consistent, there are several minor differences. The NCAA Football Rules Committee determines the playing rules for Division I (both Bowl and Championship Subdivisions), II, and III games (the National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA) is a separate organization, but uses the NCAA rules). Organization. College teams mostly play other similarly sized schools through the NCAA's divisional system. Division I generally consists of the major collegiate athletic powers with larger budgets, more elaborate facilities, and (with the exception of a few conferences such as the Pioneer Football League) more athletic scholarships. Division II primarily consists of smaller public and private institutions that offer fewer scholarships than those in Division I. Division III institutions also field teams, but do not offer any scholarships. Football teams in Division I are further divided into the Bowl Subdivision (consisting of the largest programs) and the Championship Subdivision. The Bowl Subdivision has historically not used an organized tournament to determine its champion, and instead teams compete in post-season bowl games. That changed with the debut of the four-team College Football Playoff at the end of the 2014 season. Teams in each of these four divisions are further divided into various regional conferences. Several organizations operate college football programs outside the jurisdiction of the NCAA: A college that fields a team in the NCAA is not restricted from fielding teams in club or sprint football, and several colleges field two teams, a varsity (NCAA) squad and a club or sprint squad (no schools, , field both club "and" sprint teams at the same time). Playoff games. Started in the 2014 season, four Division I FBS teams are selected at the end of regular season to compete in a playoff for the FBS national championship. The inaugural champion was Ohio State University. The College Football Playoff replaced the Bowl Championship Series, which had been used as the selection method to determine the national championship game participants since in the 1998 season. The Alabama Crimson Tide won the most recent playoff 52-24 over Ohio State in the 2021 College Football Playoff.. At the Division I FCS level, the teams participate in a 24-team playoff (most recently expanded from 20 teams in 2013) to determine the national championship. Under the current playoff structure, the top eight teams are all seeded, and receive a bye week in the first round. The highest seed receives automatic home field advantage. Starting in 2013, non-seeded teams can only host a playoff game if both teams involved are unseeded; in such a matchup, the schools must bid for the right to host the game. Selection for the playoffs is determined by a selection committee, although usually a team must have an 8–4 record to even be considered. Losses to an FBS team count against their playoff eligibility, while wins against a Division II opponent do not count towards playoff consideration. Thus, only Division I wins (whether FBS, FCS, or FCS non-scholarship) are considered for playoff selection. The Division I National Championship game is held in Frisco, Texas. Division II and Division III of the NCAA also participate in their own respective playoffs, crowning national champions at the end of the season. The National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics also holds a playoff. Bowl games. Unlike other college football divisions and most other sports—collegiate or professional—the Football Bowl Subdivision, formerly known as Division I-A college football, has historically not employed a playoff system to determine a champion. Instead, it has a series of postseason "bowl games". The annual National Champion in the Football Bowl Subdivision is then instead traditionally determined by a vote of sports writers and other non-players. This system has been challenged often, beginning with an NCAA committee proposal in 1979 to have a four-team playoff following the bowl games. However, little headway was made in instituting a playoff tournament until 2014, given the entrenched vested economic interests in the various bowls. Although the NCAA publishes lists of claimed FBS-level national champions in its official publications, it has never recognized an official FBS national championship; this policy continues even after the establishment of the College Football Playoff (which is not directly run by the NCAA) in 2014. As a result, the official Division I National Champion is the winner of the Football Championship Subdivision, as it is the highest level of football with an NCAA-administered championship tournament. (This also means that FBS student-athletes are the only NCAA athletes who are ineligible for the Elite 90 Award, an academic award presented to the upper class player with the highest grade-point average among the teams that advance to the championship final site.) The first bowl game was the 1902 Rose Bowl, played between Michigan and Stanford; Michigan won 49–0. It ended when Stanford requested and Michigan agreed to end it with 8 minutes on the clock. That game was so lopsided that the game was not played annually until 1916, when the Tournament of Roses decided to reattempt the postseason game. The term "bowl" originates from the shape of the Rose Bowl stadium in Pasadena, California, which was built in 1923 and resembled the Yale Bowl, built in 1915. This is where the name came into use, as it became known as the Rose Bowl Game. Other games came along and used the term "bowl", whether the stadium was shaped like a bowl or not. At the Division I FBS level, teams must earn the right to be bowl eligible by winning at least 6 games during the season (teams that play 13 games in a season, which is allowed for Hawaii and any of its home opponents, must win 7 games). They are then invited to a bowl game based on their conference ranking and the tie-ins that the conference has to each bowl game. For the 2009 season, there were 34 bowl games, so 68 of the 120 Division I FBS teams were invited to play at a bowl. These games are played from mid-December to early January and most of the later bowl games are typically considered more prestigious. After the Bowl Championship Series, additional all-star bowl games round out the post-season schedule through the beginning of February. Division I FBS National Championship Games. Partly as a compromise between both bowl game and playoff supporters, the NCAA created the Bowl Championship Series (BCS) in 1998 in order to create a definitive national championship game for college football. The series included the four most prominent bowl games (Rose Bowl, Orange Bowl, Sugar Bowl, Fiesta Bowl), while the national championship game rotated each year between one of these venues. The BCS system was slightly adjusted in 2006, as the NCAA added a fifth game to the series, called the National Championship Game. This allowed the four other BCS bowls to use their normal selection process to select the teams in their games while the top two teams in the BCS rankings would play in the new National Championship Game. The BCS selection committee used a complicated, and often controversial, computer system to rank all Division I-FBS teams and the top two teams at the end of the season played for the national championship. This computer system, which factored in newspaper polls, online polls, coaches' polls, strength of schedule, and various other factors of a team's season, led to much dispute over whether the two best teams in the country were being selected to play in the National Championship Game. The BCS ended after the 2013 season and, since the 2014 season, the FBS national champion has been determined by a four-team tournament known as the College Football Playoff (CFP). A selection committee of college football experts decides the participating teams. Six major bowl games (the Rose, Sugar, Cotton, Orange, Peach, and Fiesta) rotate on a three-year cycle as semifinal games, with the winners advancing to the College Football Playoff National Championship. This arrangement is contractually locked in until the 2026 season. Controversy. College football is a controversial institution within American higher education, where the amount of money involved—what people will pay for the entertainment provided—is a corrupting factor within universities that they are usually ill-equipped to deal with. According to William E. Kirwan, chancellor of the University of Maryland System and co-director of the Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics, "We've reached a point where big-time intercollegiate athletics is undermining the integrity of our institutions, diverting presidents and institutions from their main purpose." Football coaches often make more than the presidents of the universities which employ them. Athletes are alleged to receive preferential treatment both in academics and when they run afoul of the law. Although in theory football is an extra-curricular activity engaged in as a sideline by students, it is widely believed to turn a substantial profit, from which the athletes receive no direct benefit. There has been serious discussion about making student-athletes university employees to allow them to be paid. In reality, the majority of major collegiate football programs operated at a financial loss in 2014. There has been discussions on changing the rule, but there has been no official change. Players can apply for waivers to profit off any non-athletic activity that they participate in such as a book written by them or a clothing line. College football outside the United States. Canadian football, which parallels American football, is played by university teams in Canada under the auspices of U Sports. (Unlike in the United States, no junior colleges play football in Canada, and the sanctioning body for junior college athletics in Canada, CCAA, does not sanction the sport.) However, amateur football outside of colleges is played in Canada, such as in the Canadian Junior Football League. Organized competition in American football also exists at the collegiate level in Mexico (ONEFA), the UK (British Universities American Football League), Japan (Japan American Football Association, Koshien Bowl), and South Korea (Korea American Football Association). Injuries. According to 2017 study on brains of deceased gridiron football players, 99% of tested brains of NFL players, 88% of CFL players, 64% of semi-professional players, 91% of college football players, and 21% of high school football players had various stages of CTE. Other common injuries include, injuries of legs, arms, and lower back.

possible group

6618-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3495410

Hive is a bug-themed tabletop abstract strategy game, designed by John Yianni and published in 2001 by Gen42 Games. The object of Hive is to capture the opponent's queen bee by allowing it to become completely surrounded by other pieces (belonging to either player), while avoiding the capture of one's own queen. Hive shares elements of both tile-based games and board games. It differs from other tile-based games in that the tiles, once placed, can then be moved to other positions according to various rules, much like chess pieces. Composition. The game uses hexagonal tiles to represent the various contents of the hive. The original two editions used wooden tiles with full-color illustrations on blue and silver stickers to represent the units, but the current third edition has been published using black and almond phenolic resin ("Bakelite") tiles with single-color painted etchings. There are 22 pieces in total making up a "Hive" set, with 11 pieces per player, each representing a creature and a different means of moving (the colors listed are for the third edition of the game; the first and second used full-color drawings): In addition, one or more of the expansion pieces may be optionally added to the game: In addition, the game is packaged with a travel bag (a black drawstring bag for older editions; a nylon zippered case for the current version) to make the game more portable. Given the durability of the tiles and the lack of a board, the game is marketed as a "go-anywhere" game that simply needs a relatively flat surface on which to place pieces. In 2011, the publisher released a "Carbon" edition of "Hive", with a monochrome design of black creatures on white pieces and white creatures on black pieces. Tiles for the Mosquito and Ladybug expansions are included in this set. In 2012, the publisher released a lower-priced "Pocket" edition of "Hive". The pieces are smaller versions of the colored Bakelite tiles, and include the Mosquito and Ladybug expansions. The game is sold with an orange drawstring bag for storage. Gameplay. Setup and placement. The game starts with an empty layout, with all of both players' pieces in stacks or otherwise arranged as each player prefers. It confers little or no advantage to conceal the faces of unplaced pieces; both players have "perfect information" about the state of the game, and thus by process of elimination any piece not on the board is yet to be played. The official rules do not specify that a specific player color begins; either white (similar to Chess) or black (similar to Go) may play first and players may alternate first turn between games without swapping pieces. On each turn, a player may place a new piece from their supply, or, if their Queen Bee has been placed, move a piece according to its function. A new piece, when placed, must be adjacent to only the player's pieces; it cannot touch any of the opposing player's pieces. The only exception to this rule is the first piece played by each player; the first played piece by definition cannot be adjacent to anything, and the other player's first piece must be adjacent to the first player's piece (see the "one hive rule" in the Movement section below). Once placed, a piece may be moved to a new space regardless of what pieces it will touch, except that it must be adjacent to at least one other piece. After the Queen Bee has been placed, a player is at liberty to place or move at will; as pieces are placed, the layout, known colloquially as the "hive", gets larger, and pieces become surrounded by others. The strategy in placing tiles is thus usually to wait to place stronger tiles until they have a strong chance of not being immediately trapped. The Queen Bee must be placed in one of the first four turns, and if a player's Queen Bee has not yet been placed, that player may not move any pieces. Therefore, it is generally preferable to place the Bee before being forced to do so on the fourth turn. Movement and pieces. Movement of pieces in "Hive" is governed by the hexagonal shape of the tiles. Tiles must be situated such that one face of a tile contacts the face of an adjacent tile, and a movement of one "space" equates to a shift to a different (imaginary) hex-shaped area that is adjacent to both the current space and to one other piece. The game has no actual board, however it can be thought of as being played on an infinite plane of tessellated hexagons. A major rule in "Hive" is the One-Hive Rule; a piece may never be moved such that during or after its movement, there are two separate groups of pieces in play. Even if as a result of the piece's move, the layout remains one group, if the hive becomes disconnected while the piece is in transit the move is illegal. This allows for the basic strategy of "trapping" an opposing piece or pieces by moving one's own piece to the outside of the opposing piece; the opposing piece then cannot legally move because the trapping piece would be stranded. With two exceptions, moves are made around the circumference of all pieces of the layout, and a piece may never move into or out of a hex that is almost completely or completely surrounded (known as the Freedom to Move Rule). The two exceptions to both are noted below. The movement of the pieces is as follows (number in parentheses indicates number of each piece type per player): In the official online version of the game, if a player can not make any legal move then their turn passes and the other player moves twice (or more) in a row. Endgame. The game ends when a Queen Bee is captured by surrounding it on all 6 sides by either player's pieces, and the player whose Queen Bee is surrounded loses the game. The game is a draw if a move results in the simultaneous surrounding of both Queen Bees, or in a situation where each player's best move for a turn leads to an endless cyclical repetition of a series of moves (this situation is known as stalemate). Openings. There are many possible opening strategies, but two main formations are recommended by the game's publisher. They are reproduced below in order of placement: Other openings include beginning with a Beetle or Grasshopper; depending on how the Hive's shape evolves, a Beetle or Grasshopper may be able to climb or jump out of its original position, when the Bee, Spider or Ant would likely be trapped for the entire game in a similar situation. As mentioned before, it is generally considered unwise to leave the placement of the Bee until the fourth turn; not only can placed pieces not move, but the player risks being forced to play an extended string of pieces that can be easily trapped. It is also unwise to play an Ant as the first piece; this piece is likely to be trapped and/or surrounded for the entire game, and thus the player is forced to play short one Ant, placing him/her at a severe disadvantage. Expansions. In 2007 a promotional expansion was released that consisted of a new Mosquito piece for each player. This game piece can be added to each player's supply before the game begins. The Mosquito acts as a sort of "wild card" piece; once played, the Mosquito takes on the characteristics of any other piece it touches at the time, so that its movement and abilities change during the course of the game. For instance, if a mosquito is located adjacent to a Grasshopper and an Ant, it can either jump over a line of pieces as the Grasshopper moves, or move around the circumference of the hive as an Ant. That move may place it adjacent to a Beetle, Spider and the Queen Bee; if it moves again it can do so as any of those three. The only exception to this rule is that if it is moved on top of the hive (as a Beetle moves), it retains the abilities of a Beetle until it moves down off of the hive again. In 2010, a Ladybug expansion was announced. It was presented at Essen 2010. The Ladybug moves three spaces; two on top of the Hive, then one down. It must move exactly two on top of the Hive and then move one down on its last move. It may not move around the outside of the Hive and may not end its movement on top of the Hive. This expansion was released in early 2011, first on electronic versions of the game for iPhone and on the Hive website, then as part of the Hive Carbon edition, and finally as an expansion set for the 3rd edition Bakelite set. In January 2013, the Pillbug was announced as a possible expansion piece, and has been added to the game. It was designed as a defensive piece, to counteract the other two offensive expansions and to give the second player a bit of an advantage. The Pillbug moves exactly like a Queen. In addition, the Pillbug has the special ability, in lieu of moving, to pick up and move another bug of either color. When doing so, the Pillbug picks up an adjacent piece and places it into a different, unoccupied space adjacent to itself. This special ability may, for example, be used to rescue a friendly Queen on the verge of being surrounded. The Pillbug may not move a bug which was just currently moved by one's opponent in the immediately preceding turn. All standard rules apply to the Pillbug. The Mosquito adapts to both the movement and special power of the Pillbug. Competition. Online Hive World Championship. John Yianni, designer of Hive, has recognized the annual tournament held at www.BoardSpace.net as the Online Hive World Championship. Here is a list of winners: 2007. Champion: Peter Danzeglocke, Germany, playing as woswoasi 2nd/3rd: Russ Williams, Poland, playing as goulo 2nd/3rd: Quinn Swanger, USA, playing as zugzwang 2008. Champion: Sean Chong, Malaysia, playing as ahchong 2nd: Christian Sperling, Germany, playing as Eucalyx 3rd/4th: Mike Schell, USA, playing as GRMikeS 3rd/4th: Dimitri BR, Brazil, playing as humdeabril 2009. Champion: Edwin de Backer, Netherlands, playing as EddyMarlo 2nd: Dimitri BR, Brazil, playing as humdeabril 3rd: Luiz Flávio Ribiero, Brazil, playing as Loizz 4th: from Germany, playing as Raccoons 2010. Champion: Edwin de Backer, Netherlands, playing as EddyMarlo (first repeat winner) 2nd: Luiz Flávio Ribiero, Brazil, playing as Loizz 3rd: Dario, Italy, playing as Seneca29 2011. Champion: Randy Ingersoll, USA, playing as ringersoll 2nd: Jason, USA, playing as DrRaven 3rd/4th: Edwin de Backer, Netherlands, playing as EddyMarlo 3rd/4th: Dimitris Kopsidas, Greece, playing as Fumanchu 2012. Champion: Dimitris Kopsidas, Greece, playing as Fumanchu 2nd: Christian Sperling, Germany, playing as Eucalyx 3rd: Randy Ingersoll, USA, playing as ringersoll 4th: Jon, USA, playing as BLueSS 2013. Champion: 蔡慶鴻 Tsai Ching Hung, Taiwan, playing as image13 2nd: Christian Sperling, Germany, playing as Eucalyx 3rd: Stepan Opalev, Russia, playing as stepanzo 4th: Tino Mihaljavic, Croatia, playing as kkurtonis 2014. Champion: Christian Sperling, Germany, playing as Eucalyx 2nd: Stepan Opalev, Russia, playing as stepanzo 3rd/4th: Christian Galeas Arce, Chile, playing as Quodlibet 3rd/4th: 蔡慶鴻 Tsai Ching Hung, Taiwan, playing as image13 2015. Champion: Christian Galeas Arce, Chile, playing as Quodlibet 2nd: Thom Fyfe, USA, playing as nevir 3rd/4th: Lizihao, China, playing as tanksc 3rd/4th: Henrik Bechstrøm, Norway, playing as Bechster 2016. Champion: Dimitrios Kampilakis, Greece, playing as tzimarou 2nd: Christian Galeas Arce, Chile, playing as Quodlibet 3rd: Christian Sperling, Germany, playing as Eucalyx 4th: Joe Schultz, USA, playing as Jewdoka 2017. Champion: Joe Schultz, USA, playing as Jewdoka 2nd: Christian Sperling, Germany, playing as Eucalyx 3rd/4th: Christian Galeas Arce, Chile, playing as Quodlibet 3rd/4th: Stepan Opalev, Russia, playing as stepanzo 2018. Champion: Christian Galeas Arce, Chile, playing as Quodlibet (second championship) 2nd: Joe Schultz, USA, playing as Jewdoka 3rd/4th: Patrik Berggren, Sweden, playing as HappyKiwi 3rd/4th: Povilas Šimonis, Lithuania, playing as Pseudomon 2019. Champion: Christian Galeas Arce, Chile, playing as Quodlibet (third championship) 2nd: Joe Schultz, USA, playing as Jewdoka 3rd: Luiz Flávio Ribiero, Brazil, playing as Loizz 4th: Frank Chen, USA, playing as Dube 2020. Champion: Joe Schultz, USA, playing as Jewdoka (second championship) 2nd: Christian Galeas Arce, Chile, playing as Quodlibet 3rd: Frank Chen, USA, playing as Dube 4th: Christian Sperling, Germany, playing as Eucalyx Mind Sports Olympiad. 2020. In 2020, with the Covid-19 pandemic affecting travel and in-person gatherings, the Mind Sports Olympiad was held virtually. This allowed the organizers to increase the number of games in the competition. One of the games added was Hive. Hive competition for 2020 took place at www.BoardGameArena.com. Hive with all expansions and standard opening rules GOLD: Ben Nanda, USA SILVER: Christian Galeas, Chile BRONZE: -Ilie 27-, The World Hive with all expansions and tournament opening rule GOLD: Christian Galeas, Chile SILVER: Alexey Kytmanov, Russia BRONZE: Joe Schultx, USA Hive classic with tournament opening rule GOLD: Patrik Berggren, Sweden SILVER: Piotr Lewandowski, Poland BRONZE: Francesco Salerno, Italy JUNIOR GOLD: Rubėn Pons Serra, Spain

physical playing panel

13623-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5021645

The (, lit. "auxiliaries") were introduced as non-citizen troops attached to the citizen legions by Augustus after his reorganisation of the Imperial Roman army from 30 BC. By the 2nd century, the Auxilia contained the same number of infantry as the legions and, in addition, provided almost all of the Roman army's cavalry (especially light cavalry and archers) and more specialised troops. The "auxilia" thus represented three-fifths of Rome's regular land forces at that time. Like their legionary counterparts, auxiliary recruits were mostly volunteers, not conscripts. The Auxilia were mainly recruited from the "peregrini", free provincial subjects who did not hold Roman citizenship and constituted the vast majority of the population in the 1st and 2nd centuries (c. 90% in the early 1st century). In contrast to the legions, which only admitted Roman citizens, members of the Auxilia could be recruited from territories outside of Roman control. Reliance on the various contingents of non-Italic troops, especially cavalry, increased when the Roman Republic employed them in increasing numbers to support its legions after 200 BC. The Julio-Claudian period (30 BC–68 AD) saw the transformation of the Auxilia from motley levies to a standing corps with standardised structure, equipment and conditions of service. By the end of the period, there were no significant differences between legionaries and auxiliaries in terms of training, and thus, combat capability. Auxiliary regiments were often stationed in provinces other than that in which they were originally raised, for reasons of security and to foster the process of Romanisation in the provinces. The regimental names of many auxiliary units persisted into the 4th century, but by then the units in question were different in size, structure, and quality from their predecessors. Historical development. Background: Roman Republic (to 30 BC). The mainstay of the Roman republic's war machine was the manipular legion, a heavy infantry unit suitable for close-quarter engagements on more or less any terrain, which was probably adopted sometime during the Samnite Wars (343–290 BC). Despite its formidable strength, the legion had a number of deficiencies, especially a lack of cavalry. Around 200 BC, a legion of 4,200 infantry had a cavalry arm of only 300 horse (just 7% of the total force). This was because the class of citizens who could afford to pay for their own horse and equipment – the equestrian order, the second rank in Roman society, after the senatorial order – was relatively small. In addition, the legion lacked missile forces such as slingers and archers. Until 200 BC, the bulk of a Roman army's cavalry was provided by Rome's regular Italian allies ("socii"), commonly known as the "Latin" allies, which made up the Roman military confederation. This was Rome's defence system until the Social War of 91–88 BC. The Italian forces were organised into "alae" (literally: "wings", because they were generally posted on the flanks of the Roman line of battle). An allied "ala", commanded by 3 Roman "praefecti sociorum", was similar or slightly larger in infantry size (4–5,000 men) to a legion, but contained a more substantial cavalry contingent: 900 horse, three times the legionary contingent. Since a pre-Social War consular army always contained an equal number of legions and "alae", 75% of its cavalry was provided by the Latin allies. The overall cavalry element, c. 12% of the total force (2,400 out of a normal consular army of approximately 20,000 total effectives), was greater than in most peninsular Italian forces, but well below the overall 21% cavalry component that was typical of the Principate army (80,000 cavalry out of 380,000 total effectives in the early 2nd century). The Roman/Latin cavalry was sufficient while Rome was in conflict with other states in the mountainous Italian peninsula, which also disposed of limited cavalry resources. But, as Rome was confronted by external enemies that deployed far more powerful cavalry elements, such as the Gauls and the Carthaginians, the Roman deficiency in cavalry numbers could be a serious liability, which in the Second Punic War (218–202 BC) resulted in crushing defeats. Hannibal's major victories at the Trebia and at Cannae, were owed to his Spanish and Gallic heavy cavalry, which far outnumbered the Roman and Latin levies, and to his Numidians, light, fast cavalry which the Romans wholly lacked. The decisive Roman victory at Zama in 202 BC, which ended the war, owed much to the Numidian cavalry provided by king Massinissa, which outnumbered the Roman/Latin cavalry fielded by 2 to 1. From then, Roman armies were always accompanied by large numbers of non-Italian cavalry: Numidian light cavalry and, later, Gallic heavy cavalry. For example, Caesar relied heavily on Gallic and German cavalry for his Conquest of Gaul (58–51 BC). As the role of native cavalry grew, that of Roman/Latin cavalry diminished. In the early 1st century BC, Roman cavalry was phased out altogether. After the Social War, the "socii" were all granted Roman citizenship, the Latin "alae" abolished, and the "socii" recruited into the legions. Furthermore, Roman equestrians were no longer required to perform cavalry service after this time. The late Republican legion was thus probably bereft of cavalry (a tiny cavalry force of 120 men was probably added back to the legion under Augustus). By the outbreak of the Second Punic War, the Romans were remedying the legions' other deficiencies by using non-Italian specialised troops. Livy reports Hiero of Syracuse offering to supply Rome with archers and slingers in 217 BC. From 200 BC onwards, specialist troops were hired as mercenaries on a regular basis: "sagittarii" (archers) from Crete, and "funditores" (slingers) from the Balearic Isles almost always accompanied Roman legions in campaigns all over the Mediterranean. The other main sources of non-Italian troops in the late Republic were subject provincials, allied cities and Rome's "amici" (satellite kings). During the late Republic, non-Italian units were led by their own native chiefs, and their internal organisation was left to their own commanders. The units varied widely in dress, equipment, and weapons. They were normally raised for specific campaigns and often disbanded soon afterwards, in a similar manner to the earlier "socii" militia legions. Foundation of the auxilia under Augustus (30 BC–14 AD). It appears that not all indigenous units were disbanded at the end of the civil war period (31 BC). Some of the more experienced units were kept in existence to complement the legions, and became the core of the standing auxiliary forces that developed in the Julio-Claudian period. During the early part of Augustus' rule (27 BC onwards), the corps of regular Auxilia was created. It was clearly inspired by the Latin forces of the pre-Social War Republic, as a corps of non-citizen troops parallel to the legions. But there were fundamental differences, the same as between Republican and Augustan legions. The Latin forces of the Republic were made up of part-time conscripts in units that would be raised and disbanded for and after particular campaigns. The Augustan Auxilia were mainly volunteer professionals serving in permanent units. The unit structure of the Auxilia also differed from the Latin "alae", which were like legions with a larger cavalry arm. However, Augustus organised the Auxilia into regiments the size of cohorts (a tenth the size of legions), due to the much greater flexibility of the smaller unit size. Further, the regiments were of three types: "ala" (cavalry), "cohors (peditata)" (infantry) and "cohors equitata" (mixed cavalry/infantry). The evidence for the size of the Augustus' new units is not clearcut, with our most precise evidence dating to the 2nd century, by which time the unit strengths may have changed. "Cohortes" were likely modelled on legionary cohorts i.e. six "centuriae" of about 80 men each (total about 480 men). "Alae" were divided into "turmae" (squadrons) of 30 (or 32) men, each under a "decurio" (literally: "leader of ten"). This title derives from the old Roman cavalry of the pre-Social War republic, in which each "turma" was under the command of three "decuriones". "Cohortes equitatae" were infantry "cohortes" with a cavalry contingent of four "turmae" attached. Auxiliary regiments were now led by a "praefectus" (prefect), who could be either a native nobleman, who would probably be granted Roman citizenship for the purpose (e.g. the famous German war leader Arminius gained Roman citizenship probably by serving as an auxiliary prefect before turning against Rome); or a Roman, either of knightly rank, or a senior centurion. At the start of Augustus' sole rule (30 BC), the original core auxiliary units in the West were composed of warlike tribesmen from the Gallic provinces (especially Gallia Belgica, which then included the regions later separated to form the provinces Germania Inferior and Germania Superior), and from the Balkan provinces (Dalmatia and Illyricum). By 19 BC, the Cantabrian and Asturian Wars were concluded, leading to the annexation of northern Hispania and Lusitania. Judging by the names of attested auxiliary regiments, these parts of the Iberian peninsula soon became a major source of recruits. Then the Danubian regions were annexed: Raetia (annexed 15 BC), Noricum (16 BC), Pannonia (9 BC) and Moesia (6 AD), becoming, with Illyricum, the Principate's most important source of auxiliary recruits for its entire duration. In the East, where the Syrians already provided the bulk of the Roman army's archers, Augustus annexed Galatia (25 BC) and Judaea: the former, a region in central Anatolia with a Celtic-speaking people, became an important source of recruits. In N. Africa, Egypt, Cyrene, and Numidia (25 BC) were added to the empire. Numidia (modern day Eastern Algeria) was home to the Numidians/Moors, the ancestors of today's Berber people. Their light cavalry ("equites Maurorum") was highly prized and had alternately fought and assisted the Romans for well over two centuries: they now started to be recruited into the regular Auxilia. Even more Mauri units were formed after the annexation of Mauretania (NW Algeria, Morocco), the rest of the Berber homeland, in 44 AD by emperor Claudius (ruled 41–54). Recruitment was thus heavy throughout the Augustan period, with a steady increase in the number of units formed. By AD 23, the Roman historian Tacitus records that there were roughly the same numbers of auxiliaries in service as there were legionaries. Since at this time there were 25 legions of c. 5,000 men each, the Auxilia thus amounted to c. 125,000 men, implying c. 250 auxiliary regiments. Illyrian revolt (6–9 AD). During the early Julio-Claudian period, many auxiliary regiments raised in frontier provinces were stationed in or near their home provinces, except during periods of major crises such as the Cantabrian Wars, when they were deployed temporarily in theatre. This carried the obvious risk if their own tribe or ethnic group rebelled against Rome (or attacked the Roman frontier from outside the Empire), auxiliary troops could be tempted to make common cause with them. The Romans would then be faced by an enemy that included units fully equipped and trained by themselves, thus losing their usual tactical advantages over tribal foes. The German leader Arminius is the classic example at an individual level: after several years of serving in Rome's forces as prefect of an auxiliary unit, he used the military training and experience he had gained to lead a confederacy of German tribes against Rome, culminating in the destruction of three Roman legions in the Teutoberg Forest in 9 AD, and the abandonment of Augustus' strategy of annexing Germany as far as the Elbe river. (This strategy was never revived by later emperors). At a collective level, the risk was even greater, as the hugely dangerous Illyrian revolt proved. The central Illyrian tribes were tough and spartan shepherds of the Bosnian mountains and excellent soldier-material. Their territory formed part of the strategic province of Illyricum, recently expanded to include the territory of the Pannonii, Celticised Illyrian tribes based on the west bank of the Danube who were subjugated by Rome in 12–9 BC (the "Bellum Pannonicum"). By the start of the Common Era, they were an important recruitment base for the auxilia. But discontent was festering among the Illyrian tribes, largely due to what they saw as the rapacity of Roman tax officials. In AD 6, several regiments of Dalmatae, a warlike Illyrian tribe, were ordered to report to a designated location to prepare to join Augustus' stepson and senior military commander Tiberius in a war against the Germans. Instead, they mutinied at the assembly point, and defeated a Roman force sent against them. The Dalmatae were soon joined by the Breuci, another Illyrian tribe that supplied several auxiliary regiments. They gave battle to a second Roman force from Moesia. They lost, but inflicted heavy casualties. The rebels were now joined by a large number of other Illyrian tribes. The Dalmatae attacked the port of Salona and overran the Adriatic coast, defeating a Roman force and exposing the Roman heartland of Italy to the fear of a rebel invasion. Augustus ordered Tiberius to break off operations in Germany and move his main army to Illyricum. When it became clear that even Tiberius' forces were insufficient, Augustus was obliged to raise a second task force under Tiberius' nephew Germanicus, resorting to the compulsory purchase and emancipation of thousands of slaves to find enough troops, for the first time since the aftermath of the Battle of Cannae over two centuries earlier. The Romans had now deployed no less than 15 legions and an equivalent number of auxilia. This amounts to a total of c. 150,000 men, including at least 50 auxiliary cohorts composed, exceptionally, of Roman citizens. These were men whose status or background was regarded by Augustus as unsuitable for recruitment into the legions: either natural-born citizens of the lowest category, including vagrants and convicted criminals, or the freed slaves (Roman law accorded citizenship to the freed slaves of Roman citizens). These special units were accorded the title "civium Romanorum" ("of Roman citizens"), or "c.R." for short. After the Illyrian revolt, these cohorts remained in being and recruited non-citizens like other auxiliary units, but retained their prestigious "c.R." title. In addition, the regular forces were assisted by a large number of allied troops from neighbouring Thrace deployed by their king Rhoemetalces I, a Roman "amicus" (puppet king). The Romans faced further reverses on the battlefield and a savage guerrilla war in the Bosnian mountains. It took them three years of hard fighting to quell the revolt, which was described by the Roman historian Suetonius, writing in c. AD 100, as the most difficult conflict faced by Rome since the Punic Wars over two centuries earlier. Tiberius finally succeeded in quelling the revolt in 9 AD. This was apparently lucky timing for the Romans: that same year Arminius destroyed Varus' three legions in Germany. The Roman high command had no doubt that Arminius would have formed a grand alliance with the Illyrians. Despite the gravity of this rebellion, the Illyrians went on, alongside their neighbours the Thracians, to become the backbone of the Roman army. By the 2nd century, with roughly half the Roman army deployed on the Danube frontier, the auxilia and legions alike were dominated by Illyrian recruits. In the 3rd century, Illyrians largely replaced Italians in the senior officer echelons of "praefecti" of auxiliary regiments and "tribuni militum" of legions. Finally, from AD 268 to 379, virtually all emperors, including Diocletian and Constantine the Great were Romanised Illyrians from the provinces of Dalmatia, Moesia Superior and Pannonia. These were members of a military aristocracy, outstanding soldiers who saved the empire from collapse in the turbulent late 3rd century. Later Julio-Claudians (14–68 AD). Significant development of the Auxilia appears to have taken place during the rule of the emperor Claudius (41–54 AD). A minimum term of service of 25 years was established, at the end of which the retiring auxiliary soldier, and all his children, were awarded Roman citizenship. This is deduced from the fact that the first known Roman military diplomas date from the time of Claudius. This was a folding bronze tablet engraved with the details of the soldier's service record, which he could use to prove his citizenship. Claudius also decreed that prefects of auxiliary regiments must all be of equestrian rank, thus excluding centurions from such commands. The fact that auxiliary commanders were now all of the same social rank as most "tribuni militum", (military tribunes, a legion's senior staff officers, all of whom only one, the "tribunus laticlavius", was of the higher senatorial rank), probably indicates that auxilia now enjoyed greater prestige. Indigenous chiefs continued to command some auxiliary regiments, and were probably granted equestrian rank for the purpose. It is also likely that auxiliary pay was standardised at this time, but we only have estimates for the Julio-Claudian period. Auxiliary uniform, armour, weapons and equipment were probably standardised by the end of the Julio-Claudian period. Auxiliary equipment was broadly similar to that of the legions (see Section 2.1 below for possible differences in armour). By 68 AD, there was little difference between most auxiliary infantry and their legionary counterparts in equipment, training and fighting capability. The main difference was that auxilia contained combat cavalry, both heavy and light, and other specialized units that legions lacked. Claudius annexed to the empire three regions that became important sources of auxiliary recruits: Britannia (43 AD), and the former client kingdoms of Mauretania (44) and Thracia (46). The latter became as important as Illyria as a source of auxiliary recruits, especially cavalry and archers. Britain in mid-2nd century contained the largest number of auxiliary regiments in any single province: about 60 out of about 400 (15%). By the rule of Nero (54–68), auxiliary numbers may have reached, by one estimate, about 200,000 men, implying about 400 regiments. Revolt of the Batavi (69–70 AD). The Batavi, a Germanic tribe, inhabited the region today known as Gelderland (Netherlands), in the Rhine river delta, then known as the "Insula Batavorum" ("Island of the Batavi", because surrounded by branches of the Rhine), part of the Roman province of Germania Inferior. They were a warlike people, skilled horsemen, boatmen and swimmers. In return for the unusual privilege of exemption from "tributum" (direct taxes on land and heads normally exacted from "peregrini"), they supplied a disproportionate number of recruits to the Julio-Claudian auxilia: one "ala" and eight "cohortes". They also provided most of Augustus' elite personal bodyguard unit (the "Germani corpore custodes"), which continued in service until 68 AD. The Batavi auxilia amounted to about 5,000 men, implying that during the entire Julio-Claudian period, over 50% of all Batavi males reaching military age (16 years) may have enlisted in the auxilia. Thus the Batavi, although just 0.05% of the total population of the empire of c. 70 million in 23 AD, supplied about 4% of the total auxilia i.e. 80 times their proportionate share. They were regarded by the Romans as the very best ("fortissimi", "validissimi") of their auxiliary, and indeed all, their forces. In Roman service, both their cavalry and infantry had perfected a technique for swimming across rivers wearing full armour and weapons. Julius Civilis (literally: "Julius the Citizen", clearly a Latin name adopted on gaining Roman citizenship, not his native one) was a hereditary prince of the Batavi and the prefect of a Batavi cohort. A veteran of 25 years' service, he had distinguished himself by service in Britain, where he and the eight Batavi cohorts had played a crucial role in both the Roman invasion in 43 AD and the subsequent subjugation of southern Britain. By 69, however, Civilis, the Batavi regiments and the Batavi people had become utterly disaffected with Rome. After the Batavi regiments were withdrawn from Britain to Italy in 66, Civilis and his brother (also a prefect) were arrested by the governor of Germania Inferior on a fabricated accusation of sedition. The governor ordered his brother's execution, while Civilis, who as a Roman citizen had the right to appeal to the emperor, was sent to Rome in chains for judgement by Nero. He was released by Nero's overthrower and successor, Galba, but the latter also disbanded the imperial bodyguard unit for their loyalty to Nero. This alienated several hundred crack Batavi troops, and indeed the whole Batavi nation who regarded it as a grave insult. At the same time, relations collapsed between the Batavi cohorts and the legion to which they had been attached since the invasion of Britain 25 years earlier ("XIV Gemina"). Their mutual hatred erupted in open fighting on at least two occasions. At this juncture, the Roman empire was convulsed by its first major civil war since the Battle of Actium exactly a century earlier: the Year of the Four Emperors (69–70 AD). The governor of Germania Inferior, ordered to raise more troops, outraged the Batavi by attempting to conscript more Batavi than the maximum stipulated in their treaty. The brutality and corruption of the Roman recruiting-centurions (including incidents of sexual assault on Batavi young men) brought already deep discontent in the Batavi homeland to the boil. Civilis now led his people in open revolt. Initially, he claimed he was supporting the bid for power of Vespasian, the general in command of the legions in Syria, whom Civilis had probably befriended when both were involved in the Roman invasion of Britain 25 years earlier (Vespasian was then commander of the legion "II Augusta"). But the uprising soon became a bid for independence. Civilis exploited the fact that some legions were absent from the Rhine area due to the civil war, and the rest under-strength. In addition, the Roman commanders and their rank-and-file soldiers were divided by loyalty to rival emperors. Civilis quickly won the support of the Batavi's neighbours and kinsmen, the Cananefates, who in turn won over the Frisii. First the rebel allies captured two Roman forts in their territory, and a cohort of Tungri defected to Civilis. Then two legions sent against Civilis were defeated when their companion Batavi "ala" defected to his side. The "Classis Germanica" (Rhine flotilla), largely manned by Batavi, was seized by Civilis. Most importantly, the 8 Batavi cohorts stationed at Mainz with "XIV Gemina" mutinied and joined him, defeating at Bonn a Roman force that attempted to block their return to their homeland. By now, Civilis commanded at least 12 regiments (6,000 men) of Roman-trained and equipped auxiliary troops, as well as a much larger number of tribal levies. A number of German tribes from beyond the Rhine joined his cause. Several other German and Gallic units sent against him deserted, as the revolt spread to the rest of Gallia Belgica, including the Tungri, Lingones and Treviri tribes. He was able to destroy the two remaining legions in Germania Inferior, ("V Alaudae" and "XV Primigenia"). By this stage, Rome's entire position on the Rhine and even in Gaul was imperiled. Their civil war over, the Romans mustered a huge task force of eight legions (five dispatched from Italy, two from Spain and one from Britain) to deal with Civilis. Its commander Petillius Cerialis had to fight two difficult battles, at Trier and Xanten, before he could overrun the Batavi's homeland. Tacitus' surviving narrative breaks off as he describes a meeting on an island in the Rhine delta between Civilis and Cerialis to discuss peace terms. We do not know the outcome of this meeting or Civilis' ultimate fate. But, in view of his former friendship with Vespasian, who had already offered him a pardon, and the fact that the Romans still needed the Batavi levies, it is likely that the terms were lenient by Roman standards. Petilius Cerialis took a number of reconstituted Batavi units with him to Britain, and the Batavi regiments continued to serve with special distinction in Britain and elsewhere for the rest of the 1st century and beyond. Even as late as 395, units with the Batavi name, although long since composed of recruits from all over the empire, were still classified as elite "palatini", e.g. the "equites Batavi seniores" (cavalry) and "auxilium Batavi seniores" (infantry). Flavian era (69–96 AD). The revolt of the Batavi appears to have led to a significant change in the Roman government's policy on deployment of Auxilia. The revolt proved that in times of civil strife, when legions were far from their bases campaigning for rival claimants to the imperial throne, it was dangerous to leave provinces exclusively in the hands of auxiliary regiments recruited from the indigenous nation. During the Julio-Claudian period, auxiliary regiments had often been deployed away from their original home province. But in the Flavian period (69–96), this appears to have become standard policy. Thus in AD 70, five reconstituted Batavi regiments (one "ala" and four "cohortes") were transferred to Britain under Petillius Cerialis, who had suppressed the Civilis revolt and then embarked on the governorship of the island. The great majority of regiments probably founded in the 1st century were stationed away from their province of origin in the second e.g. of 13 British regiments recorded in the mid-2nd century, none were stationed in Britain. Furthermore, it appears that in the Flavian era native noblemen were no longer permitted to command auxiliary units from their own tribe. After a prolonged period in a foreign province a regiment would become assimilated, since the majority of its new recruits would be drawn from the province in which it was stationed, or neighbouring provinces. Those same "British" units, mostly based on the Danube frontier, would by c. 150, after almost a century away from their home island, be largely composed of Illyrian, Thracian and Dacian recruits. However, there is evidence that a few regiments at least continued to draw some recruits from their original home provinces in the 2nd century e.g. Batavi units stationed in Britain. The Flavian period also saw the first formation of large, double-size units, both infantry and cavalry, of a nominal strength of 1,000 men ("cohors/ala milliaria"), though they were actually mostly smaller (720 for an "ala milliaria" and 800 for a "cohors milliaria"). These were the mirror image of the double-strength first cohorts of legions also introduced at this time. Such units remained a minority of the Auxilia: in the mid-2nd century, they constituted 13% of units, containing 20% of total manpower. Later Principate (97–284). In 106 AD, emperor Trajan finally defeated the Dacian kingdom of Decebalus and annexed it as the Roman province of Dacia Traiana. By the mid-2nd century, there were 44 auxiliary regiments stationed there, about 10% of the total auxilia. In Britain, there were 60. Together, these two provinces contained about a quarter of the total auxiliary regiments. There is considerable scholarly dispute about the precise size of the auxilia during the imperial era, even during the corp's best-documented period, the rule of Trajan's successor, Hadrian (117–138). This is evident if one compares calculations by Spaul (2000) and Holder (2003): In addition, Holder believes that a further 14 "cohortes", which are attested under Trajan, immediately before Hadrian's rule, but not during or after it, probably continued in existence, giving a total of 381 units and 225,000 effectives. The discrepancy between the two scholars is due to: (i) Interpretation of units with the same name and number, but attested in different provinces in the same period. Spaul tends to take a more cautious approach and to assume such are the same unit moving base frequently, while Holder tends to regard them as separate units which acquired the same number due to duplicated (or even triplicated) seriation. (ii) Assumptions about how many "cohortes" were "equitatae". Spaul accepts only those "cohortes" specifically attested as "equitatae" i.e., about 40% of recorded units. Holder estimates that at least 70% of "cohortes" contained cavalry contingents by the early 2nd century Even according to the more conservative estimate, the auxilia were by this time significantly larger than the legions, which contained c. 155,000 effectives (28 legions of 5,500 men each) at this time, of which just 3,360 were cavalry. (For a detailed breakdown, see section 4: Auxilia deployment in the 2nd century, below). During the second half of the 2nd century, the Roman army underwent considerable further expansion, with the addition of five new legions (27,500 men) to a Principate peak of 33. A matching number of auxilia (i.e. c. 50 regiments, although only the names of around 25–30 have survived in the epigraphic record) were probably added, possibly reaching a peak of c. 440 regiments and around 250,000 effectives by the end of Septimius Severus's rule (211 AD). The likely growth of the Roman auxilia may be summarised as follows: During the 2nd century, some units with the new names "numerus" ("group") and "vexillatio" ("detachment") appear in the diploma record. Their size is uncertain, but was likely smaller than the regular "alae" and "cohortes", as originally they were probably detachments from the latter, acquiring independent status after long-term separation. As these units are mentioned in diplomas, they were presumably part of the regular auxiliary organisation. But "numeri" was also a generic term used for barbarian units outside the regular auxilia. (see section 2.4 Irregular units, below). In 212, the "constitutio Antoniniana" (Antonine decree) of emperor Caracalla granted Roman citizenship to all the free inhabitants of the Empire – the "peregrini" – thus abolishing their second-class status. But there is no evidence that the citizens-only rule for legions was also abolished at this time. The legions simply gained a much wider recruitment base, as they were now able to recruit any male free resident of the empire. Auxiliary units were now recruited mainly from Roman citizens, but probably continued to recruit non-citizen "barbari" from outside the Empire's borders. However, the citizens-only rule for legions appears to have been dropped some time during the 3rd century, as by the 4th-century Romans and barbarians are found serving together in all units. In the mid to late 3rd century, the army was afflicted by a combination of military disasters and of pestilence, the so-called Crisis of the Third Century. In 251–271, Gaul, the Alpine regions and Italy, the Balkans and the East were simultaneously overrun by Alamanni, Sarmatians, Goths and Persians respectively. At the same time, the Roman army was struggling with the effects of a devastating pandemic, probably of smallpox: the Plague of Cyprian, which began in 251 and was still raging in 270, when it claimed the life of emperor Claudius II Gothicus. The evidence for an earlier pandemic, the Antonine Plague (also smallpox) indicates a mortality of 15–30% in the empire as a whole. The armies would likely have suffered deaths at the top end of the range, due to their close concentration of individuals and frequent movements across the empire. This probably led to a steep decline in military numbers, which only recovered at the end of the century under Diocletian (r. 284–305). The recruitment shortfall caused by the crisis seems to have led to recruitment of barbarians to the auxilia on a much greater scale than previously. By the 4th century, it has been estimated that some 25% of regular army recruits were barbarian-born. In the elite "palatini" regiments, anywhere between a third and a half of recruits may have been barbarian. This is likely a much greater proportion of foreigners than joined the auxilia in the 1st and 2nd centuries. In the 3rd century, a small number of regular auxiliary units appear in the record that, for the first time, bear the names of barbarian tribes from outside the empire e.g. the "ala I Sarmatarum" attested in 3rd-century Britain. This was probably an offshoot of the 5,500 surrendered Sarmatian horsemen posted on Hadrian's Wall by emperor Marcus Aurelius in c. 175. This unit may be an early example of a novel process whereby irregular units of "barbari" ("foederati") were transformed into regular auxilia. This process intensified in the 4th century: the "Notitia Dignitatum", a key document on the late Roman army, lists a large number of regular units with barbarian names. 4th century. In the 4th century, the Roman army underwent a radical restructuring. In the rule of Diocletian (284–305), the traditional Principate formations of "legiones", "alae" and "cohortes" appear to have been broken up into smaller units, many of which bore a variety of new names. Under Constantine I (r. 312–337) it appears that military units were classified into three grades based on strategic role and to some extent quality: "palatini", elite units normally part of the "exercitus praesentales" (imperial escort armies); "comitatenses", higher-grade interception forces based in frontier provinces; and "limitanei", lower-grade border troops. (See Late Roman army). The old Principate auxilia regiments provided the basis for units at all three grades. The "Notitia Dignitatum" lists about 70 "alae" and "cohortes" that retained their 2nd-century names, mostly "limitanei". But traces of other auxilia regiments can be found in the "praesentales" and "comitatenses" armies. For example, many of the new-style "auxilia palatina" infantry regiments, considered among the best units in the army, were probably formed from old-style auxiliary "cohortes", which they appear to closely resemble. The late 4th-century writer on military affairs Vegetius complains of contemporary young men joining the "auxilia" in preference to the "legions" to avoid the latter's tougher training and duties. But it is unclear what types of units he was referring to. It is possible that those older terms were still popularly used (misleadingly) to mean "limitanei" and "comitatenses" respectively. In any event, his quote in no way describes accurately the Principate auxilia, many of which were of very high quality. Unit types and structure. Regular unit types. The following table sets out the official, or establishment, strength of auxiliary units in the 2nd century. The real strength of a unit would fluctuate continually, but would likely have been somewhat less than the establishment most of the time. "Cohortes". These all-infantry units were modelled on the cohorts of the legions, with the same officers and sub-units. They were typically considered to be more of a light infantry than proper legionaries. Some auxiliaries may however have been equipped with the "lorica segmentata", the most sophisticated legionary body-armour, although scholars dispute this. There is no evidence that auxiliary infantry fought in a looser order than legionaries. It appears that in a set-piece battle-line, auxiliary infantry would normally be stationed on the flanks, with legionary infantry holding the centre e.g. as in the Battle of Watling Street (AD 60), the final defeat of the rebel Britons under queen Boudicca. This was a tradition inherited from the Republic, when the precursors of auxiliary "cohortes", the Latin "alae", occupied the same position in the line. The flanks of the line required equal, if not greater, skill to hold as the centre. "Alae". During the Principate period of the Roman Empire (30 BC – AD 284), the all-mounted "alae" ("wings") contained the elite cavalry of the army. They were specially trained in elaborate manoeuvres, such as those displayed to the emperor Hadrian during a documented inspection in Numidia. They were best-suited for large-scale operations and battle, during which they acted as the primary cavalry escort for the legions, which had almost no cavalry of their own. Roman alares were normally armoured, with mail or scale body armour, a cavalry version of the infantry helmet (with more protective features, such as completely covered ears) and oval shield or hexagonal. Their weapons could be a lance, javelins, or bow and arrow but all Roman horseman had a sword called a ("spatha") and the ubiquitous pugio. The elite status of an "alaris" is shown by the fact that he received 20% more pay than his counterpart in an auxiliary cohort or a legionary infantryman. The favored sources of recruitment for the cavalry of the "auxilia" were Gauls, Germans, Iberians and Thracians. All of these peoples had long-established skills and experience of fighting from horseback – in contrast to the Romans themselves. The "alae" were better paid and mounted than the more numerous horsemen of the "cohortes equitatae" (see below). "Cohortes equitatae". These were "cohortes" with a cavalry contingent attached. There is evidence that their numbers expanded with the passage of time. Only about 40% of attested "cohortes" are specifically attested as "equitatae" in inscriptions, which is probably the original Augustan proportion. A study of units stationed in Syria in the mid-2nd century found that many units that did not carry the "equitata" title did in fact contain cavalrymen e.g. by discovery of a tombstone of a cavalryman attached to the cohort. This implies that by that time, at least 70% of "cohortes" were probably "equitatae". The addition of cavalry to a cohort obviously enabled it to carry out a wider range of independent operations. A "cohors equitata" was in effect a self-contained mini-army. The traditional view of "equites cohortales" (the cavalry arm of "cohortes equitatae"), as expounded by G.L. Cheesman, was that they were just a mounted infantry with poor-quality horses. They would use their mounts simply to reach the battlefield and then would dismount to fight. This view is today discredited. Although it is clear that "equites cohortales" did not match "equites alares" ("ala" cavalrymen) in quality (hence their lower pay), the evidence is that they fought as cavalry in the same way as the "alares" and often alongside them. Their armour and weapons were the same as for the "alares". Nevertheless, non-combat roles of the "equites cohortales" differed significantly from the "alares". Non-combat roles such as despatch-riders ("dispositi") were generally filled by cohort cavalry. Auxiliary specialised units. In the Republican period, the standard trio of specialised auxilia were Balearic slingers, Cretan archers and Numidian light cavalry. These functions, plus some new ones, continued in the 2nd-century auxilia. Heavily-armoured lancers. "Equites cataphractarii", or simply "cataphractarii" for short, were the heavily armoured cavalry of the Roman army. Based on Sarmatian and Parthian models, they were also known as "contarii" and "clibanarii", although it is unclear whether these terms were interchangeable or whether they denoted variations in equipment or role. Together with new units of light mounted archers, the "cataphractarii" were designed to counter Parthian (and, in Pannonia, Sarmatian) battle tactics. Parthian armies consisted largely of cavalry. Their standard tactic was to use light mounted archers to weaken and break up the Roman infantry line, and then to rout it with a charge by the "cataphractarii" concentrated on the weakest point. The only special heavy cavalry units to appear in the 2nd-century record are: "ala I Ulpia contariorum" and "ala I Gallorum et Pannoniorum cataphractaria" stationed in Pannonia and Moesia Inferior respectively in the 2nd century. Light cavalry. From the Second Punic War until the 3rd century AD, the bulk of Rome's light cavalry (apart from mounted archers from Syria) was provided by the inhabitants of the provinces of Africa and Mauretania Caesariensis, the Numidae or Mauri (from whom derives the English term "Moors"), who were the ancestors of the Berber people of modern Algeria and Morocco. They were known as the "equites Maurorum" or "Numidarum" ("Moorish or Numidian cavalry"). On Trajan's Column, Mauri horsemen, depicted with long hair in dreadlocks, are shown riding their small but resilient horses bare-back and unbridled, with a simple braided rope round their mount's neck for control. They wear no body or head armour, carrying only a small, round leather shield. Their weaponry cannot be discerned due to stone erosion, but is known from Livy to have consisted of several short javelins. Exceptionally fast and maneuverable, Numidian cavalry would harass the enemy by hit-and-run attacks, riding up and loosing volleys of javelins, then scattering faster than any opposing cavalry could pursue. They were superbly suited to scouting, harassment, ambush and pursuit. It is unclear what proportion of the Numidian cavalry were regular auxilia units as opposed to irregular "foederati" units. In the 3rd century, new formations of light cavalry appear, apparently recruited from the Danubian provinces: the "equites Dalmatae" ("Dalmatian cavalry"). Little is known about these, but they were prominent in the 4th century, with several units listed in the "Notitia Dignitatum". Camel troops. A unit of "dromedarii" ("camel-mounted troops") is attested from the 2nd century, the "ala I Ulpia dromedariorum milliaria" in Syria. Archers. A substantial number of auxiliary regiments (32, or about 1 in 12 in the 2nd century) were denoted "sagittariorum", or archer-units (from "sagittarii" lit. "arrow-men", from "sagitta" = "arrow"). These 32 units (of which 4 were double-strength) had a total official strength of 17,600 men. All three types of auxiliary regiment ("ala", "cohors" and "cohors equitata") could be denoted "sagittariorum". Although these units evidently specialised in archery, it is uncertain from the available evidence whether all "sagittariorum" personnel were archers, or simply a higher proportion than in ordinary units. At the same time, ordinary regiments probably also possessed some archers, otherwise their capacity for independent operations would have been unduly constrained. Bas-reliefs appear to show personnel in ordinary units employing bows. From about 218 BC onwards, the archers of the Roman army of the mid-Republic were virtually all mercenaries from the island of Crete, which boasted a long specialist tradition. During the late Republic (88–30 BC) and the Augustan period, Crete was gradually eclipsed by men from other, much more populous, regions subjugated by the Romans with strong archery traditions. These included Thrace, Anatolia and, above all, Syria. Of the 32 "sagittarii" units attested in the mid-2nd century, 13 have Syrian names, 7 Thracian, 5 from Anatolia, 1 from Crete and the remaining 6 of other or uncertain origin. Three distinct types of archers are shown on Trajan's Column: (a) with scalar cuirass, conical steel helmet and cloak; (b) without armour, with cloth conical cap and long tunic; or (c) equipped in the same way as general auxiliary foot-soldiers (apart from carrying bows instead of javelins). The first type were probably Syrian or Anatolian units; the third type probably Thracian. The standard bow used by Roman auxilia was the recurved composite bow, a sophisticated, compact and powerful weapon. Slingers. From about 218 BC onwards, the Republican army's slingers were exclusively mercenaries from the Balearic Islands, which had nurtured a strong indigenous tradition of slinging from prehistoric times. As a result, in classical Latin, "Baleares" (literally "inhabitants of the Balearic Islands") became an alternative word for "slingers" ("funditores", from "funda" = "sling"). Because of this, it is uncertain whether the most of the imperial army's slingers continued to be drawn from the Balearics themselves, or, like archers, derived mainly from other regions. Independent slinger units are not attested in the epigraphic record of the Principate. However, slingers are portrayed on Trajan's Column. They are shown unarmoured, wearing a short tunic. They carry a cloth bag, slung in front, to hold their shot ("glandes"). Scouts/numeri. "Exploratores" ('reconnaissance troops', from "explorare" = "to scout"). Two examples include "numeri exploratorum" attested to in the 3rd century in Britain: "Habitanco" and "Bremenio" (both names of forts). It is possible, however, that more than 20 such units served in Britain. The literal translation of "numeri" is 'numbers' and it was often used in the context of a generic title for any unit that was not of a standard size or structure. From the 2nd century onward they served as frontier guards, often supplied by the Sarmatians and the Germans. Little else is known about such units. Irregular allied forces. Throughout the Principate period, there is evidence of ethnic units of "barbari" outside the normal auxilia organisation fighting alongside Roman troops. To an extent, these units were simply a continuation of the old client-king levies of the late Republic: "ad hoc" bodies of troops supplied by Rome's puppet petty-kings on the imperial borders for particular campaigns. Some clearly remained in Roman service beyond the campaigns, keeping their own native leadership, attire and equipment and structure. These units were known to the Romans as "socii" ("allies"), "symmachiarii" (from "symmachoi", Greek for "allies") or "foederati" ("treaty troops" from "foedus", "treaty"). One estimate puts the number of "foederati" in the time of Trajan at about 11,000, divided into about 40 "numeri" (units) of about 300 men each. The purpose of employing "foederati" units was to use their specialist fighting skills. Many of these would have been troops of Numidian cavalry (see light cavalry above). The "foederati" make their first official appearance on Trajan's Column, where they are portrayed in a standardised manner, with long hair and beards, barefoot, stripped to the waist, wearing long trousers held up by wide belts and wielding clubs. In reality, several different tribes supported the Romans in the Dacian wars. Their attire and weapons would have varied widely. The Column stereotypes them with the appearance of a single tribe, probably the most outlandish-looking, to differentiate them clearly from the regular auxilia. Judging by the frequency of their appearance in the Column's battle scenes, the "foederati" were important contributors to the Roman operations in Dacia. Another example of "foederati" are the 5,500 captured Sarmatian cavalrymen sent by Emperor Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180) to garrison a fort on Hadrian's Wall after their defeat in the Marcomannic Wars. Recruitment, ranks and pay. The evidence for auxiliary ranks and pay is scant: even less exists than the patchy evidence for their legionary counterparts. There seems to be some consensus, however, that the auxiliary was paid one third of what a legionary received: 300 sesterces a year (400 after the reign of the emperor Commodus). Both auxiliaries and seamen received the "viaticum" of 300 sesterces, although the various sources differ as to whether auxiliaries and sailors received the retirement bonus known as the "honesta missio", or honorable discharge. The available data may be broken down and summarised as follows: Rankers ("caligati"). At the bottom end of the rank pyramid, rankers were known as "caligati" (lit: "sandal men" from the "caligae" or hob-nailed sandals worn by soldiers). Depending on the type of regiment they belonged to, they held the official ranks of "pedes" (foot soldier in a "cohors"), "eques" (cavalryman in a "cohors equitata") and "gregalis" ("ala" cavalryman). During the Principate, recruitment into the legions was restricted to Roman citizens only. This rule, which derived from the pre-Social War Republican army, was strictly enforced. The few exceptions recorded, such as during emergencies and for the illegitimate sons of legionaries, do not warrant the suggestion that the rule was routinely ignored. In the 1st century, the vast majority of auxiliary common soldiers were recruited from the Roman "peregrini" (second-class citizens). In the Julio-Claudian era, conscription of "peregrini" seems to have been practiced alongside voluntary recruitment, probably in the form of a fixed proportion of men reaching military age in each tribe being drafted. From the Flavian era onwards, the auxilia were an all-volunteer force. Although recruits as young as 14 are recorded, the majority of recruits (66%) were from the 18–23 age group. When it was first raised, an auxiliary regiment would have been recruited from the native tribe or people whose name it bore. In the early Julio-Claudian period, it seems that efforts were made to preserve the ethnic integrity of units, even when the regiment was posted in a faraway province. But in the later part of the period, recruitment in the region where the regiment was posted increased and became predominant from the Flavian era onwards. The regiment would thus lose its original ethnic identity. The unit's name would thus become a mere curiosity devoid of meaning, although some of its members might inherit foreign names from their veteran ancestors. This view has to be qualified, however, as evidence from military diplomas and other inscriptions shows that some units continued to recruit in their original home areas e.g. Batavi units stationed in Britain, where some units had an international membership. It also appears that the Danubian provinces (Raetia, Pannonia, Moesia, Dacia) remained key recruiting grounds for units stationed all over the empire. It appears that Roman citizens were also regularly recruited to the auxilia. Most likely, the majority of citizen recruits to auxiliary regiments were the sons of auxiliary veterans who were enfranchised on their fathers' discharge. Many such may have preferred to join their fathers' old regiments, which were a kind of extended family to them, rather than join a much larger, unfamiliar legion. There are also instances of legionaries transferring to the auxilia (to a higher rank). The incidence of citizens in the auxilia would thus have grown steadily over time until, after the grant of citizenship to all "peregrini" in 212, auxiliary regiments became predominantly, if not exclusively, citizen units. Less clearcut is the question of whether the regular auxilia recruited "barbari" (barbarians, as the Romans called people living outside the empire's borders). Although there is little evidence of it before the 3rd century, the consensus is that auxilia recruited barbarians throughout their history. In the 3rd century, a few auxilia units of clearly barbarian origin start to appear in the record e.g. "Ala I Sarmatarum", "cuneus Frisiorum" and "numerus Hnaufridi" in Britain. There existed a hierarchy of pay between types of auxiliary, with cavalry higher paid than infantry. One recent estimate is that in the time of Augustus, the annual pay structure was: "eques alaris" ("gregalis") 263 "denarii", "eques cohortalis" 225, and "cohors" infantryman 188. The same differentials (of about 20% between grades) seem to have existed at the time of Domitian (r. 81–96). However, Goldsworthy points out that the common assumption that rates of pay were universal across provinces and units is unproven. Pay may have varied according to the origin of the unit. The remuneration of an auxiliary "pedes cohortalis" may be compared to a legionary's as follows: Gross salary was subject to deductions for food, clothing, boots and hay (probably for the company mules). It is unclear whether the cost of armour and weapons was also deducted, or borne by the army. Deductions left the soldier with a net salary of 78 "denarii". This sum was sufficient, on the basis of the food deduction, to amply feed an adult for a year. In 84 AD Domitian increased basic legionary pay by 33% (from 225 to 300 "denarii"): a similar increase was presumably accorded to auxiliaries, boosting their net income to 140 "denarii", i.e. more than two food allowances. It was entirely disposable, as the soldier was exempt from the poll tax ("capitatio"), did not pay rent (he was housed in fort barracks) and his food, clothing and equipment were already deducted. It should be borne in mind that most recruits came from peasant families living at subsistence level. To such persons, any disposable income would appear attractive. It could be spent on leisure activities, sent to relatives or simply saved for retirement. There is no evidence that auxiliaries received the substantial cash bonuses (donativum) handed to legionaries on the accession of a new emperor and other occasions. Although irregular, these payments (each worth 75 "denarii" to a common legionary) averaged once every 7.5 years in the early 1st century and every three years later. Duncan-Jones has suggested that "donativa" may have been paid to auxiliaries also from the time of Hadrian onwards, on the grounds that the total amount of donative to the military increased sharply at that time. A very valuable benefit paid to legionaries was the discharge bonus ("praemia") paid on completion of the full 25 years' service. At 3,000 "denarii", this was equivalent to ten years' gross salary for a common legionary after the pay increase of 84 AD. It would enable him to purchase a substantial plot of land. Again, there is no indication that auxiliaries were paid a discharge bonus. For auxiliaries, the discharge bonus was the grant of Roman citizenship, which carried important tax exemptions. However, Duncan-Jones argues that the fact that service in the auxilia was competitive with the legions (deduced from the many Roman citizens that joined the auxilia) that a discharge bonus may have been paid. Junior officers ("principales"). Below centurion/decurion rank, junior officers in the Roman army were known as "principales". An auxiliary cohort's ranks appear the same as in a legionary "centuria". These were, in ascending order: "tesserarius" ("officer of the watch"), "signifer" (standard-bearer for the "centuria"), "optio" (centurion's deputy) and "vexillarius" (standard-bearer for the whole regiment, from "vexillum"). In the "turmae" of "cohortes equitatae" (and of "alae"? ), the decurion's second-in-command was probably known as a "curator", responsible for horses and caparison. As in the legions, the "principales", together with some regimental specialists, were classified in two pay-scales: "sesquiplicarii" ("one-and-a-half-pay men") and "duplicarii" ("double-pay men"). These ranks are probably most closely resembled by the modern ranks of corporal and sergeant respectively. Besides combat effectives, regiments also contained specialists, the most senior of whom were "sesquiplicarii" or "duplicarii", the rest common soldiers with the status of "milities immunes" ("exempt soldiers" i.e. exempt from normal duties). Ranking specialists included the "medicus" (regimental doctor), "veterinarius" (veterinary doctor, in charge of the care of horses, pack animals and livestock), "custos armorum" (keeper of the armoury), and the "cornicularius" (clerk in charge of all the regiment's records and paperwork). Senior officers. The limited evidence on auxiliary "centuriones" and "decuriones" is that such officers could be directly commissioned as well as promoted from the ranks. Many appear to have come from provincial aristocracies. Those rising from the ranks could be promotions from the legions as well as from the regiment's own ranks. In the Julio-Claudian period auxiliary "centuriones" and "decuriones" were a roughly equal split between citizens and "peregrini", though later citizens became predominant due to the spread of citizenship among military families. Because "centuriones" and "decuriones" often rose from the ranks, they have often been compared to warrant officers such as sergeants-major in modern armies. However, centurions' social role was much wider than a modern warrant-officer. In addition to their military duties, centurions performed a wide range of administrative tasks, which was necessary in the absence of an adequate bureaucracy to support provincial governors. They were also relatively wealthy, due to their high salaries (see table above). However, most of the surviving evidence concerns legionary centurions and it is uncertain whether their auxiliary counterparts shared their high status and non-military role. There is little evidence about the pay-scales of auxiliary "centuriones" and "decuriones", but these are also believed to have amounted to several times that of a "miles". Unlike a "legatus legionis" (who had an officer staff of 6 "tribuni militum" and one "praefectus castrorum"), an auxiliary "praefectus" does not appear to have enjoyed the support of purely staff officers. The possible exception is an attested "beneficiarius" ("deputy"), who may have been the praefectus' second-in-command, if this title was a regular rank and not simply an "ad hoc" appointment for a specific task. Also attached to the "praefectus" were the regiment's "vexillarius" (standard-bearer for the whole unit) and "cornucen" (horn-blower). Commanders. From a survey by Devijver of persons whose origin can be determined, it appears that during the 1st century, the large majority (65%) of auxiliary prefects were of Italian origin. The Italian proportion dropped steadily, to 38% in the 2nd century, and 21% in the 3rd century. From the time of emperor Claudius (r. 41–54) only Roman knights were eligible to hold command of an auxiliary regiment. This status could be obtained either by birth (i.e. if the person was the son of a hereditary Roman knight; or by attaining the property qualification (100,000 "denarii", the equivalent of 400 years' gross salary for an auxiliary "alaris"); or by military promotion: the latter were the chief centurions of legions ("centurio primus pilus") who would normally be elevated to equestrian rank by the emperor after completing their single-year term as "primuspilus". Equestrians by birth would normally begin their military careers at c. 30 years of age. An axillary had to do 25 years of service before joining the army. Commands were held in a set sequence, each held for 3–4 years: prefect of an auxiliary "cohors", "tribunus militum" in a legion and finally prefect of an auxiliary "ala". In Hadrian's time, a fourth command was added, for exceptionally able officers, of prefect of an "ala milliaria". Like officers senatorial rank, hereditary equestrians held civilian posts before and after their decade of military service, whereas non-hereditary officers tended to remain in the army, commanding various units in various provinces. By the 3rd century, most auxiliary prefects had exclusively military careers. The pay of a "praefectus" of an auxiliary regiment in the early 2nd century has been estimated at over 50 times that of a "miles" (common soldier). (This compares to a full colonel in the British Army, who is currently paid about five times a private's salary). The reason for the huge gap between the top and the bottom of the pyramid is that Roman society was far more hierarchical than a modern one. A "praefectus" was not just a senior officer. He was also a Roman citizen (which most of his men were not) and, as a member of the equestrian order, an aristocrat. The social gulf between the "praefectus" and a "peregrinus" soldier was thus immense, and the pay differential reflected that fact. Names, titles and decorations. Regimental names. The nomenclature of the great majority of regiments followed a standard configuration: unit type, followed by serial number, followed by name of the "peregrini" tribe (or nation) from whom the regiment was originally raised, in the genitive plural case e.g. "cohors III Batavorum" ("3rd Cohort of Batavi"); "cohors I Brittonum" ("1st Cohort of Britons"). Some regiments combine the names of two "peregrini" tribes, most likely after the merger of two previously separate regiments e.g. "ala I Pannoniorum et Gallorum" ("1st Wing of Pannonii and Gauls"). A minority of regiments are named after an individual, mostly after the first prefect of the regiment, e.g. "ala Sulpicia" (presumably named after a prefect whose middle ("gens") name was Sulpicius). The latter is also an example of a regiment that did not have a serial number. Titles. Regiments were often rewarded for meritorious service by the grant of an honorific title. The most sought-after was the prestigious "c.R." ("civium Romanorum" = "of Roman citizens") title. In the latter case, all the regiment's members at the time, but not their successors, would be granted Roman citizenship. But the regiment would retain the c.R. title in perpetuity. Another common title was the "gens" name of the emperor making the award (or founding the regiment) e.g. "Ulpia": the "gens" name of Trajan (Marcus Ulpius Traianus r.98–117). Other titles were similar to those given to the legions e.g. "pia fidelis" ("p.f." = "dutiful and loyal"). Decorations. The Roman army awarded a variety of individual decorations ("dona") for valour to its legionaries. "Hasta pura" was a miniature spear; "phalerae" were large medal-like bronze or silver discs worn on the cuirass; "armillae" were bracelets worn on the wrist; and torques were worn round the neck, or on the cuirass. The highest awards were the "coronae" ("crowns"), of which the most prestigious was the "corona civica", a crown made of oak-leaves awarded for saving the life of a Roman citizen in battle. The most valuable award was the "corona muralis", a crown made of gold awarded to the first man to scale an enemy rampart. This was awarded rarely, as such a man hardly ever survived. There is no evidence that auxiliary common soldiers received individual decorations, although auxiliary officers did. Instead, the whole regiment was honoured by a title reflecting the type of award e.g. "torquata" (awarded a torque) or "armillata" (awarded bracelets). Some regiments would, in the course of time, accumulate a long list of titles and decorations e.g. "cohors I Brittonum Ulpia torquata pia fidelis c.R.". Deployment in the 2nd century. Notes: (1) Table excludes about 2,000 officers (centurions and above). (2) Auxiliary cavalry nos. assumes 70% of "cohortes" were "equitatae" Analysis

systematic formation

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=66302932

Clubhouse is an invitation-only social media app for iOS and Android where users can communicate in voice chat rooms that accommodate groups of thousands of people. The audio-only app hosts live discussions, with opportunities to participate through speaking and listening. The app was first introduced to iOS by Paul Davison and Rohan Seth of Alpha Exploration Co. in March 2020 with a beta launch for Android in May 2021. Clubhouse has stated it remains invite-only to ensure that their team is able to manage the growth of their user base and continues refining the app to be capable of supporting a larger audience. Clubhouse plans to extend its accessibility to the public in the future and launch the full Android version in 2021. Conversations are prohibited by Clubhouse's guidelines from being recorded, transcribed, reproduced, or shared without explicit permission. This has been a source of controversy because instances of bullying, harassment, and racism have occurred on the app. Additionally, Clubhouse has been criticized for its inherent privacy issues. Countries such as Oman, Jordan, and China have blocked access to the app or completely banned its use. Companies such as Facebook, Twitter, Discord, Spotify, Reddit, and Slack have been creating products to compete directly with Clubhouse. History. Clubhouse began as a social media startup by founders Paul Davison and Rohan Seth in Fall 2019. Originally designed for podcasts under the name Talkshow, the app was rebranded as "Clubhouse" and officially released for the iOS operating system in March 2020. Clubhouse was valued at $100 million after receiving funding from several venture capitalists, including a $12 million Series A investment from the venture capital firm, Andreessen Horowitz, in May 2020. As of April 2021, venture capitalists valued Clubhouse at nearly $4 billion in a funding round. The app gained popularity in the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic and had 600,000 registered users by December 2020. In January 2021, CEO Paul Davison announced that the app's active weekly user base consisted of approximately 2 million individuals. On February 1, 2021, Clubhouse had an estimated 3.5 million downloads globally and grew rapidly to 8.1 million downloads by February 15. This significant growth in popularity occurred after celebrities such as Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg made appearances on the app. In January 2021, the app became widely used in Germany when German podcast hosts Philipp Klöckner and Philipp Gloeckler started an invite-chain over a Telegram group, bringing German influencers, journalists and politicians to the platform. A year after the app's release, the number of weekly active users was greater than 10 million, but the user base declined 21% during a three-week period from late February to early March. The decline is reportedly caused by a decrease in the number of Clubhouse users after its initial release. Currently, the app remains accessible only by invitation, with some invitation codes on eBay once costing up to $400. In January 2021, the company announced that it would begin working on an Android version of the app. In April 2021, Twitter had entered discussions to purchase Clubhouse, at a $4 billion valuation. The talks ended with no acquisition. Later in the same month, the company held a Series C round of funding. The app has also seen interest in partnerships, with the National Football League announcing a content deal that same month. Features. Rooms. The main feature of Clubhouse is virtual “rooms” in which users can communicate with each other via audio. Rooms are categorized based on differing levels of privacy. “Open rooms” can be joined by anyone on Clubhouse, and all rooms default to this setting on creation. In “social rooms,” only users followed by the moderators are allowed to join. Users need to receive an invite from the moderators to join “closed rooms.” Within a room, there are three sections: the “stage,” “followed by the speakers,” and “others in the room.” The profile picture and name of each user present in a room are displayed in the appropriate section. When a user creates a room, they are assigned the role of “moderator” which gives them the power to call users to the stage, mute users, and remove speakers from the stage. The moderator role is denoted by a green star that appears next to the user's name. When a user joins a room, they are initially assigned to the role of a “listener” and cannot unmute themselves. Listeners can notify the moderators of their intent to join the stage and speak by clicking on the “raise hand” icon. Users who are invited to the stage become “speakers,” and gain the ability to unmute themselves. Users can exit a room by tapping the “leave quietly” button or the peace sign emoji. Events. Many conversations on Clubhouse occur spontaneously, but users also have the ability to plan conversations in advance by creating events. When scheduling an event, users can first name the event and then set the date and time that the conversation will begin. Users can also add co-hosts to help moderate the event. Once an event is created, it is added to the Clubhouse “bulletin.” The bulletin displays upcoming scheduled events and allows users to set notifications for events by clicking the bell icon corresponding to the event. Users can access the bulletin by clicking on the calendar icon at the top of the home page. Clubs. Clubs are communities of users who regularly converse on the app to discuss a shared interest. There are many different clubs pertaining to a wide variety of topics. Only active users who have hosted at least three rooms are eligible to create a club, and because Clubhouse manually approves applications for new clubs, each user can only create one club. Clubs can be private or open to the public and consist of founders, members and followers. Users can search for clubs in the Explore page and follow them to be notified when a public room within the club is created. To become a member of a club, users must be added by one of the club's founders. Club members can nominate users to be reviewed by the founders for admission or the founders can add users from the followers of the club. Only the founders have the ability to start public club-branded rooms; however, members can host private rooms with other club members. The clubs that a user is a member of are displayed on the user's profile page. Nominations. To join Clubhouse, an invitation from an existing user is required. By tapping the "envelope" icon on the homepage, users can view the number of invites they are able to allocate. A text message with a link will be sent out to the new user when being invited. The link will lead the new user to a sign-up page. These new users will initially have two invitations, and can earn more by contributing to the Clubhouse community. Explore. The homepage of Clubhouse provides access to ongoing chat rooms, which are recommended based on the people and clubs that are followed by the user. By tapping the magnifying glass icon, users will be redirected to the explore page. On the explore page, users can search for people and clubs to follow, and also find conversations categorized by topics. Clubhouse Payments. Clubhouse is cooperating with Stripe to release their first monetization feature called Clubhouse Payments. Starting April 5, 2021, a small testing group of users were able to send money to creators by tapping "Send Money" on the creator's profile page if the creator had enabled the feature. The full amount is paid directly to the creator, while a small processing fee goes to Stripe. Creator First. Clubhouse Creator First is an accelerator program intended to help content creators on Clubhouse build their audience and monetize their content with a direct payment system. Icon. The icon is a regularly changing black and white profile photo of a social change leader. Their eighth and current icon is Drue Kataoka. Platforms. Clubhouse mobile app is available for iPhone users. In January 2021, the company announced that they will soon start developing the Android version. In February 2021, Clubhouse hired an Android Software Developer and subsequently launched a beta version of the Android app in May 2021, initially available only for users located in the United States, with worldwide access planned for a later date. On 21 May 2021, Clubhouse became available worldwide for Android users. Pierre Stanislas and Philippe Breuils have developed a free third-party desktop client (Mac and Windows) for Clubhouse, called Clubdeck. Privacy issues. Clubhouse records audio in the virtual rooms for the purpose of supporting incident investigations. When a discussion is reported of violating Clubhouse's rules, the audio of the associated room will be reviewed by the staff. In the absence of a report, the room's recording is automatically deleted when the session ends. Clubhouse does not explicitly explain the review process. To receive invitations to invite other individuals, a user must grant Clubhouse access to their contact list. In this manner, Clubhouse gains data about individuals that have not yet joined the app from existing users. If a Clubhouse user links a social media account, Clubhouse will also be able to access information associated with that account, such as follower lists. If a user no longer desires to be part of Clubhouse, they are unable to delete the personal information Clubhouse has collected through contact lists or social media. Clubhouse has plans to monetize the platform by tracking its users and selling user information. Similarly to Facebook's business model, this data will be used for increasing the efficacy of targeted ads, which advertisers can bid on. Clubhouse has stated that they may share their user's personal data to others without prior notification. In April 2021, the personal data of 1.3 million users leaked online, including real names, social media usernames and other account details. Governmental bans and criticism. Clubhouse was banned in Oman for not having a proper license to operate. Clubhouse has also been banned in Jordan and China. Before the ban in February 2021, Clubhouse attracted quite a number of Chinese users to discuss various topics, including politically sensitive topics, such as protests in Hong Kong and the political status of Taiwan. The lack of censorship and regulation associated with Clubhouse rooms is concerning for many governments. The United Arab Emirates has allegedly throttled the internet, making accessing the app impossible. Egypt has called Clubhouse a place for terrorists. Competition. Facebook. Facebook is planning to launch a feature that will directly compete with Clubhouse. Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg appeared on the Clubhouse app in February 2021 to talk about virtual and augmented reality. Shortly after, news of Facebook's competing feature was announced; it is in the early stages of development and does not have an official release date. In April 2021, Facebook's NPE Team launched Hotline, a direct competitor to Clubhouse. The app offers a similar structure of a voice room where only select people can speak while the rest listens. However, Hotline also offers speakers the ability to turn on video. Listeners can ask questions in text form. The app launched in beta, requiring a Twitter account to log in. Twitter Spaces. In November 2020, Twitter announced Twitter Spaces, a service similar to Clubhouse. It is available on desktop and mobile web browsers, Android, and iOS. Twitter Spaces was opened for Android users in March 2021, before the Android version of Clubhouse app was complete. Discord Stage Channels. Discord introduced a feature in competition with Clubhouse called Stage channels. Similarly to Clubhouse, Stage channels only allows a few individuals to speak within a room. Discord is commonly used to facilitate communication between gamers. There currently is a limit of 1000 members that can participate in a Stage channel, but multiple Stage channels can occur at the same time. Reddit. In April 2021, Reddit announced similar product called Reddit Talk for its sub-reddit communities. Spotify. On March 30, 2021, Spotify acquired Locker Room, a virtual space for individuals to discuss recent sports events in real time. With the acquisition of Locker Room, Spotify is looking to improve its app to include topics like music and pop culture in addition to sports. Conversations on Locker Room will funnel into Spotify's podcast library and cause chatting and uploading to be seamless. Slack. Slack is planning to release its own feature resembling Clubhouse on its messaging platform. The CEO of Slack, Stewart Butterfield, was in a Clubhouse session hosted by PressClub when he announced that Slack will soon be rolling out a feature like Clubhouse. Telegram. Voice Chats were first introduced on Telegram in December 2020. The app was updated in March 2021 to have unlimited participants, allow recording and let users ask to speak.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7129523

The 1997 Australian Rugby League season was the 90th season of professional rugby league football in Australia, and the third season run by the Australian Rugby League. While several clubs had left the League to compete in the 1997 Super League season, twelve ARL-loyal teams – eight from across Sydney, two from greater New South Wales and two from Queensland – competed for the Optus Cup Trophy. The fairytale came true for thousands of Novocastrians when the Knights won their first ever premiership, staging a comeback from 8–16 to shatter Manly's hopes. Pre season. The season is most notable for being run parallel to the rival Super League competition. This was the only season when the two competitions actually ran, notwithstanding that 1995 and 1996 had been disrupted by the Super League war. ARL chairman Ken Arthurson resigned in February 1997 in an effort to enable re-unification negotiations held during the season to succeed. It would not be 'til after the season's end in December that the boards of every ARL club would gather at the SCG in an unprecedented meeting to consider the proposed peace deal following five months of secret negotiations between Ian Frykberg and Neil Whittaker. Regular season. In 1997 the official player of the year award, the Provan-Summons Medal was won by Brad Fittler. This award was replaced by the Dally M Medal from the following year. The Illawarra Steelers' Scott Cram was named the 1997 season's rookie of the year. The winners in all grades were: Teams. The eight ARL teams that had aligned themselves with Super League were absent from this year's ARL premiership, instead spending the year competing in the new Telstra Cup competition. The Balmain Tigers changed their name back from the Sydney Tigers this season. Finals. Sydney City and North Sydney played out a bizarre Qualifying Final with the Roosters winning 33–21. The Roosters fought back from 14–2 down with 10 minutes to go to get it back to 14–14, then both sides kicked a field goal to send it to extra time at 15–15. The Roosters went on to play Gold Coast who were in their first ever finals campaign with the Roosters winning 32–10 to book a Preliminary Final showdown with Manly. A peculiarity of the finals system saw Manly and Newcastle face off in what later realised to be a pointless game where both the winner and loser progressed to a Grand Final qualifier the following week. The Roosters had another fight back when they came from 16–6 down to get it back to 16–16, but it was a Sea Eagles field goal that proved the difference to book themselves a third straight Grand Final berth with a 17–16 win. Newcastle reached the 1997 grand final after defeating Parramatta in week one of the finals series. At one stage, Parramatta lead the match 18–0 before a comeback gave Newcastle a 28–20 victory. Newcastle then lost the following week to Manly 27–12 before setting up a preliminary final clash with North Sydney. With the score 12–8 in favor of Newcastle with under 10 minutes to play Jason Taylor set up Michael Buettner for a try which made the score 12–12. Normally a very reliable kicker and one of the most accurate in the competition, Taylor had already missed two previous conversions in the match but if he was to kick this goal it could send North Sydney through to their first grade final since 1943. Taylor ended up missing the goal. With the scores locked at 12–12, Newcastle player Matthew Johns kicked a field goal with 2 minutes to play to make it 13–12. With only seconds remaining Norths frantically threw the ball around and lost it, the ball was swooped up by Newcastle's Owen Craigie and he raced away to score a try and won the game. Grand Final. The fairytale came true for thousands of Novocastrians when the Knights won their first ever premiership, staging a comeback from 8–16 to shatter Manly's hopes. 1st half The long-running duel between opposing front rowers Mark Carroll and Paul Harragon erupted once again in the 2nd minute when Carroll reacted to a Harragon shot on Geoff Toovey. Newcastle applied pressure early when they regained possession inside Manly's 20m and shortly after that Andrew Johns took a penalty attempt, but Manly's defence and luck stood firm and the score stayed nil-all. Manly scored first after rookie hooker Anthony Colella won a scrum against the feed. John Hopoate exploited a weakness in Newcastle's right side defence and got between Darren Albert and Mark Hughes to score. Nevin's sideline conversion gave the Sea Eagles a 6–0 lead. In 13th minute Manly suffered a blow when Toovey was steamrolled. He left the field concussed for Cliff Lyons to come on. Johns went within inches of scoring for Newcastle in the 24th minute when his blindside break on the last tackle was stopped by a desperate Hopoate. Manly responded with a thrilling try in the 25th minute. The movement started 55 metres out – Hopoate making the initial break down the left-hand side with Lyons backing up to enable Craig Innes to crash over for a Manly 10–0 lead. Newcastle's first points came through a Johns' penalty goal. Then in the 34th minute they scored their first ever Grand Final try after a clever kick from Matthew Johns was taken by Hopoate who was bundled into touch. From the scrum win, Robbie O'Davis got outside Terry Hill to score. Andrew Johns' conversion brought Newcastle within two points. Manly hit back in the 38th minute after some magical work from Lyons. He swept onto the ball which had been dropped by Harragon and spun around to find Shannon Nevin on the inside. The Newcastle forwards couldn't get across to cover the overlap and Nevin then converted his own try for a 16–8 half-time scoreline. 2nd half Early in the second half there was more concern for Toovey after he was stomped on by Adam MacDougall. Manly then almost put Newcastle away in the 51st minute when Steven Menzies powered through close to the line only to be stopped by Troy Fletcher scrambling well to effect a try- and match-saving tackle for the Knights. Andrew Johns booted a penalty goal in the 57th minute to claw Newcastle back to within a converted try. In the 61st minute Adam Muir dropped a pass from Andrew Johns a metre from Manly's line but it was a sign that the Knights were back in the game. Manly on the other hand, began to play conservatively to their own ultimate cost. They received a penalty after another Harragon high tackle and elected to kick at goal 32 metres out with a swirling breeze. Nevin missed and Darren Albert returned the kick with a 40-metre run. Manly applied pressure for the next ten minutes but came away empty handed. Colella and then Nik Kosef both dropped balls inside Newcastle's 30m line while trying to off-load. A 69th minute last tackle raid ten metres out by Manly also fell short when a field-goal might have sealed the game. Having withstood the pressure, Newcastle then lifted. Following a long break by Fletcher, Andrew Johns received the ball from his brother. He stood in a tackle, handed to O'Davis, who spun and planted the ball on the line. Johns' conversion levelled the scores 16–16 with five minutes remaining. The match is ultimately best remembered for its classic grandstand finish, when Darren Albert's try broke the 16–16 deadlock seven seconds from full-time. The effervescent Andrew Johns unexpectedly went down a narrow blind-side before slipping a pass to Albert who raced over to score prompting scenes of euphoria from the Knights fans and players who had won their inaugural title Ray Warren proclaiming "Newcastle have won the Grand Final". Newcastle Knights 22Tries: O'Davis 2, AlbertGoals: Johns 5/6 Manly-Warringah Sea Eagles 16Tries: Hopoate, Innes, NevinGoals: Nevin 2/4 Clive Churchill Medal: Robbie O'Davis Seventy per cent of the winning squad were Newcastle juniors. The win was a huge morale boost to the blue-collar Newcastle district in the same year that the area's biggest employer, the BHP steelworks had announced its closure. A Super Bowl style match between the Newcastle Knights and Brisbane Broncos, the 1997 Super League season's premiers was mooted, but did not eventuate. Newcastle only had to wait another four years for its next premiership, whilst Manly had to wait until 2007 for another shot at the title, which was unsuccessful. Manly's next premiership would however come the year after. Post season. With twenty-two teams playing in two competitions in 1997 crowd attendances and corporate sponsorships were spread very thinly, and many teams found themselves in financial difficulty by the end of the season. Despite having the financial backing of Optus, the Australian Rugby League decided that it was not in the best interests of the game to run two competitions and undertook moves to approach News Limited and invite the traditional clubs back into the main competition. As a consequence of the negotiations that followed, on 23 September 1997 the ARL announced that it was forming a new competition in partnership with News Limited. The National Rugby League was formed from the ARL and Super League competitions. It was announced that the 1998 season would have 20 teams competing, 19 of the ARL and Super League teams and the Melbourne Storm, who were owned by News Limited. Some of the clubs on both sides of the war were shut down. News decided to close the Hunter Mariners and the financially ruined Western/Perth Reds, who were $10million in debt at the end of 1997, while the ARL decided to close down the South Queensland Crushers, who were also in financial trouble. Additionally, at the end of the following season News Limited would decide to close down the Adelaide Rams and the ARL would close down the Gold Coast Chargers, even though they were one of the few clubs to make a profit during the Super League war.

impressive endeavors

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24651485

The North Kowloon Magistracy (北九龍裁判法院 / 北九龍裁判司署 before 1 July 1997) is a historic building and former Magistrate's Court located at No. 292, Tai Po Road, Shek Kip Mei, Kowloon, Hong Kong. The building was erected in 1960 and served the community for over 44 years. The Magistracy used to handle cases in the Kowloon District, which covers Mong Kok, Sham Shui Po, Shek Kip Mei, Cheung Sha Wan and Ho Man Tin, and could be considered one of the busiest in Hong Kong. It was closed in 2005 due to cost saving policy of the government and consolidation of magistracies from nine to six. In February 2009, the government declared that the building will be converted into the Hong Kong campus of the Savannah College of Art and Design. It operated as the Savannah College of Art and Design (SCAD) (Hong Kong) from September 2010 until 1 June 2020. The Government took over the historic building after the expiry of the tenancy on 1 August 2020. History. Before 1942, two magistracies were handling offences in Kowloon: one, located in Shanghai Street between Public Square Street and Market Street, was demolished in 1957. The other one was the Kowloon Magistracy in Gascoigne Road, built in 1936 and renamed the South Kowloon District Court in 1957. The North Kowloon Magistracy was built in 1960. After its completion, the building functioned as both magistrates' courts and space on the upper floors for more Government offices. During the illegal Chinese influx during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s, if the illegal immigrants arrived the Magistracy after making their way from the border, they will be granted permanent residency on Hong Kong. It became the sole judicial court handling offences in Kowloon in 2000, when the magistracy in Gascoigne Road was closed. The North Kowloon Magistracy was closed on 3 January 2005 due to cost saving policy of the government and consolidation of magistracies from nine to six. The estimated saving from the closure of North Kowloon Magistracy is HK$6.6 million a year coming mainly from the reduction of registry staff. Cases from this court have consequently been dealt with in Kwun Tong, Kowloon City and Sha Tin Magistrates' Courts. Jurisdiction. The magistracy was classified as the lowest court that handled indictable and summary offences. It was made up of a Juvenile Court, four Magistrates' courts and government offices. Minor offences such as traffic conviction, littering and juvenile offences were treated in the Special Magistrates and Juvenile Court respectively. Solemn cases were usually transferred to the District Courts or the Court of First Instance. The maximum sentence in the Magistracy is two years' imprisonment and a mulct of $100,000. There were more than forty defendants attended the court daily and could reach up to eighty occasionally. Important events. The cases adjudicated in North Kowloon Magistracy were mostly minor ones including prostitution, illegal hawking and littering in prohibited areas. On 7 December 1998, an elderly hawker suddenly set fire to himself in the Magistracy after he was convicted of illegal hawking, fined HK$400 and had his jade trinkets confiscated. He died two days later in the hospital. In December 2002, someone sprayed red paint on the rear door of the Magistracy to support the implementation of Article 23, he was later charged with criminal damage to property. In December 2003 (aka King of the Gangsters) (Traditional Chinese: ) appeared in the Magistracy facing charges of illegal possession of firearms and causing grievous bodily harm to two police officers. Since Kwai was a mastermind of a cross-border gang and the most wanted criminal whom the Hong Kong Police Force had wished to apprehend, there were over one hundred armed police officers stationed outside the Magistracy on the trial date for security purposes. Architecture. The 7-storey court building was built in granite ashlar blocks in 1960 and designed by Palmer & Turner Architects. North Kowloon Magistracy is featured by the Neo-classical architecture and Stripped Classicism, a form of neo-classicism from which most of the traditional mouldings, ornament and details have been elided, visually emphasizing the structural and proportional systems. Although there are a few other buildings of similar design in Hong Kong, the Magistracy building appears to be the only surviving example of this building type and therefore can be considered as a rarity. The building is divided into 3 functional zones and characterized by independent circulation access for general public, magistrates and staff, police and prisoners respectively. Its gross floor area is approximately 7,345 m2 with a central atrium. On its front facade, there are central projecting bay, symmetrical tall and narrow windows. Tiled apron panels can be seen. The external wall is mostly grey with blue canopies. A central light well was constructed spanning the third to the fifth floor. Construction materials. The materials used for construction of the building is reinforced concrete. For the exterior part, there are mainly granite finishes on the front facade, with granite sprayed as coverage. Dark blue glazed ceramic tiles were used too. For the interior part, various materials were adopted. Emulsion paint was used on the wall with some other floor finishes, e.g. vinyl and ceramic floor tiles and timber floor strips. Architectural merits. External. The door at the main entrance is a pair of bronze doors and the bronze doorcases with moulded architraves. Another major architectural feature of the building is the double half-turn unenclosed symmetrical grand staircase outside the door that form a hexagon. On the balustrade of staircases, there is ornamental ironwork featuring with Grecian motifs. Some landings, strings, spandrels in Italianate palazzo style can also be found. Internal. There are ornamental handrails and guard bars to the windows, and Italianate balustrades on the staircases on the first three floors. Defects. Minor cracks on walls and beams at some floors are found on the building. Spalling of concrete is also observed on ceilings of some floors. Regular maintenance and monitoring is required to keep the structural slabs, beams and columns in good condition. Conservation. Since its closure in 2005, the Hong Kong Government had suggested making the North Kowloon Magistracy a declared monument or turning the Magistracy into the headquarters of the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority. However, this proposal faced strong opposition from the Sham Shui Po District Council, which in turn suggested using the site to build a Legal History Museum. In 2008, the North Kowloon Magistracy was part of the seven buildings of Batch I of the Hong Kong Government's Revitalising Historic Buildings Through Partnership Scheme seeking adaptive reuse of government-owned historic buildings. On 17 February 2009, the government declared that the building will be used by the Savannah College of Art and Design (SCAD) (Traditional Chinese: 美國薩凡納藝術設計學院) as the school building as well as helping the old court become a Digital Media Centre of Asia. The Savannah College of Art and Design is granted the right to use the building of the former North Kowloon Magistracy for its Hong Kong branch campus, which is its first campus in Asia and will be in addition to campuses in Savannah, GA, Atlanta, GA and Lacoste, France. The anticipated renovation period for the magistracy building will be around 15 months and the SCAD school is expected to open in 2011, allowing the public to visit the old law courts and passages for prisoners. The estimated flow of people is about 130,000 headcounts per year for the first five years of opening. Implementation. A branch campus of the Savannah College of Art and Design (SCAD) was established, providing 1,500 student places at tertiary level for studies on digital media, including animation, advertising design, photography, graphic design, illustration, interactive design and game development, motion media design, and visual effects. The revitalisation and reconstruction project was estimated to cost approximately $100 million. SCAD wishes to: Apart from the above, it is hoped that the project will obtain synergy effect by cooperating with the nearby Jockey Club Creative Arts Centre () and provide summer art programmes and campaigns to students. The project retains the exterior appearance of the Magistracy. Parts of the building will remain open to the public and a gallery will be set up to display the history of the Magistracy. A website will also be created to show the comparison between the old Magistracy building and the newly renovated SCAD-Hong Kong Campus. A conservation documentary that captures the entire conservation process will be produced. It is expected that the project will house 40 classrooms, 16 faculty and staff offices, one library, one art gallery, and two computer laboratories. Also, two court rooms will be converted into a digital studio and a lecture hall respectively. The project will implement a variety of greening measures such as use of high efficiency lighting and fixtures fabricated from sustainable materials. Controversy over revitalisation scheme. Much controversy had arisen in the bidding process of the Scheme. Cantonese opera 'big sister' Liza Wang Ming-Chun who led the Chinese Artist Association of Hong Kong had submitted a proposal of renovating the Magistracy into a Cantonese opera training and performance centre. Immediately before the announcement of the result, Wang claimed that her association's plan would be rejected and the outcome was already 'fixed'. Wang's outburst has caused much public outcry and as a result the chairman of the "Advisory Committee on Revitalization of Historic Buildings", Bernard Charnwut Chan, had to clean up the rumours on air. On 17 February 2009, Liza Wang strongly protested against the result of the scheme, said she wanted to cry and threatened to take the matter up with Chief Executive Donald Tsang. The emotional outburst had drawn a big audience from the public and the incident was reported in the media for days. It was later reported in the newspapers that the association's initial proposal had a comparable score to the ultimate winner SCAD but fell short at the interview stage because Wang was unable to convince the Advisory Committee with an estimated operating cost of $15 million and foreseeable difficulty in raising funds.

large attention

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25932235

Bellaire Boulevard (also known as Holcombe, and as 百利大道 "Bǎilì Dàdào" in Chinese and "Đại Lộ Sàigòn" in Vietnamese) is an arterial road in western Houston, Texas, United States. The street also goes through unincorporated areas in Harris County and the cities of Bellaire, Southside Place, and West University Place. Bellaire Boulevard goes through or next to the Houston communities of Alief, Chinatown, Gulfton, and Sharpstown. In addition the boulevard goes through the Greater Sharpstown management district. John Nova Lomax of the "Houston Press" described Bellaire Boulevard as "a world market of a street, a bazaar where Mexicans, Anglos, Salvadorans, African Americans, Hondurans, stoners, Vietnamese, Chinese, Filipinos, Japanese, Koreans and Thais go to shop and eat." The street ends at Holcombe Boulevard, which extends to the Texas Medical Center. As of 2005 many Salvadoran immigrants live and work along the portion of Bellaire Boulevard in the Gulfton area. Many Asian American businesses populate the sections of Bellaire Boulevard in Alief and Chinatown. From west to east, the east segment begins west of Westmoor Drive in Richmond and concludes at Edloe Street in Southside Place where it changes into Holcombe Blvd. It is 16.7 miles long. The western segment is 6.2 miles long, beginning (from east to west) at Harlem Road in Richmond and concluding at FM 723 where it becomes Fulshear-Gaston Road. The two segments together run for 22.9 miles. A proposed extension would combine the two segments into one. History. William Wright Baldwin, who was the president of the South End Land Company in the 1900s and 1910s, constructed the portion of Bellaire Boulevard from the Bellaire town site to Main Street in Houston. He also incorporated the Westmoreland Railroad Company to build an electric streetcar line down the centre of the boulevard. The streetcar, known as the "Toonerville Trolley," operated from 12 December 1910, until bus service replaced it on 26 September 1927.

Gulfton region

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=6637052

Co-Redemptrix (also spelled Coredemptrix; Co-Redemptress is an equivalent term) is a title used within the Catholic Church for the Blessed Virgin Mary, as well as a Catholic theological concept referring to Mary's role in the redemption of all peoples. It is a reverent title for the Blessed Mother and held as a pious belief in the Catholic Church. According to those who use the term, "Co-Redemptrix" refers to a subordinate but essential participation by the Blessed Virgin Mary in redemption, notably that she gave free consent to give life to the Redeemer, which meant sharing his life, suffering, and death, which were redemptive for the world. Related to this belief is the concept of Mary as Mediatrix, which is a separate concept but regularly included by Catholics who use the title "Co-Redemptrix". A Fifth Marian Dogma has been proposed including both Mediatrix and Co-Redemptrix. The term Co-Redemptress was used by Pope Leo XIII in 1894. "For in the Rosary all the part that Mary took as our co-Redemptress comes to us..." Co-Redemptrix was used three times by Roman Congregrations under Pope St. Pius X: "The first usages of the Co-redemptrix title in the official pronouncements of the Roman Congregations also take place under the Magisterium of St. Pius X. Co-redemptrix is used three times by the Holy See in the initiatives of three Congregations of the Curia, and is thus contained in the publication of their official acts, Acta Sanctae Sedis (later to become Acta Apostolicae Sedis)." The concept was especially common in the late Middle Ages, when it was promoted heavily among the Franciscans, and often resisted by the Dominicans. By the early 16th century the hopes of the concept becoming Catholic doctrine had receded, and have never seriously revived. In more recent times, the title has received some support from the Catholic Magisterium though it is not included in the concluding chapter of the apostolic constitution "Lumen gentium" of the Second Vatican Council, which chapter many theologians hold to be a comprehensive summary of Roman Catholic Mariology. Some, in particular the adherents of the Amsterdam visions, have petitioned for a dogmatic definition, along with "Mediatrix", and the process for further theological clarification and eventual dogmatic definition is ongoing. Pope John Paul II was the most favorable of recent Popes. As a Cardinal, Pope Benedict XVI suggested that the Marian title caused confusion and did not sufficiently reflect scripture. Pope Francis has repeatedly suggested the title not be used. History. As early as the year 200, the Church Father Irenaeus referred to Mary as the cause of our salvation () given her "fiat" ("let it be"). Theologians distinguish between "remote cooperation", by which she consents to the Incarnation and gives birth to the Son of God, and "immediate cooperation", in which she willingly unites herself to her Son's Passion and offers him back to the Father. Philosophers also draw a distinction between merit "de condigno" (Christ's merit), which is based on justice, and merit "proprie de congruo" (Mary's merit), founded on the friendship of charity. The concept was especially common in the late Middle Ages, when it was promoted heavily among the Franciscans, and often resisted by the Dominicans. It is an idea which was the subject of considerable theological debate, reaching a peak in the 15th century. By the early 16th century the hopes of the concept becoming Catholic doctrine had receded, and have never seriously revived. A number of theologians have discussed the concept over the years, from the 19th-century Father Frederick William Faber, to the 20th-century Mariologist Father Gabriel Roschini. In his 1946 publication "Compendium Mariologiae", Roschini explained that Mary did not only participate in the birth of the physical Jesus, but, with conception, she entered with him into a spiritual union. The divine salvation plan, being not only material, includes a permanent spiritual unity with Christ. Most Mariologists agree with this position. The title tends to be most popular among conservative Catholics. Modern proponents see some support in "Inter sodalica", a 1918 commemorative letter of Pope Benedict XV to a Roman sodality: "As the Blessed Virgin Mary does not seem to participate in the public life of Jesus Christ, and then, suddenly appears at the stations of his cross, she is not there without divine intention. She suffers with her suffering and dying son, almost as if she would have died herself. For the salvation of mankind, she gave up her rights as the mother of her son and, in a sense, offered Christ's sacrifice to God the Father as far as she was permitted to do. Therefore, one can say, she redeemed with Christ the human race." There has been neither a retraction so far, nor any equivalent statements since. In his encyclical on the Immaculate Conception, "Ad diem illum", Pope Pius X said, "...since Mary carries it over all in holiness and union with Jesus Christ, and has been associated by Jesus Christ in the work of redemption, she merits for us "de congruo", in the language of theologians, what Jesus Christ merits for us "de condigno"." Pope Pius XII, in his encyclical on the "Mystical Body of Christ", "Mystici Corporis", said, "It was she, the second Eve, who, free from all sin, original or personal, and always more intimately united with her Son, offered Him on Golgotha to the Eternal Father for all the children of Adam, sin-stained by his unhappy fall, and her mother's rights and her mother's love were included in the holocaust. Thus she who, according to the flesh, was the mother of our Head, through the added title of pain and glory became, according to the Spirit, the mother of all His members." However, attempts to promote a fifth marian dogma undertaken in the 20s-40s of the twentieth century did not come to fruition due to Pius XII's veto. The term was not used in the concluding chapter of the apostolic constitution "Lumen gentium" of the Second Vatican Council, which chapter many theologians hold to be a comprehensive summary of Roman Catholic Mariology. Some, in particular the adherents of the Amsterdam visions, have petitioned for a dogmatic definition, along with "Mediatrix", but recent high-level comments in the Church have not encouraged these hopes. On April 7, 2017, the Congregation of the Mother Coredemptrix was renamed to the Congregation of the Mother of the Redeemer upon the recommendation of the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples, due to the "theological ambiguity" of the title Coredemptrix. On two occasions - in December 2019 and March 2021 - Pope Francis has spoken out against the use of the term. Context. The concept of Mary offering Christ's sufferings is theologically complex. Christ offered himself alone; “the Passion of Christ did not need any assistance.” It is according to the spirit of the offertory or preparation of the gifts within the Mass to prepare to offer oneself with Christ as a part of the Eucharistic Prayer, being members of his mystical body, acknowledging that not even the greatest effort, of itself and apart from Christ, can be of any significance to God. A priest participates in the Eucharistic Celebration as an icon of Christ. The Holy Office has forbidden reference to Mary as a priestess. Mary “merits for us "de congruo"”, i.e. by way of a fitting reward not binding upon God, “what Jesus Christ merits for us "de condigno"”, i.e. by God binding himself to give the reward. It is uncertain whether Pope Pius X meant "for us” to mean all humankind except Christ's human nature and Mary, or only those living after Mary's merits, since the former could potentially break the general rule that the effect comes after the cause. Where it concerns post-Assumption graces, it is a pious opinion that the entirety of them come through the "intercession" of Mary, a concept that is in itself in need of clarification. The Roman Catholic view of the title "Co-Redemptrix" does not imply that Mary participates as equal part in the redemption of the human race, since Christ is the only redeemer. Mary herself needed redemption and was redeemed by Jesus Christ. Being redeemed by Christ, implies that she cannot be his equal part in the redemption process. Similarly, if Mary is described as the "mediatrix" of all graces, it “is to be so understood that it neither takes away from nor adds anything to the dignity and efficaciousness of Christ the one Mediator”. Pope Pius XII in "Munificentissimus Deus", the bull defining the dogma of the Assumption of Mary, used the expression "the revered Mother of God, ... joined ... with Jesus Christ in one and the same decree of predestination ... as the noble associate of the divine Redeemer". This whole topic is made more complex by the evolving understanding of what "sacrifice" means in the Catholic church, whether it is propitiatory or expiatory. Proposed dogmatic definition. There have been efforts to propose a formal dogmatization, which has had both popular and ecclesiastical support. The proposal for the dogma is often associated with the alleged apparitions of The Lady of All Nations to Ida Peerdeman, in Amsterdam, Netherlands. The visionary reported that the Lady of the apparition repeatedly instructed her to petition Pope Pius XII to dogmatically define Mary's spiritual motherhood under the threefold title of Coredemptrix, Mediatrix, and Advocate. In the intervening decades, the Church's stance on the Amsterdam apparitions has been mixed. As of 2002, the apparitions have the approval of the diocesan ordinary, Bishop Jozef Marianus Punt of Haarlem-Amsterdam. The possibility of such a dogma was brought up at the Second Vatican Council by Italian, Spanish, and Polish bishops, but not dealt with on the council floor. Subsequently, "not only did the Council not take the route of a dogmatic pronouncement, but it positively avoided using 'coredemptio'", and popes pointedly did not include such language in their encyclicals. In the early 1990s Prof. Mark Miravalle of the Franciscan University of Steubenville and author of the book "Mary: Coredemptrix, Mediatrix, Advocate" launched a popular petition to urge Pope John Paul II to declare Mary Coredemptrix "ex cathedra". Salvatore Perrella, O.S.M., of the Pontifical Theological Faculty of the Marianum in Rome, thought that this indicated "...a certain 'under-appreciation' of the Council's teaching, which is perhaps believed to be not completely adequate to illustrate comprehensively Mary's co-operation in Christ's work of Redemption." Scriptural basis. The New Testament is commonly cited in favour of this teaching: Opposing arguments. Arguments opposed are that such a dogma might limit, in popular understanding, the redemptive role of Jesus Christ. Faber says, Faber recognized that the term "Co-Redemptrix" usually requires some explanation in modern English because so often the prefix "co-" tends to imply complete equality. He also explains that, "Thus, so far as the literal meaning of the word is concerned, it would appear that the term co-redemptress is not theologically true, or at least does not express the truth it certainly contains with theological accuracy." This concern is shared by Perrella.The semantic weight of this expression would require a good many other qualifications and clarifications, especially in the case under examination, where she who is wished to be proclaimed co-redeemer is, in the first place, one who is redeemed, albeit in a singular manner, and who participates in Redemption primarily as something she herself receives. Thus we see the inadequacy of the above-mentioned term for expressing a doctrine which requires, even from the lexical standpoint, the proper nuances and distinctions of levels. It was rejected by the Vatican in the past because of serious theological difficulties. In August 1996, a Mariological Congress was held in Częstochowa, Poland, where a commission was established in response to a request of the Holy See. The congress sought the opinion of scholars present there regarding the possibility of proposing a fifth Marian dogma on Mary as Coredemptrix, Mediatrix, and Advocate. The commission unanimously declared that it was not opportune, voting 23–0 against the proposed dogma. Another argument is that it would also complicate ecumenical efforts for a better understanding of the role of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the salvation mystery of Jesus Christ. By 1998 it was doubtful the Vatican was going to consider new Marian dogmas. The papal spokesman stated "This is not under study by the Holy Father nor by any Vatican congregation or commission." A leading Mariologist stated the petition was "theologically inadequate, historically a mistake, pastorally imprudent and ecumenically unacceptable." Pope John Paul II cautioned against "all false exaggeration"; his teaching and devotion to Mary has strictly been "exalting Mary as the first among believers but concentrating all faith on the Triune God and giving primacy to Christ." In his 1994 Apostolic letter, "Tertio Milennio Adveniente", John Paul said, "Christ, the Redeemer of the world, is the one Mediator between God and men, and there is no other name under heaven by which we can be saved (cf. Acts 4:12)." When asked in an interview in 2000 whether the Church would go along with the desire to solemnly define Mary as Co-redemptrix, then-Cardinal Ratzinger (later Pope Benedict XVI) responded that, "...the formula “Co-redemptrix” departs to too great an extent from the language of Scripture and of the Fathers and therefore gives rise to misunderstandings. ...Everything comes from Him [Christ], as the Letter to the Ephesians and the Letter to the Colossians, in particular, tell us; Mary, too, is everything she is through Him. The word “Co-redemptrix” would obscure this origin. A correct intention being expressed in the wrong way. In December 2019, at a Mass in St. Peter's Basilica celebrating the feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe, Pope Francis said in referring to a picture of "La Morenita" that three terms came to mind, woman, mother and "mestiza"; the latter because "Mary makes God a mestizo, true God but also true man.” He also discouraged proposals for a new dogmatic title. "“When they come to us with the story of declaring her this or making that dogma, let’s not get lost in foolishness [in Spanish, tonteras],” he said." René Laurentin, theologian specializing in Mariology, said "“There is no mediation or co-redemption except in Christ. He alone is God.” External links. Fathers and Doctors of the Catholic Church on Mary as Coredemptrix

salvation exercise

5481-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4757994

A queue management system is used to control queues. Queues of people form in various situations and locations in a queue area. The process of queue formation and propagation is defined as queuing theory. What is the queue management system? The queue management system is a set of tools and sub-systems assist in controlling customers’ flow, managing the waiting time and enhancing customers’ experience for multiple industries including banking, healthcare, retails, education, government, and telecom. Types of queue. Structured queues. Here people form a queue in a fixed, predictable position, such as at supermarket checkouts, and other retail locations such as banks or airport security. In the field of facilities management, structured queues are commonly known with different names like "Queue Managers" or "Crowd Controllers" or "Public Guidance Systems". Very often, queue management systems are set up to manage ticket ranking for a service (with or without a numbered ticket) with identification and thus enable a serene and stress-free waiting. Extending the different possibilities, planned reception by appointment and remotely rank allocation on or through Short Message Service can also be included. A more rudimentary (or in some cases, supplementary) manual element to structured queue management involves the addition of a member of human staff to deliver a system, monitoring structured queue lengths in order to guide people in a queue or to make adjustments to speed up service (e.g. fetching more cashiers). Such systems are used in UK supermarkets, for example, where the addition of a 'host' role or Customer Service Manager may occur. Unstructured queues. Where people form a queue in unpredictable and varying locations and directions. This is often the case in some forms of retail, taxi queues, ATMs and at periods of high demand in many situations. In the busiest places, physical barriers and guides are used to funnel people into a line as they arrive. Mobile queue and virtual queue. Allowing customers to use their mobile phone to view real-time queue data and select a reason that they want to visit your service center. Customers are free to carry on their day and don't have to wait in a waiting area. Customers receive notifications via SMS or App or Emails inform them about there turn and when ready to be seen, they are called forward for service. Mobile queues can also include real-time queue data statistics as well as real-time customer feedback. Mobile queues require the customer to install apps to their phone before getting into the queue. The time to install may extend the persons actual wait time for the first visit. Installing apps to a device includes unknown risks of tracking and marketing. Because not every business uses the same app, customers can end up with hundreds of apps on their device. Mobile queue apps are best for customers that visit the same place on a regular basis. Queue measurement and management techniques. Various queue measurement and management techniques exist: Physical barrier. They aimed at guiding queue formation and organizing it in the most efficient way. Signage and signaling systems. Traditional queue management systems rely on customers of that business, entering the business and using a free-standing kiosk to select the reason for their visit. These type of systems use LCD screens to manage customers by way of indicating their wait time and place in the queue. These aim to provide information to people queuing to aid efficient queue formation and flow, as well as setting service expectations. Newer technologies such as utilization of a customer mobile phone, allow customers to view queue data and join a queue prior to arriving at the service centre are seen to be more customer friendly. Customers who use this technology do not have to join a physical line or wait in a confined area watching LCD screens. Solutions that use the customers mobile phone, interact with the customer keeping them updated as to their place in the queue and when ready, call the customer forward for service. Solutions such as these improve efficiency within the business and also improve customer feedback surveys. Automatic queue measurement systems. These use a variety of measurement technologies which predict and measure queue lengths and waiting times and provide management information to help service levels and resource deployment. Automatic queue measurement systems for small structured queues. Automatic queue measurement systems are designed to help managers in two ways – first, through enhanced customer service; second by improving efficiency and reducing costs. They use people counting sensors at entrances and above checkout lanes/queue areas to accurately detect the number and behavior of people in the queue. Built-in predictive algorithms can provide advance notice on how many checkouts or service points will be needed to meet demand. Dashboards, available on a computer monitor or mobile PDA device, are often used to provide a range of information, such as dynamic queue length, waiting time data, and checkout performance on the shop floor. In the event that performance falls towards a minimum service level, in supermarkets or banks management teams can be automatically alerted beforehand, allowing them time to proactively manage the situation. Key measurements produced are: A number of the large UK supermarket chains use such systems for service level and resource management. Automatic queue measurement systems for large and unstructured queues. Where queues form in unpredictable locations and/or extend beyond a relatively small queue area, overhead detector based queue measurement systems cannot be effectively used. Alternative technology solutions using wide area queue sampling are effective in these situations. One method is using Bluetooth detection from mobile telephones held by people in the queue. Although a sampling technique, as typically 10 – 30% of telephone have active Bluetooth at any one time, it gives a reasonably accurate measurement of average queue wait times where long queues are present. A precise but more expensive method is the use of a people counter. Measuring and counting can be particularly useful in situations such as airport security where a large volume of people pass through an area in varying flow patterns and constantly varying physical locations. Enterprise grade queue management system. With the improvement of network connectivity, the organizations are exploring for deployment of a centralized computerized queue management system suitable as enterprise grade solution. Computerized queue management system is becoming a part of IT projects within organizations for taking the initiative to use their existing hardware and database to reduce the cost of investment, taking leverage of using internal network connectivity within the branches for central system management and reporting on the customer flow data. Automatic queue measurement systems for a complete reception solution. Reception management solutions allow managing flows and the purposes of visits from initial contact to the service given. These intelligent management systems allow to increase productivity and sales and reduce operating costs by ensuring that customer is served by the staff that are the most qualified according to the request. Reception management solutions are above all a way of increasing customer satisfaction by reducing the perceived and actual waiting time, creating a pleasant environment and a fair reception. These innovative reception management solutions also contribute to the satisfaction of working teams by reducing the amount of stress and optimizing the processing of requests. Reception management solutions also enable to generate data about how customers wait and how staff can best serve them. This type of information assists in improving organization processes and in increasing the quality of customer service. Reception management solutions cover 6 stages: Besides these stages, for a complete reception solution, it is useful and efficient to include appointments management, agenda planning and future flows and resources forecasting. These modular solutions, adaptable to various sectors (Retail, Health, Telecommunications, Finance, Transport, Public Sector...), can suit to the management of a simple queue to centralized multiple site organization. Call/reception. Provide various options for establishing contact: In case of a common queue guide for several call forward windows (cash, desks), a LED or video screen at the head of the queue displays the number called with a directional arrow. The number called should also be able to be shown by a number, arrow, floor-plan etc. When waiting times may be long, a possible first stage is to use a beeper or text message or Smartphone message* to send customers to a final waiting area, where they are free to move around the store or area. If the reception procedure takes several stages, or if additional waiting time is necessary before the provision of the service can be concluded, it should be possible to place visitors on hold for subsequent treatment. Real time management and data collection for statistical analysis. Managers have access to a tracking screen with warnings (visual, sound, text messages or e-mails) which enable overall monitoring and control of the reception system. Nevertheless, the system positions backups automatically, to ensure that the target waiting levels per service are respected, as a function of the allocation of salespersons/staff to the services and the forecasts and actual arrivals of customers/visitors. In the centralized deployment in enterprise-grade queue management solution, the management console allows configuring all the parameter to run the token dispenser, a keypad for service desk, displays, Announcement and the user management. Complete statistical reports enable tables and graphs of the following parameters and variables to be interlinked and presented: time periods, waiting times, handling times, times present, services provided, reasons for visits etc. These reports are configurable temporal documents for different needs, displaying functions with 1 or 2 variables. They can be consulted or personalized and sent directly to managers by e-mail. Forecasting and appointments. To be able to estimate future visitor flows and resource requirements by department and time period, as a function of statistical data and the designation of past and future days. This enables scheduling of reception resources to be optimized. To be able to make appointments or anticipate flows arrival, by direct contact, telephone or Internet, and mix appointments with walk-in visits using the same resources, by ensuring that appointments are automatically handled at the planned time. Traditional Queue Management has always utilized expensive touch screen kiosks however, newer technology solutions utilize the customers mobile phone. Using a customer mobile phone to interact with the customer ensures that customers are free to do what they want and not have to wait in a waiting area. The customer will receive notifications on their mobile phone and when ready, they are called forward for service.

inaugural relationship

11235-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=17985602

Region growing is a simple region-based image segmentation method. It is also classified as a pixel-based image segmentation method since it involves the selection of initial seed points. This approach to segmentation examines neighboring pixels of initial seed points and determines whether the pixel neighbors should be added to the region. The process is iterated on, in the same manner as general data clustering algorithms. A general discussion of the region growing algorithm is described below. Region-based segmentation. The main goal of segmentation is to partition an image into regions. Some segmentation methods such as thresholding achieve this goal by looking for the boundaries between regions based on discontinuities in grayscale or color properties. Region-based segmentation is a technique for determining the region directly. The basic formulation is: (a) means that the segmentation must be complete; that is, every pixel must be in a region. (b) requires that points in a region must be connected in some predefined sense. (c) indicates that the regions must be disjoint. (d) deals with the properties that must be satisfied by the pixels in a segmented region. For example, formula_9 if all pixels in formula_7 have the same grayscale. (e) indicates that region formula_7 and formula_12 are different in the sense of predicate formula_13. Basic concept of seed points. The first step in region growing is to select a set of seed points. Seed point selection is based on some user criterion (for example, pixels in a certain grayscale range, pixels evenly spaced on a grid, etc.). The initial region begins as the exact location of these seeds. The regions are then grown from these seed points to adjacent points depending on a region membership criterion. The criterion could be, for example, pixel intensity, grayscale texture, or color. Since the regions are grown on the basis of the criterion, the image information itself is important. For example, if the criterion were a pixel intensity threshold value, knowledge of the histogram of the image would be of use, as one could use it to determine a suitable threshold value for the region membership criterion. There is a very simple example followed below. Here we use 4-connected neighborhood to grow from the seed points. We can also choose 8-connected neighborhood for our pixels adjacent relationship. And the criteria we make here is the same pixel value. That is, we keep examining the adjacent pixels of seed points. If they have the same intensity value with the seed points, we classify them into the seed points. It is an iterated process until there are no change in two successive iterative stages. Of course, we can make other criteria, but the main goal is to classify the similarity of the image into regions. Some important issues. Then we can conclude several important issues about region growing： 1.The suitable selection of seed points is important. The selection of seed points is depending on the users. For example, in a grayscale lightning image, we may want to segment the lightning from the background. Then probably, we can examine the histogram and choose the seed points from the highest range of it. 2.More information of the image is better. Obviously, the connectivity or pixel adjacent information is helpful for us to determine the threshold and seed points. 3.The value, “minimum area threshold”. No region in region growing method result will be smaller than this threshold in the segmented image. 4.The value, “Similarity threshold value“. If the difference of pixel-value or the difference value of average grayscale of a set of pixels less than “Similarity threshold value”, the regions will be considered as a same region. The criteria of similarities or so called homogeneity we choose are also important. It usually depends on the original image and the segmentation result we want. Some criteria often used are grayscale (average intensity or variance), color, and texture or shape. Simulation examples. Here we show a simple example for region growing. Figure 1 is the original image which is a grayscale lightning image. The grayscale value of this image is from 0 to 255. The reason we apply region growing on this image is that we want to mark the strongest lightning part of the image and we also want the result to be connected without being split apart. Therefore, we choose the points having the highest grayscale value which is 255 as the seed points shown in the Figure 2. After determining the seed points, we have to determine the range of threshold. Always keep in mind that the objective is to mark the strongest light in the image. The third figure is the region growing result from choosing the threshold between 225 and the value of seed points (which is 255). Hence we only mark out the points whose grayscale values are above 225. If we make the range of threshold wider, we will get a result having a bigger area of the lightning region shown as the Figure 4 and the Figure 5. We can observe the difference between the last two figures which have different threshold values. Region growing provides the ability for us to separate the part we want connected. As we can see in Figure 3 to Figure 5, the segmented results in this example are seed-oriented connected. That means the result grew from the same seed points are the same regions. And the points will not be grown without being connected with the seed points. Therefore, there are still many points in the original image having the grayscale values above 155 which are not marked in Figure 5. This characteristic ensures the reliability of the segmentation and provides the ability to resist noise. For this example, this characteristic prevents us marking out the non-lightning part in the image because the lightning is always connected as one part. The advantages and disadvantages of region growing. We briefly conclude the advantages and disadvantages of region growing. Advantages of Region growing methods： Disadvantages：

uppermost scale

14458-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=11033525

A radio atmospheric signal or sferic (sometimes also spelled "spheric") is a broadband electromagnetic impulse that occurs as a result of natural atmospheric lightning discharges. Sferics may propagate from their lightning source without major attenuation in the Earth–ionosphere waveguide, and can be received thousands of kilometres from their source. On a time-domain plot, a sferic may appear as a single high-amplitude spike in the time-domain data. On a spectrogram, a sferic appears as a vertical stripe (reflecting its broadband and impulsive nature) that may extend from a few kHz to several tens of kHz, depending on atmospheric conditions. Sferics received from about distance or greater have their frequencies slightly offset in time, producing "tweeks". When the electromagnetic energy from a sferic escapes the Earth-ionosphere waveguide and enters the magnetosphere, it becomes dispersed by the near-Earth plasma, forming a whistler signal. Because the source of the whistler is an impulse (i.e., the sferic), a whistler may be interpreted as the impulse response of the magnetosphere (for the conditions at that particular instant). Introduction. A lightning channel with all its branches and its electric currents behaves like a huge antenna system from which electromagnetic waves of all frequencies are radiated. Beyond a distance where luminosity is visible and thunder can be heard (typically about 10 km), these electromagnetic impulses are the only sources of direct information about thunderstorm activity on the ground. Transients electric currents during return strokes (R strokes) or intracloud strokes (K strokes) are the main sources for the generation of impulse-type electromagnetic radiation known as sferics (sometimes called atmospherics). While this impulsive radiation dominates at frequencies less than about 100 kHz, (loosely called long waves), a continuous noise component becomes increasingly important at higher frequencies. The longwave electromagnetic propagation of sferics takes place within the Earth-ionosphere waveguide between the Earth's surface and the ionospheric D- and E- layers. Whistlers generated by lightning strokes can propagate into the magnetosphere along the geomagnetic lines of force. Finally, upper-atmospheric lightning or sprites, that occur at mesospheric altitudes, are short-lived electric breakdown phenomena, probably generated by giant lightning events on the ground. Source properties. Basic stroke parameters. In a typical cloud-to-ground stroke (R stroke), negative electric charge (electrons) of the order of stored within the lightning channel is lowered to the ground within a typical impulse time interval of This corresponds to an average current flowing within the channel of the order of Maximum spectral energy is generated near frequencies of or at wavelengths of (where is the speed of light). In typical intracloud K-strokes, positive electric charge of the order of in the upper part of the channel and an equivalent amount of negative charge in its lower part neutralize within a typical time interval of The corresponding values for average electric current, frequency and wavelength are and The energy of K-strokes is in general two orders of magnitude weaker than the energy of R-strokes. The typical length of lightning channels can be estimated to be of the order of for R-strokes and for K-strokes. Often, a continuing current component flows between successive R-strokes. Its "pulse" time typically varies between about its electric current is of the order of corresponding to the numbers of and Both R-strokes as well as K-strokes produce sferics seen as a coherent impulse waveform within a broadband receiver tuned between 1–100 kHz. The electric field strength of the impulse increases to a maximum value within a few microseconds and then declines like a damped oscillator. The orientation of the field strength increase depends on whether it is a negative or a positive discharge The visible part of a lightning channel has a typical length of about 5 km. Another part of comparable length may be hidden in the cloud and may have a significant horizontal branch. Evidently, the dominant wavelength of the electromagnetic waves of R- and K-strokes is much larger than their channel lengths. The physics of electromagnetic wave propagation within the channel must thus be derived from full wave theory, because the ray concept breaks down. Electric channel current. The channel of a R stroke can be considered as a thin isolated wire of length L and diameter d in which negative electric charge has been stored. In terms of electric circuit theory, one can adopt a simple transmission line model with a capacitor, where the charge is stored, a resistance of the channel, and an inductance simulating the electric properties of the channel. At the moment of contact with the perfectly conducting Earth surface, the charge is lowered to the ground. In order to fulfill the boundary conditions at the top of the wire (zero electric current) and at the ground (zero electric voltage), only standing resonant waves modes can exit. The fundamental mode which transports electric charge to the ground most effectively, has thus a wavelength λ four times the channel length L. In the case of the K stroke, the lower boundary is the same as the upper boundary. Of course, this picture is valid only for wave mode 1 (λ/4 antenna) and perhaps for mode 2 (λ/2 antenna), because these modes do not yet "feel" the contorted configuration of the real lightning channel. The higher order modes contribute to the incoherent noisy signals in the higher frequency range (> 100 kHz). Transfer function of Earth–ionosphere waveguide. Sferics can be simulated approximately by the electromagnetic radiation field of a vertical Hertzian dipole antenna. The maximum spectral amplitude of the sferic typically is near 5 kHz. Beyond this maximum, the spectral amplitude decreases as 1/f if the Earth's surface were perfectly conducting. The effect of the real ground is to attenuate the higher frequencies more strongly than the lower frequencies (Sommerfeld's ground wave). R strokes emit most of their energy within the ELF/VLF range (ELF = extremely low frequencies, < 3 kHz; VLF = very low frequencies, 3–30 kHz). These waves are reflected and attenuated on the ground as well as within the ionospheric D layer, near 70 km altitude during day time conditions, and near 90 km height during the night. Reflection and attenuation on the ground depends on frequency, distance, and orography. In the case of the ionospheric D-layer, it depends, in addition, on time of day, season, latitude, and the geomagnetic field in a complicated manner. VLF propagation within the Earth–ionosphere waveguide can be described by ray theory and by wave theory. When distances are less than about 500 km (depending on frequency), then ray theory is appropriate. The ground wave and the first hop (or sky) wave reflected at the ionospheric D layer interfere with each other. At distances greater than about 500 km, sky waves reflected several times at the ionosphere must be added. Therefore, mode theory is here more appropriate. The first mode is least attenuated within the Earth–ionosphere waveguide, and thus dominates at distances greater than about 1000 km. The Earth–ionosphere waveguide is dispersive. Its propagation characteristics are described by a transfer function T(ρ, f) depending mainly on distance ρ and frequency f. In the VLF range, only mode one is important at distances larger than about 1000 km. Least attenuation of this mode occurs at about 15 kHz. Therefore, the Earth–ionosphere waveguide behaves like a bandpass filter, selecting this band out of a broadband signal. The 15 kHz signal dominates at distances greater than about 5000 km. For ELF waves (< 3 kHz), ray theory becomes invalid, and only mode theory is appropriate. Here, the zeroth mode begins to dominate and is responsible for the second window at greater distances. Resonant waves of this zeroth mode can be excited in the Earth–ionosphere waveguide cavity, mainly by the continuing current components of lightning flowing between two return strokes. Their wavelengths are integral fractions of the Earth's circumference, and their resonance frequencies can thus be approximately determined by "fm" ≃ "mc"/(2π"a") ≃ 7.5 "m" Hz (with "m" = 1, 2, ...; "a" the Earth's radius and "c" the speed of light). These resonant modes with their fundamental frequency of "f"1 ≃ 7.5 Hz are known as Schumann resonances. Monitoring thunderstorm activity with sferics. About 100 lightning strokes per second are generated all over the world excited by thunderstorms located mainly in the continental areas at low and middle latitudes. In order to monitor the thunderstorm activity, sferics are the appropriate means. Measurements of Schumann resonances at only a few stations around the world can monitor the global lightning activity fairly well. One can apply the dispersive property of the Earth–ionosphere waveguide by measuring the group velocity of a sferic signal at different frequencies together with its direction of arrival. The group time delay difference of neighbouring frequencies in the lower VLF band is directly proportional to the distance of the source. Since the attenuation of VLF waves is smaller for west to east propagation and during the night, thunderstorm activity up to distances of about 10,000 km can be observed for signals arriving from the west during night time conditions. Otherwise, the transmission range is of the order of 5,000 km. For the regional range (< 1,000 km), the usual way is magnetic direction finding as well as time of arrival measurements of a sferic signal observed simultaneously at several stations. Presumption of such measurements is the concentration on one individual impulse. If one measures simultaneously several pulses, interference takes place with a beat frequency equal to the inversal average sequence time of the pulses. Effect of sferics on humans. A study by Reinhold Reiter, involving a million people in Germany in 1954 demonstrated that humans are sensitive to the effects of VLF radio atmospheric signals. The number of births, deaths, suicides, rapes, work injuries, traffic accidents, human reaction times, amputees' pains, and complains of people with brain injuries increased significantly when VLF sferics were stronger. Atmospheric noise. The signal-to-noise ratio determines the sensibility and sensitivity of telecommunication systems (e.g., radio receivers). An analog signal must clearly exceed the noise amplitude in order to become detectable. Atmospheric noise is one of the most important sources for the limitation of the detection of radio signals. The steady electric discharging currents in a lightning channel cause a series of incoherent impulses in the whole frequency range, the amplitudes of which decreases approximately with the inverse frequency. In the ELF-range, technical noise from 50–60 Hz, natural noise from the magnetosphere, etc. dominates. In the VLF-range, there are the coherent impulses from R- and K-strokes, appearing out of the background noise. Beyond about 100 kHz, the noise amplitude becomes more and more incoherent. In addition, technical noise from electric motors, ignition systems of motor cars, etc., are superimposed. Finally, beyond the high frequency band (3–30 MHz) extraterrestrial noise (noise of galactic origin, solar noise) dominates. The atmospheric noise depends on frequency, location and time of day and year. Worldwide measurements of that noise are documented in CCIR-reports.

electric flashes

14211-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10970113

Surf fishing is the sport of catching fish standing on the shoreline or wading in the surf. A general term, surf fishing may or may not include casting a lure or bait, and refers to all types of shore fishing – from sandy and rocky beaches, rock jetties, or even fishing piers. The terms surfcasting or beachcasting refer more specifically to surf fishing from the beach by casting into the surf at or near the shoreline. With few exceptions, surf fishing is done in saltwater. The most common misconception about surf fishing is the idea that one must cast as far out as possible in order to reach the fish. At beaches on the west coast of the United States, and in fact, at most beaches around the world, you only really need to get your bait into knee deep water. This is referred to as surf fishing the "skinny" (the skinny water). Equipment. The basic idea of most surfcasting is to cast a bait or lure as far out into the water as is necessary to reach the target fish from the shore. This may or may not require long casting distances. Basic surf fishing can be done with a fishing rod between 7 feet and 18 feet long, with an extended butt section, equipped with a suitably-sized spinning or conventional (revolving spool) casting reel. In addition to rod and reel, the surf fisherman needs terminal tackle and bait or lure. Terminal tackle is the equipment at the far end of the line: hooks, swivels, lines and leaders. Dedicated surfcasters usually possess an array of terminal and other tackle, with fishing rods and reels of different lengths and actions, and lures and baits of different weights and capabilities. Depending on fishing conditions and the type of fish they are trying to catch, such surfcasters tailor bait and terminal tackle to rod and reel and the size and species of fish targeted. Reels and other equipment need to be constructed so they resist the corrosive and abrasive effects of salt and sand. Surf fishermen who use artificial lures, cast and retrieve them to entice a bite from the target species. There are hundreds of different lures effective for surf fishing, such as spoons, plugs, soft plastics and jigs. Most can be purchased from local bait and tackle shops, online tackle retailers, at fishing tackle expositions or specialized surf fishing catalogs. Most surfcasters carry with them a "surf bag" which holds a selection of lures to facilitate fast changes of lures appropriate to current fishing conditions, saving trips back to the beach or vehicle to change equipment. Several other items of equipment are commonly used by surf fisherman and surfcasters to improve comfort, convenience and effectiveness. Among these are waders, used to wade out into the surf to gain distance from shore when casting the bait. Full length, chest-high waders are most popular, in order to provide a measure of protection against a pounding surf that could easily swamp hip-length wading boots. In addition to the extra reach provided by wading out from shore, waders provide improved footing, protection for feet and legs from sharp bottom objects and stinging/biting fish and crustaceans, and protection from cold water temperatures. Most surf fishermen prefer integrated booted waders to stocking-foot models, which eliminates the tendency of sand and rock to find their way in between boot and wader. In areas where the bottom consists of slippery rocks or when fishing from mossy and slimy rock jetties, cleated boots or attachments are utilized to improve footing and enhance safety. Surf fishing is done often at night to follow the nocturnal feeding habits of many target species. Many surf fishermen add items such as flashlights, headlamps, light sticks and other gear to facilitate night fishing. Surfcasting. Surfcasting is a casting technique which separates the surfcaster from the ordinary shore, pier, or boat fisherman. Extremely long rods are frequently employed to extend the length of the cast, while specialized, two-handed casting techniques are used to cast the lure or bait the added distances required in many cases to reach feeding inshore fish. In these casts the entire body, rather than just the arms, are utilized to deliver the cast. In addition to standard two-handed casts, veteran surfcasters may also resort to the "pendulum cast" (derived from tournament casting contests) to achieve added distance – in some cases exceeding 700 feet. Tournament casting is a sport in its own right, with the world record held by Danny Moeskops casting a distance of 286.63 meters (313.46 yards). Extreme Surfcasting also known as skishing is a variant of surf fishing that involves donning a wetsuit and flippers and swimming into the ocean with surfcasting pole to catch fish. Skishing was invented in Montauk, New York in 1995. The term which is a cross between "skiing "and "fishing" to describe what happens if the angler hooks a large enough fish and it tows him through the ocean like a water-skier. Without the benefit of boat or land, the fight is considered to be, by the fisherman anyway, on more equal terms. Skishers swim sometimes hundreds of yards from shore to water well over their heads, with their flippers and buoyancy of their wetsuits keeping them afloat. Beachcasting. In Britain, surfcasting is often called beachcasting. It is a popular form of fishing which is carried out all around the coast of the British Isles. Beachcasters use very long fishing rods, usually between 12 and 16 feet. The beachcaster will stand on a beach or shoreline and cast out to sea with either a water filled float, or a lead weight weighing between 120g and 200g. Bait used in this form of fishing might include limpets, mussels, lugworm, ragworm, sandeel, mackerel strip, squid, peeler crab or razor fish. Additionally, artificial flies or even spinners may be used for species such as mackerel or bass. It is a common pastime in coastal areas of Scotland, England, Wales and Ireland and often results in the capture of large specimens of many species of fish, including: flatfish, bass, cod, whiting, pollack, black bream, dogfish, smooth hound, bull huss, rays and tope. Common beachcasting techniques used in Britain include the common overhead cast, the off-the-ground Cast and the Pendulum cast. There are other techniques used in Britain, but these three techniques remain the more popular ones with the pendulum cast perhaps the most difficult to master and also the one that generally produces more yards to the cast with 250–300 yds becoming quite possible. On top of technique and equipment, streamlines rigs that can take casting strains are also used such as the clipped pennel pulley, clipped down rigs, long n low etc. The rigs are also made with strong 60 lb plus lines to take the strain of the cast. Streamlining of bait too is important. A shockleader is a stronger line attached to a lighter mainline to absorb the shock of a powerful cast. The suggested formula for shockleader selection is as calculated as follows 1 oz weight +10lb shockleader + 10lb, e.g. Besides the equipment and the cast techniques, the other component that makes a beach caster successful is what can be called sea interpretation. There are zones, and within them certain points, where to cast the baits is more profitable than others. It depends on the conformation of the sea bed, and therefore, in order to make fishing more effective and enjoyable, we should spend a while on understanding these differences and only then start fishing. How? First of all, by observing the waves motion, in particular where they break out, because it is there where the bottom height is lower and the sea current can stir it most. This action uncovers from the sandy bed small marine beings and carry them away across channels to deeper points, where they settle in for the joy of fish. The latter, that tend to swim countercurrent, move searching for food along these channels – that can be compared in some way to our roads in a map – and approach the shore as long as the conditions allow the marine food chain to last. Although it may seem an oversimplification of the reality, it makes clear that only when a beach caster is able to master the "sense of sea" by spotting the difference among fishing zones, then will he be more likely to make memorable captures. Similarly to any other activity, it's a matter of experience, which can be acquired by getting through several failures. Dangers. As with any water sport care must be taken to participate safely in this sport. Much surf fishing is done in rough whitewater surf conditions. Powerful waves and strong undertows can cause serious injury or death if proper attention is not paid to safety. Areas fished should be scouted in low tide conditions to note sudden drop offs or dangerous conditions hidden at high tides. Any fisherman with waders should wear a wader belt to keep waders from filling with water in the event one falls in the surf. The aforementioned cleats should be worn anywhere there are slippery rocks or shells underfoot. PFD's (personal flotation devices) should be considered especially when fishing alone in big surf or on jetties. Since lures and hooks feature razor sharp points, care must be taken not to hook oneself or others when casting, especially when performing two-handed full power casts that require a substantial safety zone behind the surfcaster. In the event that one accidentally hooks oneself or someone else, it is a good idea to carry a quality cutting pliers capable of cutting the hooks you are fishing with. Species. A wide array of species can be targeted from surf and shore limited only the species of fish available in the region. On the west coast of the United States, a few of the most sought after fish include the California Corbina, the Spotfin Croaker, the Barred Surfperch, and of course, the California Halibut. Unlike the east coast, the west coast is limited when it comes to shark fishing from the surf. Commonly caught sharks include the Leopard Shark, the Soupfin Shark, and the Seven-gill Shark. In the eastern coast of the United States, the striped bass is highly valued. This species can be fished from shore and ranges in weight from a few pounds to the world record 78.5 lb (35.6 kg). Fish in the 30 to 40 lb (15 kg) range are common on the mid-Atlantic U.S. coast from New York to the Carolinas. Some other available species are bluefish, redfish (red drum), black drum, tautog (blackfish), flounder (fluke), weakfish (sea trout), bonito and albacore tuna, pompano, Spanish mackerel, snook and tarpon. Even sharks can be targeted by surf fishermen. From North Carolina south the redfish (red drum) is one of the most targeted fish by surf anglers. Fishermen use rods 10 to 13 feet to cast to drum using baits like cut mullet, bunker (cut menhaden, or pogies as Carolina anglers call them), and cut bait from spot, croaker, or bluefish. Red drum hit a bait aggressively and are a much beloved surf fishing species. The overfished status of this fish for many years due to the blackened redfish craze of the 1980s led to strict recreational size and creel limits, however, so surf anglers must learn the local rules. Beach buggies. Many areas allow four-wheel-drive (4WD) vehicles on to the beach. This allows the surf fisherman to scout and fish large stretches of shoreline. Although the term "beach buggy" may be applied to special vehicles for transportation on sand, 4x4 trucks and SUV's with deflated tires are more often used in surf fishing. Permits are usually required and need to be obtained from the appropriate state or local authorities. Most require an additional list of safety and other equipment, sometimes called Beach Permit Kits to ensure that the vehicle and its inhabitants can safely navigate the soft sand and are prepared in the event the vehicle gets stuck. Beach Buggy access can be hindered at times by beach closures, due to endangered bird species nesting. Beach buggy access is often hotly contested between environmental groups, and beach access enthusiasts. Therefore, it is a good idea to check on local regulations before you attempt to drive your vehicle on the beach. Driving in restricted areas can result in serious penalties.

sturdier cord

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31398079

Gayle Tzemach Lemmon (born 1973) is the author of the New York Times bestsellers, "The Dressmaker of Khair Khana" (2011), about a young entrepreneur who supported her community under the Taliban, "Ashley’s War: The Untold Story of a Team of Women Soldiers on the Special Ops" "Battlefield" (2015), and "The Daughters of Kobani (2021)," the story of what ISIS has left in its wake: the most far-reaching experiment in women’s equality in the least likely place in the world brought to you by women who have been battling ISIS town by town, street by street since 2013. These women served as America’s ground force in the fight to defeat the Islamic State and "The Daughters of Kobani" tells for the first time this David and Goliath story of how they came to serve ISIS its first battlefield defeat. "Ashley’s War" is currently being developed into a major motion picture at Universal with Reese Witherspoon producing, and "The Daughters of Kobani" has been optioned by HiddenLight Productions, founded by former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, Sam Branson, and Chelsea Clinton. Lemmon, who serves as an adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, along with private sector leadership roles in emerging technology and national security firms, began writing about entrepreneurship in conflict and post-conflict zones while studying for her MBA at Harvard following a decade covering politics at the ABC News Political Unit. This work from Afghanistan, Rwanda, Liberia, Bosnia and beyond has been published by the World Bank, Harvard Business School, the Financial Times, Harvard Business Review and CNN, among others. Following MBA study, she led public policy analysis during the global financial crisis at the global investment firm PIMCO. Lemmon is a frequent speaker on national security topics, including at the Aspen Security Forum and TED forums, and has given talks at West Point, ODNI, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the U.S. Naval Academy, and the National Infantry Museum. Her TED Talk on "Ashley’s War" and the reshaping of the hero story to include women has received more than a million views worldwide. She regularly appears on MSNBC, CNN, PBS, and National Public Radio. Along with her national security work, she has reported and written extensively on topics including child marriage in the United States for PBS NewsHour and on school choice, single moms and the power and importance of girls’ ambition for The Atlantic. Lemmon holds an MBA from Harvard and received the Dean’s Award for her work on women’s entrepreneurship. In addition to serving as a Robert Bosch Fellow in Germany, she served as a Fulbright scholar in Spain, on the board of the international aid organization Mercy Corps and is a member of the Bretton Woods Committee. She speaks Spanish, German and French and is conversant in Dari and Kurmanci. Education and early career. Born to a Jewish family, the daughter of Rhoda Miriam Spielman Tzemach (died 1987) and granddaughter of Frances Cohen Spielman, an independent film distributor during the 1940s who later founded First Run Features. She was raised in Greenbelt, Maryland. Lemmon earned a BA in journalism summa cum laude from the University of Missouri School of Journalism. From 1997 to 2004, she worked in the ABC News Political Unit, where she covered presidential politics and public policy issues, and served as producer in the first year of "This Week with George Stephanopoulos." Lemmon graduated with an MBA from Harvard Business School (HBS), where she received the 2006 Dean's Award for her work on women's entrepreneurship. From 2006 to 2010, she worked in the executive office and in emerging markets at the global investment firm PIMCO. In 2010, she was featured on the cover of the HBS alumni magazine for her work on entrepreneurs in conflict and post-conflict zones. Lemmon is also a former Fulbright scholar and Robert Bosch Foundation fellow. She serves on the board of Mercy Corps and the International Center for Research on Women. and is a member of the Bretton Woods Committee. Journalism and media appearances. Lemmon authored the first Tina Brown Newsweek cover on former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's push to put women at the center of U.S. foreign policy. She has written extensively on entrepreneurs in Afghanistan ("In the Heart of Afghanistan, Entrepreneurs Innovate for Peace") and the Gulf states ("Arab Women’s Tech Advantage"), as well as on child marriage and women in the military. In October 2013, Lemmon broke the first media story about how the military could not pay death benefits to fallen soldiers killed in action during the government shutdown. The story attracted the attention of the Pentagon and the White House, and Fisher House eventually stepped in to fill the funding gap until the shutdown ended. In addition to her work on foreign policy and the fight to end child marriage, Lemmon has written a number of pieces on women and girls for "The Atlantic", including "We Need to Tell Girls They Can Have It All (Even If They Can't)" which is mentioned in Sheryl Sandberg's 2013 book "Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead", as well as on the lessons she learned growing up in a community of single mothers. Lemmon regularly appears on broadcast media to discuss timely foreign policy issues. In February 2014, she discussed the situation in Syria on PBS's Tavis Smiley show, and in April she discussed the Afghan elections. More recently, Lemmon delivered commentary to C-Span, Fox News, NPR, CNN, and PBS on women in the military. Lemmon also appears regularly on MSNBC, CNN, and National Public Radio. In December 2011, she gave the opening talk at TEDxWomen, which focused on why investing in women can make the difference for the global economy and was named the TED Talk of the Day. Her May 2015 TED Talk on Ashley's War has received more than one million views. Lemmon appeared on The Daily Show April 20, 2015, and has appeared regularly on television since then speaking on foreign policy and other topics. Syria. Lemmon has written extensively on the ongoing civil war in Syria and, in particular, the humanitarian crisis in Aleppo. Her articles have been published in "Foreign Affairs," CNN, and "Defense One," among other outlets. In her writing, Lemmon has examined topics such as the international community's unwillingness to intervene and the Obama Doctrine of equipping local forces as opposed to deploying American troops on the ground. Afghanistan. Lemmon has reported on Afghanistan since 2005, when she made her first trip to the country. Her 2011 book, "The Dressmaker of Khair Khana", is about Kamila Sidiqi, a young entrepreneur who supports her community under the Taliban. Lemmon has written extensively on the country's politics, business environment, midwives and its small but important class of young entrepreneurs for publications including the "New York Times", the "Financial Times", "Christian Science Monitor", and "Newsweek Daily Beast". Entrepreneurship and the global economy. Lemmon writes regularly on entrepreneurship, especially in fragile states and developing economies. In 2008, she consulted for the World Bank and co-authored a 2008 report on "Doing Business in Africa". She is also the author of "Entrepreneurship in Postconflict Zones", a CFR working paper that argues for comprehensive, long-term, collaborative approaches to help entrepreneurs in conflict and post-conflict countries overcome challenges in accessing capital, markets, networks, and business skills training. In December 2013, she published a policy innovation memorandum, titled "Banking on Growth", making the case for why the United States should support the creation of an American development bank to invest in small- and medium-businesses in the world's toughest economies. Child marriage. Lemmon has written extensively on the impact of child marriage on girls' educational and economic opportunities. In 2014, she authored two CFR working papers on the topic: "High Stakes for Young Lives," coauthored with Lynn ElHarake, surveys strategies to stop child marriage; and "Fragile States, Fragile Lives" examines the correlation between child marriage and state fragility. She has reported on child marriage for a variety of news outlets, including "Ms. Magazine", "Medium", and NPR. In September 2016, Lemmon reported on the issue of child and forced marriage in the United States for the PBSNewsHour in a two-part series. Women in the U.S. military. Lemmon's 2015 book, "Ashley's War: The Untold Story of a Team of Women Soldiers on the Special Ops Battlefield", tells the story of CST-2, a unit of women handpicked from across the U.S. army to serve on combat operations alongside Army Rangers and Navy SEALs in Afghanistan, and of the remarkable hero at its heart: First Lieutenant Ashley White. The book was released in 2016, and is being made into a film by Reese Witherspoon and Bruna Papandrea, with Lesli Linka Glatter and Molly Smith Metzler attached to direct and write it respectively. Lemmon gave a TED talk on the subject at TEDWomen 2015. Lemmon has written on the integration of women into combat roles, following the progress of the first co-ed class in Army Ranger School for the "Washington Post", "Foreign Policy", and "Defense One". She has reported on the challenges faced by female veterans for PBS "NewsHour", CNN and "Daily Beast".

worldwide finance management corporation

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48470754

Mindfulness and technology is a movement in research and design, that encourages the user to become aware of the present moment, rather than losing oneself in a technological device. This field encompasses multidisciplinary participation between design, psychology, computer science, and religion. Mindfulness stems from Buddhist meditation practices and refers to the awareness that arises through paying attention on purpose in the present moment, and in a non-judgmental mindset. In the field of Human-Computer Interaction, research is being done on "Techno-spirituality" — the study of how technology can facilitate feelings of awe, wonder, transcendence, and mindfulness and on "Slow design", which facilitates self-reflection. The excessive use of personal devices, such as smartphones and laptops, can lead to the deterioration of mental and physical health. This area focuses on redesigning and creating technology to improve the wellbeing of its users. Mindfulness theory. In 1979, Jon Kabat-Zinn founded the Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) program at the University of Massachusetts to treat the chronically ill. He is noted to be responsible for the popularization of mindfulness in Western culture. The program uses a combination of mindfulness meditation, body awareness, and yoga. These practices derived from teachings of the Eastern World, specifically Buddhist traditions. Researchers found that enhanced mindfulness through the program partly mediated the association between increased daily spiritual experiences and improved mental-health-related quality of life. Early studies of mindfulness focused on health issues related to psychosomatic and psychiatric disorders, while later studies of mindfulness explore the business sector, showing an increase in creativity and a decrease in burnout. Studies on the relationship between mindfulness and technology are fairly new, with some of the more recent research highlighting the importance the practice plays in safety. Technology. Software. There are applications for desktop and mobile to help users bring themselves back to the present moment. One of these mobile apps has been shown through a randomized controlled trial to help alleviate acute stress, while improving mood; and may provide long-term benefits on attentional control. Mindfulness Bell. According to Vietnamese Zen teacher Thich Nhat Hanh, the ringing of a bell every 15 minutes is an effective way to cultivate the mindfulness practice and connect back with the body. The Mindfulness Bell and Mindful Mynah applications simulate the bell on the user's personal device. Meditation. A 2011 brain imaging study, published in the "Journal of Neuroscience", found that even very brief instruction in mindfulness meditation (four 20-minute sessions) was effective in relieving pain by reducing the brain's emotional response to painful stimuli. To help make meditation and mindfulness more accessible, developers have created digital health platforms, such as Am Mindfulness, Headspace, Insight Timer and Buddhify. Currently, Am Mindfulness is the only commercially available meditation app that has outperformed placebo in randomized controlled trials. Wearables. There are several wearables which measures the breath in order to connect the user back to their body. Wo.Defy is a dress which attempts to reveal the beauty of emotional communication using the common platform of the human breath; proposing the best methods of human to human communication lie within us. Spire measures your breathing patterns to give you insights into your state of mind. Being, the mindfulness tracker from Zensorium, maps user's emotions (stressed, excited normal and calm) through heart rate variability. WellBe monitors heart rate levels and then matches them, through a patent pending algorithm, to specific moments and interactions throughout a user's day. SmartMat is a responsive mat embedded with 21,000 sensors to detect your body's balance, pressure and alignment. Prana's platform evaluates breath patterns, takes into account the effects of posture on breathing, and differentiates between diaphragmatic and chest breathing, three critical components of assessing the true quality of breathing, previously unaddressed by systems such as spirometers or pulse oximeters. Virtual Reality. Sonic Cradle enables users to shape sound with their breath while suspended in a completely dark chamber. The researchers conducted a qualitative study with 39 participants to show how persuasive media have the potential to promote long-term psychological health by experientially introducing a stress-relieving, contemplative practice to non-practitioners. Because the nature of chronic pain is complex, pharmacological analgesics are often not enough to achieve an ideal treatment plan. The system incorporates biofeedback sensors, an immersive virtual environment, and stereoscopic sound titled the "Virtual Meditative Walk" (VMW). It was designed to enable chronic pain patients to learn Mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR), a form of meditation. By providing real-time visual and sonic feedback, VMW enables patients to learn how to manage their pain. Techno-spirituality. Intel anthropologist Genevieve Bell has urged the human-computer interaction (HCI) research community to devote more research to the use of technology in spirituality and religion. Techno-spirituality is the study of how technology can facilitate feelings of awe, wonder, transcendence, and mindfulness. Currently, there are 6,000 applications related to spirituality and religion. This area is in high demand and “important under-explored areas of HCI research”. Inspired by Bell's work, researchers (Sterling & Zimmerman) focused on how mobile phones could be incorporated in American Soto Zen Buddhist community, without conflicting with their philosophy of “the here and the now”. They were able to find three ways to use technology to help strengthen ties within the community. Interaction Design. Slow Design. Slow design is a design agenda for technology aimed at reflection and moments of mental rest rather than efficiency in performance. Mindful Design. Mindful design, based on Langer’s theory of mindfulness, is a design philosophy that incorporates the idea of mindfulness into creating meaningful user oriented design. A major tenant is the behavior change of a user through awareness and responsibility of meaningful interactions between user and designed object, and this will encourage more desirable human practices. This type of mind behavior driven change has been most heavily incorporated design for sustainability. Other approaches include crime prevention or health. It is also seen in the design of safety objects and the social interaction of performative objects. Performative objects are identified as design objects that are designed to facilitate mindful awareness of the physical and symbolic social actions and their consequences within which they are used. Mindfulness and Silicon Valley. Classes in mindfulness practices have become part of some of Silicon Valleys major tech giants. Google has implemented a series of bimonthly "mindfulness lunches" as well as built a labyrinth for walking meditations. Both Twitter and Facebook have incorporated contemplative practices into their corporate culture. The desired outcome of using mindfulness in the tech workforce is to increase communication and develop the emotional intelligence of their employees. Internet Addiction and Mindfulness. Mindfulness is currently being explored by researchers as a possible treatment for technological addiction, also known as Internet addiction disorder, a form of behavioral addiction. There has been some consensus in the field of psychology on the benefits of using mindfulness to treat behavioral addiction. Experts in the field say in order to treat technology addiction with mindfulness, one must be non-judgmental about the behavior and pay attention in order to recognize instances in which technology is being used mindlessly. Then reflect on the helpfulness of the device, and notice the benefits of disconnecting. The three keystones of mindfulness are: Intention, Attention and Action. Technology is said to interfere with mindfulness by causing the individual to forget what matters (intention), the distracts (attention), and then keeps the individual from taking action. In technological addiction, the reward system, located in the mid-brain and underlies addiction, evolved to rewards finding and consuming food. In complex animals this evolution also rewards the exchange of information within the social group. In humans this has developed into its current form of mass worldwide communication. The exchange of social information has demonstrated reward based reinforcement, similar to that of gamification. Criticisms. Critics of the mindfulness movement in technology focus on several key areas, technophobia, pacifications of genuine grievances in the workforce and disconnection from religious roots. The editor of the New Republic, Eygeny Morozov, questions the value of tech companies who advocate "unplugging" from the modern digital lifestyle as similar to a drug addict taking a tolerance break from the substance they are addicted to in order to then increase the vigor with which those activities are then resumed (3, 4). They also state that the concept of Mindfulness in the tech world is jargonistic and amorphous. Mobile. Mobile meditation applications like Calm, Headspace, and MyLife have over a million users and are increasing in popularity. Swedish Researchers found that downloading and using the applications for eight weeks made little to no difference for people with major depression and anxiety. They did, however, see improvements with a subgroup with mild levels of depression. Disconnectionists. Criticisms of the slow technology movement are similar to the slow-food movement; it lacks understanding of global scope, and as an individualistic response will not answer the actual problems in technology. This movement has been dubbed by critics as disconnectionists. Mindfulness in technology has been criticized as being less about restoring self and more about stifling autonomy that technology inspires. Anti-disconnectionists state mindfulness and the expressed need to disconnect from technology and the modern world can be accused of being a nostalgia-manipulating marketing tactic and maybe a technological form of conservatism. Critics state that the labeling of digital connection as debasing and unnatural is in direct proportion to the rapidity of adoption. Thus it is depicted as a dangerous desire and toxin to be regulated. This argument itself can be tied back to rationalization, Walter Benjamin on aura, Jacques Ellul on technique, Jean Baudrillard on simulations, or Zygmunt Bauman and the Frankfurt School on modernity and the Enlightenment. Critics state that disconnectionists see the Internet as having normalized or enforced a repression of an authentic self in favor of a social media avatar. Thus reflecting the desire to connect with a deeper self, which may itself be an illusion. The pathologization of technology use then opens the door for Foucault's idea of "normalization" to be applied to technology in similar fashion as other social ills, which then can become a concept around which social control and management can be applied. Buddhist concerns. There is some concern among Buddhist practitioners that decoupling meditation and mindfulness from the core tenement of Buddhism may have negative effects. The wide adoption of mindfulness in technology and the tech industry has been accused of increasing passivity in the worker by creating a calm mindstate which then allows for disconnection from actual grievances. Critics of mindfulness in Cognitive Behavior Therapy also comment on this as a possible problem. However, critics of the movement, such as Ronald Purser, fear that the secularization of mindfulness, dubbed McMindfulness, leads to reinforcement of anti-Buddhist ideas. Buddhists differentiate between Right Mindfulness (samma sati) and Wrong Mindfulness (miccha sati). The distinction is not moralistic: the issue is whether the quality of awareness is characterized by wholesome intentions and positive mental qualities that lead to human flourishing and optimal well-being for others as well as oneself. Mindfulness as adopted by the Silicon Valley tech giants has been criticized as conveniently shifting the burden of stress and toxic work environment onto the individual employee. Obfuscated by the seemingly inherent qualities of care and humanity, mindfulness is refashioned into a way of coping with and adapting to the stresses and strains of corporate life rather than actually solving them.

ongoing day

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=16235048

A Guideline Daily Amount (GDA) is a nutrition facts label that originally began in 1998 as a collaboration between the UK government, the food industry and consumer organizations. The process was overseen by the Institute of Grocery Distribution (IGD). To help consumers make sense of the nutrition information provided on food labels, they translate science into consumer friendly information, providing guidelines on pack that help consumers put the nutrition information they read on a food label into the context of their overall diet. GDAs are guidelines for healthy adults and children about the approximate amount of calories, fat, saturated fat, total sugars, and sodium/salt. The GDA labels have the percentage of daily value per serving and the absolute amount per serving of these categories. The front-of-packages (FOP) GDAs must at least have calories listed, but the back-of-package (BOP) GDAs must list, at a minimum, these five key nutrients: Energy, Fat, Saturates, Sugar and Salt A modified version of the GDA system was adopted by the Australian food and beverage industry in 2006 and called the 'Daily Intake Guide'. In 2009 the original GDA system analysis as adopted as an industry standard in the European Union and in 2012 a variant was adopted in the US and called 'Facts Up Front'. Since introduction into the world outside the UK there has been controversy on what the GDAs actually show, for example, calculating a personal R.I., which is dependent on a person's height, weight, amount of daily activity and age, an intake rating which is about 5-10% above what that person should actually be eating and drinking. When calculating the GDAs the CIAA uses the average caloric intake needed for women because this best fits the needs of the majority of the population. Women need, on average, between 1800–2200 kilocalories (kcal) a day whereas children need between 1500–2000 kcal and men 2200–2700 kcal. In March 2009, the European Food Safety Authority published its opinion on intake levels for Europe and they were consistent with numbers behind the GDAs developed in the UK. Moreover, not all categories are equal. While a GDA for calorific intake might represent a broad target in so far as people need to take in a minimum of calories to survive, the GDA for saturated fat is not a target, as ingesting no saturated fats at all would not be harmful to health, so long as there were fats of a non-saturated variety in the diet. GDAs are now in widespread use across the food industry and appear both on the front and back of food packaging. In 2014, GDAs were beginning to be replaced by reference intakes.

estimated quantity

11992-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=140758

Timpani (; ) or kettledrums (also informally called timps) are musical instruments in the percussion family. A type of drum categorised as a hemispherical drum, they consist of a membrane called a head stretched over a large bowl traditionally made of copper. Most modern timpani are "pedal timpani" and can be tuned quickly and accurately to specific pitches by skilled players through the use of a movable foot-pedal. They are played by striking the head with a specialized drum stick called a "timpani stick" or "timpani mallet". Timpani evolved from military drums to become a staple of the classical orchestra by the last third of the 18th century. Today, they are used in many types of ensembles, including concert bands, marching bands, orchestras, and even in some rock bands. "Timpani" is an Italian plural, the singular of which is "timpano". However, in English the term timpano is only widely in use by practitioners: several are more typically referred to collectively as "kettledrums", "timpani", "temple drums", "timp-toms", or "timps". They are also often incorrectly termed "timpanis". A musician who plays timpani is a "timpanist". Etymology and alternative spellings. First attested in English in the late 19th century, the Italian word "timpani" derives from the Latin "tympanum" (pl. "tympana"), which is the latinisation of the Greek word τύμπανον ("tumpanon", pl. "tumpana"), "a hand drum", which in turn derives from the verb τύπτω ("tuptō"), meaning "to strike, to hit". Alternative spellings with "y" in place of either or both "i"'s—"tympani", "tympany", or "timpany"—are occasionally encountered in older English texts. Although the word "timpani" has been widely adopted in the English language, some English speakers choose to use the word "kettledrums". The German word for timpani is "Pauken"; the Swedish word is "pukor" in plural (from the word puka), the French and Spanish is "timbales", not to be confused with the latin percussion instrument, which would actually supersede the timpani in the traditional Cuban ensemble known as Charanga. The Ashanti pair of talking drums are known as atumpan. The tympanum is mentioned, along with a faux name origin, in the "Etymologiae" of St. Isidore of Seville: The tympanum is a skin or hide stretched over one end of a wooden frame. It is half of a symphonia ("i.e. another type of drum") and it looks like a sieve. The tympanum is so named because it is a half, whence also the half-pearl is called a tympanum. Like the symphonia, it is struck with a drumstick. The reference comparing the tympanum to half a pearl is borrowed from Pliny the Elder. Construction. Basic timpani. The basic timpano consists of a drum head stretched across the opening of a bowl typically made of copper or, in less expensive models, fiberglass or aluminum. In the Sachs–Hornbostel classification, this makes timpani membranophones. The head is affixed to a hoop (also called a "flesh hoop"), which in turn is held onto the bowl by a "counter hoop". The counter hoop is usually held in place with a number of tuning screws called "tension rods" placed regularly around the circumference. The head's tension can be adjusted by loosening or tightening the rods. Most timpani have six to eight tension rods. The shape and material of the bowl's surface help to determine the drum's timbre. For example, hemispheric bowls produce brighter tones while parabolic bowls produce darker tones. Modern timpani are generally made with copper due to its efficient regulation of internal and external temperatures relative to aluminum and fiberglass. Timpani come in a variety of sizes from about in diameter down to "piccoli timpani" of or less. A 33-inch drum can produce C2 (the C below the bass clef), and specialty piccoli timpani can play up into the treble clef. In Darius Milhaud's 1923 ballet score "La création du monde", the timpanist must play F4 (at the bottom of the treble clef). Each drum typically has a range of a perfect fifth, or seven semitones. Machine timpani. Changing the pitch of a timpani by turning each tension rod individually is a laborious process. In the late 19th century, mechanical systems to change the tension of the entire head at once were developed. Any timpani equipped with such a system may be considered "machine timpani", although this term commonly refers to drums that use a handle connected to a spider-type tuning mechanism. Pedal timpani. By far the most common type of timpani used today are pedal timpani, which allows the tension of the head to be adjusted using a pedal mechanism. Typically, the pedal is connected to the tension screws via an assembly of either cast metal or metal rods called the "spider". There are three types of pedal mechanisms in common use today: Professional-level timpani use either the ratchet or friction system and have copper bowls. These drums can have one of two styles of pedals. The "Dresden" pedal is attached at the side nearest the timpanist and is operated by ankle motion. A "Berlin"-style pedal is attached by means of a long arm to the opposite side of the timpani, and the timpanist must use his entire leg to adjust the pitch. In addition to a pedal, high-end instruments have a hand-operated fine-tuner, which allows the timpanist to make minute pitch adjustments. The pedal is on either the left or right side of the drum depending on the direction of the setup. Most school bands and orchestras below a university level use less expensive, more durable timpani with copper, fiberglass, or aluminum bowls. The mechanical parts of these instruments are almost completely contained within the frame and bowl. They may use any of the pedal mechanisms, though the balanced action system is by far the most common, followed by the friction clutch system. Many professionals also use these drums for outdoor performances due to their durability and lighter weight. The pedal is in the center of the drum itself. Chain timpani. On "chain timpani", the tension rods are connected by a roller chain much like the one found on a bicycle, though some manufacturers have used other materials, including steel cable. In these systems, all the tension screws can then be tightened or loosened by one handle. Though far less common than pedal timpani, chain and cable drums still have practical uses. Occasionally, a timpanist is forced to place a drum behind other items, so he cannot reach it with his foot. Professionals may also use exceptionally large or small chain and cable drums for special low or high notes. Other tuning mechanisms. A rare tuning mechanism allows the pitch to be changed by rotating the drum itself. A similar system is used on rototoms. Jenco, a company better known for mallet percussion, made timpani tuned in this fashion. In the early 20th century, Hans Schnellar, the timpanist of the Vienna Philharmonic, developed a tuning mechanism in which the bowl is moved via a handle that connects to the base and the head remains stationary. These instruments are referred to as "Viennese timpani" ("Wiener Pauken") or "Schnellar timpani". Adams Musical Instruments developed a pedal-operated version of this tuning mechanism in the early 21st century. Heads. Like most drumheads, timpani heads can be made from two materials: animal skin (typically calfskin or goatskin) or plastic (typically PET film). Plastic heads are durable, weather-resistant, and relatively inexpensive. Thus, they are more commonly used than skin heads. However, many professional timpanists prefer skin heads because they produce a "warmer" timbre. Timpani heads are determined based on the size of the head, not the bowl. For example, a drum may require a head. This size difference has been standardized by most timpani manufacturers since 1978. Sticks and mallets. Timpani are typically struck with a special type of drum stick called a "timpani stick" or "timpani mallet". Timpani sticks are used in pairs. They have two components: a shaft and a head. The shaft is typically made from hardwood or bamboo but may also be made from aluminum or carbon fiber. The head can be constructed from a number of different materials, though felt wrapped around a wooden core is the most common. Other core materials include compressed felt, cork, and leather. Unwrapped sticks with heads of wood, felt, flannel, and leather are also common. Wooden sticks are used as a special effect—specifically requested by composers as early as the Romantic era—and in authentic performances of Baroque music. Wooden timpani sticks are also occasionally used to play the suspended cymbal. Although not usually stated in the score (excepting the occasional request to use wooden sticks), timpanists will change sticks to suit the nature of the music. However, the choice during a performance is subjective and depends on the timpanist's preference and occasionally the wishes of the conductor. Thus, most timpanists own a great number of sticks. The weight of the stick, size and latent surface area of the head, materials used for the shaft, core, and wrap, and method used to wrap the head all contribute to the timbre the stick produces. In the early 20th century and before, sticks were often made with whalebone shafts, wooden cores, and sponge wraps. Composers of that era often specified sponge-headed sticks. Modern timpanists execute such passages with felt sticks. Popular grips. The two most common grips in playing the timpani are the German and French grips. In the German grip, the palm of the hand is approximately parallel with the drum head and the thumb should be on the side of the stick. In the French grip, the palm of the hand is approximately perpendicular with drum head and the thumb is on top of the stick. In both of these styles, the fulcrum is the contact between the thumb and middle finger. The index finger is used as a guide and to help lift the stick off of the drum. The American grip is a hybrid of these two grips. Another known grip is known as the Amsterdam Grip, made famous by the Royal Concertgebouw Orchestra, which is similar to the Hinger grip, except the stick is cradled on the lower knuckle of the index finger. In the modern ensemble. Standard set. A standard set of timpani (sometimes called a console) consists of four drums: roughly , , , and in diameter. The range of this set is roughly D2 to A3. A great majority of the orchestral repertoire can be played using these four drums. However, contemporary composers have written for extended ranges. Igor Stravinsky specifically writes for a "piccolo timpano" in "The Rite of Spring", tuned to B3. A piccolo drum is typically in diameter and can reach pitches up to C4. Beyond this extended set of five instruments, any added drums are nonstandard. (Luigi Nono's Al gran sole carico d'amore requires as many as eleven drums, with actual melodies played on them in octaves by two players.) Many professional orchestras and timpanists own more than just one set of timpani, allowing them to execute music that cannot be more accurately performed using a standard set of four or five drums. Many schools and youth orchestra ensembles unable to afford purchase of this equipment regularly rely on a set of two or three timpani, sometimes referred to as "the orchestral three". It consists of , , and drums. Its range extends down only to F2. The drums are set up in an arc around the performer. Traditionally, North American, British, and French timpanists set their drums up with the lowest drum on the left and the highest on the right (commonly called the "American" system), while German, Austrian, and Greek players set them up in the reverse order, as to resemble a drum set or upright bass. (the "German" system). This distinction is not strict, as many North American players use the German setup and vice versa. Players. Throughout their education, timpanists are trained as percussionists, and they learn to play all instruments of the percussion family along with timpani. However, when appointed to a principal timpani chair in a professional ensemble, a timpanist is not normally required to play any other instruments. In his book "Anatomy of the Orchestra", Norman Del Mar writes that the timpanist is "king of his own province", and that "a good timpanist really does set the standard of the whole orchestra." A qualified member of the percussion section sometimes doubles as associate timpanist, performing in repertoire requiring multiple timpanists and filling in for the principal timpanist when required. Among the professionals who have been highly regarded for their virtuosity and impact on the development of the timpani in the 20th century are Saul Goodman, Hans Schnellar, Fred Hinger, and Cloyd Duff. Concertos. A few solo concertos have been written for timpani, and are for timpani and orchestral accompaniment. The 18th-century composer Johann Fischer wrote a symphony for eight timpani and orchestra, which requires the solo timpanist to play eight drums simultaneously. Rough contemporaries Georg Druschetzky and Johann Melchior Molter also wrote pieces for timpani and orchestra. Throughout the 19th century and much of the 20th, there were few new timpani concertos. In 1983, William Kraft, principal timpanist of the Los Angeles Philharmonic, composed his "Concerto for Timpani and Orchestra", which won second prize in the Kennedy Center Friedheim Awards. There have been other timpani concertos, notably, Philip Glass, considered one of the most influential composers of the late 20th century, wrote a double concerto at the behest of soloist Jonathan Haas titled "Concerto Fantasy for Two Timpanists and Orchestra", which features its soloists playing nine drums a piece. Performance techniques. Striking. For general playing, a timpanist will beat the head approximately in from the edge. Beating at this spot produces the round, resonant sound commonly associated with timpani. A timpani roll (most commonly signaled in a score by ) is executed by striking the timpani at varying velocities; the speed of the strokes are determined by the pitch of the drum, with higher pitched timpani requiring a quicker roll than timpani tuned to a lower pitch. While performing the timpani roll, mallets are usually held a few inches apart to create more sustain. Anton Bruckner's Symphony No. 7 requires a continuous roll on a drum for over two and a half minutes. In general, timpanists do not use multiple bounce rolls like those played on the snare drum, as the soft nature of timpani sticks causes the rebound of the stick to be reduced, causing multiple bounce rolls to sound muffled. The tone quality can be altered without switching sticks or adjusting the tuning. For example, by playing closer to the edge, the sound becomes thinner. A more staccato sound can be produced by changing the velocity of the stroke or playing closer to the center. Tuning. Prior to playing, the timpanist must clear the heads by equalizing the tension at each tuning screw. This is done so every spot is tuned to exactly the same pitch. When the head is clear, the timpani will produce an in-tune sound. If the head is not clear, the pitch will rise or fall after the initial impact of a stroke, and the drum will produce different pitches at different dynamic levels. Timpanists are required to have a well-developed sense of relative pitch and must develop techniques to tune in an undetectable manner and accurately in the middle of a performance. Tuning is often tested with a light tap from a finger, which produces a near-silent note. Some timpani are equipped with tuning gauges, which provide a visual indication of the pitch. They are physically connected either to the counterhoop, in which case the gauge indicates how far the counterhoop is pushed down, or the pedal, in which case the gauge indicates the position of the pedal. These gauges are accurate when used correctly. However, when the instrument is disturbed in some fashion (transported, for example), the overall pitch can change, thus the markers on the gauges may not remain reliable unless they have been adjusted immediately preceding the performance. The pitch can also be changed by room temperature and humidity. This effect also occurs due to changes in weather, especially if an outdoor performance is to take place. Gauges are especially useful when performing music that involves fast tuning changes that do not allow the timpanist to listen to the new pitch before playing it. Even when gauges are available, good timpanists will check their intonation by ear before playing. Occasionally, timpanists use the pedals to retune while playing. Portamento effects can be achieved by changing the pitch while it can still be heard. This is commonly called a "glissando", though this use of the term is not strictly correct. The most effective glissandos are those from low to high notes and those performed during rolls. One of the first composers to call for a timpani glissando was Carl Nielsen, who used two sets of timpani playing glissandos at the same time in his Symphony No. 4 ("The Inextinguishable"). "Pedaling" refers to changing the pitch with the pedal; it is an alternate term for "tuning". In general, timpanists reserve this term for passages where they must change the pitch in the midst of playing. Early 20th-century composers such as Nielsen, Béla Bartók, Samuel Barber, and Richard Strauss took advantage of the freedom that pedal timpani afforded, often giving the timpani the bass line. Muffling. Since timpani have a long sustain, "muffling" or "damping" is an inherent part of playing. Often, timpanists will muffle notes so they only sound for the length indicated by the composer. However, early timpani did not resonate nearly as long as modern timpani, so composers often wrote a note when the timpanist was to hit the drum without concern for sustain. Today, timpanists must use their ear and the score to determine the length the note should sound. The typical method of muffling is to place the pads of the fingers against the head while holding onto the timpani stick with the thumb and index finger. Timpanists are required to develop techniques to stop all vibration without making any sound from the contact of their fingers. Muffling is often referred to as "muting", which can also refer to playing with mutes on them ("see below"). Extended techniques. It is typical for only one timpani to be struck at a time, but occasionally composers will ask for two notes. This is called a "double stop", a term borrowed from the string instrument vocabulary. Ludwig van Beethoven uses this effect in the slow third movement of his Ninth Symphony, as do Johannes Brahms in the second movement of his German Requiem and Aaron Copland in El Salón México. Some modern composers occasionally require more than two notes. In this case, a timpanist can hold two sticks in one hand much like a marimbist, or more than one timpanist can be employed. In his Overture to "Benvenuto Cellini", for example, Hector Berlioz realizes fully voiced chords from the timpani by requiring three timpanists and assigning one drum to each. He goes as far as ten timpanists playing three- and four-part chords on sixteen drums in his "Requiem", although with the introduction of pedal tuning, this number can be reduced. Modern composers will often specify the beating spot to alter the sound of the drum. When the timpani are struck directly in the center, they have a sound that is almost completely devoid of tone and resonance. George Gershwin uses this effect in "An American in Paris". Struck close to the edge, timpani produce a very thin, hollow sound. This effect is used by composers such as Bartók, Bernstein, and Kodály. A variation of this is to strike the head while two fingers of one hand lightly press and release spots near the center. The head will then vibrate at a harmonic much like the similar effect on a string instrument. Resonance can cause timpani not in use to vibrate, causing a quieter sound to be produced. Timpanists must normally avoid this effect, called "sympathetic resonance", but composers have exploited it in solo pieces such as Elliott Carter's "Eight Pieces for Four Timpani". Resonance is reduced by damping or muting the drums, and in some cases composers will specify that timpani be played "con sordino" ("with mute") or "coperti" ("covered"), both of which indicate that mutes—typically small pieces of felt or leather—should be placed on the head. Composers will sometimes specify that the timpani should be struck with implements other than timpani sticks. It is common in timpani etudes and solos for timpanists to play with their hands or fingers. Philip Glass's "Concerto Fantasy" utilizes this technique during a timpani cadenza. Also, Michael Daugherty's "Raise The Roof" calls for this technique to be used for a certain passage. Leonard Bernstein calls for maracas on timpani in the "Jeremiah" Symphony and Symphonic Dances from "West Side Story". Edward Elgar attempts to use the timpani to imitate the engine of an ocean liner in his "Enigma" Variations by requesting the timpanist play a soft roll with snare drum sticks. However, snare drum sticks tend to produce too loud a sound, and since this work's premiere, the passage has been performed by striking with coins. Benjamin Britten asks for the timpanist to use drumsticks in his "War Requiem" to evoke the sound of a field drum. Robert W. Smith's "Songs of Sailor and Sea" calls for a "whale sound" on the timpani. This is achieved by moistening the thumb and rubbing it from the edge to the center of the head. Among other techniques used primarily in solo work, such as John Beck's "Sonata for Timpani", is striking the bowls. Timpanists tend to be reluctant to strike the bowls at loud levels or with hard sticks since copper can be dented easily due to its soft nature. On some occasions a composer may ask for a metal object, commonly an upside-down cymbal, to be placed upon the head and then struck or rolled while executing a glissando on the drum. Joseph Schwantner uses this technique in "From A Dark Millennium". Carl Orff asks for cymbals resting on the head while the drum is struck in his later works. Additionally, Michael Daugherty, in his concerto "Raise The Roof," utilizes this technique. In his piece From me flows what you call Time, Tōru Takemitsu calls for Japanese temple bowls to be placed on timpani. History. Pre-orchestral history. The first recorded use of early Tympanum was in "ancient times when it is known that they were used in religious ceremonies by Hebrews." The Moon of Pejeng, also known as the "Pejeng Moon", in Bali, the largest single-cast bronze kettle drum in the world, is more than two thousand years old. The Moon of Pejeng is "the largest known relic from Southeast Asia's Bronze Age period." The drum is in the Pura Penataran Sasih temple." In 1188, Cambro-Norman chronicler Gerald of Wales wrote, "Ireland uses and delights in two instruments only, the harp namely, and the tympanum." Arabian nakers, the direct ancestors of most timpani, were brought to 13th-century Continental Europe by Crusaders and Saracens. These drums, which were small (with a diameter of about ) and mounted to the player's belt, were used primarily for military ceremonies. This form of timpani remained in use until the 16th century. In 1457, a Hungarian legation sent by King Ladislaus V carried larger timpani mounted on horseback to the court of King Charles VII in France. This variety of timpani had been used in the Middle East since the 12th century. These drums evolved together with trumpets to be the primary instruments of the cavalry. This practice continues to this day in sections of the British Army, and timpani continued to be paired with trumpets when they entered the classical orchestra. The medieval European timpani were typically put together by hand in the southern region of France. Some drums were tightened together by horses tugging from each side of the drum by the bolts. Over the next two centuries, a number of technical improvements were made to the timpani. Originally, the head was nailed directly to the shell of the drum. In the 15th century, heads began to be attached and tensioned by a counterhoop tied directly to the shell. In the early 16th century, the bindings were replaced by screws. This allowed timpani to become tunable instruments of definite pitch. The Industrial Revolution enabled the introduction of new construction techniques and materials, in particular machine and pedal tuning mechanisms. Plastic heads were introduced in the mid-20th century, led by Remo. Role in orchestra. "No written kettledrum music survives from the 16th century, because the technique and repertory were learned by oral tradition and were kept secret. An early example of trumpet and kettledrum music occurs at the beginning of Monteverdi’s opera "Orfeo" (1607)." Later in the Baroque era, Johann Sebastian Bach wrote a secular cantata titled "Tönet, ihr Pauken! Erschallet, Trompeten! ", which translates roughly to "Sound off, ye timpani! Sound, trumpets!" Naturally, the timpani are placed at the forefront: the piece starts with an unusual timpani solo and the chorus and timpani trade the melody back and forth. Bach reworked this movement in "Part I of the Christmas Oratorio. Mozart and Haydn wrote many works for the timpani and even started putting it in their symphonies. Ludwig van Beethoven revolutionized timpani music in the early 19th century. He not only wrote for drums tuned to intervals other than a fourth or fifth, but he gave a prominence to the instrument as an independent voice beyond programmatic use. For example, his Violin Concerto (1806) opens with four solo timpani strokes, and the scherzo of his Ninth Symphony (1824) sets the timpani (tuned an octave apart) against the orchestra in a sort of call and response. The next major innovator was Hector Berlioz. He was the first composer to indicate the exact sticks that should be used—"felt-covered", "wooden", etc. In several of his works, including "Symphonie fantastique" (1830), and his "Requiem" (1837), he demanded the use of several timpanists at once. Until the late 19th century, timpani were hand-tuned; that is, there was a sequence of screws with "T"-shaped handles, called "taps", which altered the tension in the head when turned by players. Thus, tuning was a relatively slow operation, and composers had to allow a reasonable amount of time for players to change notes if they were called to tune in the middle of a work. The first 'machine' timpani, with a single tuning handle, was developed in 1812. The first pedal timpani originated in Dresden in the 1870s and are called "Dresden" timpani for this reason. However, since vellum was used for the heads of the drums, automated solutions were difficult to implement since the tension would vary unpredictably across the drum. This could be compensated for by hand-tuning, but not easily by a pedal drum. Mechanisms continued to improve in the early 20th century. Despite these problems, composers eagerly exploited the opportunities the new mechanism had to offer. By 1915, Carl Nielsen was demanding glissandos on timpani in his Fourth Symphony—impossible on the old hand-tuned drums. However, it took Béla Bartók to more fully realize the flexibility the new mechanism had to offer. Many of his timpani parts require such a range of notes that it would be unthinkable to attempt them without pedal drums. In the 17th and 18th centuries, timpani were almost always tuned with the dominant note of the piece on the low drum and the tonic on the high drum—a perfect fourth apart. Until the early 19th century the dominant (the note of the large drum) was written as G and the tonic (the note of the small drum) was written as C no matter what the actual key of the work was, and whether it was major or minor, with the actual pitches indicated at the top of the score (for example, "Timpani in D–A" for a work in D major or D minor). This notation style however was not universal: Bach, Mozart, and Schubert (in his early works) used it, but their respective contemporaries Handel, Haydn, and Beethoven wrote for the timpani at concert pitch. In the 2010s, even though they are written at concert pitch, timpani parts continue to be most often but not always written with no key signature, no matter what key the work is in: accidentals are written in the staff, both in the timpanist's part and the conductor's score. In 1948, Alexander Rahbari, an outstanding Iranian-Austrian composer used glissando effect produced by switching timpani pedals in the opening of his piece, Persian Mysticism Around G, where the player moves from Bb up to C and then rolling down to G(see the timpani part on right below). Outside the orchestra. Later, timpani were adopted into other classical music ensembles such as concert bands. In the 1970s, marching bands and drum and bugle corps, which evolved both from traditional marching bands and concert bands, began to include marching timpani. Unlike concert timpani, marching versions had fiberglass shells to make them light enough to carry. Each player carried a single drum, which was tuned by a hand crank. Often, during intricate passages, the timpani players would put their drums on the ground by means of extendable legs, and perform more like conventional timpani, yet with a single player per drum. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, marching arts-based organizations' allowance for timpani and other percussion instruments to be permanently grounded became mainstream. This was the beginning of the end for marching timpani: Eventually, standard concert timpani found their way onto the football field as part of the front ensemble, and marching timpani fell out of common usage. Timpani are still used by the Mounted Bands of the Household Division of the British Army and of the Mounted Band of the "Garde Républicaine" in the French Army. As rock and roll bands started seeking to diversify their sound, timpani found their way into the studio. In 1959 Leiber and Stoller made the innovative use of timpani in their production of the Drifters' recording, "There Goes My Baby." Starting in the 1960s, drummers for high-profile rock acts like The Beatles, Cream, Led Zeppelin, The Beach Boys, and Queen incorporated timpani into their music. This led to the use of timpani in progressive rock. Emerson, Lake & Palmer recorded a number of rock covers of classical pieces that utilize timpani. Rush drummer Neil Peart added a tympani to his expanding arsenal of percussion for the "Hemispheres" (1978) and "Permanent Waves" (1980) albums and tours, and would later sample tympani in his drum solo, "The Rhythm Method" in 1988. More recently, the rock band Muse has incorporated timpani into some of their classically based songs, most notably in Exogenesis: Symphony, Part I (Overture). Jazz musicians also experimented with timpani. Sun Ra used it occasionally in his Arkestra (played, for example, by percussionist Jim Herndon on the songs "Reflection in Blue" and "El Viktor," both recorded in 1957). In 1964, Elvin Jones incorporated timpani into his drum kit on John Coltrane's four-part composition "A Love Supreme". Butch Trucks, drummer with the Allman Brothers Band made use of the timpani. In his choral piece A Stopwatch and an Ordnance Map, Samuel Barber employs three pedal timpani upon which are played glissandos. Jonathan Haas is one of the few timpanists who markets himself as a soloist. Haas, who began his career as a solo timpanist in 1980, is notable for performing music from many genres including jazz, rock, and classical. He released an album with a rather unconventional jazz band called "Johnny H. and the Prisoners of Swing". Glass's "Concerto Fantasy", commissioned by Haas, put two soloists in "front" of the orchestra, an atypical placement for the instruments. Haas also commissioned Susman's "Floating Falling" for timpani and cello.

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Marketing mix modeling (MMM) is statistical analysis such as multivariate regressions on sales and marketing time series data to estimate the impact of various marketing tactics (marketing mix) on sales and then forecast the impact of future sets of tactics. It is often used to optimize advertising mix and promotional tactics with respect to sales revenue or profit. The techniques were developed by econometricians and were first applied to consumer packaged goods, since manufacturers of those goods had access to accurate data on sales and marketing support. Improved availability of data, massively greater computing power, and the pressure to measure and optimize marketing spend has driven the explosion in popularity as a marketing tool. In recent times MMM has found acceptance as a trustworthy marketing tool among the major consumer marketing companies. History. The term marketing mix was developed by Neil Borden who first started using the phrase in 1949. “An executive is a mixer of ingredients, who sometimes follows a recipe as he goes along, sometimes adapts a recipe to the ingredients immediately available, and sometimes experiments with or invents ingredients no one else has tried." According to Borden, "When building a marketing program to fit the needs of his firm, the marketing manager has to weigh the behavioral forces and then juggle marketing elements in his mix with a keen eye on the resources with which he has to work." E. Jerome McCarthy, was the first person to suggest the four P's of marketing – price, promotion, product and place (distribution) – which constitute the most common variables used in constructing a marketing mix. According to McCarthy the marketers essentially have these four variables which they can use while crafting a marketing strategy and writing a marketing plan. In the long term, all four of the mix variables can be changed, but in the short term it is difficult to modify the product or the distribution channel. Another set of marketing mix variables were developed by Albert Frey who classified the marketing variables into two categories: the offering, and process variables. The "offering" consists of the product, service, packaging, brand, and price. The "process" or "method" variables included advertising, promotion, sales promotion, personal selling, publicity, distribution channels, marketing research, strategy formation, and new product development. Recently, Bernard Booms and Mary Bitner built a model consisting of seven P's. They added "People" to the list of existing variables, in order to recognize the importance of the human element in all aspects of marketing. They added "process" to reflect the fact that services, unlike physical products, are experienced as a process at the time that they are purchased. Desktop modeling tools such as Micro TSP have made this kind of statistical analysis part of the mainstream now. Most advertising agencies and strategy consulting firms offer MMM services to their clients. Marketing mix model. Marketing mix modeling is an analytical approach that uses historic information, such as syndicated point-of-sale data and companies’ internal data, to quantify the sales impact of various marketing activities. Mathematically, this is done by establishing a simultaneous relation of various marketing activities with the sales, in the form of a linear or a non-linear equation, through the statistical technique of regression. MMM defines the effectiveness of each of the marketing elements in terms of its contribution to sales-volume, effectiveness (volume generated by each unit of effort), efficiency (sales volume generated divided by cost) and ROI. These learnings are then adopted to adjust marketing tactics and strategies, optimize the marketing plan and also to forecast sales while simulating various scenarios. This is accomplished by setting up a model with the sales volume/value as the dependent variable and independent variables created out of the various marketing efforts. The creation of variables for Marketing Mix Modeling is a complicated affair and is as much an art as it is a science. The balance between automated modeling tools crunching large data sets versus the artisan econometrician is an ongoing debate in MMM, with different agencies and consultants taking a position at certain points in this spectrum. Once the variables are created, multiple iterations are carried out to create a model which explains the volume/value trends well. Further validations are carried out, either by using a validation data, or by the consistency of the business results. The output can be used to analyze the impact of the marketing elements on various dimensions. The contribution of each element as a percentage of the total plotted year on year is a good indicator of how the effectiveness of various elements changes over the years. The yearly change in contribution is also measured by a due-to analysis which shows what percentage of the change in total sales is attributable to each of the elements. For activities like television advertising and trade promotions, more sophisticated analysis like effectiveness can be carried out. This analysis tells the marketing manager the incremental gain in sales that can be obtained by increasing the respective marketing element by one unit. If detailed spend information per activity is available then it is possible to calculate the Return on Investment of the marketing activity. Not only is this useful for reporting the historical effectiveness of the activity, it also helps in optimizing the marketing budget by identifying the most and least efficient marketing activities. Once the final model is ready, the results from it can be used to simulate marketing scenarios for a ‘What-if’ analysis. The marketing managers can reallocate this marketing budget in different proportions and see the direct impact on sales/value. They can optimize the budget by allocating spends to those activities which give the highest return on investment. Some MMM approaches like to include multiple products or brands fighting against each other in an industry or category model - where cross-price relationships and advertising share of voice is considered as important for wargaming. Components. Marketing-mix models decompose total sales into two components: Base sales: This is the natural demand for the product driven by economic factors like pricing, long-term trends, seasonality, and also qualitative factors like brand awareness and brand loyalty. Incremental sales: Incremental sales are the component of sales driven by marketing and promotional activities. This component can be further decomposed into sales due to each marketing component like television advertising or radio advertising, print advertising (magazines, newspapers etc. ), coupons, direct mail, Internet, feature or display promotions and temporary price reductions. Some of these activities have short-term returns (coupons, promotions), while others have longer term returns (TV, radio, magazine/print). Marketing-Mix analyses are typically carried out using linear regression modeling. Nonlinear and lagged effects are included using techniques like advertising adstock transformations. Typical output of such analyses include a decomposition of total annual sales into contributions from each marketing component, a.k.a. Contribution pie-chart. Another standard output is a decomposition of year-over year sales growth/decline, a.k.a. ‘due-to charts’. Elements measured in MMM. Base and incremental volume. The very break-up of sales volume into base (volume that would be generated in absence of any marketing activity) and incremental (volume generated by marketing activities in the short run) across time gain gives wonderful insights. The base grows or declines across longer periods of time while the activities generating the incremental volume in the short run also impact the base volume in the long run. The variation in the base volume is a good indicator of the strength of the brand and the loyalty it commands from its users. Media and advertising. Market mix modeling can determine the sales impact generated by individual media such as television, magazine, and online display ads. In some cases it can be used to determine the impact of individual advertising campaigns or even ad executions upon sales. For example, for TV advertising activity, it is possible to examine how each ad execution has performed in the market in terms of its impact on sales volume. MMM can also provide information on TV correlations at different media weight levels, as measured by gross rating points (GRP) in relation to sales volume response within a time frame, be it a week or a month. Information can also be gained on the minimum level of GRPs (threshold limit) in a week that need to be aired in order to make an impact, and conversely, the level of GRPs at which the impact on volume maximizes (saturation limit) and that the further activity does not have any payback. While not all MMM's will be able to produce definitive answers to all questions, some additional areas in which insights can sometimes be gained include: 1) the effectiveness of 15-second vis-à-vis 30-second executions; 2) comparisons in ad performance when run during prime-time vis-à-vis off-prime-time dayparts; 3) comparisons into the direct and the halo effect of TV activity across various products or sub-brands. The role of new product based TV activity and the equity based TV activity in growing the brand can also be compared. GRP's are converted into reach (i.e. GRPs are divided by the average frequency to get the percentage of people actually watching the advertisement). This is a better measure for modeling TV. Trade promotions. Trade promotion is a key activity in every marketing plan. It is aimed at increasing sales in the short term by employing promotion schemes which effectively increases the customer awareness of the business and its products. The response of consumers to trade promotions is not straight forward and is the subject of much debate. Non-linear models exist to simulate the response. Using MMM we can understand the impact of trade promotion at generating incremental volumes. It is possible to obtain an estimate of the volume generated per promotion event in each of the different retail outlets by region. This way we can identify the most and least effective trade channels. If detailed spend information is available we can compare the Return on Investment of various trade activities like Every Day Low Price, Off-Shelf Display. We can use this information to optimize the trade plan by choosing the most effective trade channels and targeting the most effective promotion activity. Pricing. Price increases of the brand impact the sales volume negatively. This effect can be captured through modeling the price in MMM. The model provides the price elasticity of the brand which tells us the percentage change in the sales for each percentage change in price. Using this, the marketing manager can evaluate the impact of a price change decision. Distribution. For the element of distribution, we can know how the volume will move by changing distribution efforts or, in other words, by each percentage shift in the width or the depth of distribution. This can be identified specifically for each channel and even for each kind of outlet for off-take sales. In view of these insights, the distribution efforts can be prioritized for each channel or store-type to get the maximum out of the same. A recent study of a laundry brand showed that the incremental volume through 1% more presence in a neighborhood Kirana store is 180% greater than that through 1% more presence in a supermarket. Based upon the cost of such efforts, managers identified the right channel to invest more for distribution. Launches. When a new product is launched, the associated publicity and promotions typically results in higher volume generation than expected. This extra volume cannot be completely captured in the model using the existing variables. Often special variables to capture this incremental effect of launches are used. The combined contribution of these variables and that of the marketing effort associated with the launch will give the total launch contribution. Different launches can be compared by calculating their effectiveness and ROI. Competition. The impact of competition on the brand sales is captured by creating the competition variables accordingly. The variables are created from the marketing activities of the competition like television advertising, trade promotions, product launches etc. The results from the model can be used to identify the biggest threat to own brand sales from competition. The cross-price elasticity and the cross-promotional elasticity can be used to devise appropriate response to competition tactics. A successful competitive campaign can be analyzed to learn valuable lesson for the own brand. television & Broadcasting: the application of MMM can also be applied in the broadcast media. Broadcasters may want to know what determine whether a particular will be sponsored. This could depend on the presenter attributes, the content, and the time the program is aired. these will therefore form the independent variables in our quest to design a program salability function. Program salabibility is a function of the presenter attributes, the program content and the time the program is aired. Studies in MMM. Typical MMM studies provide the following insights Adoption of MMM by the industry. Over the past 20 years many large companies, particularly consumer packaged goods firms, have adopted MMM. Many Fortune 500 companies such as P&G, AT&T, Kraft, Coca-Cola and Pepsi have made MMM an integral part of their marketing planning. This has also been made possible due to the availability of specialist firms that are now providing MMM services. Marketing mix models were more popular initially in the CPG industry and quickly spread to Retail and Pharma industries because of the availability of Syndicated Data in these industries (primarily from Nielsen Company and IRI and to a lesser extent from NPD Group and Bottom Line Analytics and Gain Theory). Availability of Time-series data is crucial to robust modeling of marketing-mix effects and with the systematic management of customer data through CRM systems in other industries like Telecommunications, Financial Services, Automotive and Hospitality industries helped its spread to these industries. In addition competitive and industry data availability through third-party sources like Forrester Research's Ultimate Consumer Panel (Financial Services), Polk Insights (Automotive) and Smith Travel Research (Hospitality), further enhanced the application of marketing-mix modeling to these industries. Application of marketing-mix modeling to these industries is still in a nascent stage and a lot of standardization needs to be brought about especially in these areas: The proliferation of marketing-mix modeling was also accelerated due to the focus from Sarbanes-Oxley Section 404 that required internal controls for financial reporting on significant expenses and outlays. Marketing for consumer goods can be in excess of a 10th of total revenues and until the advent of marketing-mix models, relied on qualitative or 'soft' approaches to evaluate this spend. Marketing-mix modeling presented a rigorous and consistent approach to evaluate marketing-mix investments as the CPG industry had already demonstrated. A study by American Marketing Association pointed out that top management was more likely to stress the importance of marketing accountability than middle management, suggesting a top-down push towards greater accountability. Limitations. While marketing mix models provide much useful information, there are two key areas in which these models have limitations that should be taken into account by all of those that use these models for decision making purposes. These limitations, discussed more fully below, include: 1) the focus on short-term sales can significantly under-value the importance of longer-term equity building activities; and 2) when used for media mix optimization, these models have a clear bias in favor of time-specific media (such as TV commercials) versus less time-specific media (such as ads appearing in monthly magazines); biases can also occur when comparing broad-based media versus regionally or demographically targeted media. In relation to the bias against equity building activities, marketing budgets optimized using marketing-mix models may tend too much towards efficiency because marketing-mix models measure only the short-term effects of marketing. Longer term effects of marketing are reflected in its brand equity. The impact of marketing spend on [brand equity] is usually not captured by marketing-mix models. One reason is that the longer duration that marketing takes to impact brand perception extends beyond the simultaneous or, at best, weeks-ahead impact of marketing on sales that these models measure. The other reason is that temporary fluctuation in sales due to economic and social conditions do not necessarily mean that marketing has been ineffective in building brand equity. On the contrary, it is very possible that in the short term sales and market-share could deteriorate, but brand equity could actually be higher. This higher equity should in the long run help the brand recover sales and market-share. Because marketing-mix models suggest a marketing tactic has a positive impact on sales doesn't necessarily mean it has a positive impact on long-term brand equity. Different marketing measures impact short-term and long-term brand sales differently and adjusting the marketing portfolio to maximize either the short-term or the long-term alone will be sub-optimal. For example, the short-term positive effect of promotions on consumers’ utility induces consumers to switch to the promoted brand, but the adverse impact of promotions on brand equity carries over from period to period. Therefore, the net effect of promotions on a brand’s market share and profitability can be negative due to their adverse impact on brand. Determining marketing ROI on the basis of marketing-mix models alone can lead to misleading results. This is because marketing-mix attempts to optimize marketing-mix to increase incremental contribution, but marketing-mix also drives brand-equity, which is not part of the incremental part measured by marketing-mix model- it is part of the baseline. True 'Return on Marketing Investment' is a sum of short-term and long-term ROI. The fact that most firms use marketing-mix models only to measure the short-term ROI can be inferred from an article by Booz Allen Hamilton, which suggests that there is a significant shift away from traditional media to 'below-the-line' spending, driven by the fact that promotional spending is easier to measure. But academic studies have shown that promotional activities are in fact detrimental to long-term marketing ROI (Ataman et al., 2006). Short-term marketing-mix models can be combined with brand-equity models using brand-tracking data to measure 'brand ROI', in both the short- and long-term. Finally, the modeling process itself should not be more costly than the resulting gain in profitability; i.e. it should have a positive Return On Modeling Effort (ROME). The second limitation of marketing mix models comes into play when advertisers attempt to use these models to determine the best media allocation across different media types. The traditional use of MMM's to compare money spent on TV versus money spent on couponing was relatively valid in that both TV commercials and the appearance of coupons (for example, in a FSI run in a newspaper) were both quite time specific. However, as the use of these models has been expanded into comparisons across a wider range of media types, extreme caution should be used. Even with traditional media such as magazine advertising, the use of MMM's to compare results across media can be problematic; while the modelers overlay models of the 'typical' viewing curves of monthly magazines, these lack in precision, and thus introduce additional variability into the equation. Thus, comparisons of the effectiveness of running a TV commercial versus the effectiveness of running a magazine ad would be biased in favor of TV, with its greater precision of measurement. As new forms of media proliferate, these limitations become even more important to consider if MMM's are to be used in attempts to quantify their effectiveness. For example, Sponsorship Marketing, Sports Affinity Marketing, Viral Marketing, Blog Marketing and Mobile Marketing all vary in terms of the time-specificity of exposure. Further, most approaches to marketing-mix models try to include all marketing activities in aggregate at the national or regional level, but to the extent that various tactics are targeted to different demographic consumer groups, their impact may be lost. For example, Mountain Dew sponsorship of NASCAR may be targeted to NASCAR fans, which may include multiple age groups, but Mountain Dew advertising on gaming blogs may be targeted to the Gen Y population. Both of these tactics may be highly effective within the corresponding demographic groups but, when included in aggregate in a national or regional marketing-mix model, may come up as ineffective. Aggregation bias, along with issues relating to variations in the time-specific natures of different media, pose serious problems when these models are used in ways beyond those for which they were originally designed. As media become even more fragmented, it is critical that these issues are taken into account if marketing-mix models are used to judge the relative effectiveness of different media and tactics. Marketing-mix models use historical performance to evaluate marketing performance and so are not an effective tool to manage marketing investments for new products. This is because the relatively short history of new products make marketing-mix results unstable. Also relationship between marketing and sales may be radically different in the launch and stable periods. For example, the initial performance of Coke Zero was really poor and showed low advertising elasticity. In spite of this Coke increased its media spend, with an improved strategy and radically improved its performance resulting in advertising effectiveness that is probably several times the effectiveness during the launch period. A typical marketing-mix model would have recommended cutting media spend and instead resorting to heavy price discounting.

past efficiency

14385-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=9349528

The Dhaka topi ( ) or Nepali topi is a hat which is popular in Nepal, and which forms part of Nepalese national dress, worn by men on celebrations. Dhaka topi. "Dhaka ko Topi" literately means a "headgear made of Dhaka cloth", a fine cotton cloth once exclusively imported from Dhaka, the present-day capital of Bangladesh. The Dhaka topi was a part of the Nepalese national dress, and a symbol of Nepalese nationality. It became popular during the reign of King Mahendra, who ruled between 1955 and 1972, and made wearing a Dhaka topi mandatory for official photographs for passports and documents. Dhaka Topis are given away as gifts during Dashain and Tihar festivals. Dhaka topi was also worn by government officials as a part of the national dress. In the times of king Mahendra Dhaka topis for rent was available near the Singha Durbar (literally Lion Hall) in Kathmandu. The badge of kukri cross is worn on the cap largely by officials in Kathmandu or when a Nepalese visit the Palace, and not the lay Nepali. Although Dhaka clothing no longer dominates Nepalese fashion, it remains an integral part of the society and Nepalese identity. While many Nepalis now seldom wear a cap unless they are attending some cultural programme, many other men and women still wear costumes made from Dhaka on a regular basis, as it remains common sight on the streets of Kathmandu. Dhaka cloth still play a role in rituals, such as weddings and funerals of many ethnic groups living in the valley. Despite many hand-loom establishments that producing it, they still struggle to meet the constantly increasing demand for Dhaka topi. According to Tejeswar Babu Gongah, a columnist, cultural activist and cultural expert, "The topi which is round at the base, with a height of 3 to 4 inches, indicates the mountains and the Himalayas of the country. The Dhaka topi is said to represent the mountain after the melting of the ice. The melted ice enables the growth of greenery and vibrantly coloured flowers in the lower regions of the mountain." International Nepali Dhoti and Topi Day is an day celebrated by Nepali people globally on 1 January to keep Nepali traditional fashion alive. Nepalis of Madhesi and Tharu ethnicity wear Dhoti, while all Nepali people wear Dhaka and Bhadgaunle topis on that day. Though topis are more prevalent in the day than dhoti, Madhesis have taken the opportunity to promote their distinct identity. Madhesis and Sikhs in Nepal are often discriminated against because of their refusal to wear Dhaka topi. Dhaka cloth. "Dhaka", the hand-spun cotton inlay-pattern weaving used to make intricately patterned, colourful panels for Dhaka topis, is the most remarkable and visible cotton textile in Nepal. Pre-dyed cotton is imported from India and weaved by master craftspeople into intricate patterns using only a few colours. The fabric is also used for a type of blouse called "Dhaka ko cholo", literally meaning a "blouse made of dhaka fabric", and shawls for women. Some farmers and weavers have made preliminary trials of a silk Dhaka topi cloth with limited success. There are different myths about the origin of Dhaka fabric. One story tells that a minister returned from Dhaka, Bangladesh with idea of such a topi, which eventually replaced the traditional black cap in popularity. Another story tells that name is so because the originally cloths and threads for Dhaka topi used to come from Dhaka, often resembling Dhakai muslin (fine cotton of Dhaka). It is also possible that Hindu weavers settled in Nepal to flee Muslim invasion of Bengal. The method of pattern weaving practised around Dhaka, called "Jamdani", is considerably different from what is currently practised by Nepalese weavers. A few fragments of Dhaka fabric in the collection of the National Museum of Nepal are assumed to be from early 20th century. The most popular legend attributes the introduction of Dhaka weaving to Ganesh Man Maharjan, who worked in an Jamdani factory in 1950s. He was inspired to learn it when he noticed Dambar Kumari, Shree Teen Junga Bahadur Rana's daughter, wearing Dhaka clothes she brought back from Benares. Upon returning to his native Palpa his wife and he established a factory to produce Dhaka cloth in 1957 with one spool and one hand-operated Charkha spinning-wheel bought from Kathmandu and local weavers trained by Mahajan. His operation flourished because of the high price of superior quality imports. As the Shah dynasty government showed a preference for Dhaka cloth and topis made out of it, other weavers started following Maharajan. By early 1970, his own factory Swadeshi Vastrakala Palpali Dhaka Udhyog had grown to employ some 350 workers. At that time Jaishanker Textile Industry, Khanal Textile Industry, and Nabin Textile Industry were the major producers of cotton yarn used to make Dhaka cloth. Despite booming business and government incentives, most weavers were poor. An expert weaver worked 12–16 hours a day for a month to produce 4–5 metres of Dhaka cloth. But, their wage was a measly 10-30 Nepalese rupees, one egg and 250 grams of Jeri. In 1970s, the Dhaka weaving industry in Palpa changed significantly as it was introduced to Jacquard loom and easily available shiny acrylic fiber. Jacquard looms made it possible to produce several meter a day, instead of the average 9-inches on a hand-loom. Many weavers lost their jobs, Palpa lost its near monopoly and Dhaka caps lost some of the intricacies of its patterns. Now weavers in capital Kathmandu, Palpa District in the middle mountains area, especially its headquarters Tansen municipality, and Tehrathum District in the East are the main producers of Dhaka cloth. Limbus and Rais from the middle mountains are famous for the Dhaka cloth they produce. Tansen, the most renowned source of Dhaka topis, is colourful town with Magar, Brahmin, Chhetris with Newars who came in the 19th century to seek their fortune. Apart its famous Dhaka fabric for topic, cholos and shawls, Tensen is also known for its metal craft including Karuwa mugs, jars and other items. It is a custom to buy Palpali Dhaka fabric products as souvenir while visiting the area, including topis, shawls and thailo purses that has two pairs of drawstrings to open and close the purse. A Dhaka topi industry has been established in Darjeeling by Indian Gorkhas. Topis. The traditional outfit of Nepali men features "Daura-Suruwal" (Nepalese shirt and trouser suit), "Patuka" (cloth wrapped around the waist instead of a belt), "ista coat" (the Nepalese sleeveless half-jacket) and a topi, while "Gunyou Cholo" (a "ghagra"-"kurta" style women's dress) is the dress for a woman who generally wore no topi. Various ethnic groups wear their own constituent traditional dresses. For instance, the Tamang women wear distinctive headgear with an added cotton or woollen wrapper is also worn over the cap. Some Buddhist Tamang women wear "Bakhus" which are ethnic to the Tibetan people. The once mandatory topi of a Nepali man can be either black (called "bhaad-gaaule" or "kalo topi") or multicoloured (called "Dhaka" or "Nepali topi"). "Bhaad-gaaule topis" are similar to Dhaka topi but they are black in colour given the fact that they are not made from Dhaka. Before the Nepali government started promoting Dhaka topis, Bhaad-gaaule topis largely made in Bhaktapur were the popular Nepali headgear, especially common to Newaris. These kalo topis (blacks caps), once preferred by Rana dynasty elites, are now making a comeback, particularly among the youth. Milliners of Bhaktapur, once almost put out of business by the advent of Dhaka topi, were making as many as 600 kalo topis a week by 2015. Besides Dhaka and kalo topis there are a number of other topis made and worn in Nepal including "chuclie topi", "birke topi", "karchupe topi" and "cap topi".

recognizable character

3635-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=142494

A yeshiva (; ; pl. , or ) is a Jewish educational institution that focuses on the study of traditional religious texts, primarily the Talmud and the Torah, and halacha (Jewish law). The studying is usually done through daily "shiurim" (lectures or classes) as well as in study pairs called "chavrutas" (Aramaic for 'friendship' or 'companionship'). "Chavrusa"-style learning is one of the unique features of the yeshiva. In the United States and Israel, the different levels of yeshiva education have different names. In the United States, elementary-school students are enrolled in a "cheder", post-bar mitzvah-age students learn in a "metivta", and undergraduate-level students learn in a "beit midrash" or "yeshiva gedola" (). In Israel, elementary-school students are enrolled in a "Talmud Torah" or "cheder", post-bar mitzvah-age students learn in a "yeshiva ketana" (), and high-school-age students learn in a "yeshiva gedola". A kollel is a yeshiva for married men. It is common for a kollel to pay a token stipend to its students. Students of Lithuanian and Hasidic yeshiva gedolas usually learn in yeshiva until they get married. Historically, yeshivas were attended by males only. Today, all non-Orthodox and a few Modern Orthodox yeshivas are open to females. Although there are separate schools for Orthodox women and girls, ("midrasha" or "seminary") these do not follow the same structure or curriculum as the traditional yeshiva for boys and men. Etymology. Alternate spellings and names include "yeshivah" (; , sitting (n.); "metivta" and "mesivta" ( "methivta"); "beth midrash"; Talmudical academy, rabbinical academy and rabbinical school. The word "yeshiva" is applied to the activity of learning in class, and hence to a learning "session." The transference in meaning of the term from the learning session to the institution itself appears to have occurred by the time of the great Talmudic Academies in Babylonia, Sura and Pumbedita, which were known as "shte ha-yeshivot" (the two colleges). History. Origins. The Mishnah tractate Megillah mentions the law that a town can only be called a "city" if it supports ten men ("batlanim") to make up the required quorum for communal prayers. Likewise, every beth din ("house of judgement") was attended by a number of pupils up to three times the size of the court (Mishnah, tractate Sanhedrin). These might be indications of the historicity of the classical yeshiva. As indicated by the Talmud, adults generally took off two months a year, Elul and Adar, the months preceding the pilgrimage festivals of Sukkot and Pesach, called "Yarḥei Kalla" (Aramaic for "Months of Kallah") to study. The rest of the year, they worked. Geonic Period. The Geonic period takes its name from "Gaon", the title bestowed on the heads of the three yeshivas in existence from the third to the thirteenth century. The Geonim acted as the principals of their individual yeshivot, and as spiritual leaders and high judges for the wider communities tied to them. The yeshiva conducted all official business in the name of its Gaon, and all correspondence to or from the yeshiva was addressed directly to the Gaon. Throughout the Geonic Period there were three yeshivot. These were named for the cities in which they were located: Jerusalem, Sura, and Pumbedita; the yeshiva of Jerusalem would later relocate to Cairo, and the yeshivot of Sura and Pumbedita to Baghdad, but retain their original names. Each Jewish community would associate itself with one of the three yeshivot; Jews living around the Mediterranean typically followed the yeshiva in Jerusalem, while those living in the Arabian Peninsula and modern-day Iraq and Iran typically followed one of the two yeshivot in Baghdad. There was however, no requirement for this, and each community could choose to associate with any of the yeshivot. The yeshiva served as the highest educational institution for the Rabbis of this period. In addition to this, the yeshiva wielded immense power as the principal body for interpreting Jewish law. In this regard, the community saw the Gaon of a yeshiva as the highest judge on all matters of Jewish law. Each yeshiva ruled differently on matters of ritual and law; the other yeshivot accepted these divisions, and all three ranked as equally orthodox. The yeshiva also served as an administrative authority, in conjunction with local communities, by appointing members to serve as the head of local congregations. Those appointed as the head of a congregation would serve as a go-between for the local congregation and the larger yeshiva it was attached to. These local leaders would also submit questions to the yeshiva to obtain final rulings on issues of dogma, ritual, or law. Each congregation was expected to follow only one yeshiva to prevent conflict with different rulings issued by different yeshivot. The yeshivot were financially supported through a number of means. There were fixed, but voluntary, yearly contributions made to the yeshivas; these annual contributions were collected and handled by the local leaders appointed by the yeshiva. Private gifts and donations from individuals were also common, especially during holidays, and could consist of money or goods. The yeshiva of Jerusalem was finally forced into exile in Cairo in 1127, and eventually dispersed entirely. Likewise, the yeshivot of Sura and Pumbedita were dispersed following the Mongol invasions of the 13th century. After the scattering of the yeshiva, education in Jewish religious studies became the responsibility of individual synagogues. No organization ever came to replace the three great yeshivot of Jerusalem, Sura and Pumbedita. Post-Geonic Period to the 19th century. After the Geonic Period Jews went on to establishing more Yeshiva academies in Europe and in Northern Africa. One of these include the Kairuan yeshiva in Spain (Hebrew: ישיבת קאירואן) that was established by Chushiel Ben Elchanan (Hebrew: חושיאל בן אלחנן) in 974. Traditionally, every town rabbi had the right to maintain a number of full-time or part-time pupils in the town's beth midrash (study hall), which was usually adjacent to the synagogue. Their cost of living was covered by community taxation. After a number of years, the students who received "semikhah" (rabbinical ordination) would either take up a vacant rabbinical position elsewhere or join the workforce. Lithuanian yeshivas. Organised Torah study was revolutionised by Chaim Volozhin, an influential 18th-century Lithuanian leader of Judaism and disciple of the Vilna Gaon. In his view, the traditional arrangement did not cater to those who were looking for more intensive study. With the support of his teacher, Volozhin gathered many interested students and started a yeshiva in the town of Valozhyn, located in modern-day Belarus. The Volozhin yeshiva was closed some 60 years later in 1892 due to the Russian government's demands for the introduction of certain secular studies. Thereafter, a number of yeshivot opened in other towns and cities, most notably Slabodka, Panevėžys, Mir, Brisk, and Telz. Many prominent contemporary "yeshivot" in the United States and Israel are continuations of these institutions, and often bear the same name. In the 19th century, Israel Salanter initiated the Mussar movement in non-Hasidic Lithuanian Jewry, which sought to encourage yeshiva students and the wider community to spend regular times devoted to the study of Jewish ethical works. Concerned by the new social and religious changes of the Haskalah (the Jewish Enlightenment), and other emerging political ideologies (such as Zionism) that often opposed traditional Judaism, the masters of Mussar saw a need to augment Talmudic study with more personal works. These comprised earlier classic Jewish ethical texts (mussar literature), as well as a new literature for the movement. By focusing the student on self-understanding and introspection, often with profound psychological insight, the spiritual aims of Judaism could be internalized. After early opposition, the Lithuanian yeshiva world saw the need for this new component in their curriculum, and set aside times for individual mussar study and mussar talks ("mussar shmues"). A "mashgiach ruchani" (spiritual mentor) encouraged the personal development of each student. To some degree, this Lithuanian movement arose in response, and as an alternative, to the separate mystical study of the Hasidic Judaism world. Hasidism began in the previous century within traditional Jewish life in Ukraine, and spread to Hungary, Poland and Russia. As the 19th Century brought upheavals and threats to traditional Judaism, the Mussar teachers saw the benefit of the new spiritual focus in Hasidism, and developed their alternative ethical approach to spirituality. Some variety developed within Lithuanian yeshivas to methods of studying Talmud and "mussar", for example whether the emphasis would be placed on "beki'ut" (breadth) or "iyyun" (depth). "Pilpul", a type of in-depth analytical and casuistic argumentation popular from the 16th to 18th centuries that was traditionally reserved for the profound nuances of investigative Talmudic study, was not always given a place. The new analytical approach of the Brisker method, developed by Chaim Soloveitchik, has become widely popular; however, there are other approaches such as those of Mir, Chofetz Chaim, and Telz. In "mussar", different schools developed, such as Slabodka and Novhardok, though today, a decline in devoted spiritual self-development from its earlier intensity has to some extent levelled out the differences. Hasidic yeshivas. With the success of the yeshiva institution in Lithuanian Jewry, the Hasidic world developed their own yeshivas, in their areas of Eastern Europe. These comprised the traditional Jewish focus on Talmudic literature that is central to Rabbinic Judaism, augmented by study of Hasidic philosophy (Hasidism). Examples of these Hasidic yeshivas are the Chabad Lubavitch yeshiva system of Tomchei Temimim, founded by Sholom Dovber Schneersohn in Russia in 1897, and the Chachmei Lublin Yeshiva established in Poland in 1930 by Meir Shapiro, who is renowned in both Hasidic and Lithuanian Jewish circles for initiating the Daf Yomi daily cycle of Talmud study. In many Hasidic yeshivas, study of Hasidic texts is a secondary activity, similar to the additional mussar curriculum in Lithuanian yeshivas. These paths see Hasidism as a means to the end of inspiring emotional "devekut" (spiritual attachment to God) and mystical enthusiasm. In this context, the personal pilgrimage of a Hasid to his Rebbe is a central feature of spiritual life, in order to awaken spiritual fervour. Often, such paths will reserve the Shabbat in the yeshiva for the sweeter teachings of the classic texts of Hasidism. In contrast, Chabad and Breslov, in their different ways, place daily study of their dynasties' Hasidic texts in central focus; see below. Illustrative of this is Sholom Dovber Schneersohn's wish in establishing the Chabad yeshiva system, that the students should spend a part of the daily curriculum learning Chabad Hasidic texts "with "pilpul"". The idea to learn Hasidic mystical texts with similar logical profundity, derives from the unique approach in the works of the Rebbes of Chabad, initiated by its founder Schneur Zalman of Liadi, to systematically investigate and articulate the "Torah of the Baal Shem Tov" in intellectual forms. Further illustrative of this is the differentiation in Chabad thought (such as the "Tract on Ecstasy" by Dovber Schneuri) between general Hasidism's emphasis on emotional enthusiasm and the Chabad ideal of intellectually reserved ecstasy. In the Breslov movement, in contrast, the daily study of works from the imaginative, creative radicalism of Nachman of Breslov awakens the necessary soulfulness with which to approach other Jewish study and observance. Sephardi yeshivas. Although the yeshiva as an institution is in some ways a continuation of the Talmudic Academies in Babylonia, large scale educational institutions of this kind were not characteristic of the North African and Middle Eastern Sephardi Jewish world in pre-modern times: education typically took place in a more informal setting in the synagogue or in the entourage of a famous rabbi. In medieval Spain, and immediately following the expulsion in 1492, there were some schools which combined Jewish studies with sciences such as logic and astronomy, similar to the contemporary Islamic madrasas. In 19th-century Jerusalem, a college was typically an endowment for supporting ten adult scholars rather than an educational institution in the modern sense; towards the end of the century a school for orphans was founded providing for some rabbinic studies. Early educational institutions on the European model were Midrash Bet Zilkha founded in 1870s Iraq and Porat Yosef Yeshiva founded in Jerusalem in 1914. Also notable is the Bet El yeshiva founded in 1737 in Jerusalem for advanced Kabbalistic studies. Later Sephardic yeshivot are usually on the model either of Porat Yosef or of the Ashkenazi institutions. The Sephardic world has traditionally placed the study of Kabbalah (esoteric Jewish mysticism) in a more mainstream position than in the European Ashkenazi world. This difference of emphasis arose in reaction to the historical events of the Sabbatean heresy in the 17th Century, that suppressed widespread study of Kabbalah in Europe in favour of the strength of Rabbinic Talmudic study. In Eastern European Lithuanian life, Kabbalah was reserved for an intellectual elite, while the mystical revival of Hasidism articulated Kabbalistic theology through Hasidic thought. These factors did not affect the Sephardi Jewish world, which retained a wider connection to Kabbalah in its traditionally observant communities. With the establishment of Sephardi yeshivas in Israel after the immigration of the Arabic Jewish communities there, some Sephardi yeshivas incorporated study of more accessible Kabbalistic texts into their curriculum. Nonetheless, the European prescriptions to reserve advanced Kabbalistic study to mature and elite students also influence the choice of texts in such yeshivas. 19th century to present. Conservative movement yeshivas. In 1854, the Jewish Theological Seminary of Breslau was founded. It was headed by Zecharias Frankel, and was viewed as the first educational institution associated with "positive-historical Judaism", the predecessor of Conservative Judaism. In subsequent years, Conservative Judaism established a number of other institutions of higher learning (such as the Jewish Theological Seminary of America in New York City) that emulate the style of traditional yeshivas in significant ways. However, many do not officially refer to themselves as "yeshivas" (one exception is the Conservative Yeshiva in Jerusalem), and all are open to both women and men, who study in the same classrooms and follow the same curriculum. Students may study part-time, as in a kollel, or full-time, and they may study "lishmah" (for the sake of studying itself) or towards earning rabbinic ordination. Nondenominational or mixed yeshivas. Non-denominational yeshivas and kollels with connections to Conservative Judaism include Yeshivat Hadar in New York, the leaders of whom include Rabbinical Assembly members Elie Kaunfer and Shai Held. The rabbinical school of the Academy for Jewish Religion in California (AJR-CA) is led by Conservative rabbi Mel Gottlieb. The faculty of the Academy for Jewish Religion in New York and of the Rabbinical School of Hebrew College in Newton Centre, Massachusetts also includes many Conservative rabbis. See also Institute of Traditional Judaism. More recently established are several non-traditional, and nondenominational (also called "transdenominational" or "postdenominational") seminaries. These grant semicha with lesser requirements re time, and with a modified curriculum, generally focusing on leadership and pastoral roles. These are JSLI, RSI and PRS. The Wolkowisk Mesifta is aimed at community professionals with significant knowledge and experience, and provides a tailored program to each candidate. See under #Curriculum for further discussion. Reform and Reconstructionist seminaries. Hebrew Union College (HUC), affiliated with Reform Judaism, was founded in 1875 under the leadership of Isaac Mayer Wise in Cincinnati, Ohio. HUC later opened additional locations in New York, Los Angeles, and Jerusalem. It is a rabbinical seminary or college mostly geared for the training of rabbis and clergy specifically. Similarly, the Reconstructionist Rabbinical College of Reconstructionist Judaism, founded in Pennsylvania in 1968, functions to train its future clergy. Some Reform and Reconstructionist teachers also teach at non-denominational seminaries like the Academy for Jewish Religion in New York, the Academy for Jewish Religion in California, and the Rabbinical School of Hebrew College. In Europe, Reform Judaism trains rabbis at Leo Baeck College in London, UK and Abraham Geiger Kolleg in Potsdam, Germany. None of these institutions describes itself as a "yeshiva". Contemporary Orthodox yeshivas. World War II and the Holocaust brought the yeshivot of Eastern and Central Europe to an end – however many scholars and rabbinic students who were able to escape the war, established yeshivot in a number of Western countries which had no or few yeshivot. (The Yeshiva of Nitra was the last surviving in occupied Europe. Many students and faculty of the Mir Yeshiva were able to escape to Siberia, with the Yeshiva ultimately continuing to operate in Shanghai.) From the mid-20th century the greatest number of yeshivot, and the most important of them, was centered in Israel and in the United States; but they were also found in many other Western countries, e.g., Gateshead Yeshiva in England (one of the descendants of Novardok). The Chabad movement was especially active in this direction, establishing yeshivot also in France, North Africa, Australia, and South Africa; this "network of institutions" is known as "Tomchei Temimim". As mentioned, many prominent contemporary yeshivot in the United States and Israel are continuations of European institutions, and often bear the same name. Israel. Yeshivot in Israel have operated since Talmudic times; see Talmudic academies in Eretz Yisrael. Notable more recent examples include the Ari Ashkenazi Synagogue (since the mid 1500s); the Bet El yeshiva (operating since 1737); and Etz Chaim Yeshiva (since 1841). Various yeshivot were established in Israel in the early 20th century. Shaar Hashamayim was established in 1906, Chabad’s in 1911, Hebron Yeshiva in 1924, Sfas Emes in 1925, Lomza in 1926. After (and during) World War II, numerous other Haredi and Hasidic Yeshivot were re-established there by survivors. The Mir Yeshiva in Jerusalem – today the largest Yeshiva in the world – was established in 1944, by Rabbi Eliezer Yehuda Finkel who had traveled to Palestine to obtain visas for his students. Porat Yosef, the leading Sephardi Yeshiva, was founded in 1914; its predecessor, Yeshivat Ohel Moed was founded in 1904. From the 1940s and onward, especially following immigration of the Arabic Jewish communities, Sephardi leaders, such as Ovadia Yosef and Ben-Zion Meir Hai Uziel, established various yeshivot to facilitate Torah education for Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews (and alternative to Lithuanian yeshivot). The Haredi community has grown with time – In 2016, 9% of Israel's population was Haredi, including Sephardic Haredim – supporting many yeshivot correspondingly (see Israel #Religion). Boys and girls here attend separate schools, and proceed to higher Torah study, in a yeshiva or seminary, respectively, starting anywhere between the ages of 13 and 18; see "Chinuch Atzmai" and "Bais Yaakov". A significant proportion of young men then remain in yeshiva until their marriage; thereafter many continue their Torah studies in a kollel. (In 2006, there were 80,000 in full-time learning .) Kollel studies usually focus on deep analysis of Talmud, and those Tractates not usually covered in the standard "undergraduate" program; see #Talmud study below. Some Kollels similarly focus on halacha in total, others specifically on those topics required for "Semikha" (Rabbinic ordination) or "Dayanut" (qualification as a Rabbinic Judge). The certification in question is often conferred by the Rosh Yeshiva. Mercaz Harav, the foundational and leading Religious-Zionist yeshiva was established in 1924 by Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. Many in the Religious Zionist community today attend a Hesder yeshiva (discussed below) during their national service; these offer a kollel for Rabbinical students. (Students generally prepare for the "Semikha" test of the Chief Rabbinate of Israel; until his recent passing (2020) commonly for that of the posek R. Zalman Nechemia Goldberg.) Women correspondingly study in a Midrasha. High school students study at "Mamlachti dati" schools, often associated with "Bnei Akiva". Bar Ilan University allows students to combine Yeshiva studies with university study; Jerusalem College of Technology similarly, which also offers a Haredi track; there are several colleges of education associated with Hesder and the "Midrashot" (these often offer specializations in "Tanakh" and "Machshavah" – see below). Training as a "Dayan" in this community is usually through ("Machon Harry Fischel"), also founded by Rav Kook, or . See Religious Zionism #Educational institutions. United States. The first Orthodox yeshiva in the United States was Etz Chaim of New York (1886), modeled after Volozhin. It developed into the Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary (1896; "RIETS") and eventually Yeshiva University in 1945. It was established in the wake of the immigration of Central and Eastern European Jews (1880s – 1924). Mesivtha Tifereth Jerusalem, founded in 1907, was led by Rabbi Moshe Feinstein from the 1940s through 1986; Yeshiva Rabbi Chaim Berlin, est 1904, was headed by Rabbi Yitzchok Hutner from 1943 to 1980. have their main Yeshivot in America, typically established in the 1940s; the Central Lubavitcher Yeshiva has over 1000 students. The postwar establishment of Ashkenazi yeshivot and "kollelim" parallels that in Israel; as does the educational pattern in the American Haredi community, although more obtain a secular education at the college level (see College credit below). Beth Medrash Govoha in Lakewood, New Jersey with 3,000 students in the early 2000s was founded in 1943 by R. Aaron Kotler on the "rigid Lithuanian model" that demanded full-time study; it now offers a Bachelor of Talmudic Law degree which allows students to go on to graduate school. Regarding junior and high school see Torah Umesorah. Many Haredi communities maintain their own community kollel. Modern Orthodox often attend Yeshiva University, with many spending a year, often two, post-high school in a Hesder yeshiva or "Midrasha". Semikha is usually through RIETS, although many study through "Hesder", or other Yeshivot in Israel such as Yeshivat HaMivtar. Many communities host a kollel, where "Hesder" graduates learn and teach, generally for one year. There are numerous , typically offering a "beit midrash" / "metivta" program, in parallel with the standard curriculum. The US educational pattern is to be found around the Jewish world, with regional differences; see and . Structure and features. Yeshiva study is differentiated from, for example university study, as regards several structural features – curriculum aside. The year is structured into ""zmanim"; the day is structured into "seders". The learning itself is delivered through a "shiur", a lecture with pre-specified sources, or "marei mekomot""; study in general, and particularly the preparation for "shiur", takes place in "chavruta" or paired-study. This study is in a common venue called the "bet midrash" (Yiddish, "zal" i.e. "hall"). The institution is headed by its "Rosh Yeshiva", while other senior Rabbis are referred to as "Ram" ("Rosh Mesivta, Reish Metivta"); the "Mashgiach" assumes responsibility for students' spiritual development ("Mashpia", in Hasidic Yeshivot). A Kollel is headed by its "Rosh Kollel", even when it is part of a Yeshiva. A "sho'el u'meishiv" (lit. "ask and he answers"; often simply "meishiv", or alternately "nosay v'notayn") is usually available to consult to students on difficult points in their day's Talmudic studies. The Rabbi responsible for the (Talmud) "shiur" is known as a "Maggid Shiur". Students are known as "talmidim", sing. "talmid". "Rav Muvhak" is sometimes used in reference to one's primary teacher; correspondingly, "Talmid Muvhak" may refer to a primary, or outstanding, student. Academic year. In most yeshivot, the year is divided into three periods (terms) called "zmanim" (lit. times; sing. "zman"). "Elul zman" starts from the beginning of the Hebrew month of Elul and extends until the end of Yom Kippur. The six-weeks-long semester is the shortest yet most intense session, as it comes before the High Holidays of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. Winter "zman" starts after Sukkot and lasts until about two weeks before Passover, a duration of five months (six in a Jewish leap year). Summer "zman" starts after Passover and lasts until Rosh Chodesh Av or Tisha B'Av, a duration of about three months. Chavruta-style learning. Yeshiva students prepare for and review the "shiur" (lecture) with their "chavruta" during a study session known as a "seder". In contrast to conventional classroom learning, in which a teacher lectures to the student and the student repeats the information back in tests, "chavruta"-style learning challenges the student to analyze and explain the material, point out the errors in his partner's reasoning, and question and sharpen each other's ideas, often arriving at entirely new insights of the meaning of the text. A "chavruta" helps a student keep his mind focused on the learning, sharpen his reasoning powers, develop his thoughts into words, organize his thoughts into logical arguments, and understand another person's viewpoint. The shiur-based system was innovated at the Telshe yeshiva, where there were five levels. Chavruta-style learning tends to be loud and animated, as the study partners read the Talmudic text and the commentaries aloud to each other, and then analyze, question, debate, and even argue their points of view to arrive at an understanding of the text. In the heat of discussion, they may even wave their hands, pound the table, or shout at each other. Depending on the size of the yeshiva, dozens or even hundreds of pairs of chavrutas can be heard discussing and debating each other's viewpoints. One of the skills of chavruta-style learning is the ability to block out all other discussions in the study hall and focus on one's "chavruta" alone. Types of yeshivot. Post-high schools for women are generally called "seminary" or "midrasha" in Israel , and not yeshiva. (Although there are exceptions such as Prospect Park Yeshiva.) The Haredi Bais Yaakov system was started in 1918 under the guidance of Sarah Schenirer. These institutions provide girls with a Torah education, using a curriculum that skews more toward practical "halakha" (Jewish law) and the study of Tanakh, rather than Talmud. The curriculum at Religious Zionist and Modern Orthodox "midrashot", however, often includes some study of Talmud: often Mishnah, sometimes "Gemara"; in further distinction, curricula generally entail Chavruta-based study of the "texts" of Jewish philosophy, and likewise Tanakh is studied with commentaries. See Midrasha #Structure for further discussion. Languages. Classes in most Lithuanian and Hasidic yeshivot (throughout the world) are taught in Yiddish; Kol Torah, est 1939 in Jerusalem and headed by Shlomo Zalman Auerbach for over 40 years, was the first mainstream Haredi yeshiva to teach in Hebrew, as opposed to Yiddish. Sephardi, Modern Orthodox, Zionist, and "baal teshuvah" yeshivot use Modern Hebrew or the local language. Students learn with each other in whatever language they are most proficient, with Hasidic students usually learning in Yiddish, Israeli Lithuanian students in Hebrew, and American Lithuanian students in English. College credit. Although often not encouraged, some yeshivas permit students to attend college on a limited basis. This concession is facilitated by arrangements for the student to receive credit towards a college degree. Yeshiva University in New York provides a year's worth of credit for yeshiva studies. Haredi institutions with similar arrangements in place include Lander College for Men, Yeshivas Ner Yisroel and Hebrew Theological College. As above, some American "yeshivot" in fact "award" the degrees Bachelor of Talmudic Law (4 years cumulative study), Master of Rabbinic Studies / Master of Talmudic Law (six years), and (at "Ner Yisroel") the Doctorate in Talmudic Law (10 years). These degrees are nationally accredited by the Association of Advanced Rabbinical and Talmudic Schools, and may then grant access to graduate programs such as law school. For historical context see: Hildesheimer Rabbinical Seminary; Moses Sofer #Influence against changes in Judaism; Volozhin yeshiva #History; Telshe Yeshiva #History; Vilna Rabbinical School and Teachers' Seminary; Yitzchok Hutner #Rabbinic and teaching career; Mesivta #Modern-day concept; Midrasha #Certifications. Curriculum. Torah study at an Orthodox yeshiva comprises the study of rabbinic literature, principally the Talmud, along with the study of "halacha" (Jewish law); Musar and Hasidic philosophy are often studied also. In some institutions, classical Jewish philosophy or Kabbalah are formally studied, or the works of individual thinkers (such as Abraham Isaac Kook). Non-Orthodox institutions offer a synthesis of traditional and critical methods, allowing Jewish texts and tradition to encounter social change and modern scholarship. The curriculum focuses on classical Jewish subjects, including Talmud, Tanakh, Midrash, "halacha", and Philosophy, with an openness to modern scholarship. Note that, often, in these institutions less emphasis is placed on Talmud and Jewish law, "but rather on sociology, cultural studies, and modern Jewish philosophy". These institutions also emphasize "the other functions of a modern rabbi such as preaching, counselling, and pastoral work". Conservative programs occupy a position midway. Talmud study. In the typical Orthodox yeshiva, the main emphasis is on Talmud study and analysis, or "Gemara". Generally, two parallel Talmud streams are covered during a "zman" (trimester). The first is "iyyun" (in-depth study), often confined to selected legally focused tractates with an emphasis on analytical skills and close reference to the classical commentators; the second, "beki'ut", seeks to cover ground more speedily in order to build general knowledge of the Talmud. In the yeshiva system of Talmudic study, the undergraduate yeshivot focus on eight "mesechtohs" (tractates) that deal with civil jurisprudence ("Nezikin"); through them, the student can best master the proper technique of Talmudic analysis, and the halakhic application of . With these mastered, the student is ready to go on to other areas of the Talmud (see, for example, Yeshivas Ner Yisroel #Cycle of Masechtos). Tractates "Berachot", "Sukkah", "Pesachim" and "Shabbat" are often included. Works initially studied to clarify the Talmudic text are the commentary by Rashi, and "Tosafot", a parallel analysis and running critique. The integration of Talmud, Rashi and Tosafot, is considered as foundational – and prerequisite – to further analysis (in fact, this combination is sometimes referred to by its own acronym, "gefet" גפ״ת – "Gemara", "perush Rashi", "Tosafot"). The super-commentaries by "Maharshal", "Maharam" and "Maharsha" address the three together. At more advanced levels, additional "mefarshim" (commentators) are studied: other "rishonim", from the 11th to 14th centuries, as well as "acharonim", from later generations. (There are two main schools of "rishonim", from France and from Spain, who will hold different interpretations and understandings of the Talmud.) At these levels, students link the Talmudic discussion to codified law – particularly "Mishneh Torah" (i.e. Rambam), "Arba'ah Turim" and "Shulchan Aruch" – by studying, also, the halakha-focused commentaries of "Rosh", "Rif" and "Mordechai". In general, as the level of the "shiur" progresses, so the student must integrate more of these commentaries into their analysis of the "sugya" (loosely, Talmudic "unit of analysis"); and understand their various implications re practical-halakha. At the higher levels, in Lithuanian influenced Yeshivot, the "Brisker method" of analysis is often employed, as mentioned; others approach the study more traditionally, successively building concepts and themes, while specifying and understanding differences between commentators. Some yeshivot – such as Birkat Moshe – particularly emphasize the Rambam, analyzing the "sugya" in light of the "Mishneh Torah" and its numerous commentaries. The "Rosh Yeshiva" delivers a weekly "shiur klali" (comprehensive lecture), which sums up the week's learning; this is attended by all levels. It will often have its own "marei mekomot". Often, the "Rosh Yeshiva" also gives the most senior daily Talmud-shiur. Typically, boys begin their study of Talmud in middle school, initially studying Mishnah, the component of Talmud where the underlying "cases" are presented. (At this stage, they have completed their survey of "Chumash", with these cases expanding on the legal precepts there; see below.) In early high school, "gemara", the analytic component, is introduced; by late high school some are able to work with "Tosafot". Some systems more closely follow "Pirkei Avot" 5:21 as a guideline; where Mishna-study begins at age 10, and "Gemara" at 15. Jewish law. Generally, a period is devoted to the study of practical "halakha". The text most commonly studied in Ashkenazi yeshivot is the "Mishnah Berurah", a commentary on the "Shulchan Aruch" originally published between 1884-1907. In Sephardic yeshivot, the "Shulchan Aruch" itself is more commonly studied, along with the "Bet Yosef" commentary; the "Yalkut Yosef" and "Kaf Hachaim" are also often studied, while "Ben Ish Hai" is a standard reference. In Chabad yeshivot, emphasis is placed upon study of "Shulchan Aruch HaRav". Beginning students are encouraged to also work through the "Kitzur Shulchan Aruch", so as to survey all areas of applicable "halacha" (also often true outside of Chabad). Other students, similarly, additionally review the "Mishneh Torah" through its daily study cycle (this is often outside of any "seder"), here including "halachot" relating to, for example, the Temple. Students in "Semikha" (Rabbinic ordination) programs, and often those in kollel, devote the largest portion of their schedule to "halakha". The focus is on in-depth, source-based study of those areas where (community) Rabbis will typically be asked "shaylas" (halachic questions); the testing invariably covers Kashrut (referred to as "Issur v'Heter"), usually Shabbat, often Niddah, sometimes Avelut (mourning) and/or marriage. This study encompasses a detailed analysis of the "halakha" in the "Arba'ah Turim" and "Beit Yosef", through its final presentation in the "Shulchan Aruch", with its major commentaries (especially ""Shakh" and "Taz""), complemented by a survey of key "She'elot u-Teshuvot" (responsa), recent and historical. The analysis, in turn, assumes a deep knowledge of all relevant Talmudic "sugyas", which are studied accordingly within the schedule. Students in an Orthodox Semikha program will thus have a strong background in Talmud, typically having spent at least four preceding years in Yeshiva; Kollel students likewise. (See Rabbi #Orthodox and Modern Orthodox Judaism and Posek #Formulating a ruling (psak din).) During the morning "seder", Semikha students continue their Talmud studies, learning the same "masechet" as the rest of the Yeshiva. Ethics, mysticism and philosophy. Haredi "Yeshivot" typically devote a "seder" to "mussar" (ethics and character development). The preeminent text studied is the "Mesillat Yesharim" ("Path [of the] Just") of Moshe Chaim Luzzatto. Other works of mussar literature studied include: As above, these sessions focus the student on self-understanding and introspection, internalizing the spiritual aims of Judaism, and developing the character-traits, or "middos", appropriately. Topics in applied Jewish ethics, such as the "laws of speech", are often studied separately. Hasidic yeshivot study the mystical, spiritual works of Hasidic philosophy ("Chassidus"). This draws on the earlier esoteric theology of "Kabbalah", but articulates it in terms of inner psychological awareness and personal analogies. This makes Jewish mysticism accessible and tangible, so that it inspires emotional "dveikus" (cleaving to God) and spiritual contribution to daily Jewish life. This serves some similar purposes to "mussar", but through different means and with different contributions to intellectual and emotional life. Chabad yeshivot, for example, study the Tanya, the Likutei Torah, and the voluminous works of the Rebbes of Chabad for an hour and a half each morning, before prayers, and an hour and a half in the evening. See above. As mentioned, Sephardi "yeshivot" often incorporate study of selected Kabbalistic texts into their curriculum – standard texts, as well as works by Yosef Hayyim, Yehuda Fatiyah and Yaakov Chaim Sofer. Kabbalistic sources are brought in "halachik" works such as "Kaf Hachaim" and "Ben Ish Hai" – see Sephardic law and customs #Lurianic Kabbalah – and are then studied indirectly also. In Hesder, Religious Zionist and Modern Orthodox yeshivot, "Machshavah" (Jewish philosophy generalized / applied as "Jewish thought"; also "Hashkafa", "worldview") is taught formally, with classes systematically covering the major topics and works ("Kuzari, Moreh Nevukhim, Sefer ha-Ikkarim , Emunot ve-Deot, Derech Hashem, Nefesh Ha-Chaim" and others). Hesder yeshivot additionally devote specific time to the writings of Abraham Isaac Kook, "Rav Kook", who articulated a unique personal blend of mysticism, creative exegesis and philosophy (as well as to "Torat Eretz Yisrael" generally). The Modern Orthodox, similarly, study the works of Joseph B. Soloveitchik, "Rav Soloveitchik". Hasidic philosophy and Mussar are also often taught; "Maharal" may have a dedicated "shiur". Machshava is also a focus-area of many "Midrashot". Some Haredi and Hasidic yeshivas also include formal study of "Hashkafa", especially at "ba'al teshuva" focused yeshivas; many "Semikha" programs likewise, particularly those with an outreach, or "kiruv", component. Regardless, students here typically study the major works independent of a "shiur". Torah and Bible study. Intensive study of "Chumash" (Torah) with the commentary of Rashi is stressed and taught in all elementary grades. In Haredi and Hasidic yeshivas, this is often done with Yiddish translations. The rest of the Tanakh (Hebrew Bible) is usually taught through high school, although less intensively. In Yeshivot, thereafter, "Chumash", and especially "Nach", are studied less directly. Yeshiva students typically follow the practice of "Shnayim mikra ve-echad targum", independently studying the upcoming "parashah" (weekly Torah portion) twice in the original Hebrew and once in Targum Onkelos (an Aramaic translation), with Rashi's commentary. Students often also study Ramban's commentary, and, less often, other commentaries from the "Mikraot Gedolot" edition are reviewed. Students may similarly study the Tanakh independently, but it is not taught "per se"; exceptions are the five Megilloth and Tehillim. The "Rosh Yeshiva" usually delivers a weekly "shiur" on the "parashah", exploring a particular question or theme, which is often open to the public. At Hesder and Modern Orthodox yeshivot, the study of "Chumash" and "Nach" continues in parallel with Talmud study. These institutions offer formal "shiurim" in many, if not all, of the books of "Nevi'im" and "Ketuvim". These are often structured by level, similar to Talmud study, where the text, and its overall structure, is then analyzed in light of the various commentaries and "Midrashim", typically complementing the "Machshavah" "shiurim". More recent commentaries especially studied are "Netziv" and "Malbim"; as well as reference works such as "Da'at Miqra" by Mordechai Breuer and others. The commentaries by Ramban and "Rav Hirsch" provide much philosophical content. Intensive study of Tanakh, as for Machshava, is similarly a feature of many "Midrashot".

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=11734700

A Pistonless pump is a type of pump designed to move fluids without any moving parts other than three chamber valves. The pump contains a chamber which has a valved inlet from the fluid to be pumped, a valved outlet - both of these at the bottom of the pump, and a pressurant inlet at the top of the pump. A pressurant is used, such as steam or pressurized helium, to drive the fluid through the pump. Introduction. NASA have developed a Low cost rocket fuel pump which has comparable performance to turbopump at 80-90% lower cost. Perhaps the most difficult barrier to entry in the liquid rocket business is the turbo pump. A turbo pump design requires a large engineering effort and is expensive to manufacture and test. Starting a turbo pump fed rocket engine is a complex process, requiring a careful synchronisation of many valves and subsystems. In fact, Beal aerospace tried to avoid the issue entirely by building a huge pressure feed booster. Their booster never flew, but the engineering behind it was sound and, if they had a low cost pump at their disposal, they might be competing against Boeing. This pump saves up to 90% of the mass of the tanks as compared to a pressure fed system. This pump has really proved to be a boon for rockets. By using this pump the rocket does not have to carry such a heavy load and can travel with very high speed. Working cycle. The cycle is as follows: Pumping rate. Rocket engines requires a tremendous amount of fuel at high pressure. Often the pump costs more than the thrust chamber. One way to supply fuel is to use the expensive turbopump mentioned above, another way is to pressurize fuel tank. Pressurizing a large fuel tank requires a heavy, expensive tank. However suppose instead of pressurizing the entire tank, the main tank is drained into a small pump chamber which is then pressurized. To achieve steady flow, the pump system consists of two pump chambers such that each one supplies fuel for half of each cycle. The pump is powered by pressurized gas which acts directly on the fluid. For each half of the pump system, a chamber is filled from the main tank under low pressure and at a high flow rate, then the chamber is pressurized, and then the fluid is delivered to the engine at a moderate flow rate under high pressure. The chamber is then vented and cycle repeats. The system is designed so that the inlet flow rate is higher than the outlet flow rate. This allows time for one chamber to be vented, refilled and pressurized while the other is being emptied. A bread board pump has been tested and it works great. A high version has been designed and built and is pumping at 20 gpm and 550 psi. Application in rocketry. It is most commonly used to supply propellants to rocket engines. In this configuration there are often two pumps working in opposite cycles to ensure a constant flow of propellants to the engine. The pump has the advantage over a pressure-fed system in that the tanks can be much lighter. Compared to a turbopump the pistonless pump is a much simpler design and has less stringent design tolerances. Advantages. Nearly all of the hardware in this pump consists of pressure vessels, so the weight is low. There are less than 10 moving parts, and no lubrication issues which might cause problems with other pumps. The design and construction of this pump is straight forward and no precision parts are required. This device has advantage over standard turbopumps in that the weight is about the same, the unit, engineering and test costs are less and the chance for catastrophic failure is less. This pump has the advantage over pressure fed designs in that the weight of the complete rocket is much less, and the rocket is much safer because the tanks of rocket fuel do not need to be at high pressure. The pump could be started after being stored for an extended period with high reliability. It can be used to replace turbopumps for rocket booster option or it can be used to replace high pressure tanks for deep space propulsion. It can also be used for satellite orbit changes and station keeping. Disadvantages. The pistonless pumps has disadvantages along with such fine advantages.

deliver energy

3931-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=54888741

Warren Church (October 19, 1929 – September 2, 2017) was an American politician who served on the Monterey County Board of Supervisors from 1965 to 1977. He was a Democrat who represented District 1 which at that time encompassed the northern parts of Monterey County. He served on various committees and published books on local history and genealogy. He was a native of Monterey County. Warren Church has been acknowledged as the father of the Monterey County parks system. Early life, education. Warren Church was born in northern Monterey County and spent all his life in the county, graduating from King City High School in 1947. He was a high school athlete as well as being active with both student government and the school newspaper. At the age of 15, Church worked in the stock room of the King City J.C. Penney department store. He graduated from California Polytechnic State College in 1962, earning a bachelor's degree in social sciences and a Master of Arts Degree in education-social sciences. He also received both elementary and secondary teaching credentials. Church taught at the Pajaro Elementary and the Jefferson school in San Benito. In 1974 Church was awarded the Honored Alumni Award by Cal Poly University's alumni association. In college Church also served on the staff of the college newspaper, ""El Mustang"." Warren Church is a veteran of the Korean War and served with the 987th Armored Field Artillery Battalion and was wounded while serving, receiving a Purple Heart. He was eventually discharged as a Corporal, April 17, 1953. Board of Supervisors. Before the 1964 Monterey County Board of Supervisors primary, Church, Allmond and incumbent Chester Deaver were split over their positions on the incorporation of North Monterey County, Castroville and Moss Landing. Church opposed the incorporation of North Monterey County, calling it an "'extremely poor, short sighted and senseless reason,'" but felt that Castroville was ready. Allmond called the incorporation of Castroville a "'stab in the back'" but later changed to asking for more input from the Castroville people. Deaver wanted to take a "'wait and see' attitude." In the June 1964 primary, Chester Deaver had finished far in front of his challengers; Deaver 2,927, Church 1,374, Allmond 1,116, Simon 938, Bayer 650, Coffill 391 (unofficial results). However, the runoff of the top two candidates led to the election of Church to the Monterey County Board of Supervisors November 3, 1964. Church defeated incumbent Deaver, "with a 1,066 vote margin". At the time, "The supervisor position was part-time and came with a typewriter and $300 a month for incidentals. The 1968 election results were Church 5,555 to Simon 2,859. In 1972, the "Salinas Californian" endorsed Church for Supervisor, while saying that they have disagreed with him many times and probably will continue to do so as "the interests of the city of Salinas seen to be a fairly low priority item with him... Nevertheless... he is head and shoulders above his opponents." Church won reelection for his third term June 6, 1972. He won with 53% of the vote. His challengers were Jack Simon and Andrew Hollenstain. In 1972 Church was invited to a Salinas Board of Realtors meeting to discuss campaign issues in a private setting. Church declined stating: In November 1972, the Board heard arguments for relaxing zoning ordinances for mobile homes in North Monterey County. Arguments for relaxing were due to very high home prices that made owning a home in the county difficult. Arguments against were that mobile homeowners used the county services equally as a homeowner but paid lower taxes. There was also a concern about a reduction of lot sizes, allowing the county to double in population since 1963 when 11,000 residents lived in the unincorporated area of North County (excluding Castroville). According to the North County Rezoning Study which looked at 48,700 acres and an existing density of 11.3 acres per unit, proposed developments could increase the population from 16,000 (from 1970 census) to 338,900 with a density of .51 acres per unit. Appearance of mobile homes, fire safety, and environmental concerns were also a consideration. Church stated that all attendees at the meeting that approved of the ban lived in North Monterey County, and those arguing about the ban were people who lived outside the area and had a financial interest. One Pacific Grove resident, Art Woodfin, complained about the ban stating that he "had an option on 15 acres of land in North County and planned to put mobile homes on it." Church replied, "'Then you're coming to rape the North County?'" The "Salinas Californian" stated in 1975 that although the "Californian" has criticized Church, "he's given us about as good as he's got in rebuttal... its hard not to admire the man's independence." There was a serious recall effort for Church's seat in 1974 which failed. Despite losing several elections, "Defeat doesn't discourage him... Church doesn't scare worth a darn." In August 1975, Church announced that he would not seek re-election to the Board of Supervisors saying, "'12 years is as long as anyone should consecutively hold any one elective or appointive position... New ideas are necessary for proper functioning of government.'" He hinted that he might run for the State Senate seat that was being vacated by Republican Donald Grunsky. Church had a perfect meeting attendance record. In the 12 years of Church's tenure, he did not miss a single board meeting. Church remembers at his farewell Supervisor meeting that he "attended 558 consecutive regular board meetings and 100 or more special meetings." Reflecting on needs of the county for his successor, Church said that "growth and property taxes... the two major problems facing Monterey County... prohibit general use of the property tax and adopt low density zoning... we don't have to become South San Jose." Further about his tenure with the Board, Church reflected, "I see no basis to bring suit against the county, except perhaps for the amount and color of my hair." County Supervisor and future Congressman Sam Farr in 1976, said of his colleague Church, "'I think this board has really been one of the outstanding supervisorial boards in California ... whose 12 years of experience and insight have taught me a lot. I think that serving in public office is really a leveling experience. I think I've learned that from my colleague on the left (Poyner) and Mr. Church.'" Parks. Church was instrumental in the acquisition and development of the Monterey County Parks system. When running for the board position in 1964 his "main plank was a county park system." Prior to 1966, Monterey County did not have a parks department, and was one of the last counties in California to have one. There had been interest in 1944 when the county made a parks plan, but nothing happened. Church blames a '"conservative viewpoint that didn't push for public services.'" for the reason it took until 1966 to give Monterey County its first public park, Royal Oaks Park. He spearheaded the purchase of a former turkey ranch, for Royal Oaks Park ($122,000 – it was $1,000 an acre), which opened on Labor Day in 1966 and also saw establishment of the Monterey County Parks Department that same year. His tenure on the Board of Supervisors also saw the creation of a number of other parks including Manzanita Park near Castroville, Toro Park in Salinas, Jacks Peak in Monterey and San Lorenzo Park near King City. At the 25th anniversary of the founding of the Monterey County Parks Department, Republican Charmaine Cruchett thanked Church and said, "The little fox I recently saw dashing across Castroville Boulevard into Manzanita Park may not know who provided that haven, but certainly all North Countians should. I thank you Warren. My children thank you. And if we're lucky, our human progeny can share your parks progeny forever." The county administrative office released a memorandum October 2, 2006, at the 40th anniversary of the Parks Department saying, "The highlight of the event was the attendance of Warren Church... who was instrumental in establishing the Parks Department and Charter Park Commissioners, from 1966." In 1977 Church said he had tried to protect Civic interests. In 1975 Church pointed out that there is a relationship between growth and property taxes leading to agricultural land being sold for development. This drives the need for services and thus higher taxes. One outcome was the passage in 1976 of a Board of Supervisors resolution to establish "growth guidelines to protect the character of the county." Church felt that rather than using property taxes to support county governments, a percentage of federal or state income tax could be set aside. Church was a strong supporter of local control and access to the court system and he long resisted the eventual consolidation of Monterey County courts, largely in service to the interests of his constituents. At the end of his tenure, the "Californian" stated that Church was a strong supporter of the library system and initiated the first family planning program in Monterey County. Church was also a founder of Post 593 of the Prunedale American Legion. Humble Oil. Church was a key vote on a controversial 1965 project promoted by Humble Oil, a subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey, that would have changed the Monterey Bay's look and feel. Humble was intended to kickstart a massive 60-square-mile development plan for the Moss Landing area that would have significally impacted the area's natural beauty and altered its economic development. The company wanted to build a 50,000-barrel-a-day refinery with plans to expand to 150,000–200,000 barrels-a-day on a 444 acre site on the wetlands near Moss Landing at the Elkhorn Slough. Monterey County was deeply divided on the plan with tourism proponents, some agricultural interests and a nascent environmental movement opposing the refinery. However, public opinion surveys showed greater than 2 to 1 support for the Humble Oil refinery with Church's supervisorial district in favor with 82%. The Board of Supervisors, after a 17-hour marathon public meeting, voted 3–2 to back the plan, with Church in favor of it because his district overwhelmingly backed the plan. But Church and others added many tough restrictions to the project a few weeks later at a 12-hour meeting that set the conditions for the permit. "It is not just the Humble Oil refinery we are fighting at Moss Landing," said Carmel Highlands photographer Ansel Adams prior to the decision. "It is the whole industrial complex which will inevitability follow and change the whole complexion of this Monterey County." The Humble project was approved, but the planning commission (which had previously rejected the project by a 5–4 vote) had imposed 36 conditions many that had never been imposed on an industry before. Church added three more which included for parking, sulfur recovery and carbon monoxide emissions. As a part of the imposed conditions on the approval for Humble Oil, Church asked that three air-pollution stations be set up in Monterey County to monitor air quality for two-years prior to Humble starting to build. Church said that the county needed to do so in order to "obtain 'guidelines' to determine what pollutants an oil refinery may contribute." Church's intentions were that Humble be required to pay for and maintain the stations. "The Salinas Californian" stated, "It is conceivable in the future that other areas debating the admittance of an oil refinery will look at Monterey County as an example of strict regulations. The conditions are that unique." One of the most restrictive conditions forbid Humble Oil from expanding significantly without getting a new permit. By the spring of 1966, Humble Oil was expressing the need for a larger refinery than initially permitted. Church publicly declared that there was not a majority on the Board of Supervisors for a larger refinery. Although not identifying himself as the supervisor switching his position on Humble, it is widely accepted that it was Church who refused to back a larger refinery unless Humble could "prove" that a smaller one would comply with the county's restrictions. On May 18, 1966, Humble Oil announced a suspension of all activities at Moss Landing, publicly stating that a prime reason for abandoning the site was the difficulty of achieving a permit for a larger refinery. Public outcry and a legal challenge plus engineering problems also discouraged Humble Oil, and they eventually pulled out of Monterey County and decided to build a bigger refinery up north in more-welcoming Benicia. In 1979, Church would become a founding member of the Elkhorn Slough Foundation, which eventually helped create the Elkhorn Slough National Estuarine Research Reserve, which would have been devastated by Humble Oil's refinery and future industrial development. After Humble Oil's departure, no major industry seriously proposed to build at Moss Landing. In 1992, the Monterey Bay National Marine Sanctuary was established. Committees. Church served on several civic and government boards, including: Personal life. Church had a number of business ventures, including beekeeping in high school and college, nursery supply and Christmas Tree farms. He has grown Christmas trees in properties in Hidden Valley, at Omo Ranch, CA., Egremont, Ma., and Wadena, Mn. Death. Church died September 2, 2017, at age 87. Suffering from a fatal disease and surrounded by close friends and family, he proactively took his own life using Seconal in accordance with the 2016 California End of Life Option Act. The Californian September 2, 2017, article, quotes Church's son Glenn Church on the manner of his father's death, "He had no hesitation. He took the (fatal) prescription with conviction and certainty." Church's cause of death was recorded as cachexia (the syndrome he had) in accordance of the End of Life Option Act.

committee post

1820-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63239190

The COVID-19 pandemic in Sweden is part of the pandemic of coronavirus disease 2019 () caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (). The virus was confirmed to have reached Sweden on 31 January 2020, when a woman returning from Wuhan tested positive. On 26 February, following outbreaks in Italy and in Iran, multiple travel-related clusters appeared in Sweden. Community transmission was confirmed on 9 March in the Stockholm Metropolitan Area. Since then, individuals in every län (county) have tested positive for COVID-19. The first death was reported on 11 March in Stockholm, a case of community transmission. However, it is believed that the virus could have reached Sweden as early as December 2019, when several individuals sought care for respiratory illness in Falun after contact with an individual with recent travel history to Wuhan. Sweden has not imposed a lockdown, unlike many other countries, and kept large parts of its society open. The Swedish Constitution legally protects the freedom of movement for the people, thus preventing a lockdown in peace time. The Swedish public is expected to follow a series of non-voluntary recommendations from the government agency responsible for this area, in this case the Public Health Agency of Sweden ("Folkhälsomyndigheten"). The Swedish Constitution prohibits ministerial rule – politicians overruling the advice from its agencies is extremely unusual in Sweden – and mandates that the relevant government body, in this case an expert agency – the Public Health Agency – must initiate all actions to prevent the virus in accordance with Swedish law, rendering state epidemiologist Anders Tegnell a central figure in the crisis. The Swedish government's approach has received considerable criticism. Some Swedish scientists had called for stricter preventative measures throughout the pandemic, and an independent commission (Coronakommissionen) found that Sweden failed to protect care home residents due to the overall spread of the virus in society. In December 2020 both King Carl XVI Gustaf and Prime Minister Stefan Löfven admitted they felt that Sweden's COVID-19 strategy had been a failure due to the large number of deaths. Following agency advice, the government has passed legislation limiting freedom of assembly by temporarily banning gatherings of over 50 individuals, banning people from visiting nursing homes, and physically closing secondary schools and universities. Primary schools have remained open, in part to avoid healthcare workers staying home with their children. The Public Health Agency issued recommendations to: if possible, work from home; avoid unnecessary travel within the country; engage in social distancing; and for people above 70 to stay at home, as much as possible. Those with even minimal symptoms that could be caused by COVID-19 are recommended to stay home. The "karensdag", or initial day without paid sick-leave, has been removed by the government and the length of time one can stay home with pay without a doctor's note has been raised from 7 to 21 days. The pandemic has put the Swedish healthcare system under severe strain, with tens of thousands of operations being postponed throughout the year, and only emergency and COVID-related care being available during a surge in the winter. Initially, Swedish hospitals and other facilities reported a shortage of personal protective equipment. Swedish hospitals were able to increase their intensive care capacity during the earlier stages of the pandemic, but Stockholm's health system still became seriously overwhelmed during the winter surge, with intensive care bed occupancy reaching 99% by 18 December and the city experiencing healthcare staff shortages. As of , there have been confirmed cumulative cases and deaths with confirmed COVID-19 in Sweden, with Stockholm County being the most affected (during first wave). Sweden has several times the number of confirmed cases and deaths of all neighboring Scandinavian countries; but several other European countries have higher rates of confirmed cases and deaths per capita than Sweden. Close to half of those who died had been living at nursing homes, a proportion which is similar to other European countries. Background. Outbreak of a novel coronavirus disease. On 12 January, the World Health Organization (WHO) confirmed that a novel coronavirus (nCoV) was the cause of a respiratory illness in a cluster of people in Wuhan, in Hubei, China, who had initially come to the WHO's attention on 31 December 2019. This cluster was initially linked to the Huanan Seafood Wholesale Market in Wuhan City. A few days later, on 16 January, the Public Health Agency of Sweden issued a press release highlighting the discovery of the novel coronavirus, and the agency monitoring the situation. The risk of spread to Sweden was described as "very low" as there was yet no evidence that the virus could spread between humans, but they recommended that individuals developing cough or fever after visiting Wuhan should seek medical care, and asked for healthcare professionals to be observant. After the World Health Organization classified the novel Coronavirus as a Public Health Emergency of International Concern on 30 January and demanded that all member states should cooperate to prevent further spread of the virus, the Agency requested for the Swedish government to classify the novel disease as a notifiable infectious disease in the Swedish Communicable Diseases Act as both dangerous to public health (allmänfarlig) and dangerous to society (samhällsfarlig), where contact tracing is required, giving the disease the same legislative status as Ebola, SARS and smallpox. The agency also announced that they have analysing methods that can diagnose a case of the novel disease ‘within hours’ after testing, and that such tests had already been carried out, but that all had turned out negative. Planning. Following the 2005 outbreak of the H5N1 avian flu, Sweden drafted their first national pandemic plan which since then had undergone several revisions. Since a 2008 revision to prepare for the 2009 swine flu pandemic, the plan includes the formation of a National Pandemic Group (NPG) in the event of a possible pandemic. The group involves several Swedish government agencies and defines each agency's role. The plan states that the Public Health Agency of Sweden will be the expert agency responsible for monitoring diseases with a pandemic potential, and with the mandate to assemble the National Pandemic Group to coordinate pandemic preparations and strategies on a national level between the relevant agencies. The pandemic group includes four additional Swedish government agencies: the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency, the Swedish Medical Products Agency, the Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare and the Swedish Work Environment Authority, as well as the county administrative boards of Sweden and the employer's organisation Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions. Swedish crisis management is built on a "principle of responsibility" which means that the organisation who is responsible for an area of activity under normal circumstances is also responsible for that area of activity during a crisis. As the Public Health Agency of Sweden, headed by director general Johan Carlson, is the agency responsible of monitoring and preventing the spread of infectious diseases, the agency had a central role in the Swedish response to the pandemic. The Public Health Agency also tasked with having a coordinating role for the national response to a pandemic according to the National Pandemic Plan, together with the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency headed by Dan Eliasson and the Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare headed by Olivia Wigzell. Preparedness. In risk and impact assessments by the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency, the Swedish expert agency on crisis management, the risk of Sweden in the future being affected by a severe pandemic was assessed as "high" with a "catastrophic" impact on human health and economics. They believed that a future pandemic would be inevitable within 5–50 years. In the 2019 Global Health Security Index of the ‘most prepared’ countries in the world for an epidemic or a pandemic published by the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security, Sweden was ranked 7th overall. Sweden received high rankings regarding prevention of the emergence of a new pathogen, early detection and reporting of an epidemic of international concern and having a low risk environment. However, the Swedish healthcare system received a lower score, questioning if it was sufficient and robust enough to treat the sick and protect health workers. In 2013, the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency investigated Sweden's ability to cope with a pandemic through a simulation where a severe avian influenza infects a third of the population, out of which 190,000 gets severely ill, and up to 10,000 die from the disease. They concluded that Sweden was generally well prepared, with pandemic plans on both national and regional level, but that the health-care system would be the weak link. They noted that Swedish hospitals were already under heavy burden, and would not have the capacity to treat everyone who become sick, even when alternative facilities (like schools and sports centres) were used as hospitals. They also pointed out that issues concerning prioritising, including triage, would become central during the crisis, and that they believed this subject needed to be addressed. Before the outbreak of the new coronavirus, Sweden had a relatively low number of hospital beds per capita, with 2.2 beds per 1000 people (2017), and intensive care unit (ICU) beds per capita of 5.8 per 100.000 people (2012). Both numbers were lower than most countries' in the EU. The total number of ICU beds in Swedish hospitals was 526. By the time of the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the Swedish Defence Forces was equipped with a total of 35 field hospitals, with what some considered to be the most modern battlefield medicine in the world, with the Swedish Navy having an additional 15 hospitals. The field hospitals had a combined capacity of treating 10.000 patients and performing 1000 surgeries every 24 hours, as well as stockpiles with drugs, medical supplies and personal protective equipment to treat 150.000 war casualties. Additionally, the Swedish state had several preparedness hospitals and Swedish schools were constructed to be converted into hospital units in case of a military conflict and with a total capacity of treating 125.000 patients, supported by a network of preparedness storages containing medicine and medical equipment. From 1990 and onwards, the system was gradually dismantled to eventually disappear altogether, with the equipment, including more than 600 new ventilators, being either given away or disposed of. At the start of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, the Swedish Defence Forces owned 2 medical units with a total of 96 beds, out of which 16 were ICU beds, and there were no civil preparedness storages for medical equipment left in Sweden. Until 2009, the Swedish state-run pharmacy chain Apoteket had the responsibility to ensure drug supply in case of emergency. Following a very controversial privatisation, the responsibility was handed over to the private sector. However, a lack of regulations meant that the companies had no incentive to keep a bigger stock than necessary, effectively leaving Sweden without an entity responsible for medicine preparedness. At the start of the pandemic, the Swedish healthcare system were instead relying on a "just-in-time" deliveries of medication and medical equipment, and Sweden had no medicine manufacturing of its own, which was considered to make the country's drug supply vulnerable as it relied on global trade and long supply lines. The Swedish healthcare system was already experiencing a growing number of backordered drugs in the years leading up to the pandemic. The lack of medicine preparedness had been strongly criticised in several inquiries and reports since 2013 by a number of Swedish governmental agencies, including the Swedish National Audit Office, the Swedish Defence Research Agency and the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency. The latter had regarded disturbances in the drug supply as one of their biggest concerns in their annual risk assessments. Timeline. Early cases (December 2019 – February 2020). On 31 January, the first Swedish case was confirmed in a woman in Jönköping who had travelled to Sweden directly from Wuhan, China, on 24 January. The case was fully isolated and there are no reports of further spread. It is believed that the virus could have reached Sweden as early as December 2019, when several individuals sought care at a primary care clinic in Svärdsjö, Falun Municipality, with signs of respiratory disease, as all of them had been in contact with an individual with a recent travel history to Wuhan, and later tested positive for antibodies against the disease. There is however no evidence of further spread in connection with those early cases. The second confirmed case was diagnosed at Sahlgrenska University Hospital, Gothenburg, on 26 February, after a man who had recently returned from northern Italy following the outbreak in the country had developed symptoms. With five additional cases confirmed on 27 February, the Public Health Agency put out a statement that these cases were all related to travel to high-risk zones and that there was no evidence of community transmission. Disease control measures, including extensive contact tracing, turned up over 200 travel-related cases in the following weeks, all with connection to confirmed cases or travel to high risk regions. Many of those who tested positive for the virus during this early stage of the outbreak in Sweden had been infected while on vacation in Italy during the one-week spring break in late February. During the four-week period from February to March in which the spring break takes place in different areas of Sweden, around one million Swedes (about one tenth of the total population) had travelled abroad. Testing was initially primarily done on individuals who had developed symptoms after travelling from the areas hardest hit by the outbreak, such as China, Iran, northern Italy, Tyrol and South Korea, or those with pneumonia of unknown cause. Subsequent whole genome sequencing studies carried out by the Public Health Agency proved that disease control measures including isolation and contact tracing had been largely successful in preventing the infection to spread from Italy. The studies also revealed that early assumptions that Swedes returning from Northern Italy and Tyrol were the main drivers of the outbreak in Sweden were incorrect, as the virus had likely been brought to Sweden by "hundreds" of different people from a range of countries, as the outbreak by that time had "gone under the radar" in many other parts of the world and that other countries already had a large spread. Analysis of early Swedish cases suggested that several early cases had carried the virus from the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as from France and the Netherlands. From the start of the outbreak in Sweden, Stockholm County saw a significantly higher number of cases in the Stockholm Metropolitan Area compared to other counties of Sweden, including the densely populated regions Scania and Västra Götaland. According to Johan Carlson, director-general at the Public Health Agency, one reason was believed to be that the Stockholm spring break took place later than in other regions. On 27 February, Uppsala County confirmed its first case in a woman with a travel history to Germany, where she had met with an Italian colleague, and had been admitted to Uppsala University Hospital after seeking medical attention with flu-like symptoms. In June, it was discovered that a number of persons in Svärdsjö, Dalarna County, had antibodies against SARS-CoV-2. The individuals had been in contact with a person visiting from Wuhan, China, in December 2019 and sought medical attention after experiencing respiratory symptoms. It is since believed that SARS-CoV-2 came to Sweden as early as December 2019. Community spread (March–). On 9 March, an infection and a suspected infection were diagnosed in two patients, with no connection between them, who had sought care at S:t Göran Hospital, Stockholm, on 6 March. They were assumed to have been infected through community transmission. The following day, Jämtland and Västernorrland also confirmed initial cases. Responding to indications of local transmission in the Stockholm area and Västra Götaland, the Public Health Agency on 10 March raised the risk assessment of community spread from "moderate" to "very high", which is the highest level. The first death was reported on 11 March, the same day as the COVID-19 outbreak was declared a pandemic by the WHO, when a person in their 70s from the Stockholm Metropolitan Area died in the intensive care unit of Karolinska University Hospital. The person was reported to have acquired the virus through community transmission, believed to have occurred about one week before death. The person also belonged to a risk group. After the first case in Västmanland County was confirmed on 13 March, the disease had reached all of the 21 regions in Sweden. The Public Health Agency of Sweden declared on 13 March that stopping the spread of COVID-19 had entered a "new phase" which required "other efforts". The continued focus was now to delay spread among the population and to protect the elderly and most vulnerable against the disease. Contact tracing would no longer be part of the strategy, and testing would instead focus on people already in hospital or those considered to belong to be of a bigger risk of a more severe disease. The health agency believed that 5–10% of the population in Stockholm County was carrying the virus on 9 April. In mid-April, it was reported that out of the approximately 1,300 people who had died after having caught the virus, one third had been living at nursing homes. The figure differed between the regions. In Stockholm, the city most affected by the pandemic, half of the deaths had been residents in one of its many nursing homes. The situation led to the Health and Social Care Inspectorate to begin carrying out controls at the homes. According to estimations by the Health Agency in early May, the R value had dropped below 1.0 for the first time on 21 April. In June, the Health Agency declared that several regions had entered a "late pandemic phase" with a decrease in the number of new cases, and called for those regions to return to the strategy of stopping the disease through increased testing and detailed contact tracing. Winter surge. Like much of Europe, Sweden experienced a dramatic increase in COVID-19 cases and deaths from October to December 2020. Alcohol sales were banned after 10pm, gatherings were limited to a maximum of eight people and some schools switched to online learning in response. On 7 December, schools in Sweden were switched to distance learning for pupils aged 16 or more. A week later the government asked Stockholm's schools to also adopt distance learning for pupils aged 13–15, and began recommending face masks on public transport for the first time, having previously been one of the few countries not to recommend them. The health system in Stockholm became particularly overwhelmed, with 99% of intensive care beds full, and private sector staff called to stand in due to staff shortages. Nevertheless in January 2021 schools reopened. An independent commission released a report in December which criticized Sweden's approach for failing to protect care home residents by allowing the virus to become widespread. King Carl XVI Gustaf and Stefan Löfven both characterized Sweden's approach as a 'failure' in December 2020 due to the high number of deaths. Löfven suggested that many experts had failed to predict and prepare for the severity of the increase during the winter. Public approval for Tegnell and the Swedish health authorities also fell to the lowest level since the start of the pandemic, 59%, in response to the surge. Neighboring Finland and Norway criticized Sweden's approach for potentially undermining their own preventative measures. By 11 February 2021, Sweden had vaccinated over 80% of nursing homes residents with the first shot and about a third with two shots, which the Swedish health agency indicated to be likely responsible for drop in daily new deaths. By 7 April 2021, 93% of nursing home residents had at least one shot and 88% had two shots. For people who are 65 and older and who have home care with personal care, 80% had at least one shot. See also COVID-19 vaccination in Sweden. Response from the authorities. Government. The Swedish government considered its overall objective in the Swedish response to the pandemic was to limit the spread of infection in the country to not exceed the capacity of the Swedish health system. They also aimed to ensure that the municipalities and regions responsible for the health care would have the necessary resources to handle the pandemic. The government has tried to focus efforts on encouraging the right behaviour and creating social norms rather than mandatory restrictions. Government officials including Swedish prime minister Stefan Löfven has encouraged each individual to take responsibility for their own health and the health of others, and to follow the recommendations from the Public Health Agency of Sweden, as the agency responsible for monitoring a pandemic and coordinating the response. The Swedish Constitution mandates that government agencies should work independently from the government and that the relevant expert agencies must issue advice prior to any government actions within the agency's area, in this case aiming to prevent the spread of the virus, with a strong mandate that the expert agencies should initiate actions, avoiding rule by ministers. Having its public health agency almost completely controlling the strategy without the involvement of politicians set Sweden apart from most, perhaps all, other countries. However, the agencies do not have the power to pass laws. Instead, they give out recommendations on how someone can or should act to meet a binding regulation within the agency's area of activity (in this case The Swedish Communicable Diseases Act). Although there is no legal framework for a governmental agency to impose sanctions on someone for going against its recommendations, it is not optional as the recommendations work as guidelines on how to act to follow a regulation (in this case an obligation to help halting the spread of an infectious disease). The independence of Swedish agencies and the choice of 'recommendations' instead of legislation has received much coverage in international media. Swedish foreign minister Ann Linde described Sweden as having ‘rather small ministries, but rather big authorities’ (with the Public Health Agency being one such authority), and this going back 300–400 years, and Sweden being characterised by a very high level of trust in its authorities from both the people and the politicians, and that Swedes had a very strong urge to following recommendations from authorities, thus making legislation largely unnecessary. When asked if Sweden would consider tougher restrictions, Löfven and Linde both made clear that the Swedish government would not hesitate to do so if deemed necessary and on advice from the expert agencies, but that such measures needed to be taken at the right time, and they believe it is hard to make people adhere to lockdowns for an extended period. Deputy Prime Minister of Sweden Isabella Lövin referred to the pandemic being "not a sprint, but a marathon". Strategy. According to the Swedish Public Health Agency, the Swedish strategy aimed to protect their senior and vulnerable citizens, and to slow down the spread of the virus, to keep the healthcare system from getting overwhelmed. They are also mandated by law to make their response based on scientific evidence. The Swedish state epidemiologist Anders Tegnell has questioned the scientific basis of some of the "stricter" measures taken by other governments, including lockdowns and border closures. While many countries imposed nationwide lockdowns and curfews, such measures were prohibited by the Swedish constitution as it is considered to be a violation of people's freedom of movement, and Swedish laws on communicable diseases ("Smittskyddslagen") only allow for quarantining individuals and small areas such as buildings, not for entire geographical areas. Instead, it is based mostly around individual responsibility. Although the government was later granted more authority for imposing restrictions on transport following a temporary amendment in April, the Swedish authorities considered lockdowns to be unnecessary, as they believed that voluntary measures could be just as effective as bans. Although many thought this to be a 'relaxed' approach, it was defended by the authorities and government officials. Among them is the Prime Minister of Sweden, Stefan Löfvén, who said, it is more sustainable, as unlike lockdowns, it could be in place for "months, even years" as it was not assumed to be likely that the disease could be stopped until a vaccine was produced. Therefore, the Swedish response only included measures where an exit strategy was not needed. Unlike many European countries, including neighbouring Denmark and Norway, Sweden did not close its preschools or elementary schools as a preventive measure. This was met with criticism within Sweden. According to the Health Agency, the main reasons for not closing schools was that as a preventive measure, it lacked support by research or scientific literature, and because of its adverse effects on society. They argued that many parents, including healthcare professionals, would have no choice but to stay home from work to care for their children if schools were closed. There was also a concern for a situation where older people babysit their grandchildren, as they face a more significant risk of severe symptoms in case of infection. According to the agency's estimations, closures of elementary schools and preschool could result in the absence of up to 43,000 healthcare professionals, including doctors, nurses and nurse's assistants, equalling 10 per cent of the total workforce in the sector. Additionally, there was concern of school closures having negative consequences for disadvantaged and vulnerable children. According to the agency yet no evidence of children playing a major role in the spread of the virus, nor of a high infection rate among children or preschool teachers, and that children who become infected showed mild symptoms. In May, Tegnell said that the decision was right, as the healthcare system would not have managed the situation the past months if Swedish authorities had chosen to close elementary schools. He later said that the decision to close secondary schools might have been unnecessary because it possibly had little effect in slowing the spread of the disease. After the Danish government went against the advice of the Danish Health Authority and closed their national borders in March, Tegnell remarked that there were currently no scientific studies supporting border closures to be a useful measure against a pandemic, and that "history has proven it to be completely meaningless measure", and argued that it could, at best, delay the outbreak for one week, and also pointed out that border closures went against the recommendations from the WHO. He later said closures would be "ridiculous" in a situation where the disease had spread across all of Europe, saying that movements within the country were of more concern. The government's response to the pandemic has been the subject of criticism from numerous sources, including the Vetenskapsforum COVID-19, a group of scientists and their supporters. Representatives of the Swedish government, as well as its agencies, have denied that pursuing herd immunity is part of the Swedish strategy. According to state epidemiologist Anders Tegnell, herd immunity had not been calculated in the strategy, and if it had been the goal, "we would have done nothing and let coronavirus run rampant". But in April 2020, he said that Sweden would benefit from herd immunity in the long run, and reasoned that all countries would eventually have to achieve it to beat the virus. In an email from Tegnell to his Finnish counterpart Mika Salminen in 15 March, he expressed that keeping schools open would achieve herd immunity quicker. In May 2020 he said that he believed it was unlikely that Sweden, or any other country, would ever reach full herd immunity, and also that it would be a mistake to base a strategy on a hypothetical vaccine, as it would likely be years until there is a vaccine that can be distributed to an entire population. Instead, he believed COVID-19 was something "we're going to have to live with for a very long time". Herd immunity has also not been achieved, with an estimated 7.1% of the population having acquired antibodies according to a September 2020 study, far below the 20% that the authorities had predicted. However according to official statistics starting from 2020 week 49 (30 Now 20 - 6 Dec 20) in Stockholm it was observed more than 36% positive antibody tests. As the health experts built the strategy at the Public Health Agency without any influence from the government, it was built solely on a public health perspective, without any political considerations to the economy. The agency did, however, regard the economy as part of its broader public health considerations, due to unemployment and a weakening economy typically leading to poorer public health. Although Sweden was regarded to have succeeded with making sure the hospitals would keep at pace, it admitted to have failed with protecting its elderly, as three-fourths of its deaths had occurred among nursing home residents or those receiving home care. The Health Agency saw the spread at the homes as their biggest concern, but "not as a failure of our overall strategy, but as a failure of our way to protect the elderly". In an interview with Sveriges Radio in early June, Tegnell was asked if he would have done things differently if he could ‘back the tape’, to which he replied that Sweden should have done more earlier during the outbreak. This received extensive coverage in national as well as international media and was interpreted as he was distancing himself from the Swedish strategy. Tegnell however denied this being the case, and said they still believed the strategy being good, but that "you can always improve things, especially in hindsight". When asked to give examples, he said that it would have been much better if they had been more prepared at nursing homes and that it would have been better if the testing capacity had been increased earlier on during the outbreak. He also said that the closure of secondary schools might have been unnecessary. Measures. On 10 March 2020, responding to indications of community transmission, the Public Health Agency advised everyone with respiratory infections, even mild cases, to refrain from social contacts where there is a risk of spreading the virus, in private as well as working life. They also ask health care staff working with risk groups, including nursing homes, not work if they have any symptoms of respiratory infection. Relatives of elderly should also avoid unnecessary visits at hospitals and in facilities for elderly, and never visit if there are any respiratory symptoms. Social distancing. On 16 March 2020, the agency recommended that people over 70 should limit close contact with other people, and avoid crowded areas such as stores, public transport and public spaces. At the end of March, 93% of those older than 70 said that they were following the recommendations from the health service to some extent, with the majority having decreased their contacts with friends and family. In May, the agency looked at easing the recommendations for the 'young elderly' of good health, but ultimately decided against it. They did however encourage those over 70 not to isolate completely in their homes, but to go outside for walks while still following the recommendations. On 16 March 2020, they also recommended that employers should recommend their employees work from home. One month later, statistics showed that roughly half the Swedish workforce was working from home. The following day, the agency recommended that secondary schools and universities use distance learning, with schools following suit all over the country. The decision to recommend distance education for secondary and tertiary education, but not for elementary schools, was that studies at secondary schools and universities to a higher extent require commuting and travelling, and that students would not depend on parental care while not in schools, and school closings therefore did not risk interrupting society. In May, it was announced that the Health Agency were to lift the recommendations on 15 June, and thereby allowing secondary schools and universities to open up as normal after the summer holidays. In April, many of the organisations running the public transport systems for the Swedish counties had reported a 50% drop in public transport usage, including Kalmar Länstrafik in Calmar County, Skånetrafiken in Scania County, Stockholm Public Transit in Stockholm County, and Västtrafik in Västra Götaland County. In Stockholm, the streets grew increasingly emptier, with a 30% drop in the number of cars, and 70% fewer pedestrians. In mid-May, and on the request of the Public Health Agency, the Swedish Transport Agency temporarily suspended the regulations that allowed for passenger transport on lorries or trailers pulled by tractors, trucks or engineering vehicles at graduations and carnivals. The new rules were to be in place between 15 May and 31 December. These social distancing recommendations have been effective in part because Swedes tend to have a "disposition to social distancing anyway." Ban on gatherings. The same day as the first Swedish death to COVID-19, 11 March, the Swedish government passed a new law at the request of the Public Health Agency, limiting freedom of assembly by banning all gatherings larger than 500 people, with threat of fine and prison. The ban would apply until further notice. According to the Health Agency, the reasoning behind drawing the line at 500 was to limit long-distance travel within the nation's borders, as bigger events are more likely to attract visitors from all over the country. Although freedom of assembly is protected by the Swedish constitution in the Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression, the constitution allows for a government to restrict the freedom, if needed to limit the spread of an epidemic. On 27 March the government announced that the ban on public gatherings would be lowered to include all gatherings of more than 50 people, to further decrease the spread of the infection, again at the request of the Public Health Agency. The ban would apply to arts and entertainment events including theatre, cinema and concerts, religious meetings, demonstrations, lectures, competitive sports, amusement parks, fairs and markets. The ban did not include gatherings in schools, workplaces, public transport, grocery stores or shopping malls, health clubs or private events. The agency also recommended that plans for events and gatherings of fewer than 50 people should be preceded by a risk assessment and, if necessary, followed by mitigation measures. Additionally, they recommend that digital meetings should be considered. The ban on large gatherings had no end-date, and as of late April, the Health Agency was reported as having no plans for when the ban should be lifted. Starting from 24 November gatherings have been limited to up to eight persons. Travel. On 18 March, the Health Agency recommended that everyone should avoid travelling within the country. This came after signs of ongoing community transmission in parts of the country, due to concern that a rapid spread over the country would make redistribution of healthcare resources more difficult. They also called for the public to reconsider any planned holidays during the upcoming Easter weekend. The calls to avoid travelling and social interactions during the Easter weekend were repeated several times by agency and government officials, among them Prime Minister Stefan Löfvén and King, Carl XVI Gustaf. Telia, a Swedish multinational mobile network operator, did an analysis of mobile network data during the week of Easter, and found that most Swedes had followed the agency's recommendations to avoid unnecessary travels during the Easter holidays. Overall, travel from the Stockholm Metropolitan Area had decreased by 80–90%, and the number of citizens of Stockholm travelling to popular holiday destinations like Gotland and the ski resorts in Åre had fallen with more than 90%. Travel between other regions in Sweden had fallen as well. Ferry-line operator Destination Gotland, who previously had called on their customers to rethink their planned trips for Easter, reported that 85% of all bookings had been rescheduled. The restrictions on domestic travel were somewhat softened on 13 May, allowing for travels equalling one to two hours from home by car would be allowed under some circumstances to which Löfvén referred to as ‘common sense’, such as not risking to burden healthcare in other regions, keeping contact with others low and not travelling to visit new social contacts, the elderly or those at risk of severe disease. On 4 June, the government announced that the restrictions on domestic travel were to be lifted on 13 June, allowing everyone to freely travel in the country if they were without symptoms and rules on social distancing were followed. However, they cautioned that new restrictions could be introduced if the situation were to worsen, and that the County administrative boards of Sweden were tasked to monitor the situation. In a press conference on 25 January 2021, foreign minister Ann Linde extended the advisory of the government against all non-essential international travel until 15 April 2021. Communication and information. Beginning in March, press conferences were held daily to at 14:00 local time, with representatives from the three government agencies responsible for coordinating Sweden's response to the pandemic; the Public Health Agency, usually represented by state epidemiologist Tegnell or deputy state epidemiologist Anders Wallensten, the National Board of Health and Welfare and the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency. According to the latter, close to one million people followed each press conference on the TV or the radio. The ratings excluded other types of media. For official information on the disease and the situation in Sweden, the authorities referred the public to the website "krisinformation.se", which compiles official emergency information from Swedish authorities. The website is operated by the Civil Contingencies Agency, as the agency responsible for emergency information to the public during emergencies. The agency reported a big increase in the number of people visiting the website during the beginning of the pandemic, with 4.5 million views between January and April 2020, compared to 200,000 during the same period in 2019. In March, the Civil Contingencies Agency received €7.4 million from the government for public service announcements to inform the public about the virus, and how to reduce the spread of the disease to slow down the spread of the virus. Monitoring and modelling. In early March, the Health Agency expanded the sentinel surveillance system in use for monitoring the influenza season, so that samples from patients with flu-like symptoms would also be tested for SARS-CoV-2 along with the influenza viruses. In early May, approximately 1500 samples had been analysed within the sentinel system. Between 27 March and 3 April, the health agency tested approximately 800 randomly selected individuals in Stockholm County, to seek knowledge of the then current infection rate. As it was estimated that Stockholm County by then had the highest infection rate in Sweden, the agency choose to focus on that region. According to the results, 2.5% of the local population were carrying the virus in the upper respiratory tract during the surveyed period. Based on the study and a doubling time of 6–7 days, the agency concluded that 5–10% of the population in the region were carrying the virus on 9 April. This was followed by a similar study on national level. In the study, approximately 4000 people would be tested for an active infection. It was followed by a second national study on 4000 individuals in late April, and a similar national study where "thousands" would be tested for antibodies. In an April study by researchers at the KTH Royal Institute of Technology and the Science for Life Laboratory, home sample kits were mailed to 1,000 randomly selected individuals in Stockholm to be tested for the presence of antibodies against the SARS-CoV-2 virus which causes the COVID-19 disease. After analysing 440 out of the 550 blood samples returned, the scientists concluded that 10% of the donors were infected during or prior to late March. A follow-up study was carried out later that month with an additional 1,000 tests to determine how much the spread has increased during the weeks between the two studies. The same month, a study was carried out by researchers at the KTH Royal Institute of Technology and Danderyd Hospital where staff at the hospitals were tested for antibodies. After analysing 527 samples, the researchers reported that approximately 20% of the staff had developed antibodies against the virus. After testing the entire staff a total of 19.1% of the staff had developed IgG antibodies at the end of May / early June. The researchers intended to continue testing to carry out several follow-up tests during the following 12 months to learn how long the antibodies will stay in the body. In late April, approximately 11,000 out of the staff at Karolinska University Hospital were tested for the virus in either PCR based or serological tests. The tested individuals included both those with clinical medical and non-clinical medical jobs, as well as staff with non-medical jobs. When 5,500 PCR tests and 3,200 serological tests had been analysed, a total of 15% samples came back positive (7% of PCR tests, 10% of serology tests, with 2% being positive in both tests). Only people without symptoms were tested. Public healthcare system. Testing. The first tests were carried out in January, and according to the Swedish Public Health Agency, ‘around twenty tests’ had already been carried out before the first positive case was confirmed on 30 January. The agency considered that all individuals who developed any symptoms of disease in the respiratory tract after visiting Wuhan should be tested, even those with less severe symptoms. The Public Health Agency expanded testing for COVID-19 on 4 March beyond only those who have been in risk areas abroad, to also test cases of pneumonia without known cause. Initially, all tests were carried out at the agency's high-containment laboratory in Solna. But in mid-February, to increase testing capacity and allow for faster test results, testing also began at the clinical medical laboratories in Göteborg, Halmstad, Lund, Skövde, Stockholm, Umeå and Uppsala. The Public Health agency considered testing and contact tracing to be more important in the early and late pandemic phases, to stop the spread of the disease and find every case, as "it isn't possible to test millions of individuals in the country" during the pandemic phase. At the end of March, the number of tests carried out each week numbered 10,000. In mid-April, the number of weekly tests had doubled to approximately 20,000. In early April, the government instructed for the testing capacity to be vastly increased to be able to analyse 100.000 samples every week. This was mainly to make it possible to test people with jobs considered crucial to society, for instance policemen and those working in rescue service or with electric power supply, while still having enough capacity to handle all tests needed for the health-care sector. In mid-May, the number of tests carried out were still far from the goal, with approximately 30.000 tests carried out weekly, and according to a representative for Swedish municipalities and regions it would likely be 'weeks' until goals were met. On 4 June, the government announced that due to several regions in Sweden having entered a late phase of the pandemic, coronavirus testing and contact tracing were to be broadened so that everyone with suspected COVID-19 symptoms could be tested free of cost. On 31 May, a total of 275,819 samples had been tested since the start of the Swedish outbreak. Capacity. The Stockholm International Fairs, Stockholmsmässan, are being converted into a field hospital with the help of the Swedish Defence Force. The field hospital will be able to house 600 seriously and critically sick patients. The Swedish Defence Forces will provide equipment for 30 of the 600 beds and the Stockholm Regional Council will provide the remaining 570. The facilities were initially used for treating less severe cases, as opposed to those needing intensive care. In late April, it was reported that the Defence Force had provided 50 intensive care beds as part of the two field hospitals. Field hospitals were also erected in Gothenburg, and Helsingborg. The field hospital in Älvsjö were never needed to be taken into use, and were dismantled in early June. The Gothenburg hospital was used for intensive care during a short time span, but was soon taken out of use following massive criticism from health-care workers who voiced concern for patient safety, increased risks of infection and working conditions. The increasing number of cases in March resulted in the cancellation or postponement of close to 50% of planned surgeries, including cancer-related surgeries, in all of Sweden, and up to 90% in large areas such as Stockholm and Uppsala. By May, 44,000 planned surgeries had been postponed in Sweden, increasing the total number of Swedes in line for a surgery to over 150,000. Several regions also chose to cancel many, or all, planned non-acute dentistry as a measure to redistribute healthcare equipment like disposable gloves and masks. Before the pandemic, the Swedish healthcare system had the capacity to treat approximately 500 persons in Intensive Care Units (ICU). The relatively low number of beds had stayed a source of concern as the crisis evolved, and even though the number had increased to 800 at the beginning of April, healthcare professionals continued to express worry that their hospitals would eventually run out of beds. According to the calculations of the Swedish health agency, up to 1300 ICU beds would be needed when Sweden reached the top of the pandemic. Sweden was eventually able to double the number of intensive care beds in a few weeks, and on 13 April, the National Board of Health and Welfare reported that the total number of ICU beds had risen to 1039, with an occupancy of 80%. Equipment. On 13 March, media reported that there is a shortage in personal protective equipment (PPE) for health care staff, and hospitals in Stockholm have been forced to reuse disposable PPEs after sanitation. The regional Health Care Director warned about this scenario in early March and government agencies have temporarily waived the public procurement law to hastily procure more supplies. The National Board of Health and Welfare ("'Socialstyrelsen"') confirmed that there is no preparedness storage and nothing to distribute to the health care sector. In early April, several counties expressed concern that they might run out of some vital drugs used in intensive care. Later that month, Stockholm County reported of an acute shortage of the anaesthetic propofol. As one of the main tasks of the Swedish Defence Force is to support the civil community in case of disasters, their resources were used to lessen equipment shortages in the health-care system. The material supplied by the military included crucial medical equipment; X-ray generators, electrocardiographic machines, 154 ventilators and 154 intensive care monitors. The military also supplied personal protective equipment, including 60,000 gas masks and 40,000 protective suits. Staffing. On 25 March 2020, Björn Eriksson, the Director of Healthcare in Stockholm, appealed to anyone in the Stockholm Metropolitan Area who had experience in healthcare to volunteer. As of the 26 March 2020, 5100 people with healthcare experience had registered as volunteers. The increasing number of cases in large areas such as Stockholm and Uppsala has resulted in the cancellation or postponement of up to 90% of planned surgeries, including cancer related surgeries. When it became clear that the civil society would face difficulties managing the emergent crisis, the Swedish Defence Force were called in to assist the civilian society with manpower, equipment, and logistics. The preparations began in February and the first servicemen were deployed in March. By early April the total military deployed in civilian society numbered 400 servicemen, among them a number of officers to support the National Board of Health and Welfare with crisis management and laboratory technicians to support the Public Health Agency of Sweden. Tasks for the military personnel also including collecting and transporting samples. A number of military ambulances were also taken in use within the civilian health system. Social impact. Finance and the economy. In March, Swedish Minister for Finance Magdalena Andersson said that the government believed that the Swedish economy would be heavily hit by the pandemic, with a 4% downturn in gross domestic product (GDP), similar to the levels seen following the 2008 financial crisis. Andersson also warned that they also expected unemployment to increase up to 9% during the year. In a forecast by the Swedish National Institute of Economic Research published in late April, the Swedish GDP was expected to fall with 7% during 2020 due to the impact of the ongoing pandemic. The European Commission predicted that the Swedish economy would contract -6.1%, a level similar to that of the eurozone (-7.7%). In June, the Swedish central bank Sveriges Riksbank forecasted a fall of 10%. This was mainly due to the Swedish economy being heavily reliant on exports (which attributes to around half of the Swedish GDP) with the shrinking global economy being predicted to decrease international demand of Swedish goods and services. The Economy were also affected by problems with global supply lines, which had forced some of the biggest manufacturing companies in Sweden, including Scania and Volvo Cars, to halt their production in March, as well as a decrease in consumption. The National Institute of Economic Research also expected that unemployment in Sweden would rise to 11% during 2020, and the Swedish Pensions Agency calculated a 1.5% drop in pensions for 2021, as Swedish pensions are attached to GDP and income. While some predicted a rebound already in the second half of 2020, Magdalena Andersson warned that things "could get worse before they get better." In mid-June, Andersson said it was possible that Sweden had reached the bottom of the downturn, as the government had revised their forecast to a -6% GDP downturn in GDP and an unemployment level of 9.3% (down from -7% and 11% respectively in their previous forecast) although they expected unemployment to further increase in 2021 to 10.3%. However, she cautioned that there was still a big uncertainty regarding the numbers. Similarly, the National Institute of Economic Research also revised their forecast downwards, to a -5.5% fall in GDP and for unemployment to increase to 8.5% during 2020, with a further increase up to 10% in 2021. In mid-March, the government proposed a €27 billion emergency package to reduce the economic impact of the crisis. The proposal included a system with a reduction in work hours where the government will pay half to salary, aiming to help businesses stay afloat without having to do layoffs. Further, the government would pay the employer's expenses for any sick leaves, which is normally shared between the employer and the state. The normal costs of employer contributions have also been temporarily discontinued for small business owners. This will save small businesses approximately €490 per employee each month but will result in a loss of tax revenue of €3.2 billion. The budget emergency package proposed by the government in mid-March to lessen the economic impact of the crisis was supported across the political spectrum, including all parties in opposition in the Riksdag. It was also welcomed by trade unions as well as the private and business sectors. However, some union representatives stressed that "it won't be enough", a view shared by the biggest employer's organisation, the Confederation of Swedish Enterprise. On 2 April, the Financial Supervisory Authority ("'Finansinspektionen"') decided that Swedish banks temporarily can allow exemptions for housing mortgage lenders regarding amortising of loans. Transportation. Aviation. Air transportation in Sweden is primarily run by public and private companies – principally Scandinavian Airlines System (SAS) and Norwegian Air Shuttle (NAS) – and has been severely impacted by the pandemic and greatly reduced. Like airlines around the world, Sweden's carriers have reduced the frequency of their flights, reduced their work force and asked the local government for financial assistance. On 15 March, SAS announced that they would temporarily reduce their workforce by 10,000 people, which constitutes about 90% of their workforce. Soon almost all domestic flights were cancelled. Swedish authorities advised against all non-essential travel inside and out of Sweden. SAS Group decided to fly only four domestic departures and four domestic arrivals from Arlanda from 6 April 2020, plus some international flights, while Norwegian cancelled all domestic flights in Sweden. Several airports closed temporarily. On 5 February 2021, Wizz Air announced that they would start operating flights from Gothenburg Landvetter Airport to Sarajevo Airport on 23 May 2021. It will be operated two times a week by an Airbus A320 without competition from other airlines. This will be the first time that Gothenburg and Sarajevo are connected by a daily flight. The flight's purpose is to connect Western Sweden to Wizz's new base in Bosnia and Herzegovinas capital. On 18 February 2021, Vueling announced that they would resume their twice-weekly flight from Gothenburg Landvetter Airport to Barcelona Airport on 11 June 2021. It will be operated on Fridays and Sundays and they will be the only airline operating that route. On 16 March 2021, Transavia France announced that they would resume their summer season flight from Stockholm Arlanda Airport to Montpellier Airport on 11 June 2021. It will be operated once a week on Fridays until 13 August 2021 with a Boeing 737-800. On 19 March 2021, Wizz Air announced that they would start operating flights to Tirana Airport from Malmö Airport two times a week starting on 14 May 2021. The flight will be served by an Airbus A320 and the number of flights per week will increase to three on 31 May 2021. This will be the first time that the Öresund Region and Albania will be connected by a direct flight. On 6 May 2021, Ryanair announced that they would start flying again from multiple airports in Sweden in October and November 2021. Their operation from Skavsta Airport will shut down and be moved to Arlanda Airport in late October 2021. On 7 May 2021, Air Dolomiti announced that they would start flying from Kalmar Airport to Frankfurt Airport via Ronneby Airport on 19 September 2021. It will be operated all year by an Embraer 195 on Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays, Fridays and Sundays. On 11 May 2021, SAS announced that they would start flying on Mondays and Fridays from Luleå Airport to London Heathrow Airport from 17 December 2021 until 21 March 2022. On 14 May 2021, Finnair announced that they would resume their seasonal flight from Visby Airport to Helsinki Vantaa Airport. It will be operated by a ATR 72 between 24 June and 1 August on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Sundays. On 20 May 2021, Ryanair announced that they would start operating flights from Malmö Airport to Zagreb Airport on Tuesdays and Saturdays in September 2021. They also announced that they will resume their flight to Krakow Airport after a few years of intermission in June 2021. Wizz Air also announced that they would start operating a twice a week flight to Banja Luka Airport from Malmö Airport on 25 June 2021. Railroad. Rail transport in Sweden, which is principally run by the public operator SJ AB, has continued to operate throughout the pandemic, albeit with a slightly reduced schedule so that additional carriages can be added to trains, which in conjunction with fewer tickets being made available for sale, aims to ensure social distancing of those passengers that continue to travel. The decrease in travel had a big impact on the public transport sector due to a loss of revenue in ticket sales, which led to trade association Swedish Public Transport Association ("Svensk kollektivtrafik") asking the government for financial aid. Politics. In mid-March, the parliamentary leaders from the parties in the Riksdag agreed on using pairing for the upcoming weeks, to make it possible to decrease the number of members of parliament present during voting sessions, from the usual 349 to 55. This decision was taken both as a measure to lower the risk of spread of the infection (social distancing), and to make sure the daily work in the parliament could proceed even if a big number of MPs would become sick. Similar decisions were taken in many of Swedish municipal councils. Several regional assemblies also decreased the number of politicians present each session, including Västerbotten County who did it as a measure to decrease long-distance travelling, and Scania County. On 25 March, The Swedish Social Democratic Party together with the Swedish Trade Union Confederation decided to cancel their traditional May Day demonstrations. They will instead hold an event on a digital platform, which will include speeches by the Swedish prime minister and leader of the Social Democrats, Stefan Löfven, as well as union confederation leader Karl-Petter Thorwaldsson. The Left Party also cancelled their nationwide demonstrations, and announced that there would instead be a digital celebration, including a speech by party leader Jonas Sjöstedt. The Almedalen Week, considered to be the biggest and most important forum in Sweden for seminars, debates and political speeches on current social issues, held in Visby every summer, was cancelled as a result of the ban on large gatherings. The decision was taken on 1 April by the organiser after consultation with the major political parties. Prime Minister Stefan Löfvén had already announced that he had cancelled his planned participation in the upcoming event. A similar event in Stockholm, 'Järvaveckan', was also cancelled, and will not be held until 2021. The annual LGBT festival West Pride in Gothenburg was also cancelled as a result of the pandemic. Instead, the organisers proclaimed 25 May to 7 June a 'flag period', encouraging organisations and individuals to hoist the rainbow flag. Royal family. Following the recommendation from the Swedish authorities that those over the age of 70 should self-isolate, the Swedish King and Queen, Carl XVI Gustaf and Queen Silvia, aged 74 and 76, both chose to leave the palace to work from distance in the estate Stenhammar in Sörmland. On 5 April 2020, at the first day of the Holy week, King Carl XVI Gustaf addressed the nation in a televised speech. In his speech, he stressed that all Swedes had an obligation to the country to "act responsibly and selflessly". He also stressed that many who otherwise would travel, spend time with friends and family or go to church would need to make sacrifices during the upcoming Easter holiday. In his speech, he specifically addressed those working or volunteering in the health-care sector, saying "This is a huge task. It requires courage. And it will require endurance. To all of you involved in this vital work, I offer my heartfelt thanks", as well as other people doing vital work in society, to ensure Swedes "can buy food, that public transport continues to operate, and everything else we so easily take for granted – my warmest thanks to you all". He finished saying that all would embrace the message "The journey is long and arduous. But in the end, light triumphs over darkness, and we will be able to feel hope again", ending his speech wishing everyone a happy Easter. On 17 December 2020, King Carl Gustaf admitted he felt that Sweden's COVID-19 strategy "[has] failed. We have a large number who have died and that is terrible". Education. On 13 March 2020, the spring Swedish Scholastic Aptitude Test ("′Högskoleprovet′") was cancelled affecting approximately 70,000 prospective students who had registered themselves. This was the first time the Swedish Scholastic Aptitude Test has been cancelled since it was established in 1977. On 23 March 2020 the Swedish National Agency for Education ("'Skolverket"'), cancelled the national tests to give teachers in Sweden more time to prepare for the possibility of distance education. Defence. The Swedish Armed Forces cancelled the international military exercise Aurora 20 which was scheduled to be held between May and June. Austria and Canada had previously announced their cancellation of their planned participation. Arts and entertainment. The ban of public gatherings with more than 500 people, later revised down to 50, led to concerts and other events being cancelled or postponed. Concerts cancelled due to the ban on large crowds included four sold-out concerts with Håkan Hellström at the Nya Ullevi Arena, Gothenburg, scheduled for June and August. As the total number of tickets sold to the concerts numbered 300,000, it was believed to be a significant blow to Gothenburg's tourism industry, with a potential loss of €84 million if all concerts scheduled at the arena were to be cancelled. The organiser of the music festival Summerburst had previously announced cancelling their scheduled event at Nya Ullevi. The rock festival Sweden Rock, held every year since 1992 in Blekinge and scheduled for June, was cancelled due to the ongoing pandemic. Theatre and opera were affected, with major venues such as Gothenburg opera house, Malmö Opera, Royal Dramatic Theatre and Royal Swedish Opera all closing their venues and cancel upcoming events. Cinema were affected as well, and Sweden's largest cinema chain, Filmstaden, decided to close all their cinemas on 17 March until further notice. In April, the Swedish amusement parks Gröna Lund in Stockholm and Liseberg in Gothenburg announced that they were to cancel or reschedule all concerts scheduled before midsummer. The former had already postponed the season opening indefinitely, while the latter were still hoping to open the park as planned in mid-May. As the amusement parks mostly rely on seasonal workers, closures would result in thousands of cancelled employment contracts. Starting 30 March 2020 the public library in Gävle will start with a book delivery service for people aged 70 or older. The library will also start a take-away service where you can pre-loan books and pick them in a take-away bag. Television. On 6 March, the Swedish national broadcaster SVT held a crisis meeting to consider broadcasting the live finals of Melodifestivalen 2020 on 7 March without an audience, as a response to the growing outbreak. The Danish equivalent had recently decided to broadcast their version of the finals without an audience. Ultimately, SVT decided to allow the audience to enter the arena, although they advised people who felt sick to stay at home. The popular TV show Antikrundan, also broadcast by SVT, where a number of antiques appraisers visits different locations in Sweden to appraise antiques brought there by local people, cancelled their planned tour for the recording of the 2020 winter season. According to the producers, they were instead working on an 'alternative' show. The sing-along show "Lotta på Liseberg", which is televised live by TV4 from the amusement park Liseberg in Gothenburg, announced that the 2020 season would not be cancelled, but would be recorded without an audience due to the ban of gatherings. SVT had previously announced similar plans for their live sing-along show Allsång på Skansen, which is broadcast live from the amusement park Skansen in Stockholm. Sports. In athletics, all 2020 Diamond League events scheduled to be held in May were postponed, which included the meet in Stockholm. The world's largest half marathon in Gothenburg, Göteborgsvarvet, was postponed until later in 2020 and then cancelled completely on 27 March. The annual recreational bicycle race Vätternrundan, scheduled to be held in June, was also cancelled as a result of the pandemic. The organisers made the decision public on 2 April. The professional bicycle race Postnord UCI WWT Vårgårda West Sweden, part of the UCI Women's World Tour and scheduled for August, was also cancelled. On 19 March, the governing body for association football in Sweden formally announced that the premiere of the 2020 season for the first and second division leagues, men's Allsvenskan and Superettan as well as women's Damallsvenskan and Elitettan, will be postponed to late May or early June. The decision will not affect the leagues below the second level. Two days later it was announced that the 2020 edition of the association football award ceremony Fotbollsgalan was cancelled. Many of the professional teams in the highest division warned that the loss of income following the postponement of the season would have a severe impact on their economy. After consultations with the Public Health Agency, the organisation behind youth football tournament Gothia Cup, in Gothenburg, decided to cancel the 2020 event. According to the organisers, the tournament will return in 2021. The youth handball tournament Partille Cup was also cancelled. Professional handball was affected as well, with the last rounds and the finals in the highest men's and women's leagues, Handbollsligan and Svensk handbollselit, being cancelled. Similarly, the Swedish Basketball Federation choose to stop all games until May, effectively stopping the highest divisions SBL and SBL Dam mid-season. In Speedway, the start of Elitserien, the highest league in the Swedish league system, was rescheduled to 2 June. To manage a tighter schedule, the sport's governing body Swedish Motorcycle and Snowmobile Federation also decided to cancel the quarterfinals. Swedish Minister for Sports Amanda Lind announced on 29 May that some recommendations were to be lifted starting from 14 June, when sports events would be allowed under the condition that they're practised outdoors. And as the ban on crowds and the recommendations against travel were still in place, all games had to be played on virtually empty arenas and athletes would not be allowed to travel longer than two miles to participate in sports events. However, professional athletes would be exempt from the recommendations, and allowed to travel nationwide if needed for competitive events. Rally Sweden, which was scheduled for 11–14 February 2021, was cancelled on 15 December due to rising virus cases in its country. Notable Swedes who have died of Covid-19. Radio presenter Kerstin Behrendtz died on 28 March 2020 from COVID-19. She had been diagnosed with the disease on 23 March 2020, and had been ill since about a week before that with cold symptoms. She spent a week in intensive care receiving respiratory care. She was 69 years old when she died. Photographer Tomas Oneborg died on 29 March 2020 from COVID-19. Oneborg had developed cold symptoms in early March and died in his home at the age of 62. He had worked for the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet for 34 years, and was the first press photographer in place after the terrorist attacks on Drottninggatan in Stockholm in 2017. Television and radio host Adam Alsing died on 15 April 2020 from COVID-19 after having suffered from the disease for several weeks. He was 51, and his death raised awareness in Sweden of the dangers of the disease, since he was comparatively young and had no known risk factors. Statistics. Cases. As of 26 April, 18,670 people had tested positive for COVID-19 in Sweden. As of mid-April, Södermanland County was the region most affected by the pandemic (in cases per capita), followed by Stockholm County and Östergötland County. Intensive care. Swedish hospitals saw a sharp rise in the number of COVID-19 patients receiving intensive care during March. The number of new patients somewhat stabilised during the first two weeks of April, with between 30 and 45 patients per day, averaging 39. The number of new patients admitted to ICU decreased slightly during the third week of April, averaging 35. The mean age of the patients who underwent intensive care was 59 years old, three out of four (74%) were men, and the average time between diagnosis and admission to an intensive care unit was 10 days. The majority (68%) of those who received intensive care had one or more underlying condition considered as one of the risk groups, with the most prevalent being hypertension (37%), diabetes (25%), chronic pulmonary heart disease (24%), chronic respiratory disease (14%) and chronic cardiovascular disease (11%). The share of patients not belonging to a risk group was significantly higher among younger patients. Among those younger than 60 years, 39% did not have any of those underlying conditions. As of 26 April, 1,315 with a confirmed COVID-19 infection had received intensive care in Sweden. Deaths. A large majority (93%) of the deaths belonged to at least one risk group, with chronic cardiovascular disease being the most prevalent (53%), followed by diabetes (26%), chronic respiratory disease (18%) and chronic renal failure (16%). As of early May 2020, the mean age among those who had died with confirmed COVID-19 disease was 82, and the majority (54%) of those who had died with the disease were men. Nursing homes. Out of the people who died of the disease in Sweden, many were residents in nursing homes. In early May, more than 500 nursing homes had reported cases of COVID-19. Among people aged 70 or older, half (50%) of those who died had been living at a nursing home, while another 26% had received home care. A 30% excess mortality was observed at Swedish nursing homes during the pandemic. The figure differed between regions, with the figures being highest in Stockholm County where the excess mortality at nursing homes reached approximately 100%, according to research by SVT. According to Socialstyrelsen 108,523 individuals were living in Swedish care homes during 2019, and 244,174 individuals received home care. According to Eurostat in 2018 Sweden had 140,979 long-term care beds in nursing and residential care facilities, and on 1 January 2020 Sweden had 2,065,367 inhabitants in age group 65 years or over. Age and gender. According to Eurostat median age of Swedish population is 40.5 years and life expectancy at birth is 80.9 years. Excess mortality. During the pandemic, an excess mortality was observed in Sweden from late March and onwards. As the number of deaths with a laboratory-confirmed COVID-19 diagnosis only amounted to 75% of this number, the actual number of deaths related to COVID-19 was believed to be higher. The excess mortality reached a peak during the first half of April, but the mortality rate was still considered to be above normal levels in mid-May. As of 17 May, there had been approximately 4000 excess deaths in Sweden since late March. As of 31 May, there had been approximately 4,800 excess deaths in Sweden. According to SCB preliminary statistics in week 15, the number of deaths registered was 2,569 (on average 367 per day). This is 205 deaths more than the second highest number of deaths in a week, which was 2,364 deaths in the first week of 2000. A total of 10,554 people died in April 2020, which almost reaches the level of December 1993 – then 11,057 people died. In total, 97,008 people died in 1993 which was the highest number of deaths in one year since 1918 during the peak of the Spanish flu. Similar weekly information available at Socialstyrelsen. and Eurostat Case fatality rate. The trend of case fatality rate for COVID-19 from 4 February, the day first case in the country was recorded. Note that Sweden experienced shortage of tests at the early stages of pandemic, and that mortality ratios has strong age gradient. <section begin="Test_Statistics"/> Additional data, charts and tables. All-cause deaths in Sweden in Jan-Dec, from SCB, for 1749–2020: Above, each year on the x-axis is the year of Jan-Dec. Beware that the above is not adjusted for population. All-cause deaths in Sweden in Jan-Dec, from SCB, for 1990–2020: Above, each year on the x-axis is the year of Jan-Dec. Beware that the above is not adjusted for population, which was growing during the shown period. Comparison of the actual annual number of all-cause deaths in Sweden and calculated values obtained by applying each year actual mortality rates to the structure of Swedish population in 2020, calculated from SCB, for 1975 –2020: (same source data available at Eurostat) Annual mortality rate per 1,000 of the mean population by age and sex, from SCB, for 2000-2020: All-cause weekly deaths in Sweden in 2016–2021, from FOHM: (Similar chart available at SCB)<br> New weekly cases as percentage of tests for Sweden from FOHM: Weekly all-cause deaths in Sweden for 2015–2021 for three major counties, calculated from Socialstyrelsen (Smoothened by 4-weeks moving average) Weekly all-cause deaths per 100 000 inhabitants in Sweden for 2015–2021 for entire Sweden and three major counties, calculated from Socialstyrelsen (Smoothened by 4-weeks moving average) At an early point, it was reported that a disproportionate number of those that had died by then in Stockholm County were Somali Swedes (6 out of 15) Timeline of responses. Economic policy. Local governments, such as the municipal government in Gävle, have applied measures to businesses delaying the payment of invoices until 1 September 2020 at the earliest and deferring rent payments.

flu-like signs

3623-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=27646379

A Truck tent is a tent designed to be set up in the bed of a pickup truck. It was invented in 1990 by Roman Napieraj, founder of Napier Enterprises. For many years, campers had been constructing makeshift truck tents from conventional tents. Truck tents provide the experience of camping outdoors with the added protection and comfort of sleeping off the ground. They are similar in look and function to roof tent and sport utility vehicle (SUV) tents. The obvious limitations of using a truck tent are that the campsite is limited to where the truck can go, and that one must own a truck to use one. Usage. Camping with truck tents is a growing movement among less extreme campers that still enjoy the outdoors. Family campers seem to value truck or SUV tents because they provide better protection from getting wet, supply an instant and portable campsite, and allow for increased packing space. Truck tents are basically conventional 2-3 person tents that are rigged to hook up to a truck bed. Most truck tents are designed with a particular type of truck in mind, or a truck with certain features — those with dropgates, liftgates, camper tops, short beds, or long beds, etc. The tents either hook in or strap in to several locations around the truck. The initial set up may take some time, but is fairly simple after one or two attempts. Once the tent is fitted to a specific truck, setting up is as easy as setting up traditional tent. Many proponents choose to put a mattress in the bed of the truck for a more comfortable experience. These mattresses are available in various sizes to fit all trucks. A zip up window provides access to the cab for trucks that have a rear window. Another type of the truck tents is umbrella-shaped car tents that can be used either as car cover in the shape of umbrella, or as a tent, when taken off the vehicle. Such car tents feature remote controls and can be set up automatically. Such car tents can also work as an awning located right above the truck bed. They feature metal framework which makes such tents wind-resistant. Materials. International quality standards for tents require the following materials usage for the car tents, as well as for the other kinds of camping tents: PU 68D polyester; 68D breathable polyester. To meet the American and Canada CPAI-84 tents regulations, all polyester fabrics used for tents manufacturing has to meet the fire resistance standards. The shape and design, however, are not restricted by the standards, as well as the manufacturing technology and materials used for straps and stitches. Normally, truck tents feature tape sealed seams for water installation and weather protection. The poles are made of aluminum, steel or shock-corded fiberglass. Straps are polypropylene ropes of the diameter that’s convenient for installation. Manufacturers. Because truck tent camping is a somewhat novel idea, few companies produce them. Napier and The Adventure Truck Tent are the most notable names in truck tent camping, followed closely by Rightline Gear, which brands their truck tents under the name CampRight. Although most truck tents are fundamentally the same, they do contain some variation. Napier’s truck tents are completely enclosed, which means there is a layer of tent that covers the bottom of the truck bed. In contrast, the Adventure Truck Tent and CampRight truck tents leave the bottom open and bare. Napier tents also include a small awning for added rain protection. Kodiak is known for its tunnel shape design which promotes a roomier camping.

blossoming phenomenon

14244-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=861523

InfraGard is a non-profit organization serving as a public-private partnership between U.S. businesses and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The organization is an information sharing and analysis effort serving the interests, and combining the knowledge base of, a wide range of private sector and government members. InfraGard is an association of individuals that facilitates information sharing and intelligence between businesses, academic institutions, state and local law enforcement agencies, and other participants dedicated to prevent hostile acts against the United States. InfraGard's mutual nondisclosure agreements among its members (individuals) and the FBI promotes trusted discussions of vulnerabilities and solutions that companies and individuals may be hesitant to place in the public domain and provide access to additional threat information from the FBI. History. InfraGard began in the Cleveland, Ohio, Field Office in 1996, and has since expanded to become a national-level program, with InfraGard coordinators in every FBI field office. Originally, it was a local effort to gain support from the information technology industry and academia for the FBI's investigative efforts in the cyber arena, but it has since expanded to a much wider range of activities surrounding the nation's critical infrastructure. The program expanded to other FBI Field Offices, and in 1998 the FBI assigned national program responsibility for InfraGard to the former National Infrastructure Protection Center (NIPC) directed by RADM James B. Plehal and to the FBI's Cyber Division in 2003. Since 2003, InfraGard Alliances and the FBI said that they have developed a TRUST-based public-private sector partnership to ensure reliability and integrity of information exchanged about various terrorism, intelligence, criminal, and security matters. It supports FBI priorities in the areas of counterterrorism, foreign counterintelligence, and cybercrime. Purpose. InfraGard is focused on protecting the 16 critical infrastructures outlined by Presidential Directive 21: Critical Infrastructure Security & Resilience by sharing threat information, assisting the FBI in finding and prosecuting those who attack critical infrastructure through physical or cyber means, provide training for active shooter scenarios, cyber defense, and any other threats against the nation. The organization is committed to providing the tools and resources needed by those who own and operate the nation's critical infrastructure to protect their enterprises and maintain the services necessary for a safe and prosperous nation. Information sharing. InfraGard chapters also participate to assure that the critical infrastructure owners and operators—estimated at 85% private sector—are engaged and represented in local and regional planning efforts. Working on all 16 critical infrastructure sectors, the organization provides resources and information not only on prevention, but also on building resilience and response capabilities. Training. InfraGard chapters around the nation also provide cyber and physical security training sessions that focus on the latest threats as identified by the FBI. Sessions include threat briefings, technical sessions on cyber and physical attack vectors, response training, and other resources to help CISOs and CSOs protect their enterprise. InfraGard approaches threats to critical infrastructure from both a tactical and strategic level, addressing the needs of those on the front lines of security as well as those decision makers tasked with assessing their enterprise's vulnerabilities and allocating resources to protect it. The information sharing between the organization and government has been criticized by those protecting civil liberties, concerned the membership would be surrogate eyes and ears for the FBI. The group has also been the subject of hacking attacks intended to embarrass the FBI. Local chapters regularly meet to discuss the latest threats or listen to talks from subject matter experts on security issues, with membership open to U.S. citizens at no cost. As of July, 2012, the organization reported membership at over 54,677 (including FBI). Critical infrastructure. InfraGard focuses on the development, management and protection of critical infrastructure. InfraGard has a nationwide focus group that reviews threats that could disrupt critical infrastructure nationwide for a month or more named the electromagnetic pulse special interest group (EMP SIG). This is an all-hazards approach that looks at manmade and natural electromagnetic pulse (EMP), cyber attack, coordinated physical attack, pandemics or insider threats and mitigating actions that could minimize such threats. Mitigation strategies include hardening and prevention strategies in addition to the development of local infrastructure that could make local communities more robust and sustainable. (See EMP SIG press release and guidance document. See also the website of the association of universities involved in public policy, the Policy Studies Organization, who produces the technology policy conference called the Dupont Summit in which the InfraGard National EMP SIG brought public and private sector leaders to discuss these emerging threat issues: http://www.ipsonet.org/conferences/the-dupont-summit/dupont-summit-2012/infragard-emp-sig ) Civil liberties. Partnerships between government agencies and private organizations has its critics. Concerned about civil liberties, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) warned that there "is evidence that InfraGard may be closer to a corporate TIPS program, turning private-sector corporations — some of which may be in a position to observe the activities of millions of individual customers — into surrogate eyes and ears for the FBI". Concluding that "any program that institutionalizes close, secretive ties between such organizations raises serious questions about the scope of its activities, now and in the future." While others describing Infragard state "the architecture of the Internet—and the many possible methods of attack— requires governments, corporations, and private parties to work together to protect network security and head off threats before they occur." Responding to the ACLU criticism, Chairwoman Kathleen Kiernan of the InfraGard National Members Alliance (INMA) denies that InfraGard is anything but beneficial to all Americans stating "It's not an elitist group in any way, shape or form," she says. "We're out there trying to protect everybody. Any U.S. citizen on the planet is eligible to apply to InfraGard." LulzSec attacks. In 2011, LulzSec claimed responsibility for attacking chapter websites managed by local members in Connecticut and Atlanta, in order to embarrass the FBI with "simple hacks". The group leaked some of InfraGard member e-mails and a database of local users. The group defaced the website posting the following message, "LET IT FLOW YOU STUPID FBI BATTLESHIPS", accompanied with a video. LulzSec has posted the following message regarding the attack:

site members

9764-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20637113

Clostridium difficile toxin B is a cytotoxin produced by the bacteria "Clostridium difficile". It is one of two major kinds of toxins produced by "C. difficile ", the other being an enterotoxin (Toxin A). Both are very potent and lethal. Structure. Toxin B (TcdB) is a cytotoxin that has a molecular weight of 270 kDa and an isoelectric point, pl, of 4.1. Toxin B has four different structural domains: catalytic, cysteine protease, translocation, and receptor binding. The N-terminal glucosyltransferase catalytic domain includes amino acid residues 1–544 while the cysteine protease domain includes residues 545–801. Additionally, the translocation region incorporates amino acid residues from 802 to 1664 while the receptor binding region is part of the C-terminal region and includes amino acid residues from 1665 to 2366. The glycosylation activity of toxin B occurs in the N-terminal catalytic region (residues 1–544). This region glycosylates substrates independent of any cytotoxic activity. However, a small deletion of the receptor binding region causes attenuation of toxin B activity. The translocation region contains a hydrophobic stalk-like structure, which may help residues 958–1130 in forming membrane spanning pores. The receptor binding region that includes the C-terminal repetitive region (CRR) increases the TcdB membrane interaction but does not participate in pore formation. In addition, cysteine protease and translocation regions both have complex structures that play an important functional role in translocation and receptor binding. However, deleting the translocation region of amino acids decreases the cytotoxic activity 4-fold. Both cysteine proteases and a majority of translocation regions harbor hydrophobic proteins, which show access to TcdB and other toxins crossing the cell membranes. Receptor binding domain. The C-terminal of TcdB (the green region of Fig. 2) contains a region known as the combined repetitive oligopeptides (CROPs) that contains amino acid residues 1831–2366. These CROPs make up 19–24 short repeats (SRs) of amino acids, roughly 31 long repeats (LRs) of amino acids, toxin A, and Toxin B. The TcdB CROPs region consists of 19 SRs and 4 LRs. This SRs and LRs region allows formation of cell wall binding motifs that help to bind sugar moieties of the cell surfaces. Purification. In order to purify toxin B from "C. difficile" cell cultures, brain heart infusion broth is used because it promotes the synthesis of toxin B. The filtration method facilitates purification of toxin B from the supernatant of "C. difficile". The toxin concentration of the supernatant is proportional to the organism cell count. It has been proposed by many studies that the majority of the toxins are released in either late log phase or early stationary phases, hence, toxin B is continuously secreted by cells. Although there are many methods employed by different studies in purifying toxin B, the majority of studies use methods involving concentrations of ultrafiltrated ammonium sulfate or precipitation, in lieu by either gel filtration or ion-exchange chromatography. In addition, the effectiveness of the ion-exchange chromatography method helps to differentiate between TcdA and TcdB. Function. When the catalytic threonine residue of glucosyltransferase deactivates a family of small GTPases,e.g. the Rho family; Rac, and Cdc42 inside the target cells disturb signal transduction mechanisms, which leads to dysfunctioning of actin cytoskeleton, cell-cell junction, and apoptosis (Fig. 5). Rho induces the activity of actin stress fibers. Rac proteins controls the activities of membrane ruffling and NADPH-oxidase neutrophil. Cdc42 regulates the F-actin filament formation in filopodia. Cytotoxicity. Several studies have demonstrated that the presence of TcdB in mammalian cells leads to rapid changes within cell morphology and cell signaling. Within a short period of time, cells have the appearance of plaque with small dosages of TcdB and TcdA. In addition, death of the cells is a major impact of these toxins after cells have been intoxicated. An investigation by Donta et al., forwarded that TcdB has serious impacts in other mammalian cells such as chinese hamster ovary cells, human cervical epithelial cells, mouse adrenal cells, rat hepatocytes and rat astrocytes (Fig.3). The cytotoxic activity is based on cell types, which could range from 4-fold to 200-fold. Generally, when cells are infected with TcdB, they not only lose their structural integrity, but also diminutions of F-actin filaments. Cell roundings by TcdB take no longer than 2 hours (Fig. 4), but as far as cell death goes, it can take approximately 24 hours. With regard to "Clostridium difficile"-associated diarrhea (CDAD), the effects of cytopathicity are more critical than actual cell death because once cells lose integrity of the cytoskeleton actin filament, they also lose its normal function. Effects on small GTPases. The cause of cytotoxic activity by TcdB within the host cell is mainly mediated via receptor endocytosis. Acidic endosomes allow toxin B to enter the cytosol. This phenomenon takes place by a binding receptor region, which enables toxin to enter host cells. Through the accessibility of the host cells' cytosol, TcdB deactivates the small GTPases (Fig. 5), e.g. the Rho family members Rac and Cdc42 by the process of glycosylation of threonine 35 in Cdc42 and Rac, and threonine 37 in Rho. These Rho GTPases are found ubiquitously in the cytosol of eukaryotic cells that are responsible for the organization of the actin cytoskeleton because the toxins in the cytosol cause condensation of actin filaments as a consequence of cell rounding and membrane blebbing (Fig. 3), which ultimately leads to apoptosis. TcdB causes critical changes to cell dynamics and morphology. Figure 3 shows the probable effect of toxin B on a cell's surface; membrane blebbing (black arrows). In addition, TcdB inactivates Rho GTPases. As a consequence, cell-cell junctions are disrupted, which enhances epithelial permeability of toxin B and fluid accumulation in the lumen. This is one of the main causative agents in contracting "Clostridium difficile"-associated diarrhea (CDAD)(Fig. 5). Furthermore, the rate of hydrolysis by TcdB of UDP-glucose is approximately five-fold greater than TcdA. Several studies have indicated that Rho exhibits posttranslational modification through prenylation and carboxymethylation, which occurs in the cytoplasmic side of the plasma membrane, hence, the exchange of GTP to GDP. When TcdB binds to Rho and other small GTPases, GTP hydrolyzes to GDP, which leads to GTP-bound (active) to GDP-bound (inactive) (Fig. 5). In addition, this interchange activity is regulated by guanine factors in the cell's cytosol. Disturbance on signal pathways. The cellular regulation of Rho, Rac, and Cdc42 has effects outside the vicinity of the actin filaments of the cytoskeleton (Fig. 4), These small GTPases are incorporated in the cell cycle that regulates signals via mitogen-activated protein kinase kinases (MAPKKs). Some physiological parts of the cells that are not involved in actin filaments, may not cause cell rounding or cell death right away, but in downstream pathway activity, may lead to the deterioration of actin filaments and finally, cell death. In 1993, a study conducted by Shoshan et al., showed that cells with TcdB changed phospholipase A2 activity. This was an independent event from disruption of the actin cytoskeleton. Shoshan et al., also showed that TcdB inhibited the receptor signaling activity by deactivating the Rho proteins via phospholipase D. Pore formation. TcdB accesses the interior of the cell through clathrin-mediated endocytosis, When toxin B is part of the cytosol, the glucosyltransferase passes through the endosomal membrane, which decreases pH, induces translocation and finally leads to morphological changes of translocation region residues (958–1130). The hydrophobic regions are embedded in the host membrane to form pores that allow glucosyltransferase domains to pass through. When cells are infected with TcdB in an acidic environment, it attenuates toxins and causes shape rearrangements (Fig. 6). As a consequence of acidic pH, TcdB displays clear differences in original fluorescence of tryptophan, susceptibility of proteases, and hydrophobic surfaces. Another group has shown that acidification leads to conformational changes of the toxin and, more importantly, helps to form pores. A putative translocation region ( Fig. 2) makes up approximately 801–1400 amino acids, of which residues 958–1130 are hydrophobic and are responsible for the formation of transmembrane pores. A majority of the studies used TcdB strain 630 to show the pore formation activity of "C. difficile" toxins. Induced by pH. To see whether effects of proteolytic cleavage of TcdB takes place at the cell surface or in acidic endosomes, studies used Bafilomycin A1, which is known to block the v-type H+-ATPases of endosomes. This reduces the acidity in endosomes. The physiological uptake pathway of TcdB prevents cytopathic activity by TcdB. When cells were in acidic conditions (pH 4.0) for 5 minutes after binding TcdB to the cell surface at 37 degree Celsius, the shape rearrangements and rounding were observed. However, when rounded cells were incubated for an additional hour in neutral pH (7.0) with similar parameters, no cell rounding was observed. Both studies showed that toxin B has a property of proteolytic cleavage, which is critical for access to the cytosol. Having an acidic endosome pH leads to topological alterations of TcdB (Figure 6). Genetics. The gene that encodes the TcdB protein, "tcdB", is located within the chromosomal region of 19.6 kb. This is known as the locus of pathogenicity or PaLoc (Figure 2). The open reading frame (ORF) for tcdB is 7,098 nucleotides in length. It is important to mention that—besides the major toxin genes in the PaLoc region—there are three other accessory genes that encode in the PaLoc region: "tcdR" (L), "tcdC" (R) and "tcdE" in the middle. These genes help to regulate TcdA and TcdB expression. They also help to secrete or release the toxins from the cell. The encoding gene "tcdE", located between tcdB and tcdA, is analogous to holin proteins, thus, it is suggested that tcdE works as a facilitator gene that enhances the release or secretion of TcdA and TcdB consequently increasing the permeability of the host cell membrane. Toxin detection. There are different plasmid sizes of "C. difficile". The detected molecular weights range from 2.7x106 to 100x106, but plasmid sizes show no correlation with toxicity. In order to detect the toxin B level in "C. difficile", clinicians extensively use cell culture assays derived from stool specimens from patients with PMC. The cell culture assay is regarded as a “gold standard” for detecting toxicity in "C. difficile" because a small quantity of toxin B is capable of causing cell rounding (Fig. 4), thus, it is a major advantage of clinical laboratories to make correlations with the CDAD caused by TcdB. Although cytotoxic activity of large clostridial toxins (LCTs) was found in PMC patient stool specimens, toxin B activity had more detrimental cytotoxic effects in comparison with toxin A. Therefore, the activity of toxin A is attenuated when it is not isolated from toxin B. The detection of "C. difficile" toxicity is extremely sensitive, however, using the cell culture assay allows clinical laboratories to overcome the challenge; using doses as little as 1 pg/mL of toxin B is enough to causes cell rounding. This is the major advantage in using the culture tissue assay to detect toxicity in PMC patients. Even though clinical laboratories have tried to use an assay microtiter plate enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) and other techniques to detect the cytotoxic activity of toxin B in the feces of PMC patients, the results are not as accurate as those where cell culture assays were used. Production factor. By adding antimicrobial, e.g. clindamycin, into the culture growth medium, studies have shown that the cytotoxic activity in "C. difficile" cultures increases by 4–8 fold. Moreover, knowing the role of antibiotics on the causes of PMC, many earlier studies focused on the effects of antimicrobials production of toxins. As a result, studies were able to conclude that the subinhibitory nature of vancomycin and penicillin levels were increasing the toxin production in cultures of "C. difficile". The amounts of toxin production were correlated with the usage of growth medium for the organisms. Another study illustrated that the high levels of toxin production of TcdB were observed in complex mediums such as brain and heart infusion broth. High levels of toxins were produced with isolation of highly virulent. Conversely, low levels of toxins were produced with isolation of weakly virulent. Thus, it shows that the productions of toxins were co-regulated. Although the mechanism behind the environment's involvement in modulating the signals expressing the toxins is not understood, in vitro studies have shown that expression of toxin is strengthened by catabolite repression and stress, e.g. antibiotics. Another study has shown that limiting biotin in well-characterized medium increases the production of TcdB by 64-fold and TcdA by 35-fold. This was done with "C. difficile" and doses of biotin as small as 0.05nM. Several other early studies have argued against the theory that the production of toxin has anything to deal with stress or catabolite repression of either toxin TcdA or TcdB. Also, many studies say the main reason for the differences among other studies is due to toxin production not occurring with all isolates of "C. difficile". Clinical significance. Many early studies have suggested that toxin A (also known as TcdA) is the major toxin protein causing antibiotic-associated diarrhea (AAD); however, research scientists within the last decade or so have shown that Toxin B (or TcdB) plays a more important role in disease than anyone had forecasted. With this knowledge, Toxin B has been identified as the major virulence factor that causes the opening of tight junctions of intestinal epithelial cells, which enables toxin to increase vascular permeability and induce hemorrhaging. Hence, this leads to tumor necrosis factor α (TNF α) and proinflammatory interleukins being established as the major causative agents of pseudomembranous colitis (PMC) and antibiotic-associated diarrhea (AAD). The involvement of toxin A and—most importantly—toxin B is the key element that determines the disease caused by "C. difficile". Clinical laboratories have identified these toxins in patients' stool based on antibody and cytotoxicity assays. These bacterial toxins have been shown to be associated with "Clostridium sordellii" hemorrhagic toxin (TcsH), lethal toxin (TcsL), and "Clostridium novyi" alpha toxin (Tcn α), thus, making this cohort to be the large family of toxin clostridial. Because of similarities of these toxins with others, researchers have classified them as the family of large clostridial toxins (LCTs). Mechanism of bezlotoxumab with TcdB. Bezlotoxumab is a human monoclonal antibody designed for the prevention of recurrence of Clostridium difficile infections. By x-ray crystallized structure of N-terminal of TcdB, the toxin is identified to consist of three domains: a glucosyltransferase domain (GTD), a cysteine protease and a combined repetitive oligopeptide (CROP) domain. Bezlotoxumab specifically binds to two homologous sites within the CROP domain of TcdB. Structural analysis by X-ray crystallography indicates that antibody binding partially occludes putative carbohydrate binding pockets. Consistent with this idea, Bezlotoxumab blocks binding of TcdB to mammalian cells. Role in pseudomembranous colitis. In early stages of the disease of PMC, many studies have speculated that TcdA is more potent than TcdB. This has been deduced from in vivo experiments where toxin productions of TcdA were more severe than TcdB with antibiotics cecitis. Later, several studies showed that TcdB plays a major role in the disease of PMC and ADD. The study demonstrated that even though "C. difficile" did not produces TcdA, it still showed symptoms for the disease. Furthermore, later studies have shown that a purified form of TcdB is a more lethal enterotoxin in comparison to TcdA, and also, that intestinal epithelium is severely damaged and causes an acute inflammatory response. With better understanding of the toxin, researchers were able to state that TcdB is the major virulence factor that causes CDI over TcdA. However, when TcdA is present in the gut, it helps to facilitate TcdB's activity to have broader impacts, consequently, affecting multiple organ systems. In addition, when hamsters were vaccinated against TcdA, it showed hamsters were not fully protected from the "C. difficile" disease and this lead studies to conclude that TcdB is very lethal and potent. Furthermore, injecting a small dose of TcdA with a lethal dose of TcdB intravenously or intraperitoneally proved sufficient in causing the death of an animal. Therefore, TcdA works as a facilitator of TcdB exiting from the gut.

significant plus

8345-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5904614

"We Know Our Onions" is the fourth episode of the sixth series of the British comedy series "Dad's Army". It was originally transmitted on 21 November 1973. Synopsis. The platoon take part in a Home Guard efficiency test. If the men pass with flying colours, they will be graded a 12-star platoon. Travelling with their Smith Gun in the back of Jones' van, they notice a huge mass of onions - Walker's order for Hodges - and decide to use them as a novel form of ammunition. Plot. The platoon are examining their new Smith Gun, which they have to take on a Home Guard efficiency test for the weekend. Wilson is told off by Mainwaring when he complains "do we have to drag that gun about, what an awful fag". Godfrey and his sisters have made an inappropriate cover for the gun out of a flowery old sofa cover. They are going to the test in Jones' van, but Walker has been using it to fulfil a blackmarket order for Warden Hodges, the greengrocer, and has half a ton of onions. These cause the platoon (especially Pike) some discomfort on the journey and Hodges is so incensed about the non-delivery of the onions that he follows them. Before the start of the test, Wilson shares some information from a friend who previously took part in the test, where the test officer will fire a lot of questions at the platoon and then leave the room, whereby someone else comes in disguised and plants a bomb. Jones shows them his rumāl, a thuggee scarf used to throttle a victim from behind. Meanwhile, Hodges and the Verger appear outside one of the windows, and they constantly pester the platoon over the course of the weekend as they attempt to retrieve Hodges' onions. The test is supervised by a Captain Ramsey, a tough, no-nonsense officer (played by Fulton Mackay) who berates the platoon for their shortcomings, particularly Pike, who is crying from his contact with the onions. Ramsey informs them that they will have to pass tests to be awarded stars, 12 being the maximum that can be earned. The first test requires the platoon to respond to role-playing scenarios. However, it does not go well for them as Wilson is so indifferent to the role-playing that it loses all effect, Jones attempts to throttle Ramsey when his back is turned (because he had told Jones he was going to be a Gestapo officer) and Wilson ruins Mainwaring's test by pointing out that Mainwaring wouldn't have to push anyone out of a declining hot-air balloon as he could wait for it to land on the ground for the excess passenger to step out. Ramsay gives up, goes out and sends in an NAAFI canteen girl. Remembering Wilson's advice from before, the platoon grab her, knocking over her trolley and pulling her hair, believing it is a wig, to which she responds, "Oh, you're worse than the Regulars!" Told to get rid of the urn, Pike throws it through the (closed) window, where it hits Hodges and the Verger, and empties all over the Verger. The next exercise is to get one man over a tall electric fence in half an hour using only equipment provided to them (mostly wooden planks and oil drums). Jones inevitably volunteers to be the man over the fence, and tries to get Walker to catapult him over the fence, but in doing so they break the only decent long length of wood, thus dooming all other attempts to failure. After half an hour the platoon still have not done it, so they plead for more time. They try until midnight, with no success. Ramsay is not impressed the next morning, revealing that he did not award the platoon any stars for the first test and only one star for the second for "perseverance", despite the fact that their constantly setting the alarm off on the fence kept him awake all night! The final exercise is using the Smith Gun (an artillery piece unique to the Home Guard) to repel an assault by Ramsey's regular troops. The three pieces of ammunition for the gun lies behind the same type of electrified fence the platoon were meant to have learnt how to scale in the previous test. Meanwhile, Hodges and the Verger have finally got the key to Jones' van from Walker, and they rush off to transfer the onions to Hodges' van. The platoon suddenly realise that they could use the onions instead of the ammunition for the Smith Gun. They rush to Hodges' van with Mainwaring demanding the onions "in the name of the King", but is forced to buy them off Hodges. They rush back to the Smith Gun, load and fire the onions at the advancing troops, who retreat in confusion. The platoon are jubilant. Ramsey returns and congratulates Mainwaring, saying he has never seen such initiative displayed by a Home Guard unit and awards them 12 stars outright. They all then rush to retrieve the fallen onions.

concluding test

3419-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2053131

Java BluePrints is Sun Microsystems' best practices for Enterprise Java development. This is Sun's official programming model for Java Platform, Enterprise Edition (Java EE) Software Development Kit (SDK). It began with Java Pet Store, the original reference application for the Java EE platform. This became the "de facto" source code for using Enterprise JavaBeans and all the latest components of the Java EE platform. History. Java BluePrints began as J2EE BluePrints and was started by Connie Weiss, Jeff Jackson, Jim Inscore, Nick Kassem, and Rick Saletta. The original engineers included Inderjeet Singh, Greg Murray, Sean Brydon, Vijay Ramachandran, Elisabeth White, and Nick Kassem. Nick Kassem is the author of the original book. The idea of Java Pet Store came from Connie Weiss and Greg Murray who were both animal lovers. After the first year, Nick Kassem left the team and Inderjeet Singh became lead architect. The Java BluePrints team was led by Larry Freeman from J2EE 1.2 in 2000 up until Java EE 5 in 2006. Throughout its existence, Java BluePrints has offered all of its content for free and has been focused on promoting developer success. Java Pet Store became the symbol for J2EE's ascendency; Microsoft created a competing .NET Pet Shop to showcase its competing technology. Since then, many technologies such as Tapestry, Spring, and others have implemented their own versions of the Pet Store application as a way to demonstrate best practices for their given technology. With the arrival of J2EE 1.4 technology, web services became a standard part of the Java EE specification. Java BluePrints came out with a second application: the Java Adventure Builder reference application. This application never became as popular as Java Pet Store but then again, it never became as controversial. Books. There have been three Java BluePrints books, and the Core Java EE design patterns which are hosted on the Java BluePrints site have become the standard lingua for Java EE application development. Java BluePrints was the first source to promote Model View Controller (MVC) and Data Access Object (DAO) for Java EE application development. Before this, the MVC design pattern was widely promoted as part of Smalltalk. The latest Java BluePrints offering is the Java BluePrints Solutions Catalog. It covers topics as diverse as Java Server Faces, Web Services, and Asynchronous Javascript and XML (Ajax). Articles are smaller and more focused and include sample code that shows how a solution is implemented. Its focus is on the J2EE 1.4 SDK.

pioneer authority

11980-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=713549

The Great Firewall ("GFW"; ) is the combination of legislative actions and technologies enforced by the People's Republic of China to regulate the Internet domestically. Its role in internet censorship in China is to block access to selected foreign websites and to slow down cross-border internet traffic. The effect includes: limiting access to foreign information sources, blocking foreign internet tools (e.g. Google Search, Facebook, Twitter, Wikipedia, and others) and mobile apps, and requiring foreign companies to adapt to domestic regulations. Besides censorship, the GFW has also influenced the development of China's internal internet economy by nurturing domestic companies and reducing the effectiveness of products from foreign internet companies. The techniques deployed by the Chinese government to maintain control of the Great Firewall can include modifying search results for terms, such as they did following Ai Weiwei’s arrest, and petitioning global conglomerates to remove content, as happened when they petitioned Apple to remove the "Quartz" business news publication’s app from its Chinese App Store after reporting on the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests. The Great Firewall was formerly operated by the SIIO, as part of the Golden Shield Project. Since 2013, the firewall is technically operated by the Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC), which is the entity in charge of translating the Chinese Communist Party's will into technical specifications. As mentioned in the "one country, two systems" principle, China's special administrative regions (SARs) such as Hong Kong and Macau are not affected by the firewall, as SARs have their own governmental and legal systems and therefore enjoy a higher degree of autonomy. Nevertheless, the U.S. State Department has reported that the central government authorities have closely monitored Internet use in these regions, and Hong Kong's National Security Law has been used to block websites documenting anti-government protests. The term "Great Firewall of China" is a portmanteau of firewall and the Great Wall of China, and was first used by Geremie Barmé in 1997. History. A favorite saying of Deng Xiaoping's in the early 1980s, "If you open the window, both fresh air and flies will be blown in", is considered to be the political and ideological basis of the GFW Project. The saying is related to a period of the economic reform of China that became known as the "socialist market economy". Superseding the political ideologies of the Cultural Revolution, the reform led China towards a market economy and opened up the market for foreign investors. Nonetheless, despite the economic freedom, values and political ideas of the Chinese Communist Party have had to be protected by "swatting flies" of other unwanted ideologies. The Internet in China arrived in 1994, as the inevitable consequence of and supporting tool for a "socialist market economy". Gradually, while Internet availability has been increasing, the Internet has become a common communication platform and tool for trading information. The Ministry of Public Security took initial steps to control Internet use in 1997, when it issued comprehensive regulations governing its use. The key sections, Articles 4–6, are: In 1998, the Chinese Communist Party feared that the China Democracy Party (CDP) would breed a powerful new network that the party elites might not be able to control. The CDP was immediately banned, followed by arrests and imprisonment. That same year, the GFW project was started. The first part of the project lasted eight years and was completed in 2006. The second part began in 2006 and ended in 2008. On 6 December 2002, 300 people in charge of the GFW project from 31 provinces and cities throughout China participated in a four-day inaugural "Comprehensive Exhibition on Chinese Information System". At the exhibition, many western high-tech products, including Internet security, video monitoring and human face recognition were purchased. It is estimated that around 30,000–50,000 police were employed in this gigantic project. Fang Binxing is known for his substantial contribution to China's Internet censorship infrastructure, and has been dubbed "Father of China's Great Fire Wall". Origins of Chinese Internet law. China's view of the internet is as "Internet sovereignty": the notion that the Internet inside the country is part of the country's sovereignty and should be governed by the country. While the United States and several other western countries passed laws creating computer crimes beginning in the 1970s, China had no such legislation until 1997. That year, China's sole legislative body- the National People's Congress (NPC)-passed CL97, a law that criminalizes "cyber crimes", which it divided into two broad categories: crimes that target computer networks and crimes carried out over computer networks. Behavior illegal under the latter category includes among many things the dissemination of pornographic material and the usurping of "state secrets." Some Chinese judges were critical of CL97, calling it ineffective and unenforceable. However, the NPC claimed it intentionally left the law "flexible" so that it could be open to future interpretation and development. Given the gaps in the law, the central government of China relies heavily on its administrative body, the State Council, to determine what falls under the definitions, and their determinations are not required to go through the NPC legislative process. As a result, the Chinese Communist Party has ended up relying heavily on state regulation to carry out CL97. The latter definition of online activities punishable under CL97, or "crimes carried out over computer networks" is used as justification for the Great Firewall and can be cited when the government blocks any ISP, gateway connections, or any access to anything on the internet. The definition also includes using the internet to distribute information considered "harmful to national security," and using the internet to distribute information considered "harmful to public order, social stability, and Chinese morality." The central government relies heavily on its State Council regulators to determine what specific online behavior and speech fall under these definitions. The reasons behind the Internet censorship in China include: Campaigns and crackdowns. As part of the Great Firewall, beginning in 2003 China started the Golden Shield Project, a massive surveillance and censoring system, the hardware for which was provided by mostly U.S. companies, including Cisco Systems. The project was completed in 2006 and is now carried out in buildings with machines manned by civilians and supervised by China's national police force, the Public Security Bureau (PSB). The main operating procedures of the gatekeepers at the Golden Shield Project include monitoring domestic websites and email and searching for politically sensitive language and calls to protest. When damaging content is found, local PSB officials can be dispatched to investigate or make arrests. However, by late 2007 the Golden Shield Project proved to operate sporadically at best, as users had long adapted to internet blocking by using proxy servers, among other strategies, to make communications and circumnavigate to blocked content. Internet cafés, an extremely popular way of getting online in developing countries where fewer people can afford a personal computer, are regulated by the Chinese government and by local Chinese government officials. Minors (in China, those under the age of 18) are not allowed into Internet cafés, although this law is widely ignored and when enforced, has spurred the creation of underground "Black Web Bars" visited by those underage. As of 2008 internet cafés were required to register every customer in a log when they used the internet there; these records may be confiscated by local government officials and the PSB. To illustrate local regulation of internet cafés, in one instance, a government official in the town of Gedong lawfully banned internet cafés from operating in the town because he believed them to be harmful to minors, who frequented them to play online games (including those considered violent) and surf the internet. However, internet cafés in this town simply went underground and most minors were not deterred from visiting them. In May 2015, China indefinitely blocked access to the Chinese-language Wikipedia. In contrast (as of 2018), the English-language Wikipedia was blocked only rarely and intermittently. China in 2017 discussed plans for its own version of Wikipedia. As of May 2019, all language versions of Wikipedia have been blocked by the Chinese government. Blocking methods. Active filtering. One function of the Chinese firewall is to selectively prevent content from being accessed. It is mostly made of Cisco, Huawei and Semptian hardware. Not all sensitive content gets blocked; in 2007 scholar Jedidiah R. Crandall and others argued that the main purpose is not to block 100%, but rather to flag and to warn, in order to encourage self-censorship. An illustrative but incomplete list of tactics includes: Active probing. In addition to previously discussed techniques, the CAC is also using active probing in order to identify and block network services that would help escaping the firewall. Multiple services such as Tor or VPN providers reported receiving unsolicited TCP/IP connections shortly after legitimate use, for the purported purpose of network enumeration of services, in particular TLS/SSL and Tor services, with the aim of facilitating IP blocking. For example, shortly after a VPN request is issued by a legitimate Chinese VPN client and passes outbound though the Great Firewall to a hidden VPN IP, the Great Firewall may detect the activity and issue its own active probe to verify the nature of the previously-unknown VPN IP and, if the probe confirms the IP is part of a blacklisted VPN, blacklist the IP. This attack can be circumvented with the Obfs4 protocol, which relies on an out-of-band shared secret. Proxy distribution. The Great Firewall scrapes the IPs of Tor and VPN servers from the official distribution channels, and enumerates them. The strategy to resist this attack is to limit the quantity of proxy IPs revealed to each user and making it very difficult for users to create more than one identity. Academics have proposed solutions such as Salmon. Dynamic IPs are quite effective to flush out from blacklists. Goals, impact and resistance. Goal of the Firewall. Article 15 of a September 20, 2000 document from the Chinese State Council, posted by the Xinhua News Agency, lists 9 categories of information which should be censored, blocked, or filtered from access to the citizens using the internet within China: To filter this content, the Chinese government not only uses its own blocking methods, but it also heavily relies on internet companies, such as ISPs, Social Media operators such as Weibo, and others to actively censor their users. This results in private companies censoring this own platform for filtered content, forcing Chinese internet users to use websites not hosted in China to access this information, much of this information is related to sensitive topics. The Great Firewall's goal is perceived by the Communist Party as helping to protect the Chinese population by prevent users from accessing these foreign websites which, in their opinion host content which would be ‘spiritual pollution’ (清除精神污染运动) as well as information about these sensitive topics. These topics include: Specific English Websites blocked or filtered include many popular search engines, social media platforms, information hosting cites, and video hosting websites such as: Google search, Facebook, Wikipedia, YouTube, Twitter and many more. Impact on People in China. The Cybersecurity Law behind the firewall being targeted at helping increase internet user privacy, and increased protections on personal data, and making companies more responsible for monitoring bad actors, in hopes to make a safer place on the internet for Chinese citizens. Despite this, there have been growing criticisms that the actions of the Chinese government have only hurt Chinese free speech, due to increased censorship, and lack of non-sanctioned sources of information, such as Wikipedia and many English news sources. This has resulted in reports of some cases of legal persecution of those charged with spreading this ‘spiritually polluting’ information. The Chinese government itself does legally support free speech, article 35 of the Constitutions of the People's Republic states that "citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession, and of demonstration." In recent decades, many criticisms of the Chinese government found that some of these laws are often abused. A study by PEN America claimed that: "Some of the government’s most rights-abusive laws are aimed at criminalizing free speech that—in the eyes of the government—encourages subversion, separatism, or rejection of the State’s authority." Censorship of sensitive topics, in China has also been easier for the government because of the firewall and filtering. Because the monitoring of social media and chat apps in China presents a possibility of punishment a user, the discussion of these topics is now limited to the correct thought of the Communist Party, or one’s home and private spaces, reducing the chance for information about these topics to spread, reducing any threat of protest against the Communist Party. According Yaqiu Wang, a prominent Human Right researcher, there was a time in China where the internet provided a method for Chinese citizens to learn about these sensitive topics the government had censored in news, through the access to international news reports and media coverage. She claims that in the past 10 years, it has been increasingly difficult to access second opinions on events, meaning students rarely have the opportunity to learn diverging viewpoints, only the correct thought of the Communist Party. Economic Impacts. Aside from the social control aspect, the Great Firewall also acts as a form of trade protectionism that has allowed China to grow its own internet giants, such as Tencent, Alibaba, and Baidu. China has its own version of many foreign web properties, for example: Tencent Video (YouTube), Sina Weibo (Twitter), Qzone (Facebook), WeChat (WhatsApp), Ctrip (Orbitz and others), Zhihu (Quora). With nearly one quarter of the global internet population (700 million users), the internet behind the GFW can be considered a "parallel universe" to the Internet that exists outside. Resistance. The Great Firewall has certainly had an impact on Chinese citizens ability to find information about sensitive topics for the Communist Party, but that has not completely stopped them from using the internet to access this information. The firewall itself has created much frustration amongst both individuals and internationally operating companies in China, many of whom have turned to VPNs, speaking in codes, and other methods to retain their access to the international internet. The use of VPNs in China can provide individuals access to the international internet, but in China it can be a potential legal risk. In 2017, the Chinese government declared all unauthorized VPN services to be illegal. An example of the use of this punishment is Vera Zhou, a Student at the University of Washington, who when visiting her Parents in China, used a VPN to access her school homework. She was arrested and sent to an education camp from October 2017 until March 2018 and was not able to return to the US until September 2019. Circumvention. Methods for bypassing the firewall. Because the Great Firewall blocks destination IP addresses and domain names and inspects the data being sent or received, a basic censorship circumvention strategy is to use proxy nodes and encrypt the data. Most circumvention tools combine these two mechanisms: Non-proxy circumvention strategies include: Developing circumvention software. People attempting to develop circumvention software for China should implement the following: Exporting technology. Reporters Without Borders suspects that countries such as Cuba, Iran, Vietnam, Zimbabwe and Belarus have obtained surveillance technology from China, although the censorship in these countries is less stringent than in China. Since at least 2015, Russian Roskomnadzor collaborates with Chinese Great Firewall security officials in implementing its data retention and filtering infrastructure. Protest in China. Despite strict government regulations, some Chinese people continue to protest against their government's attempt to censor the Internet. The more covert protesters set up secure SSH and VPN connections using tools such as UltraSurf. They can also utilize the widely available proxies and virtual private networks to (翻墙, "climb over the wall"), or bypass the GFW. Active protest is not absent. Chinese people post their grievances online, and on some occasions, have been successful. In 2003, the death of Sun Zhigang, a young migrant worker, sparked an intense, widespread online response from the Chinese public, despite the risk of the government's punishment. A few months later, Premier Wen Jiabao abolished the Chinese law that led to the death of Sun. Ever since, dissent has regularly created turmoil on the Internet in China. Also in January 2010, when Google announced that it will no longer censor its Web search results in China, even if this means it might have to shut down its Chinese operations altogether, many Chinese people went to the company's Chinese offices to display their grievances and offer gifts, such as flowers, fruits and cigarettes. Arguments against the GFW. Critics argue that the GFW is a consequence of China's paranoia of the potential that the Internet has of spreading opposition to their one-party rule. Other arguments given against China are that their method of having a limited Internet impedes freedom of speech and that it holds them down, economically speaking, by discouraging innovation, disapproving communication of important ideas and prohibiting firms the use of certain services that they use. It is also thought to be a detrimental approach for students and professors since they do not have access to resources which promote the sharing of work and ideas for a more comprehensive learning. Another important argument against the GFW and fear that the critics have is that if other big countries begin following China's approach, the whole purpose of the creation of the Internet could be put in jeopardy. If like-minded countries are successful in imposing the same restrictions on their inhabitants and globalized online companies, then the free global exchange of information could cease to exist. Reaction of the United States. The United States Trade Representative's (USTR) "National Trade Estimate Report" in 2016 referred the China's digital Great Firewall: "China's filtering of cross-border Internet traffic has posed a significant burden to foreign suppliers." Claude Barfield, the American Enterprise Institute's expert of International trade, suggested that the U.S. government should bring a case against the Firewall, a huge trade barrier, in the World Trade Organization in January 2017. 8 of the 24 more trafficked websites in China have been blocked by The Great Firewall. This has created a burden to foreign suppliers who rely on these websites to sell their products or services. The lobby's 2016 business climate survey showed 79 percent of its members reported a negative impact on business due to internet censorship. According to Stephen Rosen, the GFW is reflective of the Chinese government's fear of civil disobedience or rebellion among the Chinese population against the Chinese Communist Party's rule:

formal handling methods

4949-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=22320587

Andrea Rita Dworkin (September 26, 1946 – April 9, 2005) was an American radical feminist activist and writer. She is best known for her analysis of pornography, although her feminist writings, beginning in 1974, span 40 years. They are found in a dozen solo works: nine books of non-fiction, two novels, and a collection of short stories. Another three volumes were co-written or co-edited with US Constitutional law professor and feminist activist, Catharine A. MacKinnon. The central theme of Dworkin's work is re-evaluating Western society, culture, and politics. She did this through the prism of men's sexual violence against women in a patriarchal context. She wrote on a wide range of topics including the lives of Joan of Arc, Margaret Papandreou, and Nicole Brown Simpson; she analyzed the literature of Charlotte Brontë, Jean Rhys, Leo Tolstoy, Kōbō Abe, Tennessee Williams, James Baldwin, and Isaac Bashevis Singer; she brought her own radical feminist perspective to her examination of subjects historically written or described from men's point of view, including fairy tales, homosexuality, lesbianism, virginity, , the Holocaust, biological superiority, and racism. She interrogated premises underlying concepts such as freedom of the press and civil liberties. She theorized the sexual politics of intelligence, fear, courage, and integrity. She described a male supremacist political ideology manifesting in and constituted by rape, battery, prostitution, and pornography. In Dworkin's lifetime, two volumes were written with consideration and analysis of the body of her work: "Andrea Dworkin", by Jeremy Mark Robinson, first published in 1994, and "Without Apology: Andrea Dworkin's Art and Politics", by Cindy Jenefsky in 1998."" Following Dworkin's death, several works by or about her have been released. A play, "Aftermath", was produced in 2015 by John Stoltenberg after he found unpublished writing of hers that he edited for the stage. An anthology of her work, "Last Days at Hot Slit", was published in 2019. In 2020, a documentary feature about her, "My Name is Andrea", by filmmaker Pratibha Parmar was released, and a biography of her life, "Andrea Dworkin: The Feminist as Revolutionary", by Martin Duberman, was published. Biography. Early life. Andrea Dworkin was born on September 26, 1946, in Camden, New Jersey, to Harry Dworkin and Sylvia Spiegel. Her father was the grandson of a Russian Jew who fled Russia when he was 15 years old in order to escape military service and her mother was the child of Jewish emigrants from Hungary. She had one younger brother, Mark. Her father was a schoolteacher and dedicated socialist, whom she credited with inspiring her passion for social justice. Her relationship with her mother was strained, but Dworkin later wrote about how her mother's belief in legal birth control and legal abortion, "long before these were respectable beliefs," inspired her later activism. Though she described her Jewish household as being in many ways dominated by the memory of the Holocaust, it nonetheless provided a happy childhood until she reached the age of nine, when an unknown man molested her in a movie theater. When Dworkin was ten, her family moved from the city to the suburbs of Cherry Hill, New Jersey (then known as Delaware Township), which she later wrote she "experienced as being kidnapped by aliens and taken to a penal colony." In sixth grade, the administration at her new school punished her for refusing to sing "Silent Night" (as a Jew, she objected to being forced to sing Christian religious songs at school). She said she "probably would have become a rabbi" if women could have while she was in high school and she "would have liked" being a Talmudic scholar. Dworkin began writing poetry and fiction in the sixth grade. Around that time, she was undecided about whether to become a lawyer or a writer, because of her interest then in abortion, and chose writing because she could "do it in a room alone" and "nobody could stop me." Throughout high school, she read avidly, with encouragement from her parents. She was particularly influenced by Arthur Rimbaud, Charles Baudelaire, Henry Miller, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Che Guevara, and the Beat poets, especially Allen Ginsberg, and has included among writers she "admired most" Jean Genet, Percy Bysshe Shelley, and Lord Byron. She graduated in 1964 from what is now Cherry Hill High School West. College and early activism. In 1965, while a freshman at Bennington College, Dworkin was arrested during an anti-Vietnam War protest at the United States Mission to the United Nations and sent to the New York Women's House of Detention, known for housing renowned leftist women. After writing to the Commissioner of Corrections Anna Cross, Dworkin testified that the doctors in the House of Detention gave her an internal examination which was so rough that she bled for days afterwards. She spoke in public and testified before a grand jury about her experience, and the media coverage of her testimony made national and international news. The grand jury declined to make an indictment in the case, but Dworkin's testimony contributed to public outrage over the mistreatment of inmates. The prison was closed seven years later. Soon after testifying before the grand jury, Dworkin left Bennington College on the liner "Castel Felice" to live in Greece and to pursue her writing. She traveled from Paris to Athens on the Orient Express, and went to live and write on the island of Crete. While there, she wrote a series of poems titled "(Vietnam) Variations", a collection of poems and prose poems that she printed on the island in a book called "Child", and a novel in a style resembling magical realism called "Notes on Burning Boyfriend"—a reference to Norman Morrison, a pacifist who had burned himself to death in protest of the Vietnam War. She also wrote several poems and dialogues which she hand-printed after returning to the United States in a book called "Morning Hair". After living in Crete, Dworkin returned to Bennington College for two years, where she continued to study literature and participated in campaigns against the college's student conduct code, for contraception on campus, for the legalization of abortion, and against the Vietnam War. She graduated with a Bachelor's degree in literature in 1968. It was during those years that she produced two books of poetry, "Child" (1965) and "Morning Hair" (1967). Life in the Netherlands. After graduation, Dworkin moved to Amsterdam to interview Dutch anarchists in the Provo movement which used theatrical street happenings to instigate change. While there, she became involved with one of the anarchists, Cornelius (Iwan) Dirk de Bruin. Soon after they were married, she said, de Bruin began to abuse her severely, punching and kicking her, burning her with cigarettes, beating her on her legs with a wooden beam, and banging her head against the floor until he knocked her unconscious. After she left de Bruin late in 1971, Dworkin said, her ex-husband attacked, persecuted, and harassed her, beating her and threatening her whenever he found where she was hiding. She found herself desperate for money, often homeless, thousands of miles from her family, later remarking that "I often lived the life of a fugitive, except that it was the more desperate life of a battered woman who had run away for the last time, whatever the outcome." Due to poverty, Dworkin turned to prostitution for a period. Ricki Abrams, a feminist and fellow expatriate, sheltered Dworkin in her home and helped her find places to stay on houseboats, a communal farm, and in deserted buildings. Dworkin tried to work up the money to return to the United States. Abrams introduced Dworkin to early radical feminist writing from the United States, and Dworkin was notably inspired by Kate Millett's "Sexual Politics", Shulamith Firestone's "The Dialectic of Sex", and Robin Morgan's "Sisterhood is Powerful". She and Abrams began to work together on "early pieces and fragments" of a radical feminist text on the hatred of women in culture and history, including a completed draft of a chapter on the pornographic counterculture magazine "Suck", which was published by a group of fellow expatriates in the Netherlands. Dworkin later wrote that she eventually agreed to help smuggle a briefcase of heroin through customs in return for $1,000 and an airplane ticket, thinking that if she was successful she could return home with the ticket and the money, and if caught she would at least escape her ex-husband's abuse by going to prison. The deal for the briefcase fell through, but the man who had promised Dworkin the money gave her the airline ticket anyway, and she returned to the United States in 1972. Before she left Amsterdam, Dworkin spoke with Abrams about her experiences in the Netherlands, the emerging feminist movement, and the book they had begun to write together. Dworkin agreed to complete the book—which she eventually titled "Woman Hating"—and publish it when she reached the United States. In her memoirs, Dworkin relates that during that conversation, she vowed to dedicate her life to the feminist movement: Return to New York and contact with the feminist movement. In New York, Dworkin worked again as an anti-war organizer, participated in demonstrations for lesbian rights and against apartheid in South Africa. The feminist poet Muriel Rukeyser hired her as an assistant (Dworkin later said, "I was the worst assistant in the history of the world. But Muriel kept me on because she believed in me as a writer.") Dworkin also joined a feminist consciousness raising group, and soon became involved in radical feminist organizing, focusing on campaigns against men's violence against women. In addition to her writing and activism, Dworkin gained notoriety as a speaker, mostly for events organized by local feminist groups. She became well known for passionate, uncompromising speeches that aroused strong feelings in both supporters and critics, and inspired her audience to action, such as her speech at the first Take Back the Night march in November 1978, and her 1983 speech at the Midwest Regional Conference of the National Organization for Changing Men (now the National Organization for Men Against Sexism) titled "I Want a Twenty-Four Hour Truce During Which There Is No Rape." Relationship with John Stoltenberg. In 1974, Dworkin met John Stoltenberg when they both walked out on a poetry reading in Greenwich Village over misogynist material. They became close friends and eventually came to live together. Stoltenberg began writing a series of essays, books, and articles examining manhood and masculinity from a radical feminist perspective. Although Dworkin publicly wrote "I love John with my heart and soul" and Stoltenberg described Dworkin as "the love of my life", she continued to publicly identify herself as lesbian, and he as gay. Stoltenberg, recounting the perplexity that their relationship seemed to cause people in the press, summarized the relationship by saying, "So I state only the simplest facts publicly: yes, Andrea and I live together and love each other and we are each other's life partner, and yes we are both out." Dworkin and Stoltenberg were married in 1998; after her death Stoltenberg said, "It's why we never told anybody really that we married, because people get confused about that. They think, Oh, she's yours. And we just did not want that nonsense." Later life. From 1974 through 1983, Dworkin wrote prolifically, producing four volumes developing her overall thesis about the practice, meaning, and function of patriarchal, misogynist violence. In 1977, she became an associate of the Women's Institute for Freedom of the Press. In the fifteen year period spanning 1985 - 1997, she produced eight more books: three of them with Catharine A. MacKinnon either as co-author or editor and two collections of formerly unpublished essays and speeches. Her two final books came out in the first years of the new century, the latter being a memoir. Dworkin was a strong opponent of President Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton during the scandal centered on his behavior toward Monica Lewinsky, whom she supported. She also expressed support for Paula Jones and Juanita Broaddrick. In June 2000, she published ", in which she compared the oppression of women to the persecution of Jews, discussed the sexual politics of Jewish identity and antisemitism, and called for the establishment of a women's homeland as a response to the oppression of women. Also that same month, Dworkin published articles in the "New Statesman" and in "The Guardian", stating that one or more men had raped her in her hotel room in Paris the previous year, putting GHB in her drink to disable her. Her articles ignited public controversy when writers such as Catherine Bennett and Julia Gracen published doubts about her account, polarizing opinion between skeptics and supporters such as Catharine MacKinnon, Katharine Viner, and Gloria Steinem. Her reference to the incident was later described by Charlotte Raven as a "widely disbelieved claim", better seen as "a kind of artistic housekeeping." Emotionally fragile and in failing health, Dworkin mostly withdrew from public life for two years following the articles. In 2002, Dworkin published her autobiography, "Heartbreak: The Political Memoir of a Feminist Militant". She soon began to speak and write again, and in an interview with Julie Bindel in 2004 said, "I thought I was finished, but I feel a new vitality. I want to continue to help women." She published three more articles in "The Guardian" and began work on a new book, "Writing America: How Novelists Invented and Gendered a Nation", on the role of novelists such as Ernest Hemingway and William Faulkner in the development of American political and cultural identity, which was left unfinished when she died. Illness and death. During her final years, Dworkin suffered fragile health, and she revealed in her last column for "The Guardian" that she had been weakened and nearly crippled for the past several years by her weight and severe osteoarthritis in the knees. Shortly after returning from Paris in 1999, she had been hospitalized with a high fever and blood clots in her legs. A few months after being released from the hospital, she became increasingly unable to bend her knees, and underwent surgery to replace her knees with titanium and plastic prosthetics. She wrote, "The doctor who knows me best says that osteoarthritis begins long before it cripples—in my case, possibly from homelessness, or sexual abuse, or beatings on my legs, or my weight. John, my partner, blames "Scapegoat", a study of Jewish identity and women's liberation that took me nine years to write; it is, he says, the book that stole my health. I blame the drug-rape that I experienced in 1999 in Paris." When a newspaper interviewer asked her how she would like to be remembered, she said, "In a museum, when male supremacy is dead. I'd like my work to be an anthropological artifact from an extinct, primitive society." She died in her sleep on the morning of April 9, 2005, at her home in Washington, DC. The cause of death was later determined to be acute myocarditis. She was 58 years old. Antipornography activism. Dworkin is known for her role as a speaker, writer, and activist in the feminist anti-pornography movement. In February 1976, she took a leading role in organizing public pickets of "Snuff" in New York City and, during the fall, joined Adrienne Rich, Grace Paley, Gloria Steinem, Shere Hite, Lois Gould, Barbara Deming, Karla Jay, Letty Cottin Pogrebin, Robin Morgan, and Susan Brownmiller in attempts to form a radical feminist antipornography group. Members of this group would go on to found Women Against Pornography in 1979, but by then Dworkin had begun to distance herself from the group over differences in approach. She spoke at the first Take Back the Night march in November 1978, and joined 3,000 women in a march through the red-light district of San Francisco. In 1981, Dworkin published "", which analyzes contemporary and historical pornography as an industry of woman-hating dehumanization. She argues that it is implicated in violence against women, both in its production (through the abuse of the women used to star in it), and in the social consequences of its consumption by encouraging men to eroticize the domination, humiliation, and abuse of women. Dworkin, who joined "The American Heritage Dictionary" Usage Panel, also argued in "Pornography" that this denigration of women is built into linguistic norms. Antipornography Civil Rights Ordinance. In 1980, Linda Boreman (who had appeared in the pornographic film "Deep Throat" as "Linda Lovelace") made public statements that her ex-husband Chuck Traynor had beaten and raped her, and violently coerced her into making that and other pornographic films. Boreman made her charges public for the press corps at a press conference, with Dworkin, feminist lawyer Catharine MacKinnon, and members of Women Against Pornography. After the press conference, Dworkin, MacKinnon, Gloria Steinem, and Boreman began discussing the possibility of using federal civil rights law to seek damages from Traynor and the makers of "Deep Throat". Boreman was interested, but backed off after Steinem discovered that the statute of limitations for a possible suit had passed. Dworkin and MacKinnon, however, continued to discuss civil rights litigation as a possible approach to combating pornography. In the fall of 1983, MacKinnon secured a one-semester appointment for Dworkin at the University of Minnesota, to teach a course in literature for the Women's Studies program and co-teach (with MacKinnon) an interdepartmental course on pornography, where they hashed out details of a civil rights approach. With encouragement from community activists in south Minneapolis, the Minneapolis city government hired Dworkin and MacKinnon to draft an antipornography civil rights ordinance as an amendment to the Minneapolis city civil rights ordinance. The amendment defined pornography as a civil rights violation against women, and allowed women who claimed harm from pornography to sue the producers and distributors in civil court for damages. The law was passed twice by the Minneapolis city council, but vetoed both times by Mayor Don Fraser, who considered the wording of the ordinance to be too vague. Another version of the ordinance passed in Indianapolis, Indiana, in 1984, but was overturned as unconstitutional under the First Amendment by the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals in the case "American Booksellers v. Hudnut". Dworkin continued to support the civil rights approach in her writing and activism, and supported anti-pornography feminists who organized later campaigns in Cambridge, Massachusetts (1985), and Bellingham, Washington (1988), to pass versions of the ordinance by voter initiative. Testimony before Attorney General's Commission on Pornography. On January 22, 1986, Dworkin testified for half an hour before the Attorney General's Commission on Pornography (also known as the "Meese Commission") in New York City, and answered questions from commissioners after completing her testimony. Dworkin's testimony against pornography was praised and reprinted in the Commission's final report, and Dworkin and MacKinnon marked its release by holding a joint press conference. The Meese Commission subsequently successfully demanded that convenience store chains remove from shelves men's magazines such as "Playboy" (Dworkin wrote that the magazine "in both text and pictures promotes both rape and child sexual abuse") and "Penthouse". The demands spread nationally and intimidated some retailers into withdrawing photography magazines, among others. The Meese Commission's campaign was eventually quashed with a First Amendment admonishment against prior restraint by the United States District Court for the District of Columbia in "Meese v. Playboy" (639 F.Supp. 581). In her testimony and replies to questions from the commissioners, Dworkin denounced the use of criminal obscenity prosecutions against pornographers, stating, "We are against obscenity laws. We do not want them. I want you to understand why, whether you end up agreeing or not." She argued that obscenity laws were largely ineffectual, that when they were effectual they only suppressed pornography from public view while allowing it to flourish out of sight, and that they suppressed the wrong material, or the right material for the wrong reasons, arguing that "Obscenity laws are also woman-hating in their very construction. Their basic presumption is that it's women's bodies that are dirty." Instead she offered five recommendations for the Commission, recommending (1) that "the Justice Department instruct law-enforcement agencies to keep records of the use of pornography in violent crimes", (2) a ban on the possession and distribution of pornography in prisons, (3) that prosecutors "enforce laws against pimping and pandering against pornographers", (4) that the administration "make it a Justice Department priority to enforce RICO (the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act) against the pornography industry", and (5) that Congress adopt federal anti-pornography civil rights legislation which would provide for civil damages for harm inflicted on women. She suggested that the Commission consider "creating a criminal conspiracy provision under the civil rights law, such that conspiring to deprive a person of their civil rights by coercing them into pornography is a crime, and that conspiring to traffic in pornography is conspiring to deprive women of our civil rights." Dworkin compared her proposal to the Southern Poverty Law Center's use of civil rights litigation against the Ku Klux Klan. Dworkin also submitted into evidence a copy of Boreman's book "Ordeal", as an example of the abuses that she hoped to remedy, saying "The only thing atypical about Linda is that she has had the courage to make a public fight against what has happened to her. And whatever you come up with, it has to help her or it's not going to help anyone." Boreman had testified in person before the Commission, but the Commissioners had not yet seen her book. Addendum: "Butler" decision in Canada. In 1992, the Supreme Court of Canada made a ruling in "R. v. Butler" which incorporated some elements of Dworkin and MacKinnon's legal work on pornography into the existing Canadian obscenity law. In "Butler", the Court held that Canadian obscenity law violated Canadian citizens' rights to free speech under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms if enforced on grounds of morality or community standards of decency; but that obscenity law could be enforced constitutionally against some pornography on the basis of the Charter's guarantees of sex equality. The Court's decision cited extensively from briefs prepared by the Women's Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF), with the support and participation of Catharine MacKinnon. Dworkin opposed LEAF's position, arguing that feminists should not support or attempt to reform criminal obscenity law. In 1993, copies of Dworkin's book "Pornography" were held for inspection by Canada Customs agents, fostering an urban legend that Dworkin's own books had been banned from Canada under a law that she herself had promoted. However, the "Butler" decision did not adopt Dworkin and MacKinnon's ordinance, Dworkin did not support the decision, and her books (which were released shortly after they were inspected) were held temporarily as part of a standard procedural measure, unrelated to the "Butler" decision. Non-fiction (selected works). "Woman Hating". Published in 1974, "Woman Hating: A Radical Look at Sexuality" was Dworkin's first book outlining many foundational points comprising her developing feminist philosophy. She identifies the book a revolutionary act, an expression of a "commitment to ending male dominance" in all its cultural and social manifestations. The introduction offers a complex understanding of women's lives. She describes the impossibility of a revolution for women if women with privilege and comfort are not willing to give up each in solidarity with women not so entitled. She recognizes that women occupy multiple positions: of oppression, privilege, and peril, such that one may stand on the freedom of other women and men, or be in more danger for one's ethnicity than one's sex. The guts of the book, its primary thesis, is that a male supremacist ideology requires female subordination and negation. She endeavors to reveal how it suffuses society, how it becomes mythic, religious. She extracts and analyzes themes in Western fairy tales and pornography, in Pauline Reage's "The Story of O", in "The Image" by Jean de Berg. Whether in literature for children or adults, in cultural products portending to be fantasy, she finds the same epistemology: women are either Good or Evil. Either way they are to be ruled by men, spheres of existence severely limited, in mobility such as through foot binding, or snuffed out entirely, such as through witch burning. The last section explores androgyny in myths and religions across the globe to "discern another ontology, one which discards the fiction that there are two polar distinct sexes." She was not alone in this endeavor. Dworkin's exploration exists in a Western literary lineage that includes "Orlando", by Virginia Woolf, and "Woman on the Edge of Time", by Marge Piercy. In the final chapter, she examines sexual similarities, hermaphroditism, parthenogenesis, pansexuality, homosexuality, transsexuality, transvestism, bestiality, incest, the family, and children. About this chapter she reflects on her own theorizing as problematic, existing outside of girls' and women's lived experience: "I think there are a lot of things really wrong with the last chapter of "Woman Hating"," said Dworkin in an interview with Cindy Jenefsky for her book, "Without Apology: Andrea Dworkin's Art and Politics". She identifies factors which influenced the chapter: 'years of reading Freud and trying to figure out abstractly what all this was about'... [A]t the time "Woman Hating" was written, [there were] roots in the counterculture and the sexual liberation movement." Dworkin's work from the early 1980s onward contained frequent condemnations of incest and pedophilia as one of the chief forms of violence against women, arguing once that "incest is a crime committed against someone, a crime from which many victims never recover." In the early 1980s, she had a public row with her formerly admired friend Allen Ginsberg, with whom she shared godparent status of a mutual friend's child. The intense disagreement was over his support for child pornography and pedophilia, in which Ginsberg said, "The right wants to put me in jail." Dworkin responded, "Yes, they're very sentimental; I'd kill you." "Right-Wing Women". In 1983, Dworkin published "Right-Wing Women: The Politics of Domesticated Females", an examination of women's reasons for collaborating with conservative men for the limitation of women's freedom. In the preface to the British edition, Dworkin stated that the New Right in the United States focused especially on preserving male authority in the family, the promotion of fundamentalist versions of orthodox religion, combating abortion, and undermining efforts to combat domestic violence, but that it also had, for the first time, "succeeded in getting "women as women" (women who claim to be acting in the interests of women as a group) to act effectively on behalf of male authority over women, on behalf of a hierarchy in which women are subservient to men, on behalf of women as the rightful property of men, on behalf of religion as an expression of transcendent male supremacy." Taking this as her problem, Dworkin asked, "Why do right-wing women agitate for their own subordination? How does the Right, controlled by men, enlist their participation and loyalty? And why do right-wing women truly hate the feminist struggle for equality?" In one review, it was described as being premised on agreement between feminists and right-wing women on the existence of domination by men in sex and class, but disagreement on strategy. "Intercourse". In 1987, Dworkin published "Intercourse", in which she extended her analysis from pornography to sexual intercourse itself, and argued that the sort of sexual subordination depicted in pornography was central to men's and women's experiences of heterosexual intercourse in a male supremacist society. In the book, she argues that all heterosexual sex in our patriarchal society is coercive and degrading to women, and sexual penetration may by its very nature doom women to inferiority and submission, and "may be immune to reform." Citing from both pornography and literature—including "The Kreutzer Sonata", "Madame Bovary", and "Dracula"—Dworkin argued that depictions of intercourse in mainstream art and culture consistently emphasized heterosexual intercourse as the only kind of "real" sex, portrayed intercourse in violent or invasive terms, portrayed the violence or invasiveness as central to its eroticism, and often united it with male contempt for, revulsion towards, or even murder of, the "carnal" woman. She argued that this kind of depiction enforced a male-centric and coercive view of sexuality, and that, when the cultural attitudes combine with the material conditions of women's lives in a sexist society, the experience of heterosexual intercourse itself becomes a central part of men's subordination of women, experienced as a form of "occupation" that is nevertheless expected to be pleasurable for women and to define their very status "as women". Such descriptions are often cited by Dworkin's critics, interpreting the book as claiming "all" heterosexual intercourse is rape, or more generally that the anatomical mechanics of sexual intercourse make it intrinsically harmful to women's equality. For instance, Cathy Young says that statements such as, "Intercourse is the pure, sterile, formal expression of men's contempt for women," are reasonably summarized as "All sex is rape." Dworkin rejected that interpretation of her argument, stating in a later interview that "I think both intercourse and sexual pleasure can and will survive equality" and suggesting that the misunderstanding came about because of the very sexual ideology she was criticizing: "Since the paradigm for sex has been one of conquest, possession, and violation, I think many men believe they need an unfair advantage, which at its extreme would be called rape. I do not think they need it." "Life and Death". In 1997, Dworkin published a collection of her speeches and articles from the 1990s in "Life and Death: Unapologetic Writings on the Continuing War on Women", including a long autobiographical essay on her life as a writer, and articles on violence against women, pornography, prostitution, Nicole Brown Simpson, the use of rape during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Montreal massacre, Israel, and the gender politics of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Reviewing "Life and Death" in "The New Republic", philosopher Martha Nussbaum criticizes voices in contemporary feminism for denouncing Catharine MacKinnon and Dworkin as "man-haters", and argues that First Amendment critiques of Dworkin's civil ordinance proposal against pornography "are not saying anything intellectually respectable", for the First Amendment "has never covered all speech: bribery, threats, extortionate offers, misleading advertising, perjury, and unlicensed medical advice are all unprotected." Nussbaum adds that Dworkin has focused attention on the proper moral target by making harm associated with subordination, not obscenity, civilly actionable. Nevertheless, Nussbaum opposes the adoption of Dworkin's pornography ordinance because it (1) fails to distinguish between moral and legal violations, (2) fails to demonstrate a causal relationship between pornography and specific harm, (3) holds a creator of printed images or words responsible for others' behavior, (4) grants censorial power to the judiciary (which may be directed against feminist scholarship), and (5) erases the contextual considerations within which sex takes place. More broadly, Nussbaum faults Dworkin for (1) occluding economic injustice through an "obsessive focus on sexual subordination", (2) reproducing objectification in reducing her interlocutors to their abuse, and (3) refusing reconciliation in favor of "violent extralegal resistance against male violence." Many of Dworkin's early speeches are reprinted in her second book, "Our Blood" (1976). Later selections of speeches were reprinted ten and twenty years later, in "Letters from a War Zone" (1988) and "Life and Death" (1997). Fiction. Dworkin published three fictional works after achieving notability as a feminist author and activist. She published a collection of short stories, "the new womans broken heart" in 1980. Her first novel, "Ice and Fire", was originally published in the United Kingdom in 1986. It is a first-person narrative, detailing violence and abuse; Susie Bright has claimed that it amounts to a modern feminist rewriting of one of the Marquis de Sade's most famous works, "Juliette". However, Dworkin aimed to depict men's harm to women as normalized political harm, not as eccentric eroticism. Dworkin's second novel, "Mercy", reviewed by "The" "New York Times" as a Bildungsroman, was first published in the United Kingdom in 1990. According to "The Telegraph", the novels "were not popular." Dworkin's short fiction and novels often incorporated elements from her life and themes from her nonfiction writing, sometimes related by a first-person narrator. Critics have sometimes quoted passages spoken by characters in "Ice and Fire" as representations of Dworkin's own views. cf. Dworkin, however, wrote "My fiction is not autobiography. I am not an exhibitionist. I do not show myself. I am not asking for forgiveness. I do not want to confess. But I have used everything I know—my life—to show what I believe must be shown so that it can be faced. The imperative at the heart of my writing—what must be done—comes directly from my life. But I do not show my life directly, in full view; nor even look at it while others watch." Influence. Dworkin's writings were designed to assert the ubiquity and denounce the injustice of institutionalized and normalized sex-based harm against women. She became one of the most influential writers and spokeswomen of American radical feminism during the late 1970s and the 1980s. She characterized pornography as an industry of damaging objectification and abuse, not a metaphysical fantasy realm. She discussed prostitution as a system of exploitation, and intercourse as a key site of intimate subordination in patriarchy. Her analysis and writing influenced and inspired the work of contemporary feminists such as Catharine MacKinnon, Gloria Steinem, John Stoltenberg, Nikki Craft, Susan Cole, and Amy Elman. Rebecca Traister stated that Dworkin's "Intercourse" was one of the books that inspired her 2018 book "Good and Mad". However, Jessa Crispin reproved contemporary feminists for abandoning Dworkin's work in her 2017 book "Why I Am Not a Feminist: A Feminist Manifesto". Dworkin's uncompromising positions and forceful style of writing and speaking, described by Robert Campbell as "apocalyptic", earned her frequent comparisons to other speakers such as Malcolm X (by Robin Morgan, Susie Bright, and others). Gloria Steinem repeatedly compared her style to that of the Biblical prophets. Critical of what she described as male supremacist values expressed among conservatives, liberals, and radicals, she nevertheless engaged with all three groups. She came out of movements led by leftist men, such as when protesting the Vietnam War or when active in the Gay Liberation Movement. She addressed liberal men on the issue of rape. She spoke with and wrote about politically conservative women, resulting in the publication of "Right-Wing Women." She testified at a Meese Commission hearing on pornography while Attorney General Edwin Meese was serving socially conservative President Reagan. She had a political discourse with "National Review" writer David Frum and their spouses arranged by Christopher Hitchens. Criticism. Dworkin's discursive style, coupled with antipathy for her views, produced sharply polarizing debate. She was viewed with derision and scorn: "People think Andrea's a man-hater, she gets called a Fascist and a Nazi—particularly by the American left, but it's not detectable in her work." While often polarizing among the left, Dworkin's views were indeed also divisive in conservative circles, eliciting both praise and condemnation from right-wing critics. After her death, the conservative gay writer and political commentator, Andrew Sullivan, claimed that "[m]any on the social right liked Andrea Dworkin. Like Dworkin, their essential impulse when they see human beings living freely is to try and control or stop them—for their own good. Like Dworkin, they are horrified by male sexuality, and see men as such as a problem to be tamed. Like Dworkin, they believe in the power of the state to censor and coerce sexual freedoms. Like Dworkin, they view the enormous new freedom that women and gay people have acquired since the 1960s as a terrible development for human culture." Libertarian/conservative journalist Cathy Young complained of a "whitewash" in feminist obituaries for Dworkin, arguing that Dworkin's positions were manifestly misandrist, stating that Dworkin was in fact insane, criticizing what she called Dworkin's "destructive legacy", and describing Dworkin as a "sad ghost" that feminism needs to exorcise. Other feminists, however, published sympathetic or celebratory memorials online and in print. Catharine MacKinnon, Dworkin's longtime friend and collaborator, published a column in "The New York Times", celebrating what she described as Dworkin's "incandescent literary and political career", suggested that Dworkin deserved a nomination for the Nobel Prize in Literature, and complained that "lies about her views on sexuality (that she believed intercourse was rape) and her political alliances (that she was in bed with the right) were published and republished without attempts at verification, corrective letters almost always refused. Where the physical appearance of male writers is regarded as irrelevant or cherished as a charming eccentricity, Andrea's was reviled and mocked and turned into pornography. When she sued for libel, courts trivialized the pornographic lies as fantasy and dignified them as satire." Other critics, especially women who identify as feminists but sharply differ with Dworkin's positions and strategies, have offered nuanced views, suggesting that Dworkin called attention to real and important problems, but that her legacy as a whole had been destructive to the women's movement. Her work and activism on pornography—especially in the form of the Antipornography Civil Rights Ordinance—were criticized by liberal groups such as the Feminist Anti-Censorship Task Force (FACT). Dworkin was also met with criticism from sex-positive feminists, in what became known as the feminist sex wars of the late 1970s and 1980s. The sex wars were a series of heated debates that polarized feminist thought on a number of issues relating to sex and sexuality. Sex-positive feminist critics criticized Dworkin's legal activism as censorious, and argued that her work on pornography and sexuality promoted an essentialist, conservative, or repressive view of sexuality, which they often characterized as "anti-sex" or "sex-negative." Her criticisms of common heterosexual sexual expression, pornography, prostitution, and sadomasochism were frequently claimed to disregard women's own agency in sex or deny women's sexual choices. Dworkin countered that her critics often misrepresented her views, and that under the heading of "choice" and "sex-positivity", her feminist critics were failing to question the often violent political structures that confined women's choices and shaped the meaning of sex acts. Dworkin's reports of violence suffered at the hands of men sometimes aroused skepticism, the most famous example being the public controversy over her allegations of being drugged and raped in Paris. In 1989, Dworkin wrote an article about her life as a battered wife in the Netherlands, "What Battery Really Is", in response to Susan Brownmiller, who had argued that Hedda Nussbaum, a battered woman, should have been indicted for her failure to stop Joel Steinberg from murdering their adoptive daughter. "Newsweek" initially accepted "What Battery Really Is" for publication, but then declined to publish the account at the request of their attorney, according to Dworkin, arguing that she needed either to publish anonymously "to protect the identity of the batterer" and remove references to specific injuries, or to provide "medical records, police records, a written statement from a doctor who had seen the injuries." Instead, Dworkin submitted the article to the "Los Angeles Times", which published it on March 12, 1989.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18281746

The 1930 Grand Prix season continued the malaise that taken over the sport. Although there was little technical advance more privateer teams were forming, getting some factory support. The AIACR continued to mandate its fuel-regulated Formula Libre (open formula) rules. Across the Atlantic, the AAA abandoned the AIACR regulations. Their new regulations were derisively called the “Junk Formula” by purists, opening up to their own version of Formula Libre: with modified stock-standard cars of up to 366 cu in (6-litres) with two seats. In the dozen major races of the season, the honours were evenly shared by the three major manufacturers. Bugatti won the two national Grands Prix of France and Belgium, as well as at Monaco and Reims. In the Mediterranean theatre, Alfa Romeo had early success at Alessandria and the Targa Florio. Maserati finally claimed victory in their first major races, and had four wins in Italy and the San Sebastián Grand Prix in Spain. Achille Varzi was the pre-eminent driver of the season with the two race-wins for Alfa Romeo and three for Maserati, on his way to winning the Italian Drivers’ Championship. The Indianapolis 500 produced one of the most dominant driving displays in the race’s history with Billy Arnold and his modified 2.5-litre Miller. Arnold claimed pole position then led for all but two of the 200 laps, to win with a four-lap margin. With two further victories, he then went on to claim the 1930 AAA champion. Grand Épreuves. A grey background indicates the race was not held this year. Sources: Major Races. Multiple classes are mentioned when they were divided and run to different race lengths. Teams and drivers. These tables only intend to cover entries in the major races, as keyed above. Sources: Significant Privateer drivers. "Note: * raced in event as a relief driver, ♠ Works driver raced as a privateer. Those in brackets show, although entered, the driver did not race"<br> "Note: † driver killed during this racing season" Regulations and Technical. The AIACR persisted with its fuel economy formula introduced the year before. The Grands Prix still had to be at least 600 km long (although the official European GP event did not meet that requirement). The fuel limitation remained at 14kg per 100km (14.5 mpg), however the fuel mixture could now include up to 30% benzole. The fuel still had to be carried in an incongruous external fuel-tank with a visible fuel gauge. The minimum engine size remained 1100cc. Once again, most race organisers chose to ignore the official regulations and ran their races to Formula Libre instead, including having racing cars and sports cars together in the entry lists. Only the French and Belgian Grands Prix (nominally) met the AIACR requirements. But by June, the French organisers had received not a single entry and were forced to postpone the Grand Prix and then open it up to Formula Libre. With other national races either cancelled or run as alternatives, the 1930 Championship was abandoned. Meanwhile in America, the AAA abandoned the AIACR regulations. Eddie Rickenbacker, owner of the Indianapolis Speedway, wanted to encourage a bigger diversity of manufacturers on the track. The board ovals were closing, limiting the single-seater racing and the Wall Street crash had slashed sponsorship. Derisively called the “Junk Formula” by purists, the new regulations opened races up to modified stock-standard cars of up to 366 cu in (6-litres) with two seats. Minimum weight was equivalent to 207kg per litre and the only supercharged cars would be those with 2-stroke engines. Technical Innovation. With little official manufacturer interest, there was negligible technical development from the models of the previous few years. Companies like Bugatti and Maserati weathered the economic disaster by selling the limited production of their current models to wealthy individuals. Ongoing development did continue. The Alfa Romeo P2 had first appeared in 1924. This year’s model took the steering, brakes and suspension from their successful 6C sports car. With a new supercharger, the 2-litre engine now put out 175 bhp. Maserati bored out its Tipo 26 to 2.5 litres, as the 26M. The 8C-2500 engine put out 175 bhp. In contrast, Bugatti took the twin-engine concept of the Maserati V4 to produce the Type 45 sports car. The twin 8-cylinder engine was augmented by two Roots superchargers, was a combined 3.8-litres and generated a powerful 250 bhp. However, it’s handling was poor and it also suffered from excessive tyre wear. Instead, the works team relied on its type 35, now a 7-year old design, with the 2.3-litre 35B and 2.0-litre 35C, both now in their fifth season. Season review. Formed late in 1929, the new Scuderia Ferrari was the brainchild of former Alfa Corse works driver Enzo Ferrari and wealthy gentlemen drivers Alfredo Caniato and Mario Tadini. Ferrari’s close relationship with Alfa Romeo enabled him to purchase former factory cars. Initially the three were the only team drivers; however Ferrari soon attracted the current Alfa works drivers to also drive for him. A bad start to the season. The season started tragically at the Tripoli Grand Prix, the opening round of the Italian Championship. A dozen cars were entered, headed by the Maserati works team (with Baconin Borzacchini in the twin-engine V4 and Luigi Arcangeli in a 2-litre Tipo 26B) and the Scuderia Materassi with their 1.5-litre supercharged Talbot 700s for "Conte" Gastone Brilli-Peri and Clemente Biondetti. This year the race would be run with two four-lap heats followed by a 4-lap final. But during Saturday practice, Brilli-Peri had a serious crash while testing his team’s cars. While travelling at close to top speed, he cut one of the fast, gentle corners too fine. The car flipped, throwing the driver out who was killed instantly upon impact. It overshadowed a dominant display by the Maserati drivers with Borzacchini leading a 1-2 result – the first Grand Prix win for the Maserati team. The second Monaco Grand Prix was held a fortnight later and attracted a large, high-quality field. From 40 applications, 24 starters were selected. Once again the Bugatti works team ran the Type 35C with its supercharged 2-litre engine for their drivers Louis Chiron, William Grover-Williams and Guy Bouriat. The German customer team had Ernst-Günther Burggaller in a smaller 1.5-litre Type 37A. For the tight and narrow circuit, Maserati this time gave both drivers the Tipo 26B, with Arcangeli’s bored out slightly to 2.1-litres to enter the next highest class. Alfa Romeo was not entered, so it fell upon the new Scuderia Ferrari to represent them. But they did not arrive, as the cars (for Enzo Ferrari and Giuseppe Campari) were still getting modified at the factory. The Scuderia Materassi had regrouped after their African disaster. Two cars had been entered, though only Biondetti arrived, as Brilli-Peri’s car had not been repaired in time. The rest of the field were privateer drivers: from Austria came "Graf" Arco-Zinneberg in his big 7-litre Mercedes-Benz, and Hans Stuck in a 3.6-litre Austro-Daimler tourer. There were a raft of international Bugatti drivers including the Italian Goffredo Zehender, Chilean Juan Zanelli, Algerian Marcel Lehoux and Belgian Georges Bouriano, all driving the 2.3-litre Type 35B, while Philippe Étancelin and Swiss Hans Stuber ran the 35C. René Dreyfus had a specially modified 35B for local, former works-driver Ernest Friderich. They installed an extra 30-litre fuel tank in the passenger’s seat to allow him to run non-stop in the race. Rudolf Caracciola had been expected to bring his Mercedes back to race, but pulled out at the last minute. Two other notable absentees were the Italian rivals Achille Varzi and Tazio Nuvolari, both choosing to practice for the upcoming Mille Miglia instead. As well as a first prize of FF100,000 and the prince’s trophy, there were prizes for each class-winner and the class-leader at every ten of the 100 laps. Williams started from pole with a starting grid drawn by lot, but it Chiron who bolted from the second row to take the lead up the hill for the first time, and breaking the lap record on the next lap. The young Count Arco-Zinneberg was the first to retire, on the second lap, when a stone fired up by another car smashed his goggles and making him crash coming out of the tunnel. The Bugatti team initially ran 1-2-3 until Williams had to pit with magneto issues, losing four laps. Bouriano had quickly moved from 11th to 3rd in a half-dozen laps but when he tried to overtake Bouriano he went off at the chicane and also lost four laps with damaged steering. Borzacchini had been running fourth but having brake issues that culminated in the Maserati missing a corner and hitting a wall. After twenty laps, there were only 13 cars left running. Bugattis filled the top eight places, with Chiron, Bouriat, Dreyfus, Zanelli and Stuber the only ones now on the lead lap. When Arcangeli retired his Maserati on lap 30, also with brake problems it left Stuck’s Austro-Daimler as the only non-Bugatti left running, albeit four laps behind with ignition problems. He also then retired two laps later with a broken clutch. At the halfway point, Chiron led Dreyfus be almost two minutes, with Bouriat, Zanelli, Stuber and Étancelin a lap behind. Dreyfus was now catching Chiron at two seconds a lap and after 60 laps the lead was down to 85 seconds. Chiron responded by setting another lap record and was able to keep the lead steady after 80 laps. His pit crew called him in to refuel and he came out only ten seconds ahead of Dreyfus who did not need to stop. Chiron was now having problems with his accelerator and the more powerful 2.3-litre engine enabled Dreyfus to pass the Monegasque on lap 85 and set a lap record three laps later. He gradually pulled away to win by 22 seconds from Chiron. Bouriat and Zanelli were three laps back and only six cars finished. It was the first major win for the driver from Nice, but both Ettore Bugatti and Chiron were annoyed to be beaten by a privateer and would not congratulate him. Dreyfus earned over FF200,000 in prizemoney and bonuses (including a 1.2% portion of proceeds from the betting totalizator). Fights broke out after the race with punters believing the race had been rigged for Chiron to lead until lap 40 when the in-race betting closed, and then to lose. The episode thereafter ended race-betting at the Monaco GP. City to city racing in Italy. In just four years, the Mille Miglia had quickly earned a premier reputation. The 1930 edition provided one of the most thrilling races. The entry list was dominated by Alfa Romeo, with the works team supported by the fledgling Scuderia Ferrari. The race became a showdown between the Alfas of Varzi and Nuvolari. Having both recorded an identical time getting to Rome (6hr 02min), Varzi was convinced the team had given him false information about Nuvolari behind him. Because, as dawn was breaking, Nuvolari saw Varzi up ahead on the road. Turning off his headlights he was able to catch and pass the surprised Varzi, going on to take the victory. His record time of 16hrs 19min for the first time averaged over 100 km/h. Alfa Romeo swept the top four places. A week later, over Easter weekend, Alessandria held the Circuito di Pietro Bordino, the next round of the Italian Championship. A new memorial to the racing hero was unveiled and it was also the first appearance of the new Scuderia Ferrari. Georges Bouriano’s Bugatti led initially until passed by Varzi. When a brief downpour swept the circuit, Bouriano crashed giving Varzi a comfortable win from Juan Zanelli with Enzo Ferrari third. The Targa Florio promised an exciting showdown between Bugatti, winner of the last five Targas, and the Italian teams. In the absence of the Italian Grand Prix, it assumed the place as the pre-eminent local race for the season. Bugatti relied on their proven Type 35B with the supercharged 2262cc engine for their full works team, including two-time winner Albert Divo, Chiron, “Williams” and Caberto Conelli. This year, there was far less support from the gentlemen drivers, with only the Czech Ottakar Bittmann arriving. Alfa Romeo had two P2 racers for Varzi and Campari and three new 6C-1750 sports cars, driven by Nuvolari, Pietro Ghersi and Aymo Maggi. Maserati had the new 2.5-litre 26M for Borzacchini and Arcangeli, while Ernesto Maserati ran the older 2.1-litre Tipo 26B. In its sole appearance, Officine Meccaniche had its uprated version of their 665 for team regulars Giuseppe Morandi and Ferdinando Minoia along with several privateers. In practice the Alfa Romeo team found the road-holding of the P2s not as good as previously. Also, the 38-year old veteran Campari was overweight and suffered badly from the excessive heat coming off the engine. He took over Ghersi’s car. Varzi on the other hand, racing the Targa for the first time, was happy with the power advantage of the P2, with Ghersi nominated as his reserve. At 9am Borzacchini led off the 17 starters in 3-minute intervals. Varzi set a new lap record on the first lap, to lead by a minute on elapsed time from Nuvolari, Campari and the Bugattis of Chiron, Divo and Conelli. The Maseratis and OMs were already five minutes behind and off the pace. By the end of the second lap, Chiron had worked his way up to second, just over three minutes behind Varzi. Divo missed a corner and had to retire with bent suspension – no hat-trick of victories for him. Varzi, Chiron and Nuvolari all stopped for fuel and tyres on the third lap, which reduced Varzi’s lead to just two minutes. On the fourth lap, going over rough potholes, the mountings of his spare wheel broke, but Varzi could not afford to stop and retrieve it. More importantly, it also damaged the fuel tank creating a small leak. Going into the last lap, Chiron was only 23 seconds behind, but his onboard mechanic had car-sickness that slowed his last pitstop. Desperate to make up time, he misjudged a corner and slid on the gravel into a wall breaking both leftside wheels. Fortunately with two spares he could continue but precious time was lost. Varzi had also stopped for fuel, but as the leak worsened the engine sputtered. Alfa Romeo had stationed a number of refuelling points for their team so the mechanic grabbed a tank and poured in the petrol while Varzi raced on. But spilled fuel dropped onto the hot exhaust and caught fire. Racing downhill to the coast, and still not stopping, Varzi told his mechanic to rip up his seat and beat the fire out with the cushion. It was a famous victory for an Italian in an Italian car, breaking the domination of the French Bugattis. Chiron was second, only two minutes behind after 7 hours of hard racing. Conelli got up to third for Bugatti ahead of Campari (delayed by gearbox problems) and Nuvolari (with suspension issues). All five cars beat Divo’s time from the previous year with Varzi dropping the race record by 20 minutes. First major win for Maserati. Many of the same protagonists met again at the Rome Grand Prix. Bugatti had Chiron and Bouriat, with “Williams” as reserve. Maserati had Arcangeli in its 26M while Luigi Fagioli ran the 1.7-litre Tipo 26. This time, Alfa Corse only ran the pair of P2s for Varzi and Nuvolari, while Campari and Tadini were hired by Ferrari to race their 6C 1750 sports cars. Biondetti had the Materassi Talbot and Fritz Caflisch let the privateers in his big Mercedes-Benz. Arcangeli was on pole and led the first lap from Varzi, Chiron, Fagioli and Nuvolari. Chiron was soon sidelined by mechanical issues but the lead five continued to pull away from the rest. A few laps later, Bouriat (running fifth) was called in to be replaced by Chiron, while Varzi retired with a broken clutch. At the halfway point Nuvolari had overtaken Arcangeli, who was still right on his tail. Chiron’s hard driving back through the field had got him back to third, while Fagioli was close behind in the smaller Maserati. Nuvolari’s engine also started playing up and going into the last lap, Chiron was only a second behind the Maserati. Swapping the lead back and forth, Arcangeli made a brave pass on the outside of the last corner and pulled away to claim the first major race win for Maserati. Fagioli was unlucky having his suspension break on the last lap, so third (a lap behind) went to Heinrich von Morgen from the German Bugatti team. This year’s Indianapolis 500 was run to a new formula, opened up to stock-standard cars of up to 366 cu in (6-litres) capacity. It succeeded in generating a wider variety of entrants, while still including a number of unsupercharged Millers modified to the new regulations. Riding mechanics were once again compulsory. Half the entries were from rookie drivers. Billy Arnold, driving a 2.5-litre Summers-Miller for Harry Hartz’s team, got pole position on the first day of practice. Previous winner Louis Meyer was beside him on the front row in a Stevens chassis powered by two Miller engines, along with Bill White’s Stevens driven by rookie Shorty Cantlon. A surprise entry came from Italian Baconin Borzacchini driving the big Maserati V4, without its twin superchargers. From the rolling start, Meyer took the lead, which he held for the first two laps until Arnold overtook him. Arnold went on to hold his lead for the rest of the race, setting a record for most laps lead, still held to this day. He was also the first driver to average over 100 mph without a relief driver. The race was marred by several major accidents. On lap 23, Fred Roberts (reliving Pete DePaolo) crashed in turn 3, collecting six other cars in the mayhem. Worse happened eight laps later, when Cy Marshall crashed his Duesenberg at the same corner. The car went up and over the wall, tumbling 25 feet down the other side. The driver, trapped underneath the wreck, was seriously injured, however his brother Paul running as his riding mechanic was thrown out and killed. Arnold dominated more than in any previous edition of the race – from pole position, leading all but two laps to win by over 7 minutes, and four laps, ahead of Shorty Canlon. Despite the new formula, reworked Millers still took the top four places. Billy Arnold won two more of the eight races to win the AAA series. Bugatti to the fore. Many of the top French drivers were at Reims for the Marne GP. Of the nineteen starters, all drove Bugattis – mostly the 1.5-litre Type 37A. Lehoux led initially until overtaken by Étancelin. Alongside Dreyfus and Zanelli they vied for the lead in the heat on the long fast straights. Chiron had once again encountered engine problems and then Étancelin slid on wet tar and slammed into a tree breaking a wheel. Dreyfus gradually built a lead over the others. Late in the race, Zanelli pitted to refuel but could not restart his car. Dreyfus led Lehoux home by two minutes with Michel Doré the only other finisher, a quarter hour behind, before the crowds invaded the track. The European Grand Prix was the first race of the year run to the AIACR fuel formula, and was.organised by the Belgian association marking the 100th anniversary of Belgian independence. No Italian cars were entered and the Bugatti works team were the firm favourites. Drivers Chiron, Divo and Bouriat again raced the 2-litre supercharged T35C. To make an appearance at their auspicious home race, Belgian manufacturer Impéria-Excelsior adapted three sports models with the unusual unsupercharged sleeve-valve engine. They hired Goffredo Zehender, Michel Doré, and Jacques Ledure as their drivers. The French company Ariès had a single 3-litre for the 48-year old veteran Arthur Duray, and the Montier father and son had a pair of their modified Fords. Starting with a Model A, they lowered the suspension and fitted their own uprated engine. Among the other half-dozen privateers was Henri Stoffel running his 4-litre Peugeot 174 Sports. The Bugattis soon made their mark and by the second lap, the three works cars had a minute lead over Stoffel and Belgian Joseph Reinartz (in a 2.3-litre Bugatti T43 sports car) and Duray. By the halfway mark after 20 laps, the order was still the same, but Stoffel was closing in. On lap 26, Chiron pitted from the lead to change sparkplugs, dropping to fourth. Bouriat inherited the lead and when Divo pitted five laps later to change wheels, Stoffel was up to second and closing fast. But a major upset was not to be, as Stoffel ran out of fuel with two laps to go, as did Reinartz and Charles Montier. Following team orders, Bouriat came to a stop to give the win to Chiron, with Divo taking third and Duray finishing over ten minutes back in fourth. The seventh running of the Eifelrennen was the only circuit race of the year in Germany, and only the second time that race-cars had been to the Nürburgring since it opened in 1927. However, there were only eleven starters mixing sports and racing cars. Run on the shorter "Südschleife" course, it was won by Heinrich-Joachim von Morgen for the new German Bugatti team. The next round of the Italian Championship was the Coppa Ciano on the long, fast Montenero circuit. Initially it was a close duel between Varzi and Nuvolari. Both were racing P2 Alfas, but for rival teams (Alfa Corse and Scuderia Ferrari respectively). But when they both retired with mechanical issues, victory fell to Luigi Fagioli and his 2.8-litre Maserati 26M. At the next round a fortnight later, the Coppa Acerbo at Pescara, the situation was reversed when Fagioli stopped on the last lap while leading. It was Varzi, (who had left Alfa Romeo and now with Maserati, such was the enmity with Nuvolari), who won with team–owner Ernesto Maserati second and Borzacchini third for the Scuderia Ferrari. Again, in the absence of the Italian Grand Prix and with the track still being renovated, the Monza GP was held on a modified circuit that omitted the banking. With a big field, it was again run as a series of heats with a repêcharge, leading to a 35-lap final. The Maserati works team made a concerted effort and arrived with three 2.5-litre cars for Varzi, Fagioli and Arcangeli, while Ernesto Maserati ran the V4 and Alfieri made a rare drive, with the 1.1-litre 26C. Alfa Romeo and Bugatti were represented by strong customer teams and privateers. Ferrari had Nuvolari, Borzacchini and Campari, and the German Bugatti Team had von Morgen and Burggaller. Philippe Étancelin and Marcel Lehoux led the flotilla of Bugattis. Scuderia Materassi brought its supercharged Talbots for Brivio and Biondetti. The largest-engine class had, aside from the Maserati V4, the works Mercedes of Rudolf Caracciola and Swiss privateer Fritz Caflisch. Babe Stapp also arrived from America with his 4.2-litre Duesenberg A. With a total prizemoney pool of 500,000 lire, the race attracted 66 entries and over 100000 spectators. During practice, Ferrari had found their Pirelli tyres unreliable and wanted to withdraw their Alfa Romeos. The alarmed organisers immediately cabled Rome for support. A personal hand-written reply from Benito Mussolini himself, stating “Your proposed action does not meet with my approval”, changed Ferrari’s mind. In the first heat, Étancelin narrowly beat von Morgen by two seconds, both driving 2-litre Bugattis. In the second heat, Arcangeli, Borzacchini, Fagioli and Varzi were the four qualifiers. Nuvolari was fifth when he had to pit late to change a rear tyre. With just five starters, the third heat could have been routine. But after Maserati went off the track he drove hard to come back and take the win from Caracciola, Stapp and Caflisch. Nuvolari and Campari qualified through the repêcharge and were the leaders at the start of the final. Then soon after on consecutive laps, the three Ferrari drivers (Nuvolari, Campari and Borzacchini) pitted with their tyres shredded, whereupon they were withdrawn for safety. Arcangeli and Varzi duelled for the lead, with Maserati thirty seconds behind, until Varzi had to pit and change a sparkplug. He then set about a thrilling driver back through the field. With ten laps to go, Arcangeli and Maserati were only separated by seconds, with Varzi less than a minute behind. With five laps left, he was only sixteen seconds behind. He passed Maserati two laps later and then with only a few corners to go, he took the lead and the win to a rapturous reception of the spectators. For the first time, the French Grand Prix was held at the southern city of Pau. The 16 km track was essentially triangular with two 5 km long fast straights. Such was the disinterest in the AIACR regulations though, that no entries had been received by June. The organisers were forced to concede and run the race as Formula Libre, postponing the race from July to September. Bugatti were still the only works team to arrive, with two cars for Bouriat and “Williams” (with Chiron and Divo as reserves). In the absence of any Italian drivers, the field still had the best of the French circuit: Étancelin, Lehoux, Zanelli and "Count" Stanisław Czaykowski led a dozen privateer 2-litre Bugattis. It was also the debut of a young Jean-Pierre Wimille in a 1.5-litre T37A. Robert Sénéchal had an older ex-factory Delage, the Montier father and son had their Ford-specials and Henri Stoffel his old Peugeot. The other notable entry was Briton Tim Birkin bringing a Bentley 4½ Litre sports car. Despite the day dawning with heavy rain, the race started in sunshine. After the first lap, Williams had passed 18 cars to be in the lead. Soon after, his teammate Bouriat pulled in and handed over to Louis Chiron, staying in third. Twice, Williams had to pit to change tyres, worn by his speed. On the eleventh lap, Louis Charavel crashed at the Morlaas hairpin. The driver was thrown out of his car, landing head first in the middle of the road. He was extremely fortunate not to be hit by the Peugeots and Bentley following close behind before he could stagger, dazed, to the roadside. On lap 12, at the hallway point, Chiron also had a puncture and had to limp back to the pits. This left Étancelin leading, almost three minutes ahead (half a lap) of Zanelli. Birkin was third, the Bentley being the fastest car in a straight line, getting up to 214 km/h. When Chiron blocked him when he tried to pass, he could sound his horn. Chiron returned the car back to Bouriat and Sénéchal pitted from fourth with a major, smoking, oil-leak. Étancelin had deliberately set the gearing on his car to limit his top speed, to protect the engine and tyres, and took the race-win from Birkin, just ahead of Zanelli with Czaykowski a lap behind in fourth. Neither Étancelin and Birkin had stopped, and both drivers commented they felt it was their best-driven races. By contrast, neither of the hard-charging works Bugattis finished. Racing comes to Eastern Europe. Organised motor-racing was making an impact in eastern Europe, where hill-climbs had already been popular. This year saw the inaugural Lwów Grand Prix in Poland (also known by its German name of Lemberg), run on the basalt-tiled streets of the city. It only attracted a small field, but the next event three weeks later got a bigger response. The first Masaryk Circuit (also known as the Czechoslovakian Grand Prix) was held at the newly set up 29 km track out from the west of the city of Brno. It attracted a number of works teams, including the local Tatra, Walter, Wikov and Zbrojovka companies. Caracciola drove for Mercedes-Benz while Impéria-Excelsior hired local driver Jiři “Georg“ Tacheci. The favourites though were the two Alfa Romeos of Scuderia Ferrari and the three cars of the German Bugatti Team. In front of a large crowd, Caracciola held the lead initially until he missed a corner and crashed, without injury. Von Morgen took the lead until he too had engine problems. He, however, had the luxury of being able to call in his teammate Leiningen to swap their cars. It meant resuming a lap (over ten minutes) behind his teammate in fourth with three laps to go. He passed his teammate Burggaller the next lap and then Leiningen came to a stop. When Nuvolari’s Alfa overheated and stopped, empty of water on the last lap, von Morgen took an unlikely victory. The race was marred by a bad accident that left promising young French driver Michel Doré seriously injured, effectively ending his racing career. Nuvolari’s third place would mark the last racing appearance of the classic Alfa Romeo P2, after six successful seasons. The season wrapped up with the San Sebastián Grand Prix. Originally cancelled because of the economic crisis, it was re-scheduled when the King of Spain, himself a keen motor-racing follower, intervened. As the premier Spanish race of the year, it attracted a good field. Maserati was the favourites with Varzi and "Count" Maggi driving the 2.5-litre 26M. In the end Scuderia Ferrari (with Nuvolari and Borzacchini) did not arrive. So competition came from the Bugattis of Dreyfus, Étancelin, Lehoux and Zanelli. There were also the two Montiers and the Peugeots of Stoffel and Ferrrand. After a rolling start in front of Their Majesties, Varzi had stormed to the lead after the first lap. There was a tight 3-way battle for second between Lehoux, Dreyfus and Zanelli. Étancelin had retired when his car rolled after breaking a wheel, fortunately without injury to the driver. When the drivers all pitted at the halfway point for fuel, Varzi had a bad stop coming out a minute behind the three Bugattis. But he made up the time and retook the lead after seven laps. The Bugattis all retired - Zanelli crashed, bringing down a telegraph pole injuring a spectator; Dreyfus was injured when he skidded and rolled his car, while Lehoux broke a driveshaft out in the countryside. Varzi had lapped the field three times to win comfortably. Maggi was second, in his last competitive race, and the two Peugeots took the next places. Achille Varzi was the pre-eminent driver of the season with the two race-wins for Alfa Romeo and three for Maserati, on his way to winning the Italian Drivers’ Championship. While circuit racing was subdued across the Germanic countries, hill-climbs were far more popular with a European championship. Rudi Caracciola and his Mercedes were crowned European Mountain champions in 1930. In sports car racing, despite the growing ascendance of Alfa Romeo, Bentley won its fifth Le Mans victory after seeing off Caracciola’s Mercedes. But it was also a tough year for serious accidents. As well as those mentioned above, including the death of "Conte" Gastone Brilli-Peri at the start of the season, the "Baroness" Aniela d’Elern had been killed in the Algerian GP handicap race in May. A month later, the English Grand Prix winner Sir Henry Segrave died in a water speed record attempt. Results of the season's major races. "italics" show the driver of the race's fastest lap.<br> Only those drivers with a best finish of 6th or better, or a fastest lap, are shown. "Sources:"

intended plans

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=36321657

The Cross of St Augustine is an award of merit in the gift of the Archbishop of Canterbury. It is awarded to members of the Anglican Communion who have made significant contributions to the life of the worldwide Communion, or to a particular autonomous church within Anglicanism. It is also awarded to members of other traditions who have made a conspicuous contribution to ecumenism. It is the second highest international award for service within Anglicanism. History. The Award was created in 1965 by Archbishop Michael Ramsey. There is no limit on the number of recipients, although the Cross is said to be awarded to "a small number of clergy and lay people each year". 2008 is an example of a year in which the number of awards was larger, with 13 Crosses awarded at a standard presentation ceremony and a further 8 awarded at a special presentation for key organisers of the 2008 Lambeth Conference. Grades of award. There are three grades of the Cross of St Augustine - bronze, silver, and gold. In almost all cases, unless stated otherwise, the silver award is made. A small number of bronze awards have been made for conspicuous service to Anglicanism; a very small number of gold awards have been made for outstanding service. Medal. The medal awarded to recipients bears an engraving of the Chair of St Augustine on its reverse. This stone chair in Canterbury Cathedral is the seat of the Archbishop of Canterbury in his role as head of the Anglican Communion. Archbishops of Canterbury are enthroned twice: firstly as diocesan ordinary (and Metropolitan and Primate of the Church of England) in the archbishop's throne, by the Archdeacon of Canterbury; and secondly as leader of the worldwide church in the Chair of St Augustine by the Dean of Canterbury Cathedral which is followed by a blessing by the senior (by length of service) archbishop of the Anglican Communion. The stone chair is therefore of symbolic significance throughout Anglicanism. The obverse of the medal shows the Canterbury Cross. Medals are worn on a blue ribbon either around the neck (by clergy) as a collarette, or on the left breast (by laity). Precedence. The Cross of St Augustine is the second highest award within Anglicanism. The highest award granted by Lambeth Palace is the Archbishop of Canterbury's Award for Outstanding Service to the Anglican Communion, which is awarded exceedingly rarely, and is the highest award within the Anglican Communion. These Lambeth Awards were expanded in March 2016 by Archbishop Justin Welby, by the addition of the six new awards based upon his ministry priority areas. The full suite of non-academic awards now complements the academic awards available through the Lambeth degrees. List of recipients. 1981 2001 24 September 2001 2004 On 8 November 2004, Archbishop Rowan Williams awarded the following with the Cross: 2005 The Cross of Augustine was to be awarded to 13 recipients in this year: 2006 Eight recipients: 2008 13 recipients: Eight more recipients in the same year: 2009 January. Two recipients: Also, February: March: 2012 2016 2017 2018

nigh side

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24645645

"Edith's 50th Birthday" (Parts 1 & 2) were the fourth and fifth episodes of the eighth season of the American television sitcom "All in the Family". The episodes, which originally aired as a two-part one hour story on CBS-TV on October 16, 1977, was written by Bob Schiller and Bob Weiskopf, and directed by Paul Bogart. The episode depicts a man who, while posing as a police detective, attempts to rape the Bunker family matriarch, Edith, on her 50th birthday. This all happens while her family, unaware of what is happening in the Bunkers' living room, prepares for a surprise party next door (at Gloria, Edith's daughter's, house) to honor Edith. The scenes following the assault depict Edith struggling to deal with the aftermath, and her family's attempts to both comfort her and help bring her assailant to justice. The episodes, the 161st and 162nd of the series, were one of the first on television that portrayed an attempted rape. Plot. On Edith Bunker's 50th birthday, her family plans a surprise party for her at her daughter Gloria's and son-in-law Mike Stivic's house next door. As Edith is in the process of baking her own birthday cake and waits for her cue to go to the Stivics' house, two visitors come over. The first one is her friend, Sybil, who complains to Edith for not inviting her to her party, thus spoiling the surprise. Sybil soon realizes that Archie (who hates her) was the one who invited all of the guests and not Edith. Edith invites her and the both of them chat for a while. As Sybil leaves, a handsome man in his early 30s and dressed in a suit arrives. The man identifies himself as a police detective named Lambert, claiming to be searching the neighborhood for a rapist. During his explanation, the man describes the clothes he's wearing himself and locks the door; Edith quickly realizes that Lambert is himself the rapist. Lambert tries repeatedly to assault Edith, and despite all her attempts to get away from her attacker, he is too strong and too smart for her. Edith offers the man coffee (he declines), explains that she has a party to go to and rambles on about her plans (he keeps her restrained, but with a stunned look on his face), tries to go to the bathroom (he offers to escort her), and has a panicked telephone conversation with one of her friends (Lambert waves a gun at her, warning her that letting slip about her predicament will mean death). Later, when her husband Archie appears to retrieve a punch bowl, the man hides in the closet and threatens to kill them both if Edith says anything. Once they are alone for the final time, and it appears Edith has exhausted all of her getaway attempts, the two smell something burning from the kitchen. It is the cake Edith was baking, and Lambert escorts her to the kitchen to pull it out. However, Edith uses this final opportunity as her chance to escape her ordeal, pushing the burned cake directly into her attacker's face. With his face burned, and before he can regain his senses, Edith pushes him out of the kitchen and onto the porch and slams the door behind her. Edith then flees the house and runs to Mike and Gloria's, where—just as the party is about to get underway—she breaks down in Archie's arms. As the second half-hour opens, Edith confides to her family what has happened. Gloria tries to press Edith to call the police, reminding her mother that she herself had suffered a similar attack three years prior. Archie reminds Gloria that, after being told by police that the lawyers would "turn it around" and make it look like Gloria "asked for it" if the case went to court, the family had decided to not press charges. Nonetheless, a confused and shaken Edith wants to just forget the ordeal. Archie and Mike then go inside the Bunker household to see if Lambert might still be inside. Mike finds his clothes in the closet, and Archie tells him not to "put his fingerprints all over the evidence". Mike then enters the kitchen and slips on the burnt birthday cake. Later, two police investigators arrive at the Bunker house, announcing they had picked up an apparently injured man wandering around in a back alley who fit the description of a subject wanted in a series of sexual assaults. At first, they mistakenly restrain Archie - thinking he is the rapist but Mike clears that up almost immediately. When the investigators attempt to get a statement from Edith, she immediately flees the room in a panic when she is shown the tie Lambert left behind in the closet with his shirt, jacket and fake badge. Two weeks then pass since the attempted rape, and Edith has entered into a state of constant fear and depression. Even Archie's unusually sensitive attempts to bolster her self-esteem (he kisses her) do no good. When they find out the same man has been arrested for attacking another woman, Gloria urges Edith to identify Lambert in a police lineup, or else the police will have to drop the pending charges against him; Edith continually changes the subject and refuses to listen. Eventually, an exasperated Gloria declares her mother "selfish" and shouts, "My mother always helps other people. You're not my mother anymore!" Edith slaps her, and her shock at having done so snaps her out of her depression; after expressing remorse for her action, Edith realizes she must identify her attacker. She leaves for the police station with Archie, hoping that her actions may put the rapist away for good. The episode closes on a comedic moment, where Gloria loudly whines from the pain of her slap, and Mike comforts her. Production. "Edith's 50th Birthday" originally aired as a one-hour episode. In syndication, it is aired as a two-part episode. Norman Lear consulted with Gail Abarbanel, the founder and director of the Rape Treatment Center at Santa Monica Hospital, and hosted advance screenings for police and hospitals across the country. It was originally suggested that this storyline be written so that Ann Romano (portrayed by Bonnie Franklin) would be the one attacked on an episode of "One Day at a Time". However Norman Lear changed it to Edith Bunker because he wanted to make a statement that this could happen to anyone, even someone as simple and naive as Edith. The episode mentions events from the third season's "Gloria The Victim", in which Gloria was sexually assaulted while walking home from work. In that episode, Edith relates an incident where she herself had been the victim of an attempted date rape as a teenager in the 1940s, during a double date visit to Rockaway Beach, but due to the social norms of the time she had not pursued justice. Response. The New York Police Department showed this episode, along with other films, to convey the woman's side of rape. It was also shown at rape crisis centers. In 1996, "TV Guide" included this episode as part of its "100 Most Memorable Moments in TV History", ranking it # 64. According to an interview in the "E! True Hollywood Story", which covered "All in the Family", the scene where Edith uses the burnt cake to attack the rapist and then escape prompted the loudest cheers and applause from the studio audience in the history of the entire series. David Dukes maintained that he received persistent death threats from some viewers for years for his character.

female perspective

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=224598

Sarah Kane (3 February 1971 – 20 February 1999) was an English playwright, screenwriter and theatre director. She is known for her plays that deal with themes of redemptive love, sexual desire, pain, torture—both physical and psychological—and death. They are characterised by a poetic intensity, pared-down language, exploration of theatrical form and, in her earlier work, the use of extreme and violent stage action. Kane herself, as well as scholars of her work, such as Graham Saunders, identify some of her inspirations as expressionist theatre and Jacobean tragedy. The critic Aleks Sierz saw her work as part of a confrontational style and sensibility of drama termed In-Yer-Face theatre, which broke away from the conventions of naturalist theatre. Sierz originally called Kane "the quintessential in-yer-face writer of the [1990s]" but later remarked in 2009 that although he initially "thought she was very typical of the new writing of the middle 1990s. The further we get away from that in time, the more un-typical she seems to be". Kane's published work consists of five plays, one short film ("Skin"), and two newspaper articles for "The Guardian". Life. Born in Brentwood, Essex, and raised by evangelical parents, Kane was a committed Christian in adolescence. Later, however, she rejected those beliefs. After attending Shenfield High School, she studied drama at Bristol University, graduating in 1992, and went on to take an MA course in play writing at the University of Birmingham, led by the playwright David Edgar. She also always attributed Jeremy Weller's Mad as "the one piece of theatre that changed my life." Kane wrote consistently throughout her adult life. For a year she was writer-in-residence for Paines Plough, a theatre company promoting new writing, where she actively encouraged other writers. Before that, she had worked briefly as literary associate for the Bush Theatre, London. Depression and suicide. Kane struggled with severe depression for many years and was twice voluntarily admitted to the Maudsley Hospital in London. Kane reluctantly took antidepressants. According to Kane's agent, Mel Kenyon, Kane told her "she didn't like taking pills because they numbed her response to the world, which is, of course, what they're supposed to do. But as an artist, it's extraordinarily difficult if your responsive level is made less intense. What do you do? Take pills and take away the despair? But despair also engenders knowledge in some way, and that knowledge fuels your understanding of the world and therefore your writing, but at the same time you want to exorcise the despair. She tried to weigh it up all the time." Whilst talking about how her play "Phaedra's Love" deals with the theme of depression, Kane said "Through being very, very low comes an ability to live in the moment because there isn't anything else. What do you do if you feel the truth is behind you? Many people feel depression is about emptiness but actually it's about being so full that everything cancels itself out. You can't have faith without doubt, and what are you left with when you can't have love without hate?" First suicide attempt and subsequent hospitalisation. In the early hours of the 17th February 1999, Kane in her Brixton flat attempted suicide by taking 50 sleeping pills and over 150 antidepressant tablets. Kane's flatmate, David Gibson, awoke and found a suicide note from Kane stating that he was not to enter her room. Ignoring this request, Gibson entered Kane's room where he found her to be unconscious. Kane was then taken to London's King's College Hospital where she was resuscitated and assessed by two psychiatrists. One of the psychiatrists, Nigel Tunstall, said that "it was very clearly the case that [Kane] was intending to kill herself and she was surprised and upset that she had not succeeded" and that she "said she had no intention of killing herself while she remained at King's College Hospital, but in abstract terms she said that at some point she would certainly kill herself." Because of this, Dr Tunstall ordered that Kane should be detained under the Mental Health Act if she attempted to leave the hospital. Kane was admitted to the Brunel ward of the King's College Hospital, which was a general ward and not a psychiatric wing. While in hospital Kane was visited by her agent Mel Kenyon. She told Kenyon that her attempted suicide by overdose had been unsuccessful because she had eaten pizza. Kenyon recalled that when she visited Kane "She was extraordinary. She looked happy, healthy. She was very funny. She was brimming with self confidence. I took her 200 cigarettes which we hid under the bed. We talked about everything under the sun. We did talk about suicide. We did talk about God. We did talk about plays. We did talk about friendship. […] And then after I had given her the fags I just kissed her on her forehead and I said 'I love you' and she said 'I love you too' and that was the last time I saw her." Suicide. Shortly after 3:30am on 20th February a nurse discovered that Kane was not in her hospital bed. The nurse forced open the door to the Brunel ward's toilets where she found Kane's dead body. Kane had been hanged by her neck with her own shoelaces from the hook on the inside of the toilet door. Kane was only 28 years old when she died. Coroners court inquest. An inquest was held at Southwark coroners court to determine the circumstances that resulted in Kane's death. The coroner delivered a verdict of death by suicide. The coroner commented that Kane "was plagued with mental anguish and tormented by thoughts of suicide" and that she "made her choice and she made it at a time when she was suffering from a depressive illness [and while] the balance of her mind was disturbed". The inquest heard how Kane had not been observed by nurses between 2am and 3:30am on 20th February, which was the timeframe when she left her room in the hospital and went to the toilets where she killed herself. One of psychiatrists who assessed Kane, Dr Nigel Tunstall, told the inquest how he "took it as read" that Kane would be "constantly observed" by nurses because of the notes from psychiatrist Dr Sedza Mujic who had also assessed Kane. However, nurses were unaware that Kane needed continuous supervision. Dr Tunstall also wrote in his notes that Kane didn't require one-to-one care from a psychiatric nurse. It was stated that one of the reasons this wasn't requested was because it was felt that such a measure could be counter-productive because Kane was ambivalent towards psychiatric treatment. A review panel that investigated Kane's death recommended that the communication between medical staff be improved by formalising the procedures that related to the risk assessment of patients. However, a spokesperson from the hospital said that none of these procedures would have prevented her death. After the inquest Sarah Kane's father, Peter Kane, considered taking legal action against the Hospital. He stated that "The hospital has admitted there was not enough communication between the doctors of these departments and the nurses" and that "I am not seeking financial compensation for the death of my daughter. I want answers as to why she was not given proper care in order that this does not happen to somebody else's daughter." Responses to Kane's death. It has been reported that in response to Kane's death theatres in Germany dimmed their lights as a mark of respect. The playwright Harold Pinter knew Kane personally and mentioned that he was unfortunately unsurprised to hear the news of her suicide: "She talked about it a great deal. She just said it was on the cards, you know, and I had to say, 'Come on! For God's sake!' I remember a line in [her play] Crave: 'Death is my lover, and he wants to move in.' That's quite a line, isn't it? She felt man's inhumanity to man so profoundly. I believe that's what finally killed her. She couldn't stand the bloody thing any more." Pinter spoke at Kane's memorial and is reported to have just said the following four words: "She was a poet". The artistic director of The Bush Theatre, Dominic Dromgoole, had previously known Kane when she was the theatre's literary associate. Dromgoole wrote that Kane's death "left a long black cloud hanging over many. A huge amount of anger was felt. Anger at her for robbing us of what we so loved. Anger at those who maltreated her. […] anger directed inward for failing to help her." Dromgoole wrote that he was angry with how Kane had been mistreated by others. He stated that this anger was not aimed at "the press" who he saw as being "held up so easily as scapegoats" but rather it was directed at "certain people in the profession" who he claimed to have taken advantage of her: "There were a lot of timid souls who dared not, who forced Sarah to dare on their behalf. She enacted their fantasies of outrage for them. There is always one child in the class who will do the things others fear to. That is what marks them out, their courage, and their will. The good friends of that child will help her to harness it for her own benefit. The bad friends will use it as a form of entertainment. ‘Go on, jump over that’, ‘Say that to the bully’, ‘Go on cut yourself’. Sarah was that child, and where some reigned her back, others let her go, even encouraged her." He also said that "We all behaved a bit strangely after Sarah's death. It awoke old despairs, and morbidities, and adolescent terrors." Works. Kane originally wanted to be a poet, but decided that she was unable to convey her thoughts and feelings through poetry. She wrote that she was attracted to the stage because "theatre has no memory, which makes it the most existential of the arts. No doubt that is why I keep coming back in the hope that someone in a dark room somewhere will show me an image that burns itself into my mind". "Blasted". Kane's first play was "Blasted". Kane wrote the first two scenes while a student in Birmingham, where they were given a public performance. The agent Mel Kenyon was in the audience and subsequently represented Kane, suggesting she should show her work to the Royal Court Theatre in London. The completed play, directed by James Macdonald, opened at the Royal Court Theatre Upstairs in 1995. The action is set in a room of a luxurious hotel in Leeds where Ian, a racist and foul-mouthed middle-aged journalist, first tries to seduce and later rapes Cate, an innocent, simple-minded young woman. From its opening in a naturalistic—though troubling—world, the play takes on different, nightmarish dimensions when a soldier, armed with a sniper's rifle, appears in the room. The narrative ultimately breaks into a series of increasingly disturbing short scenes. Its scenes of anal rape, cannibalism, and other forms of brutality, created one of the biggest theatre scandals in London since Edward Bond's "Saved" in 1965. Kane admired Bond's work, and he in turn publicly defended Kane's play and talent. Other dramatists whom Kane particularly liked and who could be seen as influences include Samuel Beckett, Howard Barker, and Georg Büchner, whose play "Woyzeck" she later directed (Gate Theatre, London 1997). "Blasted" was fiercely attacked in the British press. "Blasted" was, however, praised by fellow playwrights Martin Crimp, Harold Pinter (who became a friend), Caryl Churchill, who considered it "rather a tender play". It was later seen to be making parallels between domestic violence and the war in Bosnia, and between emotional and physical violence. Kane said, "The logical conclusion of the attitude that produces an isolated rape in England is the rape camps in Bosnia and the logical conclusion to the way society expects men to behave is war." "Blasted" was produced again in 2001 at the Royal Court. The assistant director of this production, Joseph Hill-Gibbins, suggests that "The argument is made through form, through the shifts in styles in "Blasted". That's how she constructs the argument, by taking this setting in an English Northern industrial town and suddenly transporting the action to a war zone." The critical realism that the first scene sets up is "literally blasted apart" in Scene Two. The critic Ken Urban says that "for Kane, hell is not metaphysical: it is hyperreal, reality magnified". "Skin". "Skin" was an eleven-minute screenplay written for Channel 4, a British TV station, depicting a violent relationship between a black woman and a racist skinhead. It was first shown at the London Film Festival in October 1995 and televised by Channel 4 in 1997. The film is directed by Vincent O'Connell and stars Ewen Bremner, Marcia Rose, Yemi Ajibade and James Bannon. "Phaedra's Love". Kane was then commissioned by the Gate Theatre, London, to write a play inspired by a classic text. "Phaedra's Love" was loosely based on the classical dramatist Seneca's play "Phaedra", but given a contemporary setting. In this reworking of the myth of Phaedra's doomed love for her stepson Hippolytus, it is Hippolytus, rather than Phaedra, who takes the central role. It is Hippolytus' emotional cruelty which pushes Phaedra to suicide. Kane reversed classical tradition by showing, rather than describing, violent action on stage. The play contains some of Kane's wittiest and most cynical dialogue. Kane described it as "my comedy". Directed by Kane, it was first performed at the Gate Theatre in 1996. "Cleansed". "Cleansed" premiered at the Royal Court's theatre downstairs in April 1998, and was directed by James Macdonald. This was at the time the most expensive production in the Royal Court's history. Kane stated that the play was partly inspired from reading a part of Roland Barthes's work "A Lover’s Discourse" where "[Barthes] says the situation of a rejected lover is not unlike the situation of a prisoner in Dachau." "Cleansed" is set in what Kane in her stage directions described as a "university" but which functions more as a torture chamber or concentration camp, overseen by the sadistic Tinker. It places a young woman and her brother, a disturbed boy, a gay couple and a peepshow dancer within this world of extreme cruelty in which declarations of love are viciously tested. It pushes the limits of what can be realised in the theatre: stage directions include "a sunflower pushes through the floor and grows above their heads" and "the rats carry Carl's feet away". The play was presented at the National Theatre in London in 2016, the first time any of Kane's work had been performed there. "Crave". A change in critical opinion occurred with Kane's fourth play, "Crave", which was directed by Vicky Featherstone and presented by Paines Plough at the Traverse Theatre in Edinburgh in 1998. The play was performed under the pseudonym of Marie Kelvedon, partly because the notion amused Kane, but also so that the play could be viewed without the taint of its author's notorious reputation. "Marie" was Kane's middle name and she was brought up in the town of Kelvedon Hatch in Essex. "Crave" marks a break from the on-stage violence of Kane's previous works and a move to a freer, sometimes lyrical writing style, at times inspired by her reading of the Bible and T. S. Eliot's "The Waste Land". It has four characters, each identified only by a letter of the alphabet. It dispenses with plot and unlike her earlier work, with its highly specific stage directions, gives no indication what actions, if any, the actors should perform on stage, nor does it give any setting for the play. As such, it may have been influenced by Martin Crimp's 1997 play "Attempts on Her Life", which similarly dispenses with setting and overall narrative. Kane had written of her admiration for Crimp's formal innovations. The work is highly intertextual. At the time, Kane regarded it as the "most despairing" of her plays, written when she had lost "faith in love". "4.48 Psychosis". Her last play, "4.48 Psychosis", was completed shortly before she died and was performed in 2000, at the Royal Court, directed by James Macdonald. This, Kane's shortest and most fragmented theatrical work, dispenses with plot and character, and no indication is given as to how many actors were intended to voice the play. Written at a time when Kane was suffering from severe depression, it has been described by her fellow-playwright and friend David Greig as having as its subject the "psychotic mind". According to Greig, the title derives from the time—4:48 a.m.—when Kane, in her depressed state, frequently woke in the morning. Reception and legacy. Though Kane's work never played to large audiences in the UK and was at first dismissed by many newspaper critics, her plays have been widely performed in Europe, Australia and South America. In 2005, the theatre director Dominic Dromgoole wrote that she was "without doubt the most performed new writer on the international circuit". Fellow-playwright Mark Ravenhill has said her plays "have almost certainly achieved canonical status". At one point in Germany, there were 17 simultaneous productions of her work. In November 2010, the theatre critic Ben Brantley of the "New York Times" described the SoHo Rep's "shattering production" of Kane's "Blasted" (which had opened two years previously) as "one of the most important New York premieres of the decade". Playwright Robert Askins, who received a 2015 Tony Award nomination for Best Play for "Hand to God", has cited Kane as a major inspiration. In Ukraine, director Roza Sarkisyan chose to produce an excerpt of one of Kane's plays for the British Council in 2017 and cites Kane as an inspiration.

singular work

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4942533

Light Vessel Number 83 (LV-83) "Swiftsure " is a lightship and museum ship owned by Northwest Seaport in Seattle, Washington. Launched in 1904 at Camden, New Jersey and in active service until 1960 after serving on all five of the American west coast's lightship stations, it is the oldest surviving lightship in the United States, the only one still fitted with its original steam engine, and the last lightship with wooden decks. LV-83 was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1989, and has been undergoing major restoration since 2008. Description. As built, LV-83 was one of the nation's new third-generation lightships, with an all-steel hull, wooden decks, and a powerful double-expansion steam engine. It measured on the keel, 133 feet overall, with a beam of and a draft of , and was rated at 668 tons. The beakhead roller on the bow was later removed, reducing length overall to 129 feet 6 inches. The ship's aids to navigation currently include a 1,000-watt beacon light, a 140-decibel Diaphone horn, and a foredeck fog bell. At the time of launching, however, the beacon consisted of a chandelier of three oil lamps that could be hoisted up the masts from the deck. These were originally powered by whale oil, then first converted to kerosene, and finally electrified in 1930. A 12-inch diameter steam whistle was the primary sound signaling device on board with the 1,000-lb bell standing by as the auxiliary. For a time, LV-83 was also fitted with an underwater bell with a mechanical striker that would strike out the ship's identity as a submarine signal. Sound carries much farther in water, extending the range of the ship's signals. The underwater bell was removed when a radio beacon was fitted on the ship for long-range signaling. For propulsion, LV-83 was driven by a single 8-foot diameter screw powered by a 375-horsepower marine steam engine, originally fed by a pair of coal-fired fire-tube Scotch boilers. The ship had two coal bunkers, each with a capacity of 75 tons, and freshwater tankage for more than 11,000 gallons. In 1934, the Scotch boilers were replaced with modern oil-fired watertube boilers, improving endurance, speed of bunkering, and speed in raising steam while simultaneously reducing the size of the boiler room crew. During active service, LV-83's normal crew complement was 15, with 10 on duty at any given time. The others were on shore leave rotation. Crew size did fluctuate slightly with technological modifications such as the labor saving oil-fired boilers or the successive waves of new electronic devices like radio and radar. During World War II, the ship's complement increased to more than 30 to man the guns fitted aboard for war duty. History. LV-83 was launched in Camden, New Jersey in 1904, and was deployed to the West Coast to serve on the Blunt's Reef lightship station. Since the Panama Canal would not be completed for another decade, LV-83 (accompanied by LV-76) had to steam around the tip of South America and north to San Francisco to reach its first station assignment at Blunts Reef off Crescent City, California. While there, the ship rescued 150 people from the steamer "Bear" after that ship ran aground on the reef in dense fog. Formerly known as Relief, LV-83 had numerous names on its sides, all of which indicated the location of its station. "Swiftsure" refers to the Swiftsure Bank near the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca, which separates Washington from Vancouver Island. She also guided ships near Umatilla Reef and the Columbia River Bar. The ship was decommissioned in 1960, and purchased by Northwest Seaport in 1966. It is listed on the National Register of Historic Places, was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1989, and is on the Washington State Heritage Register. LV-83 is docked on Lake Union, in Seattle, Washington, where a long-running restoration was begun in 2008. LV-83 is open to visitors on most summer weekends, or by appointment.

most widely used noise

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3472160

The Madonna with the Long Neck (), also known as Madonna and Child with Angels and St. Jerome, is an Italian Mannerist oil painting by Parmigianino, dating from c. 1535-1540 and depicting Madonna and Child with angels. The painting was begun in 1534 for the funerary chapel of Francesco Tagliaferri in Parma, but remained incomplete on Parmigianino's death in 1540. Ferdinando de' Medici, Grand Prince of Tuscany, purchased it in 1698 and it has been on display at the Uffizi since 1948. Description. The painting depicts the Virgin Mary seated on a high pedestal in luxurious robes, holding a large baby Jesus on her lap. Six angels crowded together on the Madonna's right adore the Christ-child. In the lower right-hand corner of the painting is an enigmatic scene, with a row of marble columns and the emaciated figure of St. Jerome. A depiction of St. Jerome was required by the commissioner because of the saint's connection with the adoration of the Virgin Mary. The painting is popularly called "Madonna of the Long Neck" because "the painter, in his eagerness to make the Holy Virgin look graceful and elegant, has given her a neck like that of a swan." On the unusual arrangement of figures, Austrian-British art historian E. H. Gombrich writes: Parmigianino has distorted nature for his own artistic purposes, creating a typical Mannerist figura serpentinata. Jesus is also extremely large for a baby, and he lies precariously on Mary's lap as if about to fall at any moment. The Madonna herself is of hardly human proportions—she is almost twice the size of the angels to her right. Her right foot rests on cushions that appear to be only a few inches away from the picture plane, but the foot itself seems to project beyond it, and is thus on "our" side of the canvas, breaking the conventions of a framed picture. Her slender hands and long fingers have also led the Italian medical scientist Vito Franco of the University of Palermo to diagnose that Parmigianino's model had the genetic disorder Marfan syndrome affecting her connective tissue.

nearly double the dimensions

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10830069

Village banking is a microcredit methodology whereby financial services are administered locally rather than centralized in a formal bank. Village banking has its roots in ancient cultures and was most recently adopted for use by micro-finance institutions (MFIs) as a way to control costs. Early MFI village banking methods were innovated by Grameen Bank and then later developed by groups such as FINCA International founder John Hatch. Among US-based non-profit agencies there are at least 31 microfinance institutions (MFIs) that have collectively created over 800 village banking programs in at least 90 countries. And in many of these countries there are host-country MFIs—sometimes dozens—that are village banking practitioners as well. Methodology. A village bank is an informal self-help support group of 20-30 members, predominantly female heads-of-household. If the program is “on mission”, in a normal village bank about 50% of all new members entering the program will be severely poor—representing families with a daily per-capita expenditure (DPCE) of less than US$1; the rest are moderately poor (DPCE=$1–2/day) or non-poor (DPCE >$2). These women meet once a week in the home of one of their members to avail themselves of working capital loans, a safe place to save, skill training, mentoring, and motivation. Loans normally start at $50–$100 and are linked to savings such that the more a client saves the more she can borrow. The normal loan period is four months and is repaid in 16 weekly installments. At the end of 2006, 95% of clients covered by a benchmark sample of 71 NGOs and institutions engaged in village bank lending were women. To eliminate the need for collateral (the poor man's obstacle to receiving bank loans), village banks rely on a variation of the solidarity lending methodology. It relies on a system of cross-guarantees, where each member of a village bank ensures the loan of every other member. This system gives rise to an atmosphere of social pressure within the village bank, where the cost of social embarrassment motivates bank members to repay their loans in full. The admixture of cross-guarantees and social pressure makes it possible for even the poorest people to receive loans. This method has proven very effective for FINCA, yielding a repayment rate of over 97% in its worldwide network. Village banks are highly democratic, self-managed, grassroots organizations. They elect their own leaders, select their own members, create their own bylaws, do their own bookkeeping, manage all funds, disburse and deposit all funds, resolve loan delinquency problems, and levy their own fines on members who come late, miss meetings, or fall behind in their payments. There was some hope in the early years of village bank development that these small village organizations could become independent and self-financing, but this hope was later abandoned. Most village banks in operation today are directly supervised by the staff of a local NGO or microfinance institution, from which they receive much of their loan financing. Sources of funds. Market interest rates apply to village bank loans. At the end of 2006, the average portfolio yield for a sample 71 microfinance institutions engaged in village banking was 27.7%, after removing the effect of local inflation. The village bank itself will usually mark up this rate when it on-lends to individual members. While these rates seem high, they are low compared to those charged by local moneylenders in most countries. Unlike rural banks and credit unions these microfinance institutions do not provide savings services directly to their clients. The capital for the loans is provided by FINCA with on-time weekly installment repayments collectively guaranteed by all members—i.e., a shortfall by one member must be covered by other group members. This joint liability form of microcredit is controversial, with Muhammad Yunus (for example) rejecting formal systems of joint liability in Grameen Bank's solidarity groups. FINCA. Worldwide FINCA’s 20 affiliates have a mostly-local staff of over 10,000 people, including credit officers and supervisors. Each credit officer attends the weekly meeting of each of her 10-15 village banks to coach its leadership committee and monitor the bank’s activities. In addition to motivation and adult education, the credit officer supervises client attendance, monitors bookkeeping accuracy, checks the accuracy of the current week’s loan and savings collections, and checks when the deposit receipt of the previous meeting. In turn, each village bank is managed by its elected officers—a president (who leads the bank’s democratic decision-making process), secretary (who takes attendance and keeps minutes) and a treasurer (responsible for accurately handling all cash transactions). Finally, each village banker has her own passbook, and her recorded balances of loan payments and savings deposits must always be the same as those recorded in the treasurer’s record for each client.

each individual

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=36231883

Claudia Leigh is a fictional character from the Australian television drama "City Homicide", played by Tasma Walton. Shortly after the actress relocated to Melbourne, she was approached by producer MaryAnne Carroll to appear in the series. Carroll asked Walton whether she would be interested in a recurring role. Walton had previously turned down several acting jobs, while waiting for the right one to come along and she was cautious about taking the "City Homicide" role. She revealed that she did not want a repeat of her "Blue Heelers" character Dash McKinley. However, Walton was immediately interested in Claudia's job as a criminal profiler and her semi-regular status. Walton's casting was announced on 1 February 2009 and she made her debut screen appearance in the second season episode "Rage", which was broadcast on 22 March 2009. Claudia Leigh is a criminal profiler and psychologist. As profiling is not a big department within the Australian police force, dramatic licence was taken with Claudia and it was stated that she came up through the detective ranks, before becoming a specialised criminal psychologist. Walton explained that Claudia is fascinated with the workings of the criminal mind and comes from an intellectual approach. Walton described her as a pretty straightforward and assertive character. A major storyline for Claudia saw her tasked with putting together a profile for a case featuring a serial rapist, who has murdered one of his victims. Claudia unsuccessfully tries to get a confession from the prime suspect Daniel Worthington (Martin Sacks), before he is bailed. Daniel later follows Claudia home and attacks her. Walton said portraying the scenes was "challenging and required a strong level of emotional intensity". Casting. On 1 February 2009, Luke Dennehy reported Walton had joined the cast of "City Homicide" as semi-regular character Claudia Leigh. Dennehy observed Walton last had a regular television job as Dash McKinley in "Blue Heelers", a role she quit in 1999. The actress had turned down several acting offers, while waiting for the right part to come along. Shortly after she relocated to Melbourne, Walton was approached by producer MaryAnne Carroll to appear on "City Homicide". Carroll inquired whether Walton would be interested in a recurring role. The actress was initially cautious about accepting as she did not want a repeat of the Dash character. Walton revealed "After three years of "Heelers" I decided that I didn't want to do a regular gig again. The beauty of Claudia Leigh is that she comes and goes." At the time of her casting announcement, Walton had already filmed one episode and would be filming more in the coming weeks. She later commented that she enjoyed her time on "City Homicide" and said her character was "really nice". Development. Detective Senior Sergeant Claudia Leigh is a criminal profiler and psychologist. Walton was immediately interested in the part because Claudia's job is not a straightforward police role. She commented that it is something that is intellectual and different from her previous acting parts, saying "Claudia is a very different character. Dash (on "Heelers") was quite impetuous, impulsive. Claudia is almost the polar opposite. She considers what she needs to say and comes from an intellectual approach." Unlike other cast members, Walton did not get to work with people who do her character's job in real life. She told a "TV Week" writer that profiling is not a big department within the Australian police force and explained "Usually what happens is you have detectives who do that sort of psychology work, but who also do something else, such as ballistics or forensics. We've taken a little bit of dramatic licence with Claudia. She's come up through the detective ranks but she's now a highly specialised criminal psychologist." Walton stated that the role appealed to her because Claudia comes and goes. The homicide team do not always need a profiler, so she works elsewhere in the building and then comes in when the squad need a different angle on a case. The actress revealed that there would not be any romance for Claudia, saying "She's a pretty straightforward, assertive character, but still very feminine. She just comes in, does her job, then leaves." Walton explained to a "Who" magazine writer that Claudia often talks a lot and uses police jargon, so she had to learn large amounts of dialogue. She told the writer that if she had been on a morning shoot and was later asked about her lines, she would not be able to remember them. Following her introduction, Claudia plays an important part in a case that involves Bernice Waverley (Noni Hazlehurst). In July 2010, Claudia is asked to put a profile together for a case featuring a serial rapist, who has killed a woman. The prime suspect is Daniel Worthington (Martin Sacks), who has an alibi and is due to leave the country in two days. Claudia tries using psychology to get a confession in the interview, but fails and Daniel is later bailed. Claudia is unaware Daniel has followed her home and as she is unlocking her front door, he pulls a plastic bag over her head and takes her inside. Walton told "The Daily Telegraph's" Darren Devlyn that the scenes portraying Claudia's attack were "challenging and required a strong level of emotional intensity over a long period of time." The actress explained that filming with Sacks was "fantastic", regardless of the material, as they had previously worked together on "Blue Heelers". She also called the realisation that women had been in Claudia's situation in real life "truly frightening and tragic." Daniel confesses his crimes to a tied up Claudia, before stating that he intends to kill he too. However, Jennifer Mapplethorpe (Nadine Garner) arrives and as she fights with Daniel, Claudia shoot him. Storylines. While leaving the homicide department, Clauda is approached by Simon Joyner (Daniel MacPherson), who asks for her opinion on a case involving a man who has deliberately run down a teenager. Claudia states that the man could have an impulse control problem or psychosis. She tells Simon that she will put a profile together for him later on. When Bernice Waverley's son, Josh (William Jarratt), is kidnapped by Billy Pierce (Simon Stone), Claudia briefs the team on the situation. She explains that Billy is a disturbed man, who perceives Bernice as the enemy. He believes she was responsible for his brother's sacking and subsequent suicide, so he wants her to suffer too. When Billy is brought in, Claudia guides Simon and Matt Ryan (Damien Richardson) through the interview. Claudia learns Duncan Freeman (Aaron Pedersen) has returned to full duties, after being beaten almost to death by two criminals, and confronts his Sergeant Stanley Wolfe (Shane Bourne) about the decision. Stanley tells Claudia that he understands her reservations, but he feels it is the best way to proceed. Later that day, Stanley explains that Duncan is going to be fine, but that Simon needs her help. Claudia talks with him and gets him to speak to a colleague about his issues. Claudia reprimands Allie Kingston (Nadia Townsend) when she upsets a victim involved in the sex-slave trade. However, they later get the victim talking and the case is solved. Claudia also advises the homicide squad on several cases, including; a murdered toddler who was last seen with two young boys, the deaths of a young couple at sea and a serial killer who has preyed on ten women over twelve years. Claudia helps Simon when he is framed for murder and investigated by Susan Blake (Georgie Parker) of the Ethical Standards Division. Claudia confronts Susan when she learns that she used her to manipulate Simon. Claudia later tells Simon that she believes he is suffering from vicarious syndrome. When a business woman is brutally raped and murdered, the homicide squad ask Claudia to out a profile together for their prime suspect, Daniel Worthington. Homicide has two days to find the evidence that he killed the woman and raped two others, before he leaves the country. Claudia interviews Daniel using psychology to get a confession, but fails. Daniel is bailed and he follows Claudia home and attacks her with chloroform and ties her to her bed. He admits to the murder and rape and goes to shower. Jennifer Mapplethorpe arrives and she places her gun on the bed as she frees Claudia. Daniel returns and tries to attack Jennifer with a pair of scissors, but Claudia shoots him dead. Claudia later returns to work and helps the team in their investigations into the disappearance and murder of a young woman who vanished after a party and a suspect who has become a vigilante. Reception. Watching Claudia's first episode, Dianne Butler, writing for "The Courier-Mail", said "I believe I'll also struggle to take Tasma Walton seriously after hearing her describe a suspect as extremely intelligent. It's her first episode on Sunday night, and the series' last. She plays a police profiler. Police profilers are very big in television, you'd know that. You could say they're extremerly popular." While commenting on the team, Debi Enker from "The Age" stated "Worst affected is poor Tasma Walton in the largely thankless role of psychologist Claudia Leigh. Her job appears to involve sitting in the office and making smug pronouncements about human nature, with particular attention to perverts." Enker's colleague Farah Farouque called Claudia "po-faced". During the Daniel Worthington storyline, a "TV Week" reporter branded Claudia "pretty" and wrote that she "may regret her hard-ball approach" to the case.

robust amount

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=44097889

Dil Pe Mat Le Yaar!! () is a 2000 Indian drama film directed by Hansal Mehta, written by Saurabh Shukla and produced by Ajay Tuli, Anish and Hansal Mehta. It stars Manoj Bajpayee, Tabu, Saurabh Shukla and Aditya Srivastava in pivotal roles. The film met with positive critical response and was an average grosser at the box office. Plot. An innocent simpleton Ram Saran Pandey (Manoj Bajpai) leaves his village for Mumbai to make his earnings. He leaves behind his parents and promises them that he will call them to the city once he is stable. In the bustling city, he gets a job as a car mechanic. Kamya Lal (Tabu), a journalist, visits the car garage as a customer and is bowled over by his innocence and honesty. She makes up her mind to write articles on his life and make him popular among the social circles. Soon, the mutual admiration develops into a good friendship and Ram falls in love with her. However, she rebuffs him on every proposal. On one night, Ram accidentally spots Kamya in a compromising position with another person in her apartment and this breaks his heart. He decides to shed his innocence, takes the rough path to propose her, and ends up being a don in town. Cast. Kashmira Shah appears as an item song dancer for title track Soundtrack. The music is composed by Vishal Bhardwaj. Lyrics were written by Abbas Tyrewala except the song "Paagal" which was written by Piyush Mishra.

bumpy course

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=60612248

Coblation tonsillectomy is a surgical procedure in which the patient's tonsils are removed by destroying the surrounding tissues that attach them to the pharynx. It was first implemented in 2001. The word "coblation" is short for ‘controlled ablation’, which means a controlled procedure used to destroy soft tissue. This procedure uses low temperature radio frequency during the operation, which was found to cause less pain for the patient than previous technologies used for tonsillectomy. Data collected from coblation tonsillectomy operations showed that the healing of the tonsillar fossa is much faster when this low temperature technology is used instead of a heat based technology, such as electrocautery tonsillectomy. Since coblation has been introduced to the medical field, more than 10 million surgical operations have been performed, but as of 2019, research is still ongoing to determine the positive and negative effects of this procedure. Technology. Components. The equipment used for coblation tonsillectomy consists of a radio frequency (RF) generator, foot pedal control, irrigation system, and a tonsil wand. The generator provides radio frequency, which is essential for the procedure, and connects the foot pedal system to the tonsil wand. The foot pedals are colour coded to prevent confusion: one is yellow and is used for controlling the coblation, while the other is blue and used for controlling the radio frequency cautery. The wand is connected to the RF generator so it can be controlled with the pedals. The wand consists of a base electrode and an active electrode, which have ceramic and flowing saline between them. The radio frequency current that is produced by the generator travels through the saline, breaking the molecular bonds and forming ions. This creates a plasma field around the electrodes, which is used for removing soft tissue. There should not be any smoke produced while the coblation wand is being used during the operation; if this occurs, it is a sign that ablated tissue has entered the coblation wand's electrode area. This means that the current is not able to break down the saline into ions properly, so smoke is produced. When this happens, the coblation wand needs to be cleaned out before using it again. Plasma field. The plasma field has a radius of about 100μm-200μm around the electrodes and is kept stable within the head of the coblation wand by the continuous supply of saline. Furthermore, the plasma field is controlled by the bipolar energy between the negative and positive ions that are produced by the plasma in order to use a precise amount of plasma to prevent damaging healthy tissues around the tonsils. Plasma does not have a thermal effect on tissue: it only affects it on a chemical level. The plasma field produces positively charged hydrogen ions (H+) and negatively charged hydroxide ions (OH-), which enable plasma to destroy tissue. There is no or only minor damage done to nearby tissues during the coblation procedure because charged particles move between the generated plasma field and the ablated tissue, hence the molecules breakdown without the temperatures rising high. The temperature for coblation tonsillectomy ranged from 60 °C to 70 °C, while other tonsillectomy operation procedures, such as electrosurgery require temperatures ranging from 400 °C to 600 °C, which is much higher. Thus, coblation is considered to be a non-heat focused medical procedure that is much better at causing minimal thermal damage to untargeted tissues near the targeted area. Reasons for surgery. The need for removing tonsils of an individual using the coblation tonsillectomy surgical process can occur for four reasons. Firstly, the patient may have frequent long lasting tonsillitis. Secondly, tonsils can become swollen and inflamed which may cause breathing problems. Thirdly, blood loss can occur through the tonsils, which is a sign that they need to be removed. Lastly, in some cases tonsils get affected by rare diseases and viruses, which can only be treated by removing the tonsils. Tonsillitis. Tonsils are part of the first line of defense in the mouth as they create white blood cells in order to fight diseases, bacteria and viruses that enter through the mouth. Owing to being exposed to amounts of material that enter the mouth, tonsils can become infected, which is called tonsillitis. This occurs mainly in children as in this age group is when the tonsils are the key providers of immune system functions. By the time individuals reach adulthood, they have been exposed to many diseases, bacteria and viruses, so they have developed immunity against these infection causing micro-organisms. Thus, adults normally do not need the help of tonsils anymore. When tonsillitis occurs regularly, meaning about seven times a year then the removal of tonsils is needed, otherwise it can have detrimental effects on the individual's health. Furthermore, tonsil surgery may be required when antibiotic treatment does not help in getting rid of the bacteria, which causes tonsillitis. Swollen tonsils. After being exposed to several tonsil infections, tonsils have the tendency to become swollen and inflamed, but other factors may make them enlarged as well, such as genetics. Some of the significant problems that can arise due to having enlarged tonsils are breathing difficulties and the ability to swallow, thus the removal of tonsils is required. Other conditions. After having frequent tonsil infections or severe diseases, bleeding from the tonsils tissues can occur. Furthermore, cancer cells can develop in the tonsil tissues. These are mostly uncommon but can still occur and can only be treated by surgically removing the tonsils from the both sides of the back of the throat. Risks of the surgery. Similarly to any other medical surgery, coblation tonsillectomy has health risk factors as well, which can but will not necessarily occur from the surgery. Firstly, reactions to the general anesthetic drug, which is used to make the patients sleep while they are under surgery, can cause both short-term and long-term health problems, for example minor health problems like vomiting, nausea, muscle soreness, headache, and major health problems can include death. Another risk factor is that swelling can occur throughout the whole mouth during the beginning section of the surgery, but swelling is most likely to occur on the tongue and in the tissues surrounding the tonsils at the back of the throat. Furthermore, rarely bleeding may be present in the tonsil area of the mouth throughout the surgical procedure, which would need extra treatment on top of the coblation tonsillectomy surgery. This would require the patient to remain in the hospital for a longer period of time in order to fully recover. Bleeding in areas around the tonsils can also occur during the healing stage in the first few weeks after surgery because the wound is still fresh and can open up in come occasions. In addition, infections may develop in the mouth from the surgery, the main cause of these infections are the surgical equipment that are used if they were not disinfected properly before surgical procedure. Surgery. Overview. Tonsillectomy is a surgical procedure that consists of taking out the patient's tonsils, which produce chemical substances in back mouth area to assist in keeping a good health by fighting off infections. Tonsils can become enlarged when they are infected by a virus or bacteria over and over again, hence to combat the frequently occurring infections it becomes necessary to surgically remove the tonsils. High percentage of the population get their tonsils removed in their child years, however some people who do not go through the operation in their early years tend to get it removed later on in their lifetime because their tonsil glands swell to a point where they are struggling to breath. Before the procedure. Before the surgery begins, the surgeon will take multiple blood test, physically examine the patient, and the surgeon will also check the past medical records of the patient to make sure it is safe to conduct the surgical procedure. On top of that, the surgeon doctor will ask about the types of medications that have been taken by the patient in the last 10 days following up to the surgery because certain medications can increase the chances of bleeding during the surgical procedure, such as aspirin and naproxen. Furthermore, the patient will be required to stop the consumption of any food and drinks for several hours before the procedure begins. Surgical Procedure. Coblation tonsillectomy is an outpatient surgical process, meaning patients are able leave the hospital and go home after they have went through the surgery and have woken up, so they it is unnecessary for them to stay overnight. At the start of the surgical procedure, the patient is given a specific amount of general anesthesia to go into a deep sleep, in which they are not able to feel any pain until it wears off, and by the time it wears off the operation is over as it tends take less than one hour for operation to be fully done. Additionally, a breathing tube is provided for the patient, which is inserted into the nose instead of the regular breathing tube for the mouth in order to have enough space in the mouth for the surgery to be conducted in a safe and precise manner. The operation commences immediately after the patient has fallen asleep from the anesthesia. A mouth prop is used as a wedge to put between the upper and lower teeth on one side of the mouth in order to keep the patient's mouth wide open and steady for the surgeon to conduct the surgery with ease. Both tonsils are removed with coblation technology by applying precise amounts of plasma to detach the tonsils from the surrounding tissues without causing thermal damage. After the tonsils are fully removed, any bleeding that occurs at the back of the throat is stopped and the patient is woken up using medical drugs. Then the breathing tubes are completely removed and the patient is moved to the post-anesthesia care unit to recover and wake up. Recovery from surgery. After the coblation tonsillectomy surgery, the patient will be taken the recovery room, where they will wake up soon after the surgery. A nurse will check the patient's blood pressure, heart rate, and if any bleeding is present. If bleeding is present in the tonsil area due to slow recovery rate then the patient will be required to stay at the hospital overnight. Otherwise, if everything is stable then the patient can go home, but a relative or someone close to the patient will be required to take them home and take care of the patient until necessary. One to two weeks is normally the required time to for all wounds to fully heal from the coblation tonsillectomy surgery. Until the patient is still recovering at home, they should try not to come in contact with any sick people because the recovery stage is critical as they can easily get an infection in the tonsil area. The patient will likely experience pain in the throat, ears, jaws, and neck where it is most common. So it is recommended to take pain medication to reduce the pain in these areas. Furthermore, to assist the recovery of the wounds and to avoid any obstacles during recovery, the patient should consume lots of fluids to prevent being dehydrated. The patient only consume food that can be swallowed with an ease, soft and smooth food is recommended in order to prevent reopening the wounds from the surgery. The most vital part of recovery is taking lots of bed rest and avoiding physical activity, like sports for about two weeks. In some cases, it is vital for the patient to see a doctor immediately or go to emergency in a hospital if any health problems occur during recovery, for example bleeding, fever, dehydration and breathing problems.

surgical equipment controlled by the feet

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=21230195

Stamford Riverside Festival was an annual music festival in Stamford, Lincolnshire, England. It has been going for over 25 years, previous event names being 'Rock on the Rec', 'Rock on the Meadows' and 'Music on the Meadows'. The festival provided for genres such as Rock, Punk, Indie, Acoustic and more recently, Dance, and has included artists such as Midget, Enter Shikari, Hazel O'Connor, The Levellers and Blast, History. The Stamford Riverside Festival began over 25 years ago as 'Rock on the Rec', a small gathering on a recreation ground in Stamford. Following increasing event success, its location was changed to its current position on meadows by the banks of the River Welland, with a name change to 'Music on the Meadows'. In 1999 it was rebranded as the 'Riverside Festival'. A more organised approach to the running of the event included the introduction of more stages and stalls. Because of the increasing financial strain of running a free festival, and ever-mounting difficulties in obtaining sponsorship, a request was made for a donation from adults on entry. Other changes included the banning of bringing alcohol to the event, in line with police recommendations. After 3 successive cancellations the organisation began referring to the festival in the past tense. It may never be held again. Festivals. 2009. The 2009 event took place on 4 July and included sets by Neck and Stornoway. 2010. The 3–4 July 2010 festival utilised four stages, and was held over two days to celebrate the festival's 10th anniversary. A 'Road to Riverside' competition to find a local band to play at the event was arranged by festival organisers and the "Rutland and Stamford Mercury", and received 670 entries. The 2010 event included a set by Los Salvadores. 2011 (cancellation). On 24 December 2010 it was announced that the festival would be cancelled for 2011, through lack of agreement between the organisers and Stamford Town Council over the re-use of the festival site, and the council's concern over previous damage caused, and the organiser's reluctance to provide the council with audited accounts. A Facebook page was set up in support of the festival. A picnic, promoted by an Internet campaign, was held on the festival date, with a set played by a local band. The picnic was attended by "hundreds of people". 2012 (cancellation). In 2011 it was confirmed that the festival would return for 2012, and would be a ticket only event limited to 15,000 people. The decision to charge entry was to help with rising costs. This event, too, had to be cancelled. This time the reason was the flooding of the site during a summer of regular heavy rains. Stamford town council intervened when the site was flooded 2 days before the event was due to start. 2013 (cancellation). A plan for a substantial festival in 2013 was cancelled because of difficulties over insurance caused by previous year's flooding. By February the insurers had still not settled for the previous year's cancellation and the committee felt that they could not go ahead for 2013.

information operation

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8439608

Huron Valley Lutheran High School (HVLHS) is a secondary school in Westland, Michigan (Metro Detroit) affiliated with the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod, serving the Southeast Michigan Area and supported by the 16 congregation strong 'conference of congregations'. Athletics. Sports teams compete in the Michigan Independent Athletic Conference and are categorized as Size Class D in the Michigan High School Athletic Association. Their athletic teams are called the Hawks.

athletic classification

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=604224

The insulin receptor (IR) is a transmembrane receptor that is activated by insulin, IGF-I, IGF-II and belongs to the large class of receptor tyrosine kinase. Metabolically, the insulin receptor plays a key role in the regulation of glucose homeostasis, a functional process that under degenerate conditions may result in a range of clinical manifestations including diabetes and cancer. Insulin signalling controls access to blood glucose in body cells. When insulin falls, especially in those with high insulin sensitivity, body cells begin only to have access to lipids that do not require transport across the membrane. So, in this way, insulin is the key regulator of fat metabolism as well. Biochemically, the insulin receptor is encoded by a single gene , from which alternate splicing during transcription results in either IR-A or IR-B isoforms. Downstream post-translational events of either isoform result in the formation of a proteolytically cleaved α and β subunit, which upon combination are ultimately capable of homo or hetero-dimerisation to produce the ≈320 kDa disulfide-linked transmembrane insulin receptor. Structure. Initially, transcription of alternative splice variants derived from the INSR gene are translated to form one of two monomeric isomers; IR-A in which exon 11 is excluded, and IR-B in which exon 11 is included. Inclusion of exon 11 results in the addition of 12 amino acids upstream of the intrinsic furin proteolytic cleavage site. Upon receptor dimerisation, after proteolytic cleavage into the α- and β-chains, the additional 12 amino acids remain present at the C-terminus of the α-chain (designated αCT) where they are predicted to influence receptor–ligand interaction. Each isometric monomer is structurally organized into 8 distinct domains consists of; a leucine-rich repeat domain (L1, residues 1-157), a cysteine-rich region (CR, residues 158-310), an additional leucine rich repeat domain (L2, residues 311-470), three fibronectin type III domains; FnIII-1 (residues 471-595), FnIII-2 (residues 596-808) and FnIII-3 (residues 809-906). Additionally, an insert domain (ID, residues 638-756) resides within FnIII-2, containing the α/β furin cleavage site, from which proteolysis results in both IDα and IDβ domains. Within the β-chain, downstream of the FnIII-3 domain lies a transmembrane helix (TH) and intracellular juxtamembrane (JM) region, just upstream of the intracellular tyrosine kinase (TK) catalytic domain, responsible for subsequent intracellular signaling pathways. Upon cleavage of the monomer to its respective α- and β-chains, receptor hetero or homo-dimerisation is maintained covalently between chains by a single disulphide link and between monomers in the dimer by two disulphide links extending from each α-chain. The overall 3D ectodomain structure, possessing four ligand binding sites, resembles an inverted 'V', with the each monomer rotated approximately 2-fold about an axis running parallel to the inverted 'V' and L2 and FnIII-1 domains from each monomer forming the inverted 'V's apex. Ligand binding. The insulin receptor's endogenous ligands include insulin, IGF-I and IGF-II. Using a cryo-EM, structural insight into conformational changes upon insulin binding was provided. Binding of ligand to the α-chains of the IR dimeric ectodomain shifts it from an inverted V-shape to a T-shaped conformation, and this change is propagated structurally to the transmembrane domains, which get closer, eventually leading to autophosphorylation of various tyrosine residues within the intracellular TK domain of the β-chain. These changes facilitate the recruitment of specific adapter proteins such as the insulin receptor substrate proteins (IRS) in addition to SH2-B (Src Homology 2 - B ), APS and protein phosphatases, such as PTP1B, eventually promoting downstream processes involving blood glucose homeostasis. Strictly speaking the relationship between IR and ligand shows complex allosteric properties. This was indicated with the use of a Scatchard plots which identified that the measurement of the ratio of IR bound ligand to unbound ligand does not follow a linear relationship with respect to changes in the concentration of IR bound ligand, suggesting that the IR and its respective ligand share a relationship of cooperative binding. Furthermore, the observation that the rate of IR-ligand dissociation is accelerated upon addition of unbound ligand implies that the nature of this cooperation is negative; said differently, that the initial binding of ligand to the IR inhibits further binding to its second active site - exhibition of allosteric inhibition. These models state that each IR monomer possesses 2 insulin binding sites; site 1, which binds to the 'classical' binding surface of insulin: consisting of L1 plus αCT domains and site 2, consisting of loops at the junction of FnIII-1 and FnIII-2 predicted to bind to the 'novel' hexamer face binding site of insulin. As each monomer contributing to the IR ectodomain exhibits 3D 'mirrored' complementarity, N-terminal site 1 of one monomer ultimately faces C-terminal site 2 of the second monomer, where this is also true for each monomers mirrored complement (the opposite side of the ectodomain structure). Current literature distinguishes the complement binding sites by designating the second monomer's site 1 and site 2 nomenclature as either site 3 and site 4 or as site 1' and site 2' respectively. As such, these models state that each IR may bind to an insulin molecule (which has two binding surfaces) via 4 locations, being site 1, 2, (3/1') or (4/2'). As each site 1 proximally faces site 2, upon insulin binding to a specific site, 'crosslinking' via ligand between monomers is predicted to occur (i.e. as [monomer 1 Site 1 - Insulin - monomer 2 Site (4/2')] or as [monomer 1 Site 2 - Insulin - monomer 2 site (3/1')]). In accordance with current mathematical modelling of IR-insulin kinetics, there are two important consequences to the events of insulin crosslinking; 1. that by the aforementioned observation of negative cooperation between IR and its ligand that subsequent binding of ligand to the IR is reduced and 2. that the physical action of crosslinking brings the ectodomain into such a conformation that is required for intracellular tyrosine phosphorylation events to ensue (i.e. these events serve as the requirements for receptor activation and eventual maintenance of blood glucose homeostasis). Applying cryo-EM and molecular dynamics simulations of receptor reconstituted in nanodiscs, the structure of the entire dimeric insulin receptor ectodomain with four insulin molecules bound was visualized, therefore confirming and directly showing biochemically predicted 4 binding locations. Signal transduction pathway. The Insulin Receptor is a type of tyrosine kinase receptor, in which the binding of an agonistic ligand triggers autophosphorylation of the tyrosine residues, with each subunit phosphorylating its partner. The addition of the phosphate groups generates a binding site for the insulin receptor substrate (IRS-1), which is subsequently activated via phosphorylation. The activated IRS-1 initiates the signal transduction pathway and binds to phosphoinositide 3-kinase (PI3K), in turn causing its activation. This then catalyses the conversion of Phosphatidylinositol 4,5-bisphosphate into Phosphatidylinositol 3,4,5-trisphosphate (PIP3). PIP3 acts as a secondary messenger and induces the activation of phosphatidylinositol dependent protein kinase, which then activates several other kinases – most notably protein kinase B, (PKB, also known as Akt). PKB triggers the translocation of glucose transporter (GLUT4) containing vesicles to the cell membrane, via the activation of SNARE proteins, to facilitate the diffusion of glucose into the cell. PKB also phosphorylates and inhibits glycogen synthase kinase, which is an enzyme that inhibits glycogen synthase. Therefore, PKB acts to start the process of glycogenesis, which ultimately reduces blood-glucose concentration. Function. Regulation of gene expression. The activated IRS-1 acts as a secondary messenger within the cell to stimulate the transcription of insulin-regulated genes. First, the protein Grb2 binds the P-Tyr residue of IRS-1 in its SH2 domain. Grb2 is then able to bind SOS, which in turn catalyzes the replacement of bound GDP with GTP on Ras, a G protein. This protein then begins a phosphorylation cascade, culminating in the activation of mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK), which enters the nucleus and phosphorylates various nuclear transcription factors (such as Elk1). Stimulation of glycogen synthesis. Glycogen synthesis is also stimulated by the insulin receptor via IRS-1. In this case, it is the SH2 domain of PI-3 kinase (PI-3K) that binds the P-Tyr of IRS-1. Now activated, PI-3K can convert the membrane lipid phosphatidylinositol 4,5-bisphosphate (PIP2) to phosphatidylinositol 3,4,5-triphosphate (PIP3). This indirectly activates a protein kinase, PKB (Akt), via phosphorylation. PKB then phosphorylates several target proteins, including glycogen synthase kinase 3 (GSK-3). GSK-3 is responsible for phosphorylating (and thus deactivating) glycogen synthase. When GSK-3 is phosphorylated, it is deactivated, and prevented from deactivating glycogen synthase. In this roundabout manner, insulin increases glycogen synthesis. Degradation of insulin. Once an insulin molecule has docked onto the receptor and effected its action, it may be released back into the extracellular environment or it may be degraded by the cell. Degradation normally involves endocytosis of the insulin-receptor complex followed by the action of insulin degrading enzyme. Most insulin molecules are degraded by liver cells. It has been estimated that a typical insulin molecule is finally degraded about 71 minutes after its initial release into circulation. Immune system. Besides the metabolic function, insulin receptors are also expressed on immune cells, such as macrophages, B cells, and T cells. On T cells, the expression of insulin receptors is undetectable during the resting state but up-regulated upon T-cell receptor (TCR) activation. Indeed, insulin has been shown when supplied exogenously to promote "in vitro" T cell proliferation in animal models. Insulin receptor signalling is important for maximizing the potential effect of T cells during acute infection and inflammation. Pathology. The main activity of activation of the insulin receptor is inducing glucose uptake. For this reason "insulin insensitivity", or a decrease in insulin receptor signaling, leads to diabetes mellitus type 2 – the cells are unable to take up glucose, and the result is hyperglycemia (an increase in circulating glucose), and all the sequelae that result from diabetes. Patients with insulin resistance may display acanthosis nigricans. A few patients with homozygous mutations in the "INSR" gene have been described, which causes Donohue syndrome or Leprechaunism. This autosomal recessive disorder results in a totally non-functional insulin receptor. These patients have low-set, often protuberant, ears, flared nostrils, thickened lips, and severe growth retardation. In most cases, the outlook for these patients is extremely poor, with death occurring within the first year of life. Other mutations of the same gene cause the less severe Rabson-Mendenhall syndrome, in which patients have characteristically abnormal teeth, hypertrophic gingiva (gums), and enlargement of the pineal gland. Both diseases present with fluctuations of the glucose level: After a meal the glucose is initially very high, and then falls rapidly to abnormally low levels. Other genetic mutations to the insulin receptor gene can cause Severe Insulin Resistance. Interactions. Insulin receptor has been shown to interact with

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31631308

Krásný Buk Castle (German: "Schönbuche") is a ruined a medieval castle near the village of the same name (German: "Schönbüchel") in the borough of Krásná Lípa ("Schönlinde") in the Šluknov Hook in the Czech Republic. Of the original castle only a few section of wall and parts of the circular rampart ("Ringwall") and castle moat have survived. History. Krásný Buk was probably founded in the second half of the 13th century. From 1263 its owners could have been the Markwartitz family, but there is no definite evidence of that. At the start of the 14th century the castle belonged to Henry of Leipa, who sold it on in 1319 to the Bohemian king, John of Luxembourg. A little later the Wartenbergs were owners of the castle. They used it especially as a base for their raids. As a result, Krásný Buk was seized and destroyed on 15 September 1339 by troops of the Lusatian League. The castle was not rebuilt again and fell into ruins. Excavations in 1850 at the castle brought shards of pottery and reportedly also horseshoes, arrowheads and a Hussite mace to light. In addition, not far from the castle on a field a badly weathered Roman coin, broken in two, was found dating to the rule of the Emperor Hadrian (117–138 A.D.).

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=32652240

The Republic of Texas was a North American nation from 1836 to 1846; in its short time it established diplomatic relations worldwide, mainly through the cotton trade. Bilateral relations of nations. Austria. William H. Daingerfield, a representative of Texas, visited Austria in February 1845 and found the people of Vienna to have a favorable impression of the Republic. While in Vienna, Daingerfield received news of Texas' annexation to the United States, and therefore was prohibited to communicate with the Austrian government despite repeated entreaties. The Austrian Empire was well aware of the Republic of Texas; František Ladislav Rieger took used the ideals of popular sovereignty in the Texan Constitution to craft a constitution of Austria-Hungary, and many Austrians moved to Texas. In Hungary, the newspaper "", which published extensive information about the Republic, put out a call for ladies to move to Texas. Many Czechs also immigrated to the Republic. Belgium. Texas had a consulate in Antwerp. Just five years after Belgian independence, Texas declared independence. Texas exported cotton, corn and other raw materials to Belgium. Belgium exported iron, tea, beer and many other products to Texas. Belgium had a legation in Austin, and Texas had an embassy in Brussels. Denmark. Denmark was very hesitant to recognize Texas at first, as it deemed its relations with Mexico a priority, and worried that recognition of Texas would violate the 1827 Treaty of Friendship, Trade and Navigation it had signed with Mexico. Denmark, though not extending itself diplomatically, did however go as far as allowing Texan goods into Danish ports but would later put a tariff on all imports from Texas. Aside from the almost one-way trading, relations between the two nations were almost non-existent. Trade between the two nations was minimal, but the Texas did export some cotton and corn to Denmark and its colonies, Denmark may have exported some wheat and finished goods to the Texas; however, this cannot be proven. Trade did not last long before Denmark put a tariff on Texan goods. Federated Republic of Central America. In 1823 Mexico's southernmost provinces seceded from the union forming a Federation of their own. Texas seceded in a much different fashion, and for different reasons, but with the same intention of being free from Mexican Rule. Thus the two nations were seen as destined for diplomacy but few missions were ever enacted, due to their differences in religion, language and ethics. Perhaps Texas' greatest influence over the Federation was the encouragement of nationalism, and in fact the strong feeling of nationalism Texas had was growing in The Central American Provinces, triggering the fragmentation of the Federation into five independent states. Trade and relations between Texas and the former UPCA remained at a minimum, but Guatemala continued relations, and in 1845 was considering opening an embassy in Austin, Texas; however, Texas was annexed by the United States before this was possible. France. France was the only nation to attempt to begin the steps toward official recognition of Texas on September 25, 1839. In 1841 The French opened a legation in Austin, and Texas opened an embassy in Paris. A legation is the equivalent of an embassy; monarchies only sent legations to republics. Great Britain. Texas had a consulate in London, Britain had a consulate in Houston. In 1845 Texas was in the process of applying for an embassy in London; the United States annexed Texas before this was possible. The British never intended to open an embassy in Austin. France also considered putting a consulate general in Houston. The British Empire had strong diplomatic relations with Mexico since 1824. When Texas seceded from Mexico, The Mexican government refused to recognize its sovereignty. The British Empire wanted to maintain its diplomacy with Mexico, thus denying recognition of the Republic of Texas. The British went so far as to supply the Mexican Navy with ironclad warships, at the same time, London ports were secretly accepting Texan goods. Of all the reasons for refusal of recognition, none were so important as the practice of Slavery, which was outlawed throughout the British Empire but practiced in Texas, thus creating an ethical divide between the two nations, solidifying Britain's stance on the Texas sovereignty issue. Eventually, British Empire recognized the Republic of Texas in the summer of 1842. Hanseatic Cities. From the early to mid 1840s, Texas sought to, and technically did establish diplomatic and trade relations with the three Hanseatic cities of Lübeck, Bremen and Hamburg, though the trade negotiations were finalized too late, to really bear any fruit. The three Hanseatic Republics were each for themselves sovereign city-states, yet linked through a joint foreign policy. They already maintained a consulate in Galveston (later also Indianola), and were Texas' third largest trading partner, after the U.S. and Britain. Negotiations for a Friendship, Commerce and Navigation Treaty were initiated by the Texan Envoy and Minister to the Netherlands, and commenced in 1841. The treaty foresaw a most favored nation-clause not only between the three city-states and Texas, but also extendable to any state of the German Confederation. Talks were initially held in Hamburg, but later moved to Paris. It took until April 1844 for the treaty to be signed, by which time Lübeck, Hamburg and Texas foresaw the coming accession of Texas to the U.S., and did not bother ratifying the treaty. Bremen was the only party where the treaty was ratified, coming into effect in December 1844. Mexico. Mexico never recognized Texas' independence. Instead the Mexican government considered Texas a rebellious territory still belonging to Mexico. By 1838 Texas had a firm hold on its eastern lands, but the majority of Texas remained under Mexican control. Texas claimed the official southern and western border between the two countries to be the Rio Grande. Mexico considered it a ridiculous compromise to allow even the eastern part of Texas to remain independent. Netherlands. It did not take long for the Netherlands to decide to open an embassy in Austin, in mimicry of Belgium. In response, Texas opened an embassy in Amsterdam. France, Belgium and the Netherlands were the only three European nations to fully and officially recognize Texas as a sovereign nation. Russian Empire. Russia did not commence diplomacy with Mexico until 1890. The United States had supported the Texas Revolution, and considered Texas a sister state. Attempting to maintain its relations with the US, Russia recognized Texas as an independent state from 1836 until the annexation of Texas by the United States, which Russia also fully supported. Neither Russia nor Texas built an embassy in the other's capital, and it is not known diplomats were sent. Texas exported cotton, and possibly some corn to Russia; however the amount was minute in comparison to that sent to Western Europe. Russia exported nothing to Texas, but did export wheat and grain to the United States, some of which may have been exported to Texas. United States. In 1831 the United States opened an legation in Austin. In 1841 the Republic of Texas opened an embassy in Washington, DC. Republic of Yucatán. Yucatán had an embassy in Austin, Texas had an embassy in Mérida. Both insurgencies had tried to secede from Mexico, and aided each other in disputes with Mexico. The Yucatán insurgency was unsuccessful. Treaties of the Republic of Texas. Treaties of Velasco. The Treaties of Velasco were two documents signed at Velasco, Texas, (which is now Freeport, Texas) on May 14, 1836, between President of Mexico, General Antonio López de Santa Anna, and victorious Texians, in the aftermath of Battle of San Jacinto (April 21, 1836). At the time, Santa Anna was held prisoner and entered into the agreements under duress. The signatories were Interim President David G. Burnet for Texas and General Santa Anna for Mexico. The Treaties were intended, on the part of the Texans, to provide a conclusion of hostilities between the two belligerents and offer the first steps toward the official recognition of the breakaway region's independence. However, there was a public treaty and a secret treaty, and the treaty was never ratified by the Mexican Congress. Moreover, the documents were not even called "treaties" until so characterized by U.S. President James K. Polk in his justifications for war some ten years later, as was pointed out by Congressman Abraham Lincoln in 1848. Treaty of Bird's Fort. The Treaty of Bird’s Fort, or Bird’s Fort Treaty was a peace treaty between the Republic of Texas and some of the Native American tribes of Texas and Oklahoma, signed on September 29, 1843. The treaty was intended to end years of hostilities and warfare between the Native Americans and the white settlers in Texas. The full title of the treaty was “Republic of Texas Treaty with the Indigenous Nations of the Delaware, Chickasaw, Waco, Tawakani, Keechi, Caddo, Anadahkah, Ionie, Biloxi, and Cherokee.” Treaty of Tehuacana Creek. The Treaty of Tehuacana Creek (or the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Commerce) was signed at Tehuacana Creek on October 9, 1844 between representatives from the Republic of Texas and various Native American tribes. The tribes involved in the signing of the treaty were the Comanche, the Keechi, the Waco, Caddo, Anadarko, Ioni, Delaware, Shawnee, Cherokee, Lipan Apache, and Tawakoni tribes. Based on the terms of the treaty, both Native Americans and Texans agreed to cease all hostilities and establish more cooperative political and commercial ties. Texas violated the terms of all treaties. The Cherokee, Delaware, and Shawnee were driven out by unprovoked attacks. The Tonkawa were nearly exterminated. The Lipan were either driven to Mexico or took refuge with the Mexican population.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=62065267

Kastelsvej is a street in the Østerbro district of Copenhagen, Denmark. It runs from Classensgade to Strandboulevarden. History. Kastelsvej was originally called Citadelsvej. It continued to the northern entrance gate to Citadellet Frederikshavn (now Kastellet). A boom house was located approximately where Livjægergade. A fee for using was charged and the provenue went partly to maintenance of the road and partly to the poorly paid servants at Kastellet. The Institute for the Deaf was built on the glacis in front of Kastellet in 1838. The Institute for the Deaf had been built as an arrowhead-shaped revelin which could easily be converted into a defensive structure in the event of a hostile attack. After Copenhagen's fortifications were decommissioned in the 1850s, it was joined by the Royal Institute for the Blind. A number of large villas were built on the street in the after 1900. They were originally ment to line the fashionable new street Bergensgade but it was never continued beyond Kristianiagade, Notable buildings and residents. The former Institute for the Blind is now home to Copenhagen Municipality's children's centre. The building was constructed in two stages in 1857 and 1880 to designs by Ferdinand Meldahl. The Museum Building (No. 19) was built in 1920 for shipping mogul Johan Hansen's extensive art collection. The Neoclassical building was designed by Einar Madvig and Poul Methling. It is now home to a commercial art gallery. It is flanked by two higher apartment buildings. The three-winged Kastelshaven (No. 8-16) is from 1928 and was designed by Peter Nielsen and Ivar Bentsen. The L-shaped Kastelsvænget (20-30) is from 1938. Many of the old villas from the 1900s have been converted into embassies. The house at No. 32 is now home to the Spanish Embassy. The three houses at No. 36-40 are now home to the British Embassy. Public art. In front of the former Royal Institute for the Deaf stands a bust of Peter Atke Castberg who instigated the teaching of deaf children in Denmark in 1807. The bust was created by Viggo Chr. Hansen in 1922. The main entrance to the former Institute for the Blind is flanked by two zinc sculpture, depicting a blind boy and a blind girl. Transport. The nearest railway and metro station is Østerport.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=6035

Celibacy (from Latin "caelibatus") is the state of voluntarily being unmarried, sexually abstinent, or both, usually for religious reasons. It is often in association with the role of a religious official or devotee. In its narrow sense, the term "celibacy" is applied only to those for whom the unmarried state is the result of a sacred vow, act of renunciation, or religious conviction. In a wider sense, it is commonly understood to only mean abstinence from sexual activity. Celibacy has existed in one form or another throughout history, in virtually all the major religions of the world, and views on it have varied. Judaism strongly opposes celibacy. However, the priests of the Essenes, a Jewish sect during the Second Temple period, practised celibacy. The Romans viewed celibacy as an aberration and legislated fiscal penalties against it, with the sole exception granted to the Vestal Virgins. The Islamic attitudes toward celibacy have been straight forward. Several Hadiths indicate that Prophet Muhammad denounced celibacy. Classical Hindu culture encouraged asceticism and celibacy in the later stages of life, after one has met one's societal obligations. Jainism, on the other hand, preached complete celibacy even for young monks and considered celibacy to be an essential behavior to attain moksha. Buddhism is similar to Jainism in this respect. There were, however, significant cultural differences in the various areas where Buddhism spread, which affected the local attitudes toward celibacy. It was not well received in China, for example, where other religions movements such as Daoism were opposed to it. A somewhat similar situation existed in Japan, where the Shinto tradition also opposed celibacy. In most native African and Native American religious traditions, celibacy has been viewed negatively as well, although there were exceptions like periodic celibacy practiced by some Mesoamerican warriors. Etymology. The English word "celibacy" derives from the Latin "caelibatus", "state of being unmarried", from Latin , meaning "unmarried". This word derives from two Proto-Indo-European stems, * "alone" and * "living". Abstinence and celibacy. The words "abstinence" and "celibacy" are often used interchangeably, but are not necessarily the same thing. Sexual abstinence, also known as "continence", is abstaining from some or all aspects of sexual activity, often for some limited period of time, while celibacy may be defined as a voluntary religious vow not to marry or engage in sexual activity. Asexuality is commonly conflated with celibacy and sexual abstinence, but it is considered distinct from the two, as celibacy and sexual abstinence are behavioral and those who use those terms for themselves are generally motivated by factors such as an individual's personal or religious beliefs. A. W. Richard Sipe, while focusing on the topic of celibacy in Catholicism, states that "the most commonly assumed definition of "celibate" is simply an unmarried or single person, and celibacy is perceived as synonymous with sexual abstinence or restraint." Sipe adds that even in the relatively uniform milieu of Catholic priests in the United States "there is simply no clear operational definition of celibacy". Elizabeth Abbott commented on the terminology in her "A History of Celibacy" (2001): "I also drafted a definition that discarded the rigidly pedantic and unhelpful distinctions between celibacy, chastity and virginity". The concept of "new celibacy" was introduced by Gabrielle Brown in her 1980 book "The New Celibacy". In a revised version (1989) of her book, she claims that "abstinence is a response on the outside to what's going on, and celibacy is a response from the inside". According to her definition, celibacy (even short-term celibacy that is pursued for non-religious reasons) is much more than not having sex. It is more intentional than abstinence, and its goal is personal growth and empowerment. This new perspective on celibacy is echoed by several authors including Elizabeth Abbott, Wendy Keller, and Wendy Shalit. Buddhism. The rule of celibacy in the Buddhist religion, whether Mahayana or Theravada, has a long history. Celibacy was advocated as an ideal rule of life for all monks and nuns by Gautama Buddha, except for Japan where it is not strictly followed due to historical and political developments following the Meiji Restoration. In Japan, celibacy was an ideal among Buddhist clerics for hundreds of years. But violations of clerical celibacy were so common for so long that, finally, in 1872, state laws made marriage legal for Buddhist clerics. Subsequently, ninety percent of Buddhist monks/clerics married. An example is Higashifushimi Kunihide, a prominent Buddhist priest of Japanese royal ancestry who was married and a father whilst serving as a monk for most of his lifetime. Gautama, later known as the Buddha, is known for his renunciation of his wife, Princess Yasodharā, and son, Rahula. In order to pursue an ascetic life, he needed to renounce aspects of the impermanent world, including his wife and son. Later on both his wife and son joined the ascetic community and are mentioned in the Buddhist texts to have become enlightened. In another sense, a buddhavacana recorded the zen patriarch Vimalakirti as being an advocate of marital continence instead of monastic renunciation, the sutra became somewhat popular due to its brash humour as well as integrating the role of women in laity as well as spiritual life. Brahma Kumaris. In the religious movement of Brahma Kumaris, celibacy is also promoted for peace and to defeat power of lust and also to prepare for life in forthcoming Heaven on earth for 2,500 years when children will be created by the power of the mind even for householders to like holy brother and sister. In this belief system, celibacy is given the utmost importance. It is said that, as per the direction of the Supreme God those lead a pure and celibate life will be successfully able to conquer the surging vices. The power of celibacy creates an unseen environment of divinity bringing peace, power, purity, prosperity and fortune. Those with the power of celibacy are eligible to claim a bright future of Golden Age of heaven / Paradise. Brahma Kumaris' concept of identifying the self as a soul, different from physical body, is deeply linked to the philosophy of celibacy. It is said that the craving for sex and impure thoughts are the reason for the whole trouble in the universe today. And celibacy is to lead the pure relationship in one's life. Christianity. When Jesus discusses marriage, he points out that there is some responsibility for a man marrying a woman (and vice versa). Not having assets of their own, women needed to be protected from the risk of their husbands' putting them on the street at whim. In those times marriage was an economic matter rather than one of love. A woman and her children could easily be rejected. Restriction of divorce was based on the necessity of protecting the woman and her position in society, not necessarily in a religious context, but an economic context. He also points out that there are those "which were made eunuchs of men: and there be eunuchs, which have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake", but in the original Greek, the word εὐνοῦχος means "castrated person". It was the custom at the time Jesus lived for priests of some ancient gods and goddesses to be castrated. In the pre-Christian period Vestals, who served the virgin goddess of the hearth, were obliged to forgo marriage, and so were some priests and servants of some ancient deities such as Isis. There is no commandment in the New Testament that Jesus' disciples have to live in celibacy. The general view on sexuality among the early Jewish Christians was quite positive. Jesus himself does not speak in negative terms of the body in the New Testament. While the Jewish sect of essenes practiced celibacy the general practice of the Jewish community by that time prescribed marriage for everybody, and at an early age. Saint Peter, also known as Simon Peter, the Apostle was married; Jesus healed Simon Peter's mother-in-law (Matt. 8:14), and other apostles and church members among the early Jewish Christians were also married: Paul's personal friends, Priscilla and Aquila (), who were Paul's coworkers, Andronicus of Pannonia (), and Junia (), who were highly regarded among the apostles, Ananias and Sapphira (Ap 5:1), Apphia and Philemon (Phil 1: 1). According to Eusebius Church History ("Historia Ecclesiastica"), Paul the Apostle, also known as Saul of Tarsus, was also married. It was the custom in the Jewish community to marry early. In his early writings, Paul the Apostle described marriage as a social obligation that has the potential of distracting from Christ. Sex, in turn, is not sinful but natural, and sex within marriage is both proper and necessary. In his later writings, Paul made parallels between the relations between spouses and God's relationship with the church. "Husbands love your wives even as Christ loved the church. Husbands should love their wives as their own bodies" (Ephesians 5:25–28). The early Christians lived in the belief that the End of the World would soon come upon them, and saw no point in planning new families and having children. This was why Paul encouraged both celibate and marital lifestyles among the members of the Corinthian congregation, regarding celibacy as the preferable of the two. Paul the Apostle emphasized the importance of overcoming the desires of the flesh and saw the state of celibacy being superior to the marriage. In the Catholic Church, a consecrated virgin, is a woman who has been consecrated by the church to a life of perpetual virginity in the service of God. According to most Christian thought, the first sacred virgin was Mary, the mother of Jesus, who was consecrated by the Holy Spirit during the Annunciation. Tradition also has it that the Apostle Matthew consecrated virgins. A number of early Christian martyrs were women or girls who had given themselves to Christ in perpetual virginity, such as Saint Agnes and Saint Lucy. Desert Fathers. The Desert Fathers were Christian hermits, and ascetics who had a major influence on the development of Christianity and celibacy. Paul of Thebes is often credited with being the first hermit monk to go to the desert, but it was Anthony the Great who launched the movement that became the Desert Fathers. Sometime around AD 270, Anthony heard a Sunday sermon stating that perfection could be achieved by selling all of one's possessions, giving the proceeds to the poor, and following Christ.(Matt. 19.21) He followed the advice and made the further step of moving deep into the desert to seek complete solitude. Over time, the model of Anthony and other hermits attracted many followers, who lived alone in the desert or in small groups. They chose a life of extreme asceticism, renouncing all the pleasures of the senses, rich food, baths, rest, and anything that made them comfortable. Thousands joined them in the desert, mostly men but also a handful of women. Religious seekers also began going to the desert seeking advice and counsel from the early Desert Fathers. By the time of Anthony's death, there were so many men and women living in the desert in celibacy that it was described as "a city" by Anthony's biographer. The first Conciliar document on celibacy of the Western Christian Church (Synod of Elvira, can. xxxiii) states that the discipline of celibacy is to refrain from the "use" of marriage, i.e. refrain from having carnal contact with one's spouse. According to the later St. Jerome (420), celibacy is a moral virtue, consisting of living in the flesh, but outside the flesh, and so being not corrupted by it ("vivere in carne praeter carnem"). Celibacy excludes not only libidinous acts, but also sinful thoughts or desires of the flesh. Jerome referred to marriage prohibition for priests when he claimed in "Against Jovinianus" that Peter and the other apostles had been married before they were called, but subsequently gave up their marital relations. Celibacy as a vocation may be independent from religious vows (as is the case with consecrated virgins, ascetics and hermits). In the Catholic, Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox traditions, bishops are required to be celibate. In the Eastern Christian traditions, priests and deacons are allowed to be married, yet have to remain celibate if they are unmarried at the time of ordination. Augustinian view. In the early Church, higher clerics lived in marriages. Augustine of Hippo was one of the first to develop a theory that sexual feelings were sinful and negative. Augustine taught that the original sin of Adam and Eve was either an act of "foolishness" ("insipientia") followed by "pride" and "disobedience" to God, or else inspired by pride. The first couple disobeyed God, who had told them not to eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil (Gen 2:17). The tree was a symbol of the order of creation. Self-centeredness made Adam and Eve eat of it, thus failing to acknowledge and respect the world as it was created by God, with its hierarchy of beings and values. They would not have fallen into pride and lack of wisdom, if Satan had not sown into their senses "the root of evil" ("radix Mali"). Their nature was wounded by concupiscence or libido, which affected human intelligence and will, as well as affections and desires, including sexual desire. The sin of Adam is inherited by all human beings. Already in his pre-Pelagian writings, Augustine taught that Original Sin was transmitted by concupiscence, which he regarded as the passion of both soul and body, making humanity a "massa damnata" (mass of perdition, condemned crowd) and much enfeebling, though not destroying, the freedom of the will. In the early 3rd century, the Canons of the Apostolic Constitutions decreed that only lower clerics might still marry after their ordination, but marriage of bishops, priests, and deacons were not allowed. Augustine's view of sexual feelings as sinful affected his view of women. For example, he considered a man's erection to be sinful, though involuntary, because it did not take place under his conscious control. His solution was to place controls on women to limit their ability to influence men. He equated flesh with woman and spirit with man. He believed that the serpent approached Eve because she was less rational and lacked self-control, while Adam's choice to eat was viewed as an act of kindness so that Eve would not be left alone. Augustine believed sin entered the world because man (the spirit) did not exercise control over woman (the flesh). Augustine's views on women were not all negative, however. In his "Tractates on the Gospel of John", Augustine, commenting on the Samaritan woman from John 4:1–42, uses the woman as a figure of the church. According to Raming, the authority of the "Decretum Gratiani", a collection of Roman Catholic canon law which prohibits women from leading, teaching, or being a witness, rests largely on the views of the early church fathers, especially St. Augustine. The laws and traditions founded upon St. Augustine's views of sexuality and women continue to exercise considerable influence over church doctrinal positions regarding the role of women in the church. After Augustine. One explanation for the origin of obligatory celibacy is that it is based on the writings of Saint Paul, who wrote of the advantages celibacy allowed a man in serving the Lord. Celibacy was popularised by the early Christian theologians like Saint Augustine of Hippo and Origen. Another possible explanation for the origins of obligatory celibacy revolves around more practical reason, "the need to avoid claims on church property by priests' offspring". It remains a matter of Canon Law (and often a criterion for certain religious orders, especially Franciscans) that priests may not own land and therefore cannot pass it on to legitimate or illegitimate children. The land belongs to the Church through the local diocese as administered by the Local Ordinary (usually a bishop), who is often an "ex officio" corporation sole. Celibacy is viewed differently by the Catholic Church and the various Protestant communities. It includes clerical celibacy, celibacy of the consecrated life, voluntary lay celibacy, and celibacy outside of marriage. The Protestant Reformation rejected celibate life and sexual continence for preachers. Protestant celibate communities have emerged, especially from Anglican and Lutheran backgrounds. A few minor Christian sects advocate celibacy as a better way of life. These groups included the Shakers, the Harmony Society and the Ephrata Cloister. Many evangelicals prefer the term "abstinence" to "celibacy". Assuming everyone will marry, they focus their discussion on refraining from premarital sex and focusing on the joys of a future marriage. But some evangelicals, particularly older singles, desire a positive message of celibacy that moves beyond the "wait until marriage" message of abstinence campaigns. They seek a new understanding of celibacy that is focused on God rather than a future marriage or a lifelong vow to the Church. There are also many Pentecostal churches which practice celibate ministry. For instance, The full-time ministers of the Pentecostal Mission are celibate and generally single. Married couples who enter full-time ministry may become celibate and could be sent to different locations. Catholic Church. During the first three or four centuries, no law was promulgated prohibiting clerical marriage. Celibacy was a matter of choice for bishops, priests, and deacons. Statutes forbidding clergy from having wives were written beginning with the Council of Elvira (306) but these early statutes were not universal and were often defied by clerics and then retracted by hierarchy. The Synod of Gangra (345) condemned a false asceticism whereby worshipers boycotted celebrations presided over by married clergy." The Apostolic Constitutions () excommunicated a priest or bishop who left his wife 'under the pretense of piety"’ (Mansi, 1:51). "A famous letter of Synesius of Cyrene () is evidence both for the respecting of personal decision in the matter and for contemporary appreciation of celibacy. For priests and deacons clerical marriage continued to be in vogue". "The Second Lateran Council (1139) seems to have enacted the first written law making sacred orders a diriment impediment to marriage for the universal Church." Celibacy was first required of some clerics in 1123 at the First Lateran Council. Because clerics resisted it, the celibacy mandate was restated at the Second Lateran Council (1139) and the Council of Trent (1545–64). In places, coercion and enslavement of clerical wives and children was apparently involved in the enforcement of the law. "The earliest decree in which the children [of clerics] were declared to be slaves and never to be enfranchised [freed] seems to have been a canon of the Synod of Pavia in 1018. Similar penalties were promulgated against wives and concubines (see the Synod of Melfi, 1189 can. xii), who by the very fact of their unlawful connexion with a subdeacon or clerk of higher rank became liable to be seized by the over-lord". Celibacy for priests continues to be a contested issue even today. In the Roman Catholic Church, the Twelve Apostles are considered to have been the first priests and bishops of the Church. Some say the call to be eunuchs for the sake of Heaven in Matthew 19 was a call to be sexually continent and that this developed into celibacy for priests as the successors of the apostles. Others see the call to be sexually continent in Matthew 19 to be a caution for men who were too readily divorcing and remarrying. The view of the Church is that celibacy is a reflection of life in Heaven, a source of detachment from the material world which aids in one's relationship with God. Celibacy is designed to "consecrate themselves with undivided heart to the Lord and to "the affairs of the Lord, they give themselves entirely to God and to men. It is a sign of this new life to the service of which the Church's minister is consecrated; accepted with a joyous heart celibacy radiantly proclaims the Reign of God." In contrast, Saint Peter, whom the Church considers its first Pope, was married given that he had a mother-in-law whom Christ healed (Matthew 8). Usually, only celibate men are ordained as priests in the Latin Rite. Married clergy who have converted from other Christian denominations can be ordained Roman Catholic priests without becoming celibate. Priestly celibacy is not "doctrine" of the Church (such as the belief in the Assumption of Mary) but a matter of discipline, like the use of the vernacular (local) language in Mass or Lenten fasting and abstinence. As such, it can theoretically change at any time though it still must be obeyed by Catholics until the change were to take place. The Eastern Catholic Churches ordain both celibate and married men. However, in both the East and the West, bishops are chosen from among those who are celibate. In Ireland, several priests have fathered children, the two most prominent being Bishop Eamonn Casey and Father Michael Cleary. The classical heritage flourished throughout the Middle Ages in both the Byzantine Greek East and the Latin West. Will Durant has made a case that certain prominent features of Plato's ideal community were discernible in the organization, dogma and effectiveness of "the" Medieval Church in Europe: "The clergy, like Plato's guardians, were placed in authority... by their talent as shown in ecclesiastical studies and administration, by their disposition to a life of meditation and simplicity, and ... by the influence of their relatives with the powers of state and church. In the latter half of the period in which they ruled [AD 800 onwards], the clergy were as free from family cares as even Plato could desire [for such guardians]... [Clerical] Celibacy was part of the psychological structure of the power of the clergy; for on the one hand they were unimpeded by the narrowing egoism of the family, and on the other their apparent superiority to the call of the flesh added to the awe in which lay sinners held them..." "In the latter half of the period in which they ruled, the clergy were as free from family cares as even Plato could desire". "Greater understanding of human psychology has led to questions regarding the impact of celibacy on the human development of the clergy. The realization that many non-European countries view celibacy negatively has prompted questions concerning the value of retaining celibacy as an absolute and universal requirement for ordained ministry in the Roman Catholic Church" "The declining number of priests in active ministry, the exemption from the requirement of celibacy for married clergy who enter the Catholic Church after having been ordained in the Episcopal Church, and reported incidences of de facto nonobservance of the requirement by clergy in various parts of the world, especially in Africa and Latin America, suggests that the discussion [of celibacy] will continue." The reintroduction of a permanent diaconate has permitted the Church to allow married men to become deacons but they may not go on to become priests. Celibate homosexual Christians. Some homosexual Christians choose to be celibate following their denomination's teachings on homosexuality. In 2014, the American Association of Christian Counselors amended its code of ethics to eliminate the promotion of conversion therapy for homosexuals and encouraged them to be celibate instead. Hinduism. In Hinduism, celibacy is usually associated with the "sadhus" ("holy men"), ascetics who withdraw from society and renounce all worldly ties. Celibacy, termed "brahmacharya" in Vedic scripture, is the fourth of the "yamas" and the word literally translated means "dedicated to the Divinity of Life". The word is often used in yogic practice to refer to celibacy or denying pleasure, but this is only a small part of what "brahmacharya" represents. The purpose of practicing "brahmacharya" is to keep a person focused on the purpose in life, the things that instill a feeling of peace and contentment. It is also used to cultivate occult powers and many supernatural feats, called siddhi. Islam. Islamic attitudes toward celibacy have been complex, Muhammad denounced it, however some Sufi orders embrace it. Islam does not promote celibacy; rather it condemns premarital sex and extramarital sex. In fact, according to Islam, marriage enables one to attain the highest form of righteousness within this sacred spiritual bond and is as such to be sought after and desired. It disagrees with the concept that marriage acts as a form of distraction in attaining nearness to God. The Qur'an (57:27) states, "But the Monasticism which they invented for themselves, We did not prescribe for them but only to please God therewith, but that they did not observe it with the right observance." Celibacy appears as a peculiarity among some Sufis. Celibacy was practiced by women saints in Sufism. Celibacy was debated along with women's roles in Sufism in medieval times. Celibacy, poverty, meditation, and mysticism within an ascetic context along with worship centered around Saint's tombs were promoted by the Qadiri Sufi order among Hui Muslims in China. In China, unlike other Muslim sects, the leaders (Shaikhs) of the Qadiriyya Sufi order are celibate. Unlike other Sufi orders in China, the leadership within the order is not a hereditary position, rather, one of the disciples of the celibate Shaikh is chosen by the Shaikh to succeed him . The 92-year-old celibate Shaikh Yang Shijun was the leader of the Qadiriya order in China as of 1998. Celibacy is practiced by Haydariya Sufi dervishes. Meher Baba. The spiritual teacher Meher Baba stated that "[F]or the [spiritual] aspirant a life of strict celibacy is preferable to married life, if restraint comes to him easily without undue sense of self-repression. Such restraint is difficult for most persons and sometimes impossible, and for them married life is decidedly more helpful than a life of celibacy. For ordinary persons, married life is undoubtedly advisable unless they have a special aptitude for celibacy". Baba also asserted that "The value of celibacy lies in the habit of restraint and the sense of detachment and independence which it gives" and that "The aspirant must choose one of the two courses which are open to him. He must take to the life of celibacy or to the married life, and he must avoid at all costs a cheap compromise between the two. Promiscuity in sex gratification is bound to land the aspirant in a most pitiful and dangerous chaos of ungovernable lust." Ancient Greece and Rome. In Sparta and many other Greek cities, failure to marry was grounds for loss of citizenship, and could be prosecuted as a crime. Both Cicero and Dionysius of Halicarnassus stated that Roman law forbade celibacy. There are no records of such a prosecution, nor is the Roman punishment for refusing to marry known. Pythagoreanism was the system of esoteric and metaphysical beliefs held by Pythagoras and his followers. Pythagorean thinking was dominated by a profoundly mystical view of the world. The Pythagorean code further restricted his members from eating meat, fish, and beans which they practised for religious, ethical and ascetic reasons, in particular the idea of metempsychosis – the transmigration of souls into the bodies of other animals. "Pythagoras himself established a small community that set a premium on study, vegetarianism, and sexual restraint or abstinence. Later philosophers believed that celibacy would be conducive to the detachment and equilibrium required by the philosopher's calling." The Balkans. The tradition of sworn virgins developed out of the "Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit" (, or simply the "Kanun"). The "Kanun" is not a religious document – many groups follow it, including Roman Catholics, the Albanian Orthodox, and Muslims. Women who become sworn virgins make a vow of celibacy, and are allowed to take on the social role of men: inheriting land, wearing male clothing, etc.

all the problems

5520-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=221857

The Sino-British Joint Declaration is a joint statement by the United Kingdom and China on Hong Kong under Chinese sovereignty. Signed on 19 December 1984 in Beijing and deposited as an international treaty at the United Nations, the declaration describes the sovereign and administrative arrangement of Hong Kong after 1 July 1997, when the lease of the New Territories was set to expire according to the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory. The treaty was signed by Premier Zhao Ziyang of the State Council of the People's Republic of China and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on behalf of their governments. It came into force when the instruments of ratification were exchanged on 27 May 1985, and was registered by the Chinese and British governments at the United Nations on 12 June 1985. In the Joint Declaration, the Chinese government stated that it would resume the exercise of its sovereignty over Hong Kong (including the British territories of Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, and the leased New Territories) from 1 July 1997, and the British Government declared that it would hand over Hong Kong to China on 1 July 1997. The Chinese government also declared its basic policies regarding Hong Kong in the document. In accordance with the "one country, two systems" principle agreed between the UK and China, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) would not practise the socialist system in mainland China, and Hong Kong's existing capitalist system and way of life would be unchanged for 50 years until 2047. The Joint Declaration requires these basic policies to be written in the Hong Kong Basic Law. Whether the Declaration has practical effect after the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong is disputed by China, which said it is a "historical document that no longer had any practical significance", while the UK said that it is a "legally valid treaty to which it was committed to upholding". Background. The background of the Sino-British Joint Declaration was the pending expiration of the lease of the New Territories on 1 July 1997. The lease was negotiated between the UK and the Guangxu Emperor of China, and was for a period of 99 years starting from 1 July 1898 under the Second Convention of Peking. At the time of the lease signing, Hong Kong Island had already been ceded to the UK in perpetuity under the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842 after the First Opium War, and the southern part of the Kowloon Peninsula as well as the Stonecutters Island had also been ceded to the UK in perpetuity under the Convention of Beijing in 1860 after the Second Opium War. The prospect of Hong Kong's return to Chinese rule – by negotiation or by force – had been a concern throughout British rule. These concerns briefly subsided after 1967 as mainland China was thrown into disarray with the Cultural Revolution, while the corresponding Hong Kong 1967 leftist riots resulted in a loss of native Hong Kong support for returning to PRC rule, and brought international sympathy to the side of the British colonial government. By 1979, China had restored its political order and became more assertive in neighboring affairs, notably intervening in Vietnam in 1979. Throughout the early 1980s the territory and its business community grew concerned about the future of Hong Kong. These concerns, regarding the status of property rights and contracts, were spurred by political uncertainty surrounding the scheduled reversion of the New Territories to the PRC. In March 1979, the Governor of Hong Kong, Murray MacLehose, visited Beijing. During this visit, informal talks about the future of Hong Kong began. Upon his return, MacLehose attempted to allay investors' worries about the scheduled reversion, but reiterated that the PRC asserted its intention to regain sovereignty over Hong Kong. The first formal negotiations began with chairman Deng Xiaoping of the Central Military Commission during the visit of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Margaret Thatcher, to China in September 1982. During the following discussions, where the Governor of Hong Kong took part in every round of formal talks as a member of the British delegation, it became clear that the continuation of British administration after 1997 would not be acceptable to China in any form. The Chinese government has consistently taken the view that the whole of Hong Kong should be Chinese territory, due to them being acquired through the inequality of historical treaties. As a result, the two sides discussed possible measures besides continued British administration, and came up with the concept of Hong Kong as a Special Administration Region of the PRC. In April 1984, the two sides concluded the initial discussion of these matters, and arranged that Hong Kong would retain a 'high' degree of autonomy under Chinese sovereignty with the preservation of the maintained lifestyle in Hong Kong. By 18 September 1984, both sides had approved the English and Chinese texts of the documents and the associated Exchange of Memoranda. The signing of the Joint Declaration caused some controversy in Britain because UK's Conservative Party Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was agreeing with the China's Communist government represented by Deng Xiaoping. In the White Paper that contained the Joint Declaration, it was declared by Her Majesty's Government that "the alternative to acceptance of the present agreement is to have no agreement", a statement meant as a rebuttal to criticisms that the declaration had made too many concessions to China, and hinting at China's significant leverage during the negotiations. Some political analysts thought that there was an urgency to make an agreement because there were fears that without a treaty the economy in Hong Kong would collapse in the 1980s. Concerns about land ownership in the leased New Territories also added to the problem. Although discussions on the future of Hong Kong had started in the late 1970s, the final timing of the Joint Declaration was more affected by property and economic factors rather than geopolitical necessities. Content. Joint Declaration. The Sino-British Joint Declaration consists of eight paragraphs, three Annexes about the Basic Policies regarding Hong Kong, the Sino–British Joint Liaison Group and the Land Leases as well as the two Memoranda of the two sides. Each part has the same status, and "The whole makes up a formal international agreement, legally binding in all its parts. An international agreement of this kind is the highest form of commitment between two sovereign states." Within these declarations the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be directly under the authority of the Central People's Government of the PRC and shall enjoy a high degree of autonomy except for foreign and defence affairs. It shall be allowed to have executive, legislative and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication. The Basic Law explains that in addition to Chinese, English may also be used in organs of government and that apart from the national flag and national emblem of the PRC the HKSAR may use a regional flag and emblem of its own. It shall maintain the capitalist economic and trade systems previously practised in Hong Kong. The third paragraph lists the PRC's basic policies regarding Hong Kong: The Government of the United Kingdom will be responsible for the administration of Hong Kong with the object of maintaining and preserving its economic prosperity and social stability until 30 June 1997 and the Government of the PRC will give its co-operation in this connection. Furthermore, this declaration regulates the right of abode, those of passports and immigration. All Chinese nationals who were born or who have ordinarily resided in Hong Kong for a continuous period of seven years or more are qualified to obtain permanent identity cards. Those cardholders can also get a passport of the HKSAR, which is valid for all states and regions. But the entry into the HKSAR of persons from other parts of China shall continue to be regulated in accordance with the present practice. PRC's basic policies regarding Hong Kong (Annex I). This annexe is called the "Elaboration by the government of the People's Republic of China of its basic policies regarding Hong Kong". It is partly mentioned in the summary above and deals in detail with the way Hong Kong will work after 1 July 1997. The annexe consist of following sections: Sino-British Joint Liaison Group (Annex II). Annex II set up the Sino–British Joint Liaison Group. That group came into force at 1 July 1988 and continued its work until 1 January 2000. Its functions were This Group was an organ for liaison and not of power, where each side could send up to 20 supporting staff members. It should meet at least once in each of the three locations (Beijing, London and Hong Kong) in each year. From 1 July 1988 onwards it was based in Hong Kong. It should also assist the HKSAR to maintain and develop economic and cultural relations and conclude agreements on these matters with states, regions and relevant international organisations and could therefore set up specialist sub-groups. Between 1985 and 2000 the Joint Liaison Group held 47 plenary meetings whereof 18 were held in Hong Kong, 15 in London and 14 in Beijing. One of the main achievements had been to ensure the continuity of the independent judiciary in Hong Kong, including agreements in the areas of law of Merchant Shipping, Civil Aviation, Nuclear Material, Whale Fisheries, Submarine Telegraph, Outer Space and many others. Furthermore, it agreed to a network of bilateral agreements between Hong Kong and other countries. Within those agreements were reached on the continued application of about 200 international conventions to the HKSAR after 30 June 1997. Hong Kong should also continue to participate in various international organisations after the handover. Land Leases (Annex III). According to the Land Leases annexe, all leased lands granted by the British Hong Kong Government which extend beyond 30 June 1997, and all rights in relation to such leases, shall continue to be recognised and protected under the law of the HKSAR for a period expiring not longer than 30 June 2047. Furthermore, a Land Commission shall be established with equal number of officials from the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the PRC which was dissolved on 30 June 1997. This commission was established in 1985 and met in Hong Kong for 35 formal meetings and agreed on 26 legal documents, within the granting of the land required for the new airport at Chek Lap Kok in 1994. United Kingdom Memorandum. In this memorandum the Government of the United Kingdom declared that all persons who hold British Dependent Territories citizenship (BDTCs) through an affiliation with Hong Kong would cease to be BDTCs on 1 July 1997. After the declaration, the Hong Kong Act 1985 and the Hong Kong (British Nationality) Order, 1986 created the category British National (Overseas). BDTCs were allowed to apply for British National (Overseas) status until July 1997, but this status does not in of itself grant the right of abode anywhere, including the United Kingdom and Hong Kong. After the handover, most former BDTCs became citizens of the People's Republic of China. Any who were ineligible for PRC citizenship and who had not applied for BN(O) status automatically became British Overseas citizens. Chinese Memorandum. "Under the National Law of the PRC, all Hong Kong Chinese compatriots, whether they are holders of the 'British Dependent Territories Citizens' Passport' or not, are Chinese nationals." Those people who use travel documents issued by the Government of the United Kingdom are permitted to use them for the purpose of travelling to other states and regions, but they will not be entitled to British consular protection in the HKSAR and other parts of the PRC. Post-1997. Early years. After signing of the declaration, the Sino–British Joint Liaison Group was set up according to the Annex II of the declaration. The transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong (referred to as the "return" or "handover" by the Chinese and British press respectively) occurred as scheduled on 1 July 1997. Since the return just a few things changed, such as the flag of Hong Kong and the Prince of Wales Building being renamed the People's Liberation Army Building. Post boxes were repainted green, as per the practice in China. Street names have remained unchanged and the Royal Hong Kong Yacht Club has kept its "Royal" prefix, although the Hong Kong Jockey Club and other institutions have given up this title. After the Asian financial crisis in 1997 the Hong Kong measures were taken with the full co-operation of the Central Chinese government. This did not mean that the Chinese government dictated what to do and therefore still followed the points of the declaration. Despite this autonomy, the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region sometimes sought interference from the Central Chinese government. For example, in 1999 the government of the HKSAR asked China's State Council to seek an interpretation by the National People's Congress Standing Committee on a provision in the Basic Law. The original decision reached by the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal was seen as problematic by the HKSAR government as it would have allowed up to 1.6 million mainland immigrants to enter Hong Kong. The Chinese authorities obliged and the Hong Kong court's judgment was overturned, stopping the potential immigration. Pressures from the mainland government were also apparent, for example in 2000, after the election of pro-independence candidate Chen Shui-bian as Taiwan's president, a senior mainland official in Hong Kong warned journalists not to report the news. Another senior official advised businessmen not to do business with pro-independence Taiwanese. With this and other changes, ten years after the return, in 2007, "The Guardian" wrote that on the one hand, "nothing has changed since the handover to China 10 years ago", but this was in comparison to the situation before the last governor Chris Patten had introduced democratic reforms three years before the handover. A chance for democracy had been lost as Hong Kong had just begun to develop three vital elements for a western-style democracy (the rule of law, official accountability and a political class outside the one-party system) but the Sino–British deal had prevented any of these changes to continue according to Jonathan Fenby of "The Guardian". Wu Bangguo, the chairman of the National People's Congress Standing Committee stated in a conference in Beijing 2007, that "Hong Kong had considerable autonomy only because the central government had chosen to authorize that autonomy". Developments in the 2010s. In 2014, against the backdrop of Umbrella Revolution, the British Foreign Affairs Select Committee was banned by China from entering Hong Kong on their planned visit in December as part of their inquiry into progress of the implementation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. In an emergency parliamentary debate about the unprecedented ban, the chairman on the committee Richard Ottaway revealed that Chinese officials consider the Joint Declaration "now void and only covered the period from the signing in 1984 until the handover in 1997." In 2016, Caroline Wilson, who was the British Consul-General to Hong Kong and Macao, said the Causeway Bay Books disappearances was a violation of the Joint declaration. Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond echoed the Counsul-General by stating the breach of Joint declaration in The Six-monthly Report on Hong Kong: In July 2017, when British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson urged democratic progress in Hong Kong, China's foreign ministry spokesman Lu Kang said the legally binding Hong Kong handover treaty with Britain 'as a historical document, no longer has any practical significance,' and that 'It is not at all binding for the central government's management over Hong Kong. The UK has no sovereignty, no power to rule and no power to supervise Hong Kong after the handover.' In response the British Foreign office said: "It is a legally binding treaty, registered with the UN and continues to be in force. As a co-signatory, the UK government is committed to monitoring its implementation closely." Johnson restated Britain's commitment to Hong Kong is enshrined in the "treaty" that was "just as strong today" as it was 20 years ago. However, Chinese officials have warned against foreign interference and have accused British officials of harboring a colonial mindset. 2019–20 Hong Kong protests. In August 2019, US Vice-President Mike Pence urged China to respect Hong Kong laws amid Hong Kong protests and the China-US trade war. Chinese media CCTV responded that the treaty is "a historical document", and has been "invalid and expired" for a long time. It claims that it is "shameful" and "ridiculous" for the United States to "interfere with China's internal affairs" with such a document. One of five points agreed at the issue of the 45th G7 summit was that: On 27 August 2019, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of the PRC officially asserted that no country or organization in the world has the right to interfere in China's internal affairs. On 3 September 2019, US Senator Marco Rubio wrote in an opinion piece for the Washington Post: In May and June 2020, the British expressed opposition to China implementing a Hong Kong national security law that would go against the terms of the Declaration. The British government announced that if the Chinese went ahead with it, the UK would extend the British National (Overseas) rights of 3 million Hong Kong residents (all those born before the transfer of sovereignty) and open a route for them to become British citizens. In response, China's foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian told Britain to "step back ... otherwise there will be consequences" and said, "There is no single word or clause in the Sino-British joint declaration that entitles the UK to any responsibility for Hong Kong after its return." After the law went into effect, the British government announced Beijing breached the Joint declaration. In June 2020, after the passing of the National Security Law, which introduced new legislature to Hong Kong, BBC and Reuters reported that certain crimes listed in the bill were seen by critics as curtailing freedom of expression and a major violation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, without naming or providing any specific section or article from the laws themselves. In response, the British Conservative Government proposed to extend to some Hong Kong residents rights as British nationals. On 14 October 2020, the United States Department of State released a report in which the Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, in consultation with the Secretary of Treasury Steven Mnuchin, concluded that 10 individuals materially contributed to or attempted to materially contribute to the failure of the China to meet its obligations under the Sino–British Joint Declaration and Hong Kong's Basic Law, naming Xia Baolong, Zhang Xiaoming, Luo Huining, Carrie Lam, Teresa Cheng, Erick Tsang, Zheng Yanxiong, Eric Chan, John Lee, and Chris Tang. Xia, Zhang, and Luo were specifically accused of "issuing statements asserting its authority to supervise Hong Kong’s internal affairs in contradiction to the Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration", in reference to the roles of their respective offices. The Liaison Office of the Central People's Government and the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council expressed on 17 April 2020 and 21 April 2020, respectively, that the two offices, "representating the central government, have the authority to exercise supervision in major issues involving the relationship between the central government and the HKSAR, the correct implementation of the "One Country, Two System" principle and the Basic Law, the maintenance of normal operations of political systems, the overall interests of the society, etc." The Joint Declaration states that the Hong Kong SAR will "be directly under the authority of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China" and "enjoy a high degree of autonomy except in foreign and defence affairs"; the text itself does not contain any language prohibiting supervision by Beijing. Status after transfer of sovereignty. Legal effect questioned. Some Chinese authorities, including legal scholar Rao Geping, reject the continuing legal effect of the Joint Declaration upon the Basic Law. The difference affects the level of authority that the PRC has in making any changes to the Basic Law, and the extent of Britain's continuing oversight role. It is also essential in determining the Hong Kong courts' jurisdiction in issues related to PRC domestic legislation. During the Umbrella Revolution in 2014, a campaign against the perceived infringements in the HKSAR by mainland China, the Joint Declaration is considered "void" by China, inferred for the first time by Chinese officials according to a British MP. A senior Hong Kong legal scholar claimed this inference as "clearly wrong", and the British foreign secretary rejected this inference, noting that the document was "a legally binding agreement that must be honoured". Rita Fan, then Hong Kong's only representative to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress in Beijing, asserted that Britain's supervisory responsibility had lapsed and, furthermore, that the Joint Declaration does not stipulate universal suffrage. Accusation of breaching. The UK Foreign Office has repeatedly accused China of breaching the Joint Declaration since the handover of Hong Kong, two of which were described as "serious". According to London, China is now considered Beijing to be in a state of "ongoing non-compliance". On 11 February 2011, British Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond stated in the Six-Monthly Report on Hong Kong:The full facts of the case remain unclear, but our current information indicates that Mr Lee was involuntarily removed to the mainland without any due process under Hong Kong SAR law. This constitutes a serious breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration on Hong Kong and undermines the principle of “One Country, Two Systems” which assures Hong Kong residents of the protection of the Hong Kong legal system.After the Hong Kong national security law went into effect on 1 July 2020 following the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests, British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab announced: So, Mr Speaker, today, I have the depressing but necessary duty to report to the House that the enactment of this legislation, imposed by the authorities in Beijing on the people of Hong Kong, constitutes a clear and serious breach of the Joint Declaration.On 12 November 2020, Dominic Raab again accused Beijing of breaching the declaration after 4 pro-democracy MPs in the Hong Kong Legislative Council were disqualified when the NPCSC ruled that legislators "who promote or support Hong Kong independence, refuse to recognise China's sovereignty over Hong Kong, seek foreign countries to interfere in the affairs of Hong Kong, or endanger the national security of Hong Kong" would be in breach their Parliamentary oath:Beijing’s imposition of new rules to disqualify elected legislators in Hong Kong constitutes a clear breach of the legally binding Sino-British Joint Declaration.The fourth accusation occurred on 13 March 2021 after the National People's Congress passed a resolution on Hong Kong electoral reform:Beijing’s decision to impose radical changes to restrict participation in Hong Kong’s electoral system constitutes a further clear breach of the legally binding Sino-British Joint Declaration.

modern rule

8552-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=76996

A self-organizing map (SOM) or self-organizing feature map (SOFM) is a type of artificial neural network (ANN) that is trained using unsupervised learning to produce a low-dimensional (typically two-dimensional), discretized representation of the input space of the training samples, called a map, and is therefore a method to do dimensionality reduction. Self-organizing maps differ from other artificial neural networks as they apply competitive learning as opposed to error-correction learning (such as backpropagation with gradient descent), and in the sense that they use a neighborhood function to preserve the topological properties of the input space. This makes SOMs useful for visualization by creating low-dimensional views of high-dimensional data, akin to multidimensional scaling. The artificial neural network introduced by the Finnish professor Teuvo Kohonen in the 1980s is sometimes called a Kohonen map or network. The Kohonen net is a computationally convenient abstraction building on biological models of neural systems from the 1970s and morphogenesis models dating back to Alan Turing in the 1950s. While it is typical to consider this type of network structure as related to feedforward networks where the nodes are visualized as being attached, this type of architecture is fundamentally different in arrangement and motivation. Useful extensions include using toroidal grids where opposite edges are connected and using large numbers of nodes. It is also common to use the U-Matrix. The U-Matrix value of a particular node is the average distance between the node's weight vector and that of its closest neighbors. In a square grid, for instance, the closest 4 or 8 nodes might be considered (the Von Neumann and Moore neighborhoods, respectively), or six nodes in a hexagonal grid. Large SOMs display emergent properties. In maps consisting of thousands of nodes, it is possible to perform cluster operations on the map itself. Structure and operations. Like most artificial neural networks, SOMs operate in two modes: training and mapping. "Training" builds the map using input examples (a competitive process, also called vector quantization), while "mapping" automatically classifies a new input vector. The visible part of a self-organizing map is the map space, which consists of components called nodes or neurons. The map space is defined beforehand, usually as a finite two-dimensional region where nodes are arranged in a regular hexagonal or rectangular grid. Each node is associated with a "weight" vector, which is a position in the input space; that is, it has the same dimension as each input vector. While nodes in the map space stay fixed, training consists in moving weight vectors toward the input data (reducing a distance metric) without spoiling the topology induced from the map space. Thus, the self-organizing map describes a mapping from a higher-dimensional input space to a lower-dimensional map space. Once trained, the map can classify a vector from the input space by finding the node with the closest (smallest distance metric) weight vector to the input space vector. Learning algorithm. The goal of learning in the self-organizing map is to cause different parts of the network to respond similarly to certain input patterns. This is partly motivated by how visual, auditory or other sensory information is handled in separate parts of the cerebral cortex in the human brain. The weights of the neurons are initialized either to small random values or sampled evenly from the subspace spanned by the two largest principal component eigenvectors. With the latter alternative, learning is much faster because the initial weights already give a good approximation of SOM weights. The network must be fed a large number of example vectors that represent, as close as possible, the kinds of vectors expected during mapping. The examples are usually administered several times as iterations. The training utilizes competitive learning. When a training example is fed to the network, its Euclidean distance to all weight vectors is computed. The neuron whose weight vector is most similar to the input is called the best matching unit (BMU). The weights of the BMU and neurons close to it in the SOM grid are adjusted towards the input vector. The magnitude of the change decreases with time and with the grid-distance from the BMU. The update formula for a neuron v with weight vector Wv(s) is where s is the step index, t an index into the training sample, u is the index of the BMU for the input vector D(t), α(s) is a monotonically decreasing learning coefficient; Θ(u, v, s) is the neighborhood function which gives the distance between the neuron u and the neuron v in step s. Depending on the implementations, t can scan the training data set systematically (t is 0, 1, 2...T-1, then repeat, T being the training sample's size), be randomly drawn from the data set (bootstrap sampling), or implement some other sampling method (such as jackknifing). The neighborhood function Θ(u, v, s) (also called "function of lateral interaction") depends on the grid-distance between the BMU (neuron "u") and neuron "v". In the simplest form, it is 1 for all neurons close enough to BMU and 0 for others, but the Gaussian and mexican-hat functions are common choices, too. Regardless of the functional form, the neighborhood function shrinks with time. At the beginning when the neighborhood is broad, the self-organizing takes place on the global scale. When the neighborhood has shrunk to just a couple of neurons, the weights are converging to local estimates. In some implementations, the learning coefficient α and the neighborhood function Θ decrease steadily with increasing s, in others (in particular those where t scans the training data set) they decrease in step-wise fashion, once every T steps. This process is repeated for each input vector for a (usually large) number of cycles λ. The network winds up associating output nodes with groups or patterns in the input data set. If these patterns can be named, the names can be attached to the associated nodes in the trained net. During mapping, there will be one single "winning" neuron: the neuron whose weight vector lies closest to the input vector. This can be simply determined by calculating the Euclidean distance between input vector and weight vector. While representing input data as vectors has been emphasized in this article, any kind of object which can be represented digitally, which has an appropriate distance measure associated with it, and in which the necessary operations for training are possible can be used to construct a self-organizing map. This includes matrices, continuous functions or even other self-organizing maps. Variables. These are the variables needed, with vectors in bold, Algorithm. A variant algorithm: SOM Initialization. Selection of a good initial approximation is a well-known problem for all iterative methods of learning neural networks. Kohonen used random initiation of SOM weights. Recently, principal component initialization, in which initial map weights are chosen from the space of the first principal components, has become popular due to the exact reproducibility of the results. Careful comparison of the random initiation approach to principal component initialization for one-dimensional SOM (models of principal curves) demonstrated that the advantages of principal component SOM initialization are not universal. The best initialization method depends on the geometry of the specific dataset. Principal component initialization is preferable (in dimension one) if the principal curve approximating the dataset can be univalently and linearly projected on the first principal component (quasilinear sets). For nonlinear datasets, however, random initiation performs better. Examples. Fisher's Iris Flower Data. Consider an array of nodes, each of which contains a weight vector and is aware of its location in the array. Each weight vector is of the same dimension as the node's input vector. The weights may initially be set to random values. Now we need input to feed the map. Colors can be represented by their red, green, and blue components. Consequently, we will represent colors as vectors in the unit cube of the free vector space over generated by the basis: The diagram shown compares the results of training on the data sets and the original images. Note the striking resemblance between the two. Similarly, after training a grid of neurons for 250 iterations with a learning rate of 0.1 on Fisher's Iris, the map can already detect the main differences between species. Interpretation. There are two ways to interpret a SOM. Because in the training phase weights of the whole neighborhood are moved in the same direction, similar items tend to excite adjacent neurons. Therefore, SOM forms a semantic map where similar samples are mapped close together and dissimilar ones apart. This may be visualized by a U-Matrix (Euclidean distance between weight vectors of neighboring cells) of the SOM. The other way is to think of neuronal weights as pointers to the input space. They form a discrete approximation of the distribution of training samples. More neurons point to regions with high training sample concentration and fewer where the samples are scarce. SOM may be considered a nonlinear generalization of Principal components analysis (PCA). It has been shown, using both artificial and real geophysical data, that SOM has many advantages over the conventional feature extraction methods such as Empirical Orthogonal Functions (EOF) or PCA. Originally, SOM was not formulated as a solution to an optimisation problem. Nevertheless, there have been several attempts to modify the definition of SOM and to formulate an optimisation problem which gives similar results. For example, Elastic maps use the mechanical metaphor of elasticity to approximate principal manifolds: the analogy is an elastic membrane and plate.

control area

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=29818757

Team EY (Team East York Skateboarding) is a youth group which promotes a positive skateboarding community in the East York area of Toronto. History. Officially formed in 1998, Team EY has worked to create a welcoming skateboarding community for both new and current skateboarders. Team EY began with word-of-mouth contests hosted for free in local schoolyards and do-it-yourself skateboard videos featuring local talent. Over the years it continued to grow and connected with other local community groups and city councilors to foster better understanding and acceptance of skateboarding in East York. The culmination of these relationships was the construction of the permanent East York Skatepark at Stan Wadlow Park in 2006. East York Skatepark. Team EY, supported by Toronto city councilor Janet Davis, collaborated with the local community and Spectrum Skatepark Creations to build the East York Skatepark. The design process engaged local youth to ensure that the skateboard park reflected the needs of the local skateboarders. Team EY hosted the opening celebrations of the park in June 2006 and has continued to be involved with the skateboard park: organizing annual spring cleanup weekends, mural paintings, contests, concrete repair work, as well as hosting a memorial fund raiser and annual remembrance events. Promoting Skateboarding and Skateboard Parks. To help Ontario communities build skateboard parks of their own, Team EY hosted seminars and lectures at the PRO Forum 2009 (Park & Recreation Ontario) to share their community engagement and skateboard park maintenance strategies. Team EY also attends public consultation meetings and participates on the design teams of several skateboarding parks across Ontario. Team EY has shared its success story and the process for building a skateboard park in a two-part series of interviews on MuchMusic. Team EY has also partnered with Toronto Parks & Recreation to organize winter skateboarding lessons and drop-in programs at S.H. Armstrong Community Center (2007–present) and the St. Lawrence North Market (2008 & 2009). Team EY built the first ever indoor skateboard park in East York, the 'EY Skate Loft' in October 2010. Skateboarding Camps. To engage new youth in skateboarding, Team EY has offered summer skateboarding camps since 2006, which emphasize teaching safety and the development of skateboarding skills in a fun, positive and healthy environment. Awards and Recognitions. The dedicated work of Team EY has been recognized by the greater Toronto community, earning them the award for 'Toronto Youth Group of the Year' in 2007. More recently, their successful collaboration with city planners was described, by John Lorinc, in one of 14 essays in the 2010 book Local Motion The Art of Civic Engagement in Toronto. Films. Team EY's early skateboarding videos, featuring local talent, have developed a strong following, which led to a series of skateboarding films produced by PEPstudios & ZooMediaphile. These have documented Team EY's progression and extensive skateboard trips around the world, including: Canada, the U.S., Spain, England, Europe, Morocco, South-East Asia, U.A.E. and Japan. The films have premiered at local skateboard parks, at the 1st Annual Toronto Skateboarding Film Festival 2004, in local movie theaters, including The Danforth Music Hall and were the last show at The Toronto Roxy Theater, always drawing an audience of several hundred skateboarding enthusiasts and community supporters.

skate lot

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1347837

NATO Joint Military Symbology is the NATO standard for military map marking symbols. Originally published in 1986 as Allied Procedural Publication 6 (APP-6), NATO Military Symbols for Land Based Systems, the standard has evolved over the years and is currently in its fifth version (APP-6D). The symbols are designed to enhance NATO's joint interoperability by providing a standard set of common symbols. APP-6 constituted a single system of joint military symbology for land, air, space and sea-based formations and units, which can be displayed for either automated map display systems or for manual map marking. It covers all of the joint services and can be used by them. History. The first basic military map symbols began to be used by western armies in the decades following the end of the Napoleonic Wars. During World War I, there was a degree of harmonisation between the British and French systems, including the adoption of the colour red for enemy forces and blue for allies; the British had previously used red for friendly troops because of the traditional red coats of British soldiers. However, the system now in use is broadly based on that devised by the US Army Corps of Engineers in 1917. The infantry symbol of a saltire in a rectangle was said to symbolise the crossed belts of an infantryman, while the single diagonal line for cavalry was said to represent the sabre belt. With the formation of NATO in 1949, the US Army system was standardized and adapted, with different shapes for friendly (blue rectangle), hostile (red diamond) and unknown (yellow quatrefoil) forces. APP-6A was promulgated in December 1999. The NATO standardization agreement that covers APP-6A is "STANAG 2019" (edition 4), promulgated in December 2000. APP-6A replaced "APP-6" (last version, July 1986), which had been promulgated in November 1984 (edition 3 of STANAG 2019 covered APP-6), and was replaced in turn by "Joint Symbology APP-6(B)" (APP-6B) in 2008 (STANAG 2019 edition 5, June 2008) and "NATO Joint Military Symbology APP-6(C)" (APP-6C) in 2011 (STANAG 2019 edition 6, May 2011). The U.S. is the current custodian of APP-6A, which is equivalent to MIL-STD-2525A. Symbol sets. The APP-6A standard provides common operational symbology along with details on their display and plotting to ensure the compatibility, and to the greatest extent possible, the interoperability of NATO land component "command, control, communications, computer, and intelligence" (C4I) systems, development, operations, and training. APP-6A addresses the efficient transmission of symbology information through the use of a standard methodology for symbol hierarchy, information taxonomy, and symbol identifiers. APP-6A recognises five broad "sets" of symbols, each set using its own SIDC (Symbol identification coding) scheme: "Units, equipment, and installations" consist of icons, generally framed, associated with a single point on the map. All sorts of graphical and textual modifiers may surround them, specifying categories, quantities, dates, direction of movement, etc. "Tactical graphics" represent operational information that cannot be presented via icon-based symbols alone: unit boundaries, special area designations, and other unique markings related to battlespace geometry and necessary for battlefield planning and management. There are point, line and area symbols in this category. "Meteorological" and "oceanographic" symbology is the only set not under the standard's control: rather, they are imported from the symbology established by the World Meteorological Organization. The "signals intelligence" and "military operations other than war" symbology sets stand apart from Units, Equipment, and Installations although they obey the same conventions (i.e., they consist of framed symbols associated to points on the map). They do not appear in APP-6A proper, having been introduced by MIL-STD-2525B. Symbol composition. Most of the symbols designate specific points, and consist of a "frame" (a geometric border), a "fill", a constituent "icon", and optional symbol "modifiers". The latter are optional text fields or graphic indicators that provide additional information. The frame provides a visual indication of the affiliation, battle dimension, and status of an operational object. The use of shape and colour is redundant, allowing the symbology to be used under less-than-ideal conditions such as a monochrome red display to preserve the operator's night vision. Nearly all symbols are highly stylised and can be drawn by persons almost entirely lacking in artistic skill; this allows one to draw a symbolic representation (a GRAPHREP, Graphical report) using tools as rudimentary as plain paper and pencil. The frame serves as the base to which other symbol components and modifiers are added. In most cases a frame surrounds an icon. One major exception is equipment, which may be represented by icons alone (in which case the icons are coloured as the frame would be). The fill is the area within a symbol. If the fill is assigned a colour, it provides an enhanced (redundant) presentation of information about the affiliation of the object. If colour is not used, the fill is transparent. A very few icons have fills of their own, which are not affected by affiliation. The icons themselves, finally, can be understood as combinations of elementary glyphs that use simple composition rules, in a manner reminiscent of some ideographic writing systems such as Chinese. The standard, however, still attempts to provide an "exhaustive" listing of possible icons instead of laying out a dictionary of component glyphs. This causes operational problems when the need for an unforeseen symbol arises (particularly in MOOTW), a problem exacerbated by the administratively centralised maintenance of the symbology sets. When rendering symbols with the fill on, APP-6A calls for the frame and icon to be black or white (as appropriate for the display). When rendering symbols with the fill off, APP-6A calls for a monochrome frame and icon (usually black or in accordance with the affiliation colour). NATO symbols can also be rendered with fill off using a frame coloured according to affiliation and a black icon, though this is not defined in any APP-6 standard. Allegiance & Affiliation. APP-6 Colour representation. The concept of affiliation does not appear in the original APP-6 as these were not introduced until APP-6A. Instead, the original APP-6 described a series of "colour representations" with the purpose of distinguishing friendly and enemy elements. APP-6A Affiliation. "Affiliation" refers to the relationship of the tracker to the operational object being represented. The basic affiliation categories are "unknown", "friend", "neutral", and "hostile". In the ground unit domain, a yellow quatrefoil frame is used to denote unknown affiliation, a blue rectangle frame to denote friendly affiliation, a green square frame to denote neutral affiliation, and a red diamond frame to denote hostile affiliation. In the other domains (air and space, sea surface and subsurface, etc. ), the same color scheme is used. The full set of affiliations is: There are no "assumed neutral" and "exercise assumed neutral" affiliations. These colors are used in phrases such as "blue on blue" for friendly fire, blue force tracking, red teaming, and Red Cells. Battle dimension. "Battle dimension" defines the primary mission area for the operational object within the battlespace. An object can have a mission area above the Earth's surface (i.e., in the air or outer space), on it, or below it. If the mission area of an object is on the surface, it can be either on land or sea. The subsurface dimension concerns those objects whose mission area is below the sea surface (e.g., submarines and sea mines). Some cases require adjudication; for example, an Army or Marine helicopter unit is a manoeuvring unit (i.e., a unit whose ground support assets are included) and is thus represented in the land dimension. Likewise, a landing craft whose primary mission is ferrying personnel or equipment to and from shore is a maritime unit and is represented in the sea surface dimension. A landing craft whose primary mission is to fight on land, on the other hand, is a ground asset and is represented in the land dimension. Closed frames are used to denote the land and sea surface dimensions, frames open at the bottom denote the air/space dimension, and frames open at the top denote the subsurface dimension. An unknown battle dimension is possible; for example, some electronic warfare signatures (e.g., radar systems) are common to several battle dimensions and would therefore be assigned an "Unknown" battle dimension until further discrimination becomes possible. Special Forces may operate in any dimension. The full set of battle dimensions is, in ascending order of distance from Earth center: The mnemonic for this ordering is "Fuss-Gap". The letter in parentheses is used by the symbol identification coding (SIDC) scheme — strings of 15 characters used to transmit symbols. The space and air battle dimensions share a single frame shape. In the ground battle dimension, two different frames are used for the friendly (and assumed friendly) affiliations in order to distinguish between units and equipment. The SOF (special operations forces) are assigned their own battle dimension because they typically can operate across several domains (air, ground, sea surface and subsurface) in the course of a single mission; the frames are the same as for the ground (unit) battle dimension. The other battle dimension, finally, seems to be reserved for future use (there are no instances of its use as of 2525B Change 1). Status. The "status" of a symbol refers to whether a warfighting object exists at the location identified (i.e., status is "present") or will in the future reside at that location (i.e., status is "planned, anticipated, suspected," or "on order"). Regardless of affiliation, present status is indicated by a solid line and planned status by a dashed line. The frame is solid or dashed, unless the symbol icon is unframed, in which case the icon itself is drawn dashed. Planned status cannot be shown if the symbol is an unframed filled icon. Icon placement. The icon is the innermost part of a symbol which, when displayed, provides an abstract pictorial or alphanumeric representation of an operational object. The icon portrays the role or mission performed by the object. APP-6A distinguishes between icons that must be framed or unframed and icons where framing is optional. APP-6A defined a standard octagon boundary within each map symbol frame. This octagon is not actually shown when symbols are drawn or rendered but, with a few defined exceptions, all icons inside the frame would also fit inside these octagons. APP-6C modified some symbol frames from previous editions of the standard. From top to bottom, here is the symbol boundary shown inside the APP-6C frames of space elements, air elements, land units, land equipment and surface sea elements, and sub-surface sea elements. Unit symbols. Unit icon modifiers. Unit symbols can be used independently as well as in combinations. There are also some symbols that cannot appear by themselves, but can only be used to modify other unit symbols: Unit basic icons. Land unit icons require a frame. Modified unit icons. Some of the most common combinations are: Unit size indicators. Above the unit symbol, a symbol representing the size of the unit can be displayed: The typical commander ranks shown in the table are for illustration. Neither the actual rank designated for a particular unit's commander, nor the rank held by the incumbent commander alters the appropriate symbol. For example, units are periodically commanded by an officer junior to the authorised commander grade, yet a company under the command of a Lieutenant (U.S.) or Captain (Commonwealth) is still indicated with two vertical ticks. Likewise, some peculiar types of companies and detachments are authorised a Major, Lieutenant Colonel (personnel services companies) or Colonel (some types of judge advocate detachments); the company or detachment is nevertheless indicated with, respectively, one vertical tick or three dots. While in Commonwealth armies, the regiment as a tactical formation does not normally exist, in some cases a regimental sized (i.e. larger than battalion and smaller than brigade) Task Force may exist where the operational requirement exists. These formations may be commanded by Colonels. Note that, for brigades and higher, the number of Xs corresponds to the number of stars in the United States military's insignia for the typical general officer grade commanding that size unit. For example, a division is capped with XX and is usually commanded by a major general the American insignia for which is two stars. Equipment icons. Equipment icons are "frame optional". Symbol modifiers. APP-6A stops with field AB. MIL-STD-2525B and 2525B Change 1 add a number of other modifiers. Graphic modifiers. Feints/dummies and installations. Source: Mobility and auxiliary equipment. Source: Other information. APP-6 organization chart of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force (MEF): MIL-STD-2525A. APP-6A, "Military Symbols for Land Based Systems" was developed directly from MIL-STD-2525A, "Common Warfighting Symbology". MIL-STD 2525A was the American standard for military symbols. The custodian of APP-6 is the United States. APP-6(A) remained unchanged as work on harmonizing it with ADatP-3, "NATO Message Text Formatting System" was carried out. In 1999, APP-6 was moved from the Army Service Board to the Joint Service Board. With this move, APP-6 was placed under the Information Exchange Requirements Harmonization/Message Text Format Working Group. The IERH/MTFWG then formed the Joint Symbology Panel to provide configuration management of APP-6 with the US custodian as the chairman. With the ratification and promulgation of APP-6(B) in 2008, the named was changed to "NATO Military Symbology" to better reflect the nature of the publication. In 2011, with the introduction of APP-6(C), the named was changed to "NATO Joint Military Symbology". The US military required new symbols to support ongoing operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, so the pace of change between APP-6 and MIL-STD-2525 remained uneven until 2009. In 2009, a new chairman for DOD Symbology Standardization Management Committee was appointed, and the two configuration management organizations began to work together. The two organizations held joint meetings with full participation on both sides. The goal of both groups is to develop comprehensive joint military symbology that is common to both organizations to the greatest extent possible. APP-6(C) began the process of changing the format of the publications and introduced new symbol identification codes. MIL-STD-2525D has carried that one step further with more symbols and more symbol sets derived from recent NATO and US operations. MIL-STD-2525D will serve as the base document for APP-6(D) as the two documents move closer together.

coordinating attribute

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20330635

The Fort Frontenac Library, located within the Canadian Land Forces Command and Staff College, Fort Frontenac, Kingston, Ontario, is the main research library for the Canadian Army. Established in 1947 this library is one of the oldest collections of volumes, monographs, documents, and artifacts dedicated to the study of conflict and land warfare in the Canadian context. The Fort Frontenac Library assists the army's advanced officer development programs as well as its research and development communities across the country. The current Chief Librarian is Mr. David Willis. Origins. Created in 1947, the Canadian Army Staff College (CASC) library was designed to function separately from the Royal Military College of Canada Library, with which it was initially colocated on the college grounds. The CASC library was initially designed to serve the needs of the National Defence College (NDC), while the RMC library served the needs of cadets and faculty. The CASC library was headed by Lieutenant Colonel T.F. Gelley. In 1942, when the Canadian Junior War Staff Course was transferred from England to Canada the initial CASC collection consisted of some 300 books and reports which had been brought over from England. By 1947, the collection consisted of roughly 2100 volumes, which included academic books, technical material, doctrinal and training manuals, popular military texts, and even novels. These donations came from a wide variety of sources, including the Canadian Army overseas, the YMCA, the Royal Military College of Canada, as well as individual officers and soldiers. In December 1947, the Canadian Army Staff College moved from the Royal Military College to current quarters on the grounds of Fort Frontenac. The CASC library transferred and renamed the Fort Frontenac Library. From that point, the library was designed to meet the research needs of the staff and students of both the National Defence College and the Canadian Army Staff College. The collection consists of books and reports in the fields of military science, international relations, government, politics, and economics. Expansion. Between 1950 and 1994 the library was expanded and evolved significantly. Its core collection grew to include a significant holding of volumes on politics, economics, strategic studies, international relations, and military history, a reflection of its association with the internationally focused NDC courses. As well, the collection benefited from several important donations from foreign students and Canadian Army officers. Its relationship with the NDC and the army staff courses allowed for the creation of unique collection focused on land forces and land warfare studies. Post Cold War era. The end of the Cold War saw a significant reorientation of the Canadian Forces, which affected all of its organizations including its education and training systems. Several legacy establishments were closed including the NDC, which graduated its last class in 1994. With this closure, the future of the Fort Frontenac Library became tenuous. Oversight and direction of the library initially returned to the Canadian Land Forces Command and Staff College, but in the late 1990s its supervision was again transferred to the Land Forces Doctrine and Training System. Responsibility for the library moved again in 2003, this time to the Directorate of Army Doctrine. Afghanistan War. In light of the army's ongoing operations in Afghanistan and new orientation towards counterinsurgency, in 2006 the library received a new mandate to directly support research and development associated with ongoing army capability development. Under the supervision of the Directorate of Land Concepts and Designs (DLCD) with development and operations then overseen by Major Andrew Godefroy, the library refocused its efforts on the accession of both old and new volumes on land warfare, as well as the development of a number of special collections unique to the Canadian Army. In 2011-2012, direct oversight of the library transferred to Lieutenant Colonel Brad Boswell, with Mr. David Willis being confirmed as Chief Librarian. New mandate. Effective 1 April 2014, oversight of the Fort Frontenac Library was transferred from the Canadian Army Land Warfare Centre to the Canadian Army Command and Staff College. Under new direction, the library continues to support both army command and staff college courses as well as broader army operational research, experimentation, and capability development.

armed services principles

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14337

Human sexual activity, human sexual practice or human sexual behaviour is the manner in which humans experience and express their sexuality. People engage in a variety of sexual acts, ranging from activities done alone (e.g., masturbation) to acts with another person (e.g., sexual intercourse, non-penetrative sex, oral sex, etc.) in varying patterns of frequency, for a wide variety of reasons. Sexual activity usually results in sexual arousal and physiological changes in the aroused person, some of which are pronounced while others are more subtle. Sexual activity may also include conduct and activities which are intended to arouse the sexual interest of another or enhance the sex life of another, such as strategies to find or attract partners (courtship and display behaviour), or personal interactions between individuals (for instance, foreplay or BDSM). Sexual activity may follow sexual arousal. Human sexual activity has sociological, cognitive, emotional, behavioural and biological aspects; these include personal bonding, sharing emotions and the physiology of the reproductive system, sex drive, sexual intercourse and sexual behaviour in all its forms. In some cultures, sexual activity is considered acceptable only within marriage, while premarital and extramarital sex are taboo. Some sexual activities are illegal either universally or in some countries or subnational jurisdictions, while some are considered contrary to the norms of certain societies or cultures. Two examples that are criminal offences in most jurisdictions are sexual assault and sexual activity with a person below the local age of consent. Types. Sexual activity can be classified in a number of ways: acts which involve one person (also called autoeroticism) such as masturbation, or two or more people such as vaginal sex, anal sex, oral sex or mutual masturbation. Penetrative sex between two people may be described as sexual intercourse, but definitions vary. If there are more than two participants in a sex act, it may be referred to as group sex. Autoerotic sexual activity can involve use of dildos, vibrators, butt plugs, and other sex toys, though these devices can also be used with a partner. Sexual activity can be classified into the gender and sexual orientation of the participants, as well as by the relationship of the participants. For example, the relationships can be ones of marriage, intimate partners, casual sex partners or anonymous. Sexual activity can be regarded as conventional or as alternative, involving, for example, fetishism, paraphilia, or BDSM activities. Fetishism can take many forms ranging from the desire for certain body parts, for example large breasts, navels or foot worship. The object of desire can often be shoes, boots, lingerie, clothing, leather or rubber items. Some non-conventional autoerotic practices can be dangerous. These include erotic asphyxiation and self-bondage. The potential for injury or even death that exists while engaging in the partnered versions of these fetishes (choking and bondage, respectively) becomes drastically increased in the autoerotic case due to the isolation and lack of assistance in the event of a problem. Sexual activity can be consensual, which means that both or all participants agree to take part and are of the age that they can consent, or it may take place under force or duress, which is often called sexual assault or rape. In different cultures and countries, various sexual activities may be lawful or illegal in regards to the age, gender, marital status or other factors of the participants, or otherwise contrary to social norms or generally accepted sexual morals. Mating strategies. In evolutionary psychology and behavioral ecology, human mating strategies are a set of behaviors used by individuals to attract, select, and retain mates. Mating strategies overlap with reproductive strategies, which encompass a broader set of behaviors involving the timing of reproduction and the trade-off between quantity and quality of offspring (see life history theory). Relative to other animals, human mating strategies are unique in their relationship with cultural variables such as the institution of marriage. Humans may seek out individuals with the intention of forming a long-term intimate relationship, marriage, casual relationship, or friendship. The human desire for companionship is one of the strongest human drives. It is an innate feature of human nature, and may be related to the sex drive. The human mating process encompasses the social and cultural processes whereby one person may meet another to assess suitability, the courtship process and the process of forming an interpersonal relationship. Commonalities, however, can be found between humans and nonhuman animals in mating behavior. Stages of physiological arousal during sexual stimulation. The physiological responses during sexual stimulation are fairly similar for both men and women and there are four phases. Sexual dysfunction is the inability to react emotionally or physically to sexual stimulation in a way projected of the average healthy person; it can affect different stages in the sexual response cycles, which are desire, excitement and orgasm. In the media, sexual dysfunction is often associated with men, but in actuality, it is more commonly observed in females (43 percent) than males (31 percent). Psychological aspects. Sexual activity can lower blood pressure and overall stress levels, regardless of age. It serves to release tension, elevate mood, and possibly create a profound sense of relaxation, especially in the postcoital period. From a biochemical perspective, sex causes the release of endorphins and increases levels of white blood cells that actually boost the immune system. A study published in the journal Biological Psychology described how men who had had sex the previous night responded better to stressful situations, it suggested that if a person is regularly sexual, they're regularly relaxed, and when the person is relaxed, they cope better with stressful situations. A 2007 study published in the Archives of Sexual Behavior 36, (no. 3 (June 2007): 357–68) reported that sexual behavior with a partner on one day significantly predicted lower negative mood and stress, and higher positive mood, on the following day. Though it's usually a stress reliever, sex can become stressful when partners worry about their performance. Motivations. People engage in sexual activity for any of a multitude of possible reasons. Although the primary evolutionary purpose of sexual activity is reproduction, research on college students suggested that people have sex for four general reasons: "physical attraction", as a "means to an end", to increase "emotional connection", and to "alleviate insecurity". Most people engage in sexual activity because of pleasure they derive from the arousal of their sexuality, especially if they can achieve orgasm. Sexual arousal can also be experienced from foreplay and flirting, and from fetish or BDSM activities, or other erotic activities. Most commonly, people engage in sexual activity because of the sexual desire generated by a person to whom they feel sexual attraction; but they may engage in sexual activity for the physical satisfaction they achieve in the absence of attraction for another, as in the case of casual or social sex. At times, a person may engage in a sexual activity solely for the sexual pleasure of their partner, such as because of an obligation they may have to the partner or because of love, sympathy or pity they may feel for the partner. A person may engage in sexual activity for purely monetary considerations, or to obtain some advantage from either the partner or the activity. A man and woman may engage in sexual intercourse with the objective of conception. Some people engage in hate sex, which occurs between two people who strongly dislike or annoy each other. It is related to the idea that opposition between two people can heighten sexual tension, attraction and interest. It has been shown that sexual activity plays a large part in the interaction of social species. Joan Roughgarden, in her book "Diversity, Gender, and Sexuality in Nature and People," postulates that this applies equally to humans as it does to other social species. She explores the purpose of sexual activity and demonstrates that there are many functions facilitated by such activity including pair bonding, group bonding, dispute resolution and reproduction. Self-determination theory. Research has found that people also engage in sexual activity for reasons associated with self-determination theory. The self-determination theory can be applied to a sexual relationship when the participants have positive feelings associated with the relationship. These participants do not feel guilty or coerced into the partnership. Researchers have proposed the model of self-determined sexual motivation. The purpose of this model is to connect self-determination and sexual motivation. This model has helped to explain how people are sexually motivated when involved in self-determined dating relationships. This model also links the positive outcomes, (satisfying the need for autonomy, competence, and relatedness) gained from sexual motivations. According to the completed research associated with this model, it was found that people of both sexes who engaged in sexual activity for self-determined motivation had more positive psychological well-being. While engaging in sexual activity for self-determined reasons, the participants also had a higher need for fulfillment. When this need was satisfied, they felt better about themselves. This was correlated with greater closeness to their partner and higher overall satisfaction in their relationship. Though both sexes engaged in sexual activity for self-determined reasons, there were some differences found between males and females. It was concluded that females had more motivation than males to engage in sexual activity for self-determined reasons. Females also had higher satisfaction and relationship quality than males did from the sexual activity. Overall, research concluded that psychological well-being, sexual motivation, and sexual satisfaction were all positively correlated when dating couples partook in sexual activity for self-determined reasons. Frequency. The frequency of sexual activity might range from zero (sexual abstinence) to 15 or 20 times a week. In the United States, the average frequency of sexual intercourse for married couples is 2 to 3 times a week. It is generally recognized that postmenopausal women experience declines in frequency of sexual intercourse and that average frequency of intercourse declines with age. According to the Kinsey Institute, the average frequency of sexual intercourse in the US for individuals who have partners is 112 times per year (age 18–29), 86 times per year (age 30–39), and 69 times per year (age 40–49). Adolescents. The age at which adolescents tend to become sexually active varies considerably between different cultures and from time to time. (See Prevalence of virginity.) The first sexual act of a child or adolescent is sometimes referred to as the sexualization of the child, and may be considered as a milestone or a change of status, as the loss of virginity or innocence. Youth are legally free to have intercourse after they reach the age of consent. A 1999 survey of students indicated that approximately 40% of ninth graders across the United States report having had sexual intercourse. This figure rises with each grade. Males are more sexually active than females at each of the grade levels surveyed. Sexual activity of young adolescents differs in ethnicity as well. A higher percent of African American and Hispanic adolescents are shown to be more sexually active than White adolescents. Research on sexual frequency has also been conducted solely on female adolescents who engage in sexual activity. Female adolescents tended to engage in more sexual activity due to positive mood. In female teenagers, engaging in sexual activity was directly positively correlated with being older, greater sexual activity in the previous week or prior day, and more positive mood the previous day or the same day as the sexual activity occurred. Decreased sexual activity was associated with prior or current day negative mood or menstruating. Although opinions differ, others suggest that sexual activity is an essential part of humans, and that teenagers need to experience sex. According to a research study, sexual experiences help teenagers understand pleasure and satisfaction. In relation to hedonic and eudaimonic well-being, it stated that teenagers can positively benefit from sexual activity. The cross-sectional study was conducted in 2008 and 2009 at a rural upstate New York community. Teenagers who had their first sexual experience at age 16 revealed a higher well-being than those who were sexually inexperienced or who were first sexually active at a later age of 17. Furthermore, teenagers who had their first sexual experience at age 15 or younger, or who had many sexual partners were not negatively affected and did not have associated lower well-being. Health and safety. Sexual activity is an innately physiological function, but like other physical activity, it comes with risks. There are four main types of risks that may arise from sexual activity: unwanted pregnancy, contracting a sexually transmitted infection (STI/STD), physical injury, and psychological injury. Unwanted pregnancy. Any sexual activity that involves the introduction of semen into a woman's vagina, such as during sexual intercourse, or even contact of semen with her vulva, may result in a pregnancy. To reduce the risk of unintended pregnancies, some people who engage in penile-vaginal sex may use contraception, such as birth control pills, a condom, diaphragms, spermicides, hormonal contraception or sterilization. The effectiveness of the various contraceptive methods in avoiding pregnancy varies considerably. Sexually transmitted infections. Sexual activity that involves skin-to-skin contact, exposure to an infected person's bodily fluids or mucous membranes carries the risk of contracting a sexually transmitted infection. People may not be able to detect that their sexual partner has one or more STIs, for example if they are asymptomatic (show no symptoms). The risk of STIs can be reduced by safe sex practices, such as using condoms. Both partners may opt to be tested for STIs before engaging in sex. The exchange of body fluids is not necessary to contract an infestation of crab lice. Crab lice typically are found attached to hair in the pubic area but sometimes are found on coarse hair elsewhere on the body (for example, eyebrows, eyelashes, beard, mustache, chest, armpits, etc.). Pubic lice infestations (pthiriasis) are spread through direct contact with someone who is infested with the louse. Some STIs like HIV/AIDS can also be contracted by using IV drug needles after their use by an infected person, as well as through childbirth or breastfeeding. Aging. Typically, older men and women maintaining interest in sexual interest and activity could be therapeutic; it is a way of expressing their love and care for one another. Factors such as biological and psychological factors, diseases, mental conditions, boredom with the relationship, and widowhood have been found to contribute with the common decrease in sexual interest and activity in old age. National sex surveys given in Finland in the 1990s revealed aging men had a higher incidence of sexual intercourse compared to aging women and that women were more likely to report a lack of sexual desire compared to men. Regression analysis, factors considered important to female sexual activity included: sexual desire, valuing sexuality, and a healthy partner, while high sexual self-esteem, good health, and active sexual history were important to male sexual activity. Both genders in the study agreed they needed good health, good sexual functioning, positive sexual self-esteem, and a sexually skilful partner to maintain sexual desire. Orientations and society. Heterosexuality. Heterosexuality is the romantic or sexual attraction to the opposite sex. Heterosexual sexual practices are subject to laws in many places. In some countries, mostly those where religion has a strong influence on social policy, marriage laws serve the purpose of encouraging people to have sex only within marriage. Sodomy laws were seen as discouraging same-sex sexual practices, but may affect opposite-sex sexual practices. Laws also ban adults from committing sexual abuse, committing sexual acts with anyone under an age of consent, performing sexual activities in public, and engaging in sexual activities for money (prostitution). Though these laws cover both same-sex and opposite-sex sexual activities, they may differ in regard to punishment, and may be more frequently (or exclusively) enforced on those who engage in same-sex sexual activities. Different-sex sexual practices may be monogamous, serially monogamous, or polyamorous, and, depending on the definition of sexual practice, abstinent or autoerotic (including masturbation). Additionally, different religious and political movements have tried to influence or control changes in sexual practices including courting and marriage, though in most countries changes occur at a slow rate. Homosexuality. Homosexuality is the romantic or sexual attraction to the same sex. People with a homosexual orientation can express their sexuality in a variety of ways, and may or may not express it in their behaviors. Research indicates that many gay men and lesbians want, and succeed in having, committed and durable relationships. For example, survey data indicate that between 40% and 60% of gay men and between 45% and 80% of lesbians are currently involved in a romantic relationship. It is possible for a person whose sexual identity is mainly heterosexual to engage in sexual acts with people of the same sex. Gay and lesbian people who pretend to be heterosexual are often referred to as being closeted (hiding their sexuality in "the closet"). "Closet case" is a derogatory term used to refer to people who hide their sexuality. Making that orientation public can be called "coming out of the closet" in the case of voluntary disclosure or "outing" in the case of disclosure by others against the subject's wishes (or without their knowledge). Among some communities (called "men on the DL" or "down-low"), same-sex sexual behavior is sometimes viewed as solely for physical pleasure. Men who have sex with men, as well as women who have sex with women, or men on the "down-low" may engage in sex acts with members of the same sex while continuing sexual and romantic relationships with the opposite sex. People who engage exclusively in same-sex sexual practices may not identify themselves as gay or lesbian. In sex-segregated environments, individuals may seek relationships with others of their own gender (known as situational homosexuality). In other cases, some people may experiment or explore their sexuality with same (or different) sex sexual activity before defining their sexual identity. Despite stereotypes and common misconceptions, there are no forms of sexual acts exclusive to same-sex sexual behavior that cannot also be found in opposite-sex sexual behavior, except those involving the meeting of the genitalia between same-sex partners – tribadism (generally vulva-to-vulva rubbing, commonly known by its "scissoring" position) and frot (generally penis-to-penis rubbing). Bisexuality and pansexuality. People who have a romantic or sexual attraction to both sexes are referred to as bisexual. People who have a distinct but not exclusive preference for one sex/gender over the other may also identify themselves as bisexual. Like gay and lesbian individuals, bisexual people who pretend to be heterosexual are often referred to as being closeted. Pansexuality (also referred to as omnisexuality) may or may not be subsumed under bisexuality, with some sources stating that bisexuality encompasses sexual or romantic attraction to all gender identities. Pansexuality is characterized by the potential for aesthetic attraction, romantic love, or sexual desire towards people without regard for their gender identity or biological sex. Some pansexuals suggest that they are gender-blind; that gender and sex are insignificant or irrelevant in determining whether they will be sexually attracted to others. As defined in the "Oxford English Dictionary," pansexuality "encompasses all kinds of sexuality; not limited or inhibited in sexual choice with regards to gender or practice". Other social aspects. General attitudes. Alex Comfort and others propose three potential social aspects of sexual intercourse in humans, which are not mutually exclusive: reproductive, relational, and recreational. The development of the contraceptive pill and other highly effective forms of contraception in the mid- and late 20th century has increased people's ability to segregate these three functions, which still overlap a great deal and in complex patterns. For example: A fertile couple may have intercourse while using contraception to experience sexual pleasure (recreational) and also as a means of emotional intimacy (relational), thus deepening their bonding, making their relationship more stable and more capable of sustaining children in the future (deferred reproductive). This same couple may emphasize different aspects of intercourse on different occasions, being playful during one episode of intercourse (recreational), experiencing deep emotional connection on another occasion (relational), and later, after discontinuing contraception, seeking to achieve pregnancy (reproductive, or more likely reproductive and relational). Religious and ethical. Most world religions have sought to address the moral issues that arise from people's sexuality in society and in human interactions. Each major religion has developed moral codes covering issues of sexuality, morality, ethics etc. Though these moral codes do not address issues of sexuality directly, they seek to regulate the situations which can give rise to sexual interest and to influence people's sexual activities and practices. However, the effect of religious teaching has at times been limited. For example, though most religions disapprove of extramarital sexual relations, it has always been widely practiced. Nevertheless, these religious codes have always had a strong influence on peoples' attitudes to issues of modesty in dress, behavior, speech etc. On the other hand, some people adopt the view that pleasure is its own justification for sexual activity. Hedonism is a school of thought which argues that pleasure is the only intrinsic good. Human sexual activity, like many other kinds of activity engaged in by humans, is generally influenced by social rules that are culturally specific and vary widely. These social rules are referred to as sexual morality (what can and can not be done by society's rules) and sexual norms (what is and is not expected). Sexual ethics, morals, and norms relate to issues including deception/honesty, legality, fidelity and consent. Some activities, known as sex crimes in some locations, are illegal in some jurisdictions, including those conducted between (or among) consenting and competent adults (examples include sodomy law and adult-adult incest). Some people who are in a relationship but want to hide polygamous activity (possibly of opposite sexual orientation) from their partner, may solicit consensual sexual activity with others through personal contacts, online chat rooms, or, advertising in select media. Swinging, on the other hand, involves singles or partners in a committed relationship engaging in sexual activities with others as a recreational or social activity. The increasing popularity of swinging is regarded by some as arising from the upsurge in sexual activity during the sexual revolution of the 1960s. Some people engage in various sexual activities as a business transaction. When this involves having sex with, or performing certain actual sexual acts for another person in exchange for money or something of value, it is called prostitution. Other aspects of the adult industry include phone sex operators, strip clubs, and pornography. Gender roles and the expression of sexuality. Social gender roles can influence sexual behavior as well as the reaction of individuals and communities to certain incidents; the World Health Organization states that, "Sexual violence is also more likely to occur where beliefs in male sexual entitlement are strong, where gender roles are more rigid, and in countries experiencing high rates of other types of violence." Some societies, such as those where the concepts of family honor and female chastity are very strong, may practice violent control of female sexuality, through practices such as honor killings and female genital mutilation. The relation between gender equality and sexual expression is recognized, and promotion of equity between men and women is crucial for attaining sexual and reproductive health, as stated by the UN International Conference on Population and Development Program of Action: BDSM. BDSM is a variety of erotic practices or roleplaying involving bondage, dominance and submission, sadomasochism, and other interpersonal dynamics. Given the wide range of practices, some of which may be engaged in by people who do not consider themselves as practicing BDSM, inclusion in the BDSM community or subculture usually being dependent on self-identification and shared experience. BDSM communities generally welcome anyone with a non-normative streak who identifies with the community; this may include cross-dressers, extreme body modification enthusiasts, animal players, latex or rubber aficionados, and others. B/D (bondage and discipline) is a part of BDSM. Bondage includes the restraint of the body or mind. D/s means "Dominant and submissive" (note capitalization convention). A Dominant is one who takes control of a person who wishes to surrender control and a submissive is one who surrenders control to a person who wishes to take control. S/M (sadism and masochism) is the other pat of BDSM. A sadist is an individual who takes pleasure in the pain or humiliation of others and a masochist is an individual who takes pleasure from their own pain or humiliation. Unlike the usual "power neutral" relationships and play styles commonly followed by couples, activities and relationships within a BDSM context are often characterized by the participants' taking on complementary, but unequal roles; thus, the idea of informed consent of both the partners becomes essential. Participants who exert dominance (sexual or otherwise) over their partners are known as Dominants or Tops, while participants who take the passive, receiving, or obedient role are known as submissives or bottoms. These terms are sometimes shortened, so a dominant person may be referred to as a "Dom" (a woman may choose to use the feminine "Domme") and a submissive may be referred to as a "sub". Individuals who can change between Top/Dominant and bottom/submissive roles – whether from relationship to relationship or within a given relationship – are known as "switches". The precise definition of roles and self-identification is a common subject of debate within the community. In a 2013 study, the researchers state that BDSM is a sexual act where they play role games, use restraint, use power exchange, use suppression and pain is sometimes involved depending on individual(s). The study serves to challenge the widespread notion that BDSM could be in some way linked to psychopathology. According to the findings, one who participates in BDSM may have greater strength socially and mentally as well as greater independence than those who do not practice BDSM. It suggests that people who participate in BDSM play have higher subjective well-being, and that this might be due to the fact that BDSM play requires extensive communication. Before any act occurs, the partners must discuss their agreement of their relationship. They discuss how long the play will last, the intensity, their actions, what each participant needs or desires, and what, if any, sexual activities may be included. All acts must be consensual and pleasurable to both parties. In a 2015 study, interviewed BDSM participants have mentioned that the activities have helped to create higher levels of connection, intimacy, trust and communication between partners. The study suggests that Dominants and submissives exchange control for each other's pleasure and to satisfy a need. The participants have remarked that they enjoy pleasing their partner in any way they can and many surveyed have felt that this is one of the best things about BDSM. It gives a submissive pleasure to do things in general for their Dominant while a Dominant enjoys making their encounters all about their submissive and enjoy doing things that makes their submissive happy. The findings indicate that the surveyed submissives and Dominants found BDSM makes play more pleasurable and fun. The participants have also mentioned improvements in their personal growth, romantic relationships, sense of community and self, the dominant's confidence, and their coping with everyday things by giving them a psychological release. Legal issues. There are many laws and social customs which prohibit, or in some way affect sexual activities. These laws and customs vary from country to country, and have varied over time. They cover, for example, a prohibition to non-consensual sex, to sex outside marriage, to sexual activity in public, besides many others. Many of these restrictions are non-controversial, but some have been the subject of public debate. Most societies consider it a serious crime to force someone to engage in sexual acts or to engage in sexual activity with someone who does not consent. This is called sexual assault, and if sexual penetration occurs it is called rape, the most serious kind of sexual assault. The details of this distinction may vary among different legal jurisdictions. Also, what constitutes effective consent in sexual matters varies from culture to culture and is frequently debated. Laws regulating the minimum age at which a person can consent to have sex (age of consent) are frequently the subject of debate, as is adolescent sexual behavior in general. Some societies have forced marriage, where consent may not be required. Same-sex laws. Many locales have laws that limit or prohibit same-sex sexual activity. Sex outside marriage. In the West, sex before marriage is not illegal. There are social taboos and many religions condemn pre-marital sex. In many Muslim countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Kuwait, Maldives, Morocco, Oman, Mauritania, United Arab Emirates, Sudan, Yemen, any form of sexual activity outside marriage is illegal. Those found guilty, especially women, may be forced to wed the sexual partner, publicly beaten, or stoned to death. In many African and native tribes, sexual activity is not viewed as a privilege or right of a married couple, but rather as the unification of bodies and is thus not frowned upon. Other studies have analyzed the changing attitudes about sex that American adolescents have outside marriage. Adolescents were asked how they felt about oral and vaginal sex in relation to their health, social, and emotional well-being. Overall, teenagers felt that oral sex was viewed as more socially positive amongst their demographic. Results stated that teenagers believed that oral sex for dating and non-dating adolescents was less threatening to their overall values and beliefs than vaginal sex was. When asked, teenagers who participated in the research viewed oral sex as more acceptable to their peers, and their personal values than vaginal sex. Minimum age of sexual activity (age of consent). The laws of each jurisdiction set the minimum age at which a young person is allowed to engage in sexual activity. This age of consent is typically between 14 and 18 years, but laws vary. In many jurisdictions, age of consent is a person's mental or functional age. As a result, those above the set age of consent may still be considered unable to legally consent due to mental immaturity. Many jurisdictions regard any sexual activity by an adult involving a child as child sexual abuse. Age of consent may vary by the type of sexual act, the sex of the actors, or other restrictions such as abuse of a position of trust. Some jurisdictions also make allowances for young people engaged in sexual acts with each other. Incestuous relationships. Most jurisdictions prohibit sexual activity between certain close relatives. These laws vary to some extent; such acts are called incestuous. Incest laws may involve restrictions on marriage rights, which also vary between jurisdictions. When incest involves an adult and a child, it is considered to be a form of child sexual abuse. When it is between two consenting adults, it is sometimes called consanguinamory. Sexual abuse. Non-consensual sexual activity or subjecting an unwilling person to witnessing a sexual activity are forms of sexual abuse, as well as (in many countries) certain non-consensual paraphilias such as frotteurism, telephone scatophilia (indecent phonecalls), and non-consensual exhibitionism and voyeurism (known as "indecent exposure" and "peeping tom" respectively). Prostitution and survival sex. People sometimes exchange sex for money or access to other resources. Work takes place under many varied circumstances. The person who receives payment for sexual services is known as a prostitute and the person who receives such services is referred to by a multitude of terms, such as being a client. Prostitution is one of the branches of the sex industry. The legal status of prostitution varies from country to country, from being a punishable crime to a regulated profession. Estimates place the annual revenue generated from the global prostitution industry to be over $100 billion. Prostitution is sometimes referred to as "the world's oldest profession". Prostitution may be a voluntary individual activity or facilitated or forced by pimps. Survival sex is a form of prostitution engaged in by people in need, usually when homeless or otherwise disadvantaged people trade sex for food, a place to sleep, or other basic needs, or for drugs. The term is used by sex trade and poverty researchers and aid workers.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=83449

Childbirth, also known as labour or delivery, is the ending of pregnancy where one or more babies leaves the uterus by passing through the vagina or by Caesarean section. In 2015, there were about 135 million births globally. About 15 million were born before 37 weeks of gestation, while between 3 and 12% were born after 42 weeks. In the developed world most deliveries occur in hospitals, while in the developing world most births take place at home with the support of a traditional birth attendant. The most common way of childbirth is a vaginal delivery. It involves three stages of labour: the shortening and opening of the cervix during the first stage, descent and birth of the baby during the second stage, and the delivery of the placenta during the third stage. The first stage begins with crampy abdominal or back pain that lasts around half a minute and occurs every 10 to 30 minutes. The pain becomes stronger and closer together over time. The second stage ends when the infant is fully expelled. In the third stage, the delivery of the placenta, delayed clamping of the umbilical cord is generally recommended. all major health organisations advise that immediately following vaginal birth, or as soon as the mother is alert and responsive after a Caesarean section, that the infant be placed on the mother's chest, termed skin-to-skin contact, delaying routine procedures for at least one to two hours or until the baby has had its first breastfeeding. Most babies are born head first; however about 4% are born feet or buttocks first, known as breech. Typically the head enters the pelvis facing to one side, and then rotates to face down. During labour, a woman can generally eat and move around as she likes. A number of methods can help with pain, such as relaxation techniques, opioids, and spinal blocks. While making a cut to the opening of the vagina, known as an episiotomy, is common, it is generally not needed. In 2012, about 23 million deliveries occurred by Caesarean section, an operation on the abdomen. Each year, complications from pregnancy and childbirth result in about 500,000 maternal deaths, seven million women have serious long-term problems, and 50 million women have negative health outcomes following delivery. Most of these occur in the developing world. Specific complications include obstructed labour, postpartum bleeding, eclampsia, and postpartum infection. Complications in the baby may include lack of oxygen at birth, birth trauma, prematurity, and infections. Signs and symptoms. The most prominent sign of labour is strong repetitive uterine contractions. The distress levels reported by labouring women vary widely. They appear to be influenced by fear and anxiety levels, experience with prior childbirth, cultural ideas of childbirth pain, mobility during labour, and the support received during labour. Personal expectations, the amount of support from caregivers, quality of the caregiver-patient relationship, and involvement in decision-making are more important in women's overall satisfaction with the experience of childbirth than are other factors such as age, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, preparation, physical environment, pain, immobility, or medical interventions. Descriptions. Pain in contractions has been described as feeling similar to very strong menstrual cramps. Women are often encouraged to refrain from screaming. However, moaning and grunting may be encouraged to help lessen pain. Crowning may be experienced as an intense stretching and burning. Even women who show little reaction to labour pains, in comparison to other women, show a substantially severe reaction to crowning (the appearance of the baby's head). Back labour is a term for specific pain occurring in the lower back, just above the tailbone, during childbirth. Psychological. During the later stages of gestation there is an increase in abundance of oxytocin, a hormone that is known to evoke feelings of contentment, reductions in anxiety, and feelings of calmness and security around the mate. Oxytocin is further released during labour when the fetus stimulates the cervix and vagina, and it is believed that it plays a major role in the bonding of a mother to her infant and in the establishment of maternal behaviour. The act of nursing a child also causes a release of oxytocin. Between 70% and 80% of mothers in the United States report some feelings of sadness or "baby blues" after giving birth. The symptoms normally occur for a few minutes up to few hours each day and they should lessen and disappear within two weeks after delivery. Postpartum depression may develop in some women. Preventive group therapy has proven effective as a prophylactic treatment for postpartum depression. Vaginal birth. Humans are bipedal with an erect stance. The erect posture causes the weight of the abdominal contents to thrust on the pelvic floor, a complex structure which must not only support this weight but allow, in women, three channels to pass through it: the urethra, the vagina and the rectum. The infant's head and shoulders must go through a specific sequence of manoeuvres in order to pass through the ring of the mother's pelvis. Six phases of a typical vertex or cephalic (head-first presentation) delivery: The vagina is called a 'birth canal' when the baby enters this passage. Station refers to the relationship of the fetal presenting part to the level of the ischial spines. When the presenting part is at the ischial spines the station is 0 (synonymous with engagement). If the presenting fetal part is above the spines, the distance is measured and described as minus stations, which range from −1 to −4 cm. If the presenting part is below the ischial spines, the distance is stated as plus stations ( +1 to +4 cm). At +3 and +4 the presenting part is at the perineum and can be seen. The fetal head may temporarily change shape substantially (becoming more elongated) as it moves through the birth canal. This change in the shape of the fetal head is called "molding" and is much more prominent in women having their first vaginal delivery. Cervical ripening is the physical and chemical changes in the cervix to prepare it for the stretching that will take place as the fetus moves out of the uterus and into the birth canal. A scoring system called a Bishop score can be used to judge the degree of cervical ripening in order to predict the timing of labour and delivery of the infant or for women at risk for preterm labour. It is also used to judge when a woman will respond to induction of labour for a postdate pregnancy or other medical reasons. There are several methods of inducing cervical ripening which will allow the uterine contractions to effectively dilate the cervix. Onset of labour. Definitions of the onset of labour include: Many women are known to experience what has been termed the "nesting instinct". Women report a spurt of energy shortly before going into labour. Common signs that labour is about to begin may include what is known as "lightening", which is the process of the baby moving down from the rib cage with the head of the baby engaging deep in the pelvis. The pregnant woman may then find breathing easier, since her lungs have more room for expansion, but pressure on her bladder may cause more frequent need to void (urinate). Lightening may occur a few weeks or a few hours before labour begins, or even not until labour has begun. Some women also experience an increase in vaginal discharge several days before labour begins when the "mucus plug", a thick plug of mucus that blocks the opening to the uterus, is pushed out into the vagina. The mucus plug may become dislodged days before labour begins or not until the start of labour. While inside the uterus the baby is enclosed in a fluid-filled membrane called the amniotic sac. Shortly before, at the beginning of, or during labour the sac ruptures. Once the sac ruptures, termed "the water breaks", the baby is at risk for infection and the mother's medical team will assess the need to induce labour if it has not started within the time they believe to be safe for the infant. Folklore has long held that most babies are born in the late night or very early morning; 2018 research has found this to be correct in the US, but only for babies born at home or on Saturday or Sunday. All other births are most likely to occur between 8 a.m. and noon, a reflection of the fact that planned C-sections are generally scheduled for 8 a.m. Likewise, births from induced deliveries rise during the morning hours and peak at 3 p.m. The most likely day of the week for a baby's birth in the US is Monday, followed by Tuesday, likely related to scheduled deliveries as well. The first stage of labour is divided into latent and active phases, where the latent phase is sometimes included in the definition of labour, and sometimes not. First stage: latent phase. The latent phase is generally defined as beginning at the point at which the woman perceives regular uterine contractions. In contrast, Braxton Hicks contractions, which are contractions that may start around 26 weeks gestation and are sometimes called "false labour", are infrequent, irregular, and involve only mild cramping. Cervical effacement, which is the thinning and stretching of the cervix, and cervical dilation occur during the closing weeks of pregnancy. Effacement is usually complete or near-complete and dilation is about 5 cm by the end of the latent phase. The degree of cervical effacement and dilation may be felt during a vaginal examination. The latent phase ends with the onset of the active first stage. First stage: active phase. The active stage of labour (or "active phase of first stage" if the previous phase is termed "latent phase of first stage") has geographically differing definitions. The World Health Organization describes the active first stage as "a period of time characterised by regular painful uterine contractions, a substantial degree of cervical effacement and more rapid cervical dilatation from 5 cm until full dilatation for first and subsequent labours. In the US, the definition of active labour was changed from 3 to 4 cm, to 5 cm of cervical dilation for multiparous women, mothers who had given birth previously, and at 6 cm for nulliparous women, those who had not given birth before. This was done in an effort to increase the rates of vaginal delivery. Health care providers may assess a labouring mother's progress in labour by performing a cervical exam to evaluate the cervical dilation, effacement, and station. These factors form the Bishop score. The Bishop score can also be used as a means to predict the success of an induction of labour. During effacement, the cervix becomes incorporated into the lower segment of the uterus. During a contraction, uterine muscles contract causing shortening of the upper segment and drawing upwards of the lower segment, in a gradual expulsive motion. The presenting fetal part then is permitted to descend. Full dilation is reached when the cervix has widened enough to allow passage of the baby's head, around 10 cm dilation for a term baby. A standard duration of the latent first stage has not been established and can vary widely from one woman to another. However, the duration of active first stage (from 5 cm until full cervical dilatation) usually does not extend beyond 12 hours in first labours ("primiparae"), and usually does not extend beyond 10 hours in subsequent labours ("multiparae"). Dystocia of labour, also called "dysfunctional labour" or "failure to progress", is difficult labour or abnormally slow progress of labour, involving progressive cervical dilatation or lack of descent of the fetus. Friedman's Curve, developed in 1955, was for many years used to determine labour dystocia. However, more recent medical research suggests that the Friedman curve may not be currently applicable. Second stage: fetal expulsion. The expulsion stage begins when the cervix is fully dilated, and ends when the baby is born. As pressure on the cervix increases, a sensation of pelvic pressure is experienced, and, with it, an urge to begin pushing. At the beginning of the normal second stage, the head is fully engaged in the pelvis; the widest diameter of the head has passed below the level of the pelvic inlet. The fetal head then continues descent into the pelvis, below the pubic arch and out through the vaginal introitus (opening). This is assisted by the additional maternal efforts of "bearing down" or pushing, similar to defecation. The appearance of the fetal head at the vaginal orifice is termed the "crowning". At this point, the mother will feel an intense burning or stinging sensation. When the amniotic sac has not ruptured during labour or pushing, the infant can be born with the membranes intact. This is referred to as "delivery en caul". Complete expulsion of the baby signals the successful completion of the second stage of labour. Some babies, especially preterm infants, are born covered with a waxy or cheese-like white substance called vernix. It is thought to have some protective roles during fetal development and for a few hours after birth. The second stage varies from one woman to another. In first labours, birth is usually completed within three hours whereas in subsequent labours, birth is usually completed within two hours. Second-stage labours longer than three hours are associated with declining rates of spontaneous vaginal delivery and increasing rates of infection, perineal tears, and obstetric haemorrhage, as well as the need for intensive care of the neonate. Third stage: placenta delivery. The period from just after the fetus is expelled until just after the placenta is expelled is called the "third stage of labour" or the "involution stage". Placental expulsion begins as a physiological separation from the wall of the uterus. The average time from delivery of the baby until complete expulsion of the placenta is estimated to be 10–12 minutes dependent on whether active or expectant management is employed. In as many as 3% of all vaginal deliveries, the duration of the third stage is longer than 30 minutes and raises concern for retained placenta. Placental expulsion can be managed actively or it can be managed expectantly, allowing the placenta to be expelled without medical assistance. Active management is the administration of a uterotonic drug within one minute of fetal delivery, controlled traction of the umbilical cord and fundal massage after delivery of the placenta, followed by performance of uterine massage every 15 minutes for two hours. In a joint statement, World Health Organization, the International Federation of Gynaecology and Obstetrics and the International Confederation of Midwives recommend active management of the third stage of labour in all vaginal deliveries to help to prevent postpartum haemorrhage. Delaying the clamping of the umbilical cord for at least one minute or until it ceases to pulsate, which may take several minutes, improves outcomes as long as there is the ability to treat jaundice if it occurs. For many years it was believed that late cord cutting led to a mother's risk of experiencing significant bleeding after giving birth, called postpartum bleeding. However a recent review found that delayed cord cutting in healthy full-term infants resulted in early haemoglobin concentration and higher birthweight and increased iron reserves up to six months after birth with no change in the rate of postpartum bleeding. Fourth stage. The "fourth stage of labour" is the period beginning immediately after the birth of a child and extending for about six weeks. The terms "postpartum" and "postnatal" are often used for this period. The woman's body, including hormone levels and uterus size, return to a non-pregnant state and the newborn adjusts to life outside the mother's body. The World Health Organization (WHO) describes the postnatal period as the most critical and yet the most neglected phase in the lives of mothers and babies; most deaths occur during the postnatal period. Following the birth, if the mother had an episiotomy or a tearing of the perineum, it is stitched. This is also an optimal time for uptake of long-acting reversible contraception (LARC), such as the contraceptive implant or intrauterine device (IUD), both of which can be inserted immediately after delivery while the woman is still in the delivery room. The mother has regular assessments for uterine contraction and fundal height, vaginal bleeding, heart rate and blood pressure, and temperature, for the first 24 hours after birth. The first passing of urine should be documented within six hours. Afterpains (pains similar to menstrual cramps), contractions of the uterus to prevent excessive blood flow, continue for several days. Vaginal discharge, termed "lochia", can be expected to continue for several weeks; initially bright red, it gradually becomes pink, changing to brown, and finally to yellow or white. Some women experience an uncontrolled episode of shivering or postpartum chills, after the birth. Until recently babies born in hospitals were removed from their mothers shortly after birth and brought to the mother only at feeding times. Mothers were told that their newborn would be safer in the nursery and that the separation would offer the mother more time to rest. As attitudes began to change, some hospitals offered a "rooming in" option wherein after a period of routine hospital procedures and observation, the infant could be allowed to share the mother's room. As of 2020, rooming in has become standard practice. Around 2000 authorities began to question the practice of removing the newborn immediately postpartum for routine postnatal procedures before being returned to the mother. Some authorities began to suggest that early skin-to-skin contact (placing the naked baby on the mother's chest) may benefit both mother and infant. Using animal studies that showed that the intimate contact inherent in skin-to-skin contact promotes neurobehaviors that result in the fulfilment of basic biological needs as a model, studies were done to assess what, if any, advantages may be associated with early skin-to-skin contact for human mothers and their babies. A 2011 medical review found that earlyskin-to-skin contact, sometimes called kangaroo care, resulted in improved breastfeeding outcomes, cardio-respiratory stability, and a decrease in infant crying. A 2016 Cochrane review found that skin-to-skin contact at birth promotes the likelihood and effectiveness of breastfeeding. As of 2014, early postpartum skin-to-skin contact is endorsed by all major organisations that are responsible for the well-being of infants, including the American Academy of Pediatrics. The World Health Organization (WHO) states that "the process of childbirth is not finished until the baby has safely transferred from placental to mammary nutrition." It is advised that the newborn be placed skin-to-skin with the mother following vaginal birth, or as soon as the mother is alert and responsive after a Caesarean section, postponing any routine procedures for at least one to two hours. The WHO suggests that any initial observations of the infant can be done while the infant remains close to the mother, saying that even a brief separation before the baby has had its first feed can disturb the bonding process. They further advise frequent skin-to-skin contact as much as possible during the first days after delivery, especially if it was interrupted for some reason after the delivery. Labour induction and elective Caesarean section. In many cases and with increasing frequency, childbirth is achieved through labour induction or caesarean section. Labour induction is the process or treatment that stimulates childbirth and delivery. Inducing labour can be accomplished with pharmaceutical or non-pharmaceutical methods. Inductions are most often performed either with prostaglandin drug treatment alone, or with a combination of prostaglandin and intravenous oxytocin treatment. Caesarean section is the removal of the neonate through a surgical incision in the abdomen, rather than through vaginal birth. Childbirth by C-Sections increased 50% in the US from 1996 to 2006. In 2011, 32.8 per cent of births in the US were delivered by cesarean section. Induced births and elective cesarean before 39 weeks can be harmful to the neonate as well as harmful or without benefit to the mother. Therefore, many guidelines recommend against non-medically required induced births and elective cesarean before 39 weeks. The 2012 rate of labour induction in the United States was 23.3 per cent, and has more than doubled from 1990 to 2010. The American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) guidelines recommend a full evaluation of the maternal-fetal status, the status of the cervix, and at least a 39 completed weeks (full term) of gestation for optimal health of the newborn when considering elective induction of labour. Per these guidelines, indications for induction may include: Induction is also considered for logistical reasons, such as the distance from hospital or psychosocial conditions, but in these instances gestational age confirmation must be done, and the maturity of the fetal lung must be confirmed by testing. The ACOG also note that contraindications for induced labour are the same as for spontaneous vaginal delivery, including vasa previa, complete placenta praevia, umbilical cord prolapse or active genital herpes simplex infection. Management. Deliveries are assisted by a number of professionals including: obstetricians, family physicians and midwives. For low risk pregnancies all three result in similar outcomes. Preparation. Eating or drinking during labour is an area of ongoing debate. While some have argued that eating in labour has no harmful effects on outcomes, others continue to have concern regarding the increased possibility of an aspiration event (choking on recently eaten foods) in the event of an emergency delivery due to the increased relaxation of the oesophagus in pregnancy, upward pressure of the uterus on the stomach, and the possibility of general anaesthetic in the event of an emergency cesarean. A 2013 Cochrane review found that with good obstetrical anaesthesia there is no change in harms from allowing eating and drinking during labour in those who are unlikely to need surgery. They additionally acknowledge that not eating does not mean there is an empty stomach or that its contents are not as acidic. They therefore conclude that "women should be free to eat and drink in labour, or not, as they wish." At one time shaving of the area around the vagina, was common practice due to the belief that hair removal reduced the risk of infection, made an episiotomy (a surgical cut to enlarge the vaginal entrance) easier, and helped with instrumental deliveries. It is currently less common, though it is still a routine procedure in some countries even though a systematic review found no evidence to recommend shaving. Side effects appear later, including irritation, redness, and multiple superficial scratches from the razor. Another effort to prevent infection has been the use of the antiseptic chlorhexidine or providone-iodine solution in the vagina. Evidence of benefit with chlorhexidine is lacking. A decreased risk is found with providone-iodine when a cesarean section is to be performed. Forceps or vacuum assisted delivery. An assisted delivery is used in about 1 in 8 births, and may be needed if either mother or infant appears to be at risk during a vaginal delivery. The methods used are termed obstetrical forceps extraction and vacuum extraction, also called ventouse extraction. Done properly, they are both safe with some preference for forceps rather than vacuum, and both are seen as preferable to an unexpected C-section. While considered safe, some risks for the mother include vaginal tearing, including a higher chance of having a more major vaginal tear that involves the muscle or wall of the anus or rectum. For women undergoing operative vaginal delivery with vacuum extraction or forceps, there is strong evidence that prophylactic antibiotics help to reduce the risk of infection. There is a higher risk of blood clots forming in the legs or pelvis—anti-clot stockings or medication may be ordered to avoid clots. Urinary incontinence is not unusual after childbirth but it is more common after an instrument delivery. Certain exercises and physiotherapy will help the condition to improve. Pain control. Non pharmaceutical. Some women prefer to avoid analgesic medication during childbirth. Psychological preparation may be beneficial. Relaxation techniques, immersion in water, massage, and acupuncture may provide pain relief. Acupuncture and relaxation were found to decrease the number of caesarean sections required. Immersion in water has been found to relieve pain during the first stage of labour and to reduce the need for anaesthesia and shorten the duration of labour, however the safety and efficacy of immersion during birth, water birth, has not been established or associated with maternal or fetal benefit. Most women like to have someone to support them during labour and birth; such as a midwife, nurse, or doula; or a lay person such as the father of the baby, a family member, or a close friend. Studies have found that continuous support during labour and delivery reduce the need for medication and a caesarean or operative vaginal delivery, and result in an improved Apgar score for the infant Pharmaceutical. Different measures for pain control have varying degrees of success and side effects to the woman and her baby. In some countries of Europe, doctors commonly prescribe inhaled nitrous oxide gas for pain control, especially as 53% nitrous oxide, 47% oxygen, known as Entonox; in the UK, midwives may use this gas without a doctor's prescription. Opioids such as fentanyl may be used, but if given too close to birth there is a risk of respiratory depression in the infant. Popular medical pain control in hospitals include the regional anaesthetics epidurals (EDA), and spinal anaesthesia. Epidural analgesia is a generally safe and effective method of relieving pain in labour, but has been associated with longer labour, more operative intervention (particularly instrument delivery), and increases in cost. However, a more recent (2017) Cochrane review suggests that the new epidural techniques have no effect on labour time and the use of instruments or the need for C-section deliveries. Generally, pain and stress hormones rise throughout labour for women without epidurals, while pain, fear, and stress hormones decrease upon administration of epidural analgesia, but rise again later. Medicine administered via epidural can cross the placenta and enter the bloodstream of the fetus. Epidural analgesia has no statistically significant impact on the risk of caesarean section, and does not appear to have an immediate effect on neonatal status as determined by Apgar scores. Augmentation. Augmentation is the process of stimulating the uterus to increase the intensity and duration of contractions after labour has begun. Several methods of augmentation are commonly been used to treat slow progress of labour (dystocia) when uterine contractions are assessed to be too weak. Oxytocin is the most common method used to increase the rate of vaginal delivery. The World Health Organization recommends its use either alone or with amniotomy (rupture of the amniotic membrane) but advises that it must be used only after it has been correctly confirmed that labour is not proceeding properly if harm is to be avoided. The WHO does not recommend the use of antispasmodic agents for prevention of delay in labour. Episiotomy. For years an episiotomy was thought to help prevent more extensive vaginal tears and heal better than a natural tear. Perineal tears can occur at the vaginal opening as the baby's head passes through, especially if the baby descends quickly. Tears can involve the perineal skin or extend to the muscles and the anal sphincter and anus. Once common, they are now recognised as generally not needed. When needed, the midwife or obstetrician makes a surgical cut in the perineum to prevent severe tears that can be difficult to repair. A 2017 Cochrane review compared episiotomy as needed (restrictive) with routine episiotomy to determine the possible benefits and harms for mother and baby. The review found that restrictive episiotomy policies appeared to give a number of benefits compared with using routine episiotomy. Women experienced less severe perineal trauma, less posterior perineal trauma, less suturing and fewer healing complications at seven days with no difference in occurrence of pain, urinary incontinence, painful sex or severe vaginal/perineal trauma after birth. Multiple births. In cases of a head first-presenting first twin, twins can often be delivered vaginally. In some cases twin delivery is done in a larger delivery room or in an operating theatre, in the event of complication e.g. Support. Obstetric care frequently subjects women to institutional routines, which may have adverse effects on the progress of labour. Supportive care during labour may involve emotional support, comfort measures, and information and advocacy which may promote the physical process of labour as well as women's feelings of control and competence, thus reducing the need for obstetric intervention. The continuous support may be provided either by hospital staff such as nurses or midwives, doulas, or by companions of the woman's choice from her social network. A 2015 Cochrane review that examined debriefing interventions for women who perceived childbirth as traumatic failed to find any evidence to support routine debriefing as a needed intervention after childbirth. There is increasing evidence to show that the participation of the child's father in the birth leads to better birth and also post-birth outcomes, providing the father does not exhibit excessive anxiety. Continuous labour support may help women to give birth spontaneously, that is, without caesarean or vacuum or forceps, with slightly shorter labours, and to have more positive feelings regarding their experience of giving birth. Continuous labour support may also reduce women's use of pain medication during labour and reduce the risk of babies having low five-minute Agpar scores. Fetal monitoring. For external monitoring of the fetus during childbirth, a simple pinard stethoscope or doppler fetal monitor ("doptone") can be used. A method of external (noninvasive) fetal monitoring (EFM) during childbirth is cardiotocography (CTG), using a "cardiotocograph" that consists of two sensors: The "heart" (cardio) sensor is an ultrasonic sensor, similar to a Doppler fetal monitor, that continuously emits ultrasound and detects motion of the fetal heart by the characteristic of the reflected sound. The pressure-sensitive "contraction" transducer, called a "tocodynamometer" (toco) has a flat area that is fixated to the skin by a band around the belly. The pressure required to flatten a section of the wall correlates with the internal pressure, thereby providing an estimate of contraction. Monitoring with a cardiotocograph can either be intermittent or continuous. The World Health Organization (WHO) advises that for healthy women undergoing spontaneous labour continuous cardiotocography is not recommended for assessment of fetal well-being. The WHO states: "In countries and settings where continuous CTG is used defensively to protect against litigation, all stakeholders should be made aware that this practice is not evidence-based and does not improve birth outcomes." A mother's water has to break before internal (invasive) monitoring can be used. More invasive monitoring can involve a fetal scalp electrode to give an additional measure of fetal heart activity, and/or intrauterine pressure catheter (IUPC). It can also involve fetal scalp pH testing. Complications. Per figures retrieved in 2015, since 1990 there has been a 44 per cent decline in the maternal death rate. However, according to 2015 figures 830 women die every day from causes related to pregnancy or childbirth and for every woman who dies, 20 or 30 encounter injuries, infections or disabilities. Most of these deaths and injuries are preventable. In 2008, noting that each year more than 100,000 women die of complications of pregnancy and childbirth and at least seven million experience serious health problems while 50 million more have adverse health consequences after childbirth, the World Health Organization (WHO) has urged midwife training to strengthen maternal and newborn health services. To support the upgrading of midwifery skills the WHO established a midwife training program, Action for Safe Motherhood. The rising maternal death rate in the US is of concern. In 1990 the US ranked 12th of the 14 developed countries that were analysed. However, since that time the rates of every country have steadily continued to improve while the US rate has spiked dramatically. While every other developed nation of the 14 analysed in 1990 shows a 2017 death rate of less than 10 deaths per every 100,000 live births, the US rate has risen to 26.4. By comparison, the United Kingdom ranks second highest at 9.2 and Finland is the safest at 3.8. Furthermore, for every one of the 700 to 900 US woman who die each year during pregnancy or childbirth, 70 experience significant complications such as haemorrhage and organ failure, totalling more than one per cent of all births. Compared to other developed nations, the United States also has high infant mortality rates. The Trust for America's Health reports that as of 2011, about one-third of American births have some complications; many are directly related to the mother's health including increasing rates of obesity, type 2 diabetes, and physical inactivity. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has led an initiative to improve woman's health previous to conception in an effort to improve both neonatal and maternal death rates. Labour and delivery complications. Obstructed labour. The second stage of labour may be delayed or lengthy due to poor or uncoordinated uterine action, an abnormal uterine position such as breech or shoulder dystocia, and cephalopelvic disproportion (a small pelvis or large infant). Prolonged labour may result in maternal exhaustion, fetal distress, and other complications including obstetric fistula. Eclampsia. Eclampsia is the onset of seizures (convulsions) in a woman with pre-eclampsia. Pre-eclampsia is a disorder of pregnancy in which there is high blood pressure and either large amounts of protein in the urine or other organ dysfunction. Pre-eclampsia is routinely screened for during prenatal care. Onset may be before, during, or rarely, after delivery. Around one per cent of women with eclampsia die. Maternal complications. A puerperal disorder or postpartum disorder is a complication which presents primarily during the puerperium, or postpartum period. The postpartum period can be divided into three distinct stages; the initial or acute phase, six to 12 hours after childbirth; subacute postpartum period, which lasts two to six weeks, and the delayed postpartum period, which can last up to six months. In the subacute postpartum period, 87% to 94% of women report at least one health problem. Long term health problems (persisting after the delayed postpartum period) are reported by 31 per cent of women. Postpartum bleeding. Postpartum bleeding is the leading cause of death of birthing mothers in the world, especially in the developing world. Globally it occurs about 8.7 million times and results in 44,000 to 86,000 deaths per year. Uterine atony, the inability of the uterus to contract, is the most common cause of postpartum bleeding. Following delivery of the placenta, the uterus is left with a large area of open blood vessels which must be constricted to avoid blood loss. Retained placental tissue and infection may contribute to uterine atony. Heavy blood loss leads to hypovolemic shock, insufficient perfusion of vital organs and death if not rapidly treated. Postpartum infections. Postpartum infections, also known as childbed fever and puerperal fever, are any bacterial infections of the reproductive tract following childbirth or miscarriage. Signs and symptoms usually include a fever greater than 38.0 °C (100.4 °F), chills, lower abdominal pain, and possibly bad-smelling vaginal discharge. The infection usually occurs after the first 24 hours and within the first ten days following delivery. Infection remains a major cause of maternal deaths and morbidity in the developing world. The work of Ignaz Semmelweis was seminal in the pathophysiology and treatment of childbed fever and his work saved many lives. Psychological complications. Childbirth can be an intense event and strong emotions, both positive and negative, can be brought to the surface. Abnormal and persistent fear of childbirth is known as tokophobia. The prevalence of fear of childbirth around the world ranges between 4–25%, with 3–7% of pregnant women having clinical fear of childbirth. Most new mothers may experience mild feelings of unhappiness and worry after giving birth. Babies require a lot of care, so it is normal for mothers to be worried about, or tired from, providing that care. The feelings, often termed the "baby blues", affect up to 80 per cent of mothers. They are somewhat mild, last a week or two, and usually go away on their own. Postpartum depression is different from the "baby blues". With postpartum depression, feelings of sadness and anxiety can be extreme and might interfere with a woman's ability to care for herself or her family. Because of the severity of the symptoms, postpartum depression usually requires treatment. The condition, which occurs in nearly 15 per cent of births, may begin shortly before or any time after childbirth, but commonly begins between a week and a month after delivery. Childbirth-related posttraumatic stress disorder is a psychological disorder that can develop in women who have recently given birth. Causes include issues such as an emergency C-section, preterm labour, inadequate care during labour, lack of social support following childbirth, and others. Examples of symptoms include intrusive symptoms, flashbacks and nightmares, as well as symptoms of avoidance (including amnesia for the whole or parts of the event), problems in developing a mother-child attachment, and others similar to those commonly experienced in posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Many women who are experiencing symptoms of PTSD after childbirth are misdiagnosed with postpartum depression or adjustment disorders. These diagnoses can lead to inadequate treatment. Postpartum psychosis is a rare psychiatric emergency in which symptoms of high mood and racing thoughts (mania), depression, severe confusion, loss of inhibition, paranoia, hallucinations and delusions set in, beginning suddenly in the first two weeks after childbirth. The symptoms vary and can change quickly. It usually requires hospitalisation. The most severe symptoms last from two to 12 weeks, and recovery takes six months to a year. Fetal complications. Five causes make up about 80 per cent of newborn deaths globally: prematurity, low-birth-weight, infections, lack of oxygen at birth, and trauma during birth. Stillbirth. Stillbirth is typically defined as fetal death at or after 20 to 28 weeks of pregnancy. It results in a baby born without signs of life. Worldwide prevention of most stillbirths is possible with improved health systems. About half of stillbirths occur during childbirth, and stillbirth is more common in the developing than developed world. Otherwise depending on how far along the pregnancy is, medications may be used to start labour or a type of surgery known as dilation and evacuation may be carried out. Following a stillbirth, women are at higher risk of another one; however, most subsequent pregnancies do not have similar problems. Worldwide in 2015 there were about 2.6 million stillbirths that occurred after 28 weeks of pregnancy (about 1 for every 45 births). They occur most commonly in the developing world, particularly South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. In the United States for every 167 births there is one stillbirth. Stillbirth rates have declined, though more slowly since the 2000s. Preterm birth. Preterm birth is the birth of an infant at fewer than 37 weeks gestational age. It is estimated that one in 10 babies are born prematurely. Premature birth is the leading cause of death in children under five years of age though many that survive experience disabilities including learning defects and visual and hearing problems. Causes for early birth may be unknown or may be related to certain chronic conditions such as diabetes, infections, and other known causes. The World Health Organization has developed guidelines with recommendations to improve the chances of survival and health outcomes for preterm infants. Neonatal infection. Newborns are prone to infection in the first month of life. The organism S. agalactiae (Group B Streptococcus) or (GBS) is most often the cause of these occasionally fatal infections. The baby contracts the infection from the mother during labour. In 2014 it was estimated that about one in 2000 newborn babies have GBS bacterial infections within the first week of life, usually evident as respiratory disease, general sepsis, or meningitis. Untreated sexually transmitted infections (STIs) are associated with congenital and infections in newborn babies, particularly in the areas where rates of infection remain high. The majority of STIs have no symptoms or only mild symptoms that may not be recognised. Mortality rates resulting from some infections may be high, for example the overall perinatal mortality rate associated with untreated syphilis is 30 per cent. Perinatal asphyxia. Perinatal asphyxia is the medical condition resulting from deprivation of oxygen to a newborn infant that lasts long enough during the birth process to cause physical harm, usually to the brain. Hypoxic damage can occur to most of the infant's organs (heart, lungs, liver, gut, kidneys), but brain damage is of most concern and perhaps the least likely to quickly or completely heal. Mechanical fetal injury. Risk factors for fetal birth injury include fetal macrosomia (big baby), maternal obesity, the need for instrumental delivery, and an inexperienced attendant. Specific situations that can contribute to birth injury include breech presentation and shoulder dystocia. Most fetal birth injuries resolve without long term harm, but brachial plexus injury may lead to Erb's palsy or Klumpke's paralysis. History. The process of childbirth in Western society has evolved significantly over the years. Role of males. Historically women have been attended and supported by other women during labour and birth. Midwife training in European cities began in the 1400s, but rural women were usually assisted by female family or friends. However, it was not simply a ladies' social bonding event as some historians have portrayed – fear and pain often filled the atmosphere, as death during childbirth was a common occurrence. In the United States, before the 1950s the husband would not be in the birthing room. It did not matter if it was a home birth; the husband was waiting downstairs or in another room in the home. If it was in a hospital then the husband was in the waiting room. Fathers were only permitted in the room if the life of the mother or baby was severely at-risk. In 1522, a German physician was sentenced to death for sneaking into a delivery room dressed as a woman. The majority of guidebooks related to pregnancy and childbirth were written by men who had never been involved in the birthing process. A Greek physician, Soranus of Ephesus, wrote a book about obstetrics and gynaecology in the second century, which was referenced for the next thousand years. The book contained endless home remedies for pregnancy and childbirth, many of which would be considered heinous by modern women and medical professionals. Both preterm and full term infants benefit from skin to skin contact, sometimes called Kangaroo care, immediately following birth and for the first few weeks of life. Some fathers have begun to hold their newborns skin to skin; the new baby is familiar with the father's voice and it is believed that contact with the father helps the infant to stabilise and promotes father to infant bonding. If the infant's mother had a caesarean birth, the father can hold their baby in skin-to-skin contact while the mother recovers from the anaesthetic. Hospitals. Historically, most women gave birth at home without emergency medical care available. In the early days of hospitalisation of childbirth, a 17th-century maternity ward in Paris was incredibly congested, with up to five pregnant women sharing one bed. At this hospital, one in five women died during the birthing process. At the onset of the Industrial Revolution, giving birth at home became more difficult due to congested living spaces and dirty living conditions. That drove urban and lower-class women to newly-available hospitals, while wealthy and middle-class women continued to labour at home. Consequently, wealthier women experienced lower maternal mortality rates than those of a lower social class. Throughout the 1900s there was an increasing availability of hospitals, and more women began going into the hospital for labour and delivery. In the United States, 5% of women gave birth in hospitals in 1900. By 1930, 50% of all women and 75% of urban-dwelling women delivered in hospitals. By 1960, this number increased to 96%. By the 1970s, home birth rates fell to approximately 1%. In the United States, the middle classes were especially receptive to the medicalisation of childbirth, which promised a safer and less painful labour. Accompanied by the shift from home to hospital was the shift from midwife to physician. Male physicians began to replace female midwives in Europe and the United States in the 1700s. The rise in status and popularity of this new position was accompanied by a drop in status for midwives. By the 1800s, affluent families were primarily calling male doctors to assist with their deliveries, and female midwives were seen as a resource for women who could not afford better care. That completely removed women from assisting in labour, as only men were eligible to become doctors at the time. Additionally, it privatised the birthing process as family members and friends were often banned from the delivery room. There was opposition to the change from both progressive feminists and religious conservatives. The feminists were concerned about job security for a role that had traditionally been held by women. The conservatives argued that it was immoral for a woman to be exposed in such a way in front of a man. For that reason, many male obstetricians performed deliveries in dark rooms or with their patient fully covered with a drape. Medication. The use of pain medication in labour has been a controversial issue for hundreds of years. A Scottish woman was burned at the stake in 1591 for requesting pain relief in the delivery of twins. Medication became more acceptable in 1852, when Queen Victoria used chloroform as pain relief during labour. The use of morphine and scopolamine, also known as "twilight sleep," was first used in Germany and popularised by German physicians Bernard Kronig and Karl Gauss. This concoction offered minor pain relief but mostly allowed women to completely forget the entire delivery process. Under twilight sleep, mothers were often blindfolded and restrained as they experienced the immense pain of childbirth. The cocktail came with severe side effects, such as decreased uterine contractions and altered mental state. Additionally, babies delivered with the use of childbirth drugs often experienced temporarily-ceased breathing. The feminist movement in the United States openly and actively supported the use of twilight sleep, which was introduced to the country in 1914. Some physicians, many of whom had been using painkillers for the past fifty years, including opium, cocaine, and quinine, embraced the new drug. Others were rightfully hesitant. Caesarean sections. While forceps have gone through periods of high popularity, today they are only used in approximately 10 per cent of deliveries. The caesarean section (or C-section) has become the more popular solution for difficult deliveries. In 2005, one-third of babies were born via C-section. Historically, surgical delivery was a last-resort method of extracting a baby from its deceased or dying mother. There are many conflicting stories of the first successful C-section in which both mother and baby survived. It is, however, known that the procedure had been attempted for hundreds of years before it became accepted in the beginning of the twentieth century. Natural childbirth. The re-emergence of "natural childbirth" began in Europe and was adopted by some in the US as early as the late 1940s. Early supporters believed that the drugs used during deliveries interfered with "happy childbirth" and could negatively impact the newborn's "emotional wellbeing." By the 1970s, the call for natural childbirth was spread nationwide, in conjunction with the second-wave of the feminist movement. While it is still most common for American women to deliver in the hospital, supporters of natural birth still widely exist, especially in the UK where midwife-assisted home births have gained popularity. Maternal mortality. UNFPA estimated that 303,000 women died of pregnancy or childbirth related causes in 2015. These causes range from severe bleeding to obstructed labour, for which there are highly effective interventions. As women have gained access to family planning and skilled birth attendants with backup emergency obstetric care, the global maternal mortality ratio has fallen from 385 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births in 1990 to 216 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2015, and many countries halved their maternal death rates in the last 10 years. 1880–1930. Since the US began recording childbirth statistics in 1915, the US has had historically poor maternal mortality rates in comparison to other developed countries. Britain started recording maternal mortality data from 1880 onward. Outcomes for mothers in childbirth were especially poor before 1930, because of high rates of puerperal fever. Until germ theory was accepted in the mid-1800s, it was assumed that puerperal fever was caused by a variety of sources, including the leakage of breast milk into the body and anxiety. Later, it was discovered that puerperal fever was transmitted by the dirty hands and tools of doctors. That was likely responsible for the high prevalence of puerperal fever. Home births facilitated by trained midwives produced the best outcomes from 1880 to 1930 in the US and Europe, whereas physician-facilitated hospital births produced the worst. The change in trend of maternal mortality can be attributed with the widespread use of sulfonamides (the first broadly effective antibacterial drugs), along with the progression of medical technology, more extensive physician training, and less medical interference with normal deliveries. Society and culture. Costs. According to a 2013 analysis performed commissioned by the New York Times and performed by Truven Healthcare Analytics, the cost of childbirth varies dramatically by country. In the United States the average amount actually paid by insurance companies or other payers in 2012 averaged $9,775 for an uncomplicated conventional delivery and $15,041 for a caesarean birth. The aggregate charges of healthcare facilities for four million annual births in the United States was estimated at over $50 billion. The summed cost of prenatal care, childbirth, and newborn care came to $30,000 for a vaginal delivery and $50,000 for a caesarian section. In the United States, childbirth hospital stays have some of the lowest ICU utilisations. Vaginal delivery with and without complicating diagnoses and caesarean section with and without comorbidities or major comorbidities account for four of the 15 types of hospital stays with low rates of ICU utilisation (where less than 20% of visits were admitted to the ICU). During stays with ICU services, approximately 20% of costs were attributable to the ICU. A 2013 study found varying costs by facility for childbirth expenses in California, varying from $3,296 to $37,227 for a vaginal birth and from $8,312 to $70,908 for a caesarean birth. Beginning in 2014, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence began recommending that many women give birth at home under the care of a midwife rather than an obstetrician, citing lower expenses and better healthcare outcomes. The median cost associated with home birth was estimated to be about $1,500 vs. about $2,500 in hospital. Location. Childbirth routinely occurs in hospitals in many developed countries. Before the 20th century and in some countries to the present day, such as the Netherlands, it has more typically occurred at home. In rural and remote communities of many countries, hospitalised childbirth may not be readily available or the best option. Maternal evacuation is the predominant risk management method for assisting mothers in these communities. Maternal evacuation is the process of relocating pregnant women in remote communities to deliver their babies in a nearby urban hospital setting. This practice is common in Indigenous Inuit and Northern Manitoban communities in Canada as well as Australian aboriginal communities. There has been research considering the negative effects of maternal evacuation due to a lack of social support provided to these women. These negative effects include an increase in maternal newborn complications and postpartum depression, and decreased breastfeeding rates. The exact location in which childbirth takes place is an important factor in determining nationality, in particular for birth aboard aircraft and ships. Facilities. Facilities for childbirth include: Associated occupations. Different categories of birth attendants may provide support and care during pregnancy and childbirth, although there are important differences across categories based on professional training and skills, practice regulations, and the nature of care delivered. Many of these occupations are highly professionalised, but other roles exist on a less formal basis. "Childbirth educators" are instructors who aim to teach pregnant women and their partners about the nature of pregnancy, labour signs and stages, techniques for giving birth, breastfeeding and newborn baby care. Training for this role can be found in hospital settings or through independent certifying organisations. Each organisation teaches its own curriculum and each emphasises different techniques. The Lamaze technique is one well-known example. Doulas are assistants who support mothers during pregnancy, labour, birth, and postpartum. They are not medical attendants; rather, they provide emotional support and non-medical pain relief for women during labour. Like childbirth educators and other unlicensed assistive personnel, certification to become a doula is not compulsory, thus, anyone can call themself a doula or a childbirth educator. Confinement nannies are individuals who are employed to provide assistance and stay with the mothers at their home after childbirth. They are usually experienced mothers who took courses on how to take care of mothers and newborn babies. Midwives are autonomous practitioners who provide basic and emergency health care before, during and after pregnancy and childbirth, generally to women with low-risk pregnancies. Midwives are trained to assist during labour and birth, either through direct-entry or nurse-midwifery education programs. Jurisdictions where midwifery is a regulated profession will typically have a registering and disciplinary body for quality control, such as the American Midwifery Certification Board in the United States, the College of Midwives of British Columbia in Canada or the Nursing and Midwifery Council in the United Kingdom. In the past, midwifery played a crucial role in childbirth throughout most indigenous societies. Although western civilisations attempted to assimilate their birthing technologies into certain indigenous societies, like Turtle Island, and get rid of the midwifery, the National Aboriginal Council of Midwives brought back the cultural ideas and midwifery that were once associated with indigenous birthing. In jurisdictions where midwifery is not a regulated profession, traditional birth attendants, also known as traditional or lay midwives, may assist women during childbirth, although they do not typically receive formal health care education and training. Medical doctors who practice in the field of childbirth include categorically specialised obstetricians, family practitioners and general practitioners whose training, skills and practices include obstetrics, and in some contexts general surgeons. These physicians and surgeons variously provide care across the whole spectrum of normal and abnormal births and pathological labour conditions. Categorically specialised obstetricians are qualified surgeons, so they can undertake surgical procedures relating to childbirth. Some family practitioners or general practitioners also perform obstetrical surgery. Obstetrical procedures include cesarean sections, episiotomies, and assisted delivery. Categorical specialists in obstetrics are commonly trained in both obstetrics and gynaecology (OB/GYN), and may provide other medical and surgical gynaecological care, and may incorporate more general, well-woman, primary care elements in their practices. Maternal-fetal medicine specialists are obstetrician/gynecologists subspecialised in managing and treating high-risk pregnancy and delivery. Anaesthetists or anesthesiologists are medical doctors who specialise in pain relief and the use of drugs to facilitate surgery and other painful procedures. They may contribute to the care of a woman in labour by performing an epidural or by providing anaesthesia (often spinal anaesthesia) for Cesarean section or forceps delivery. They are experts in pain management during childbirth. Obstetric nurses assist midwives, doctors, women, and babies before, during, and after the birth process, in the hospital system. They hold various nursing certifications and typically undergo additional obstetric training in addition to standard nursing training. Paramedics are healthcare providers that are able to provide emergency care to both the mother and infant during and after delivery using a wide range of medications and tools on an ambulance. They are capable of delivering babies but can do very little for infants that become "stuck" and are unable to be delivered vaginally. Lactation consultants assist the mother and newborn to breastfeed successfully. A health visitor comes to see the mother and baby at home, usually within 24 hours of discharge, and checks the infant's adaptation to extrauterine life and the mother's postpartum physiological changes. Non-western communities. Cultural values, assumptions, and practices of pregnancy and childbirth vary across cultures. For example, some Maya women who work in agricultural fields of some rural communities will usually continue to work in a similar function to how they normally would throughout pregnancy, in some cases working until labour begins. Comfort and proximity to extended family and social support systems may be a childbirth priority of many communities in developing countries, such as the Chillihuani in Peru and the Mayan town of San Pedro La Laguna. Home births can help women in these cultures feel more comfortable as they are in their own home with their family around them helping out in different ways. Traditionally, it has been rare in these cultures for the mother to lie down during childbirth, opting instead for standing, kneeling, or walking around prior to and during birthing. Some communities rely heavily on religion for their birthing practices. It is believed that if certain acts are carried out, then it will allow the child for a healthier and happier future. One example of this is the belief in the Chillihuani that if a knife or scissors are used for cutting the umbilical cord, it will cause for the child to go through clothes very quickly. In order to prevent this, a jagged ceramic tile is used to cut the umbilical cord. In Mayan societies, ceremonial gifts are presented to the mother throughout pregnancy and childbirth in order to help her into the beginning of her child's life. Ceremonies and customs can vary greatly between countries. See; Collecting stem cells. It is currently possible to collect two types of stem cells during childbirth: amniotic stem cells and umbilical cord blood stem cells. They are being studied as possible treatments of a number of conditions. Other aspects. In many countries, age is reckoned from the date of birth, and sometimes the birthday is celebrated annually. East Asian age reckoning starts newborns at "1", incrementing each Lunar New Year. Some cultures view the placenta as a special part of birth, since it has been the child's life support for so many months. The placenta may be eaten by the newborn's family, ceremonially, for nutrition, or otherwise. (Some animal mothers eat their afterbirth; this is called placentophagy.) Some birth professionals will process the placenta for consumption by postpartum mothers.

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Local advertising is used in geomarketing to optimize ad delivery, this platform is applied to customers depending on their location. Making purchasing or service decisions is influenced by local marketing. Marketers and businesses consider local advertising necessary for economic growth. Advertising is usually funded by a sponsor who promotes the advertisement through different types of media, for example, television, newspaper, commercial radio advertisement, magazine mail, etc. Television is one of the most expensive forms of advertisements and also is shown to most people. The expansion of manufactured goods in the 20th century has led to the increase of local advertising. If an advertisement of a product is seen, a consumer is more likely to buy the product. Advertisements are arranged and displayed in a certain way, so consumers are attracted. Using endorsements such as celebrity appearance, increases the buyer potential of the consumer. Celebrities are usually involved in all advertisements now. Advertisements with celebrities can also have downsides depending on what the celebrity has done. Research shows if the consumer has similarities or is the same gender, the chance of the consumer buying the good increases. At the start of the 21st century, social media and mobile advertisements began to be focused by small and large companies. There is a bigger chance the consumer will think about purchasing the product, if it is presented to the consumer right away. Advertising's main purpose is to make the consumer ponder about the advertisement. Memories have a substantial part, on if the consumer is deciding to buy the product. Memories, for a certain type of advertisement, are when the consumer has had some previous relationship with the product. Advertisements focus on the consumer mindset to attract the most consumers. A convincing advertisement will most likely attract more consumers, rather than a advertisement which is dull or boring. Online advertisements, at the start of the internet, have a greater audience and chance to attract more consumers. Online advertisements are able to give consumers every bit of information right away, unlike traditional advertisements. The majority of local advertisers have some sort of local existence and the majority is through online. In most cases consumers will not buy the product as soon as their introduced but might think about it later. Consumer may have seen your business somewhere, but usually don't know what the business really offers, this is when local advertisements are a good idea to advertise on what the business offers.

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A class in C++ is a user-defined type or data structure declared with keyword codice_1 that has data and functions (also called member variables and member functions) as its members whose access is governed by the three access specifiers "private", "protected" or "public". By default access to members of a C++ class is "private". The private members are not accessible outside the class; they can be accessed only through methods of the class. The public members form an interface to the class and are accessible outside the class. Instances of a class data type are known as objects and can contain member variables, constants, member functions, and overloaded operators defined by the programmer. Differences between a structure and a class in C++. In C++, a class defined with the codice_1 keyword has private members and base classes by default. A structure is a class defined with the codice_3 keyword.<ref name="C++03 9/4">ISO/IEC (2003). "ISO/IEC 14882:2003(E): Programming Languages - C++ §9 Classes [class]" para. 4</ref> Its members and base classes are public by default. In practice, structs are typically reserved for data without functions. When deriving a struct from a class/struct, default access-specifier for a base class/struct is public. And when deriving a class, default access specifier is private. Aggregate classes. An aggregate class is a class with no user-declared constructors, no private or protected non-static data members, no base classes, and no virtual functions.<ref name="C++03 8.5.1/1">ISO/IEC (2003). "ISO/IEC 14882:2003(E): Programming Languages - C++ §8.5.1 Aggregates [dcl.init.aggr]" para. 1</ref> Such a class can be initialized with a brace-enclosed comma-separated list of initializer-clauses.<ref name="C++03 8.5.1/2">ISO/IEC (2003). "ISO/IEC 14882:2003(E): Programming Languages - C++ §8.5.1 Aggregates [dcl.init.aggr]" para. 2</ref> The following code has the same semantics in both C and C++. struct C { int a; double b; struct D { int a; double b; C c; // initialize an object of type C with an initializer-list C c = {1, 2.0}; // D has a sub-aggregate of type C. In such cases initializer-clauses can be nested D d = {10, 20.0, {1, 2.0}}; POD-structs. A POD-struct (Plain Old Data Structure) is an aggregate class that has no non-static data members of type non-POD-struct, non-POD-union (or array of such types) or reference, and has no user-defined assignment operator and no user-defined destructor. A POD-struct could be said to be the C++ equivalent of a C codice_3. In most cases, a POD-struct will have the same memory layout as a corresponding struct declared in C. For this reason, POD-structs are sometimes colloquially referred to as "C-style structs". Declaration and usage. C++ classes have their own members. These members include variables (including other structures and classes), functions (specific identifiers or overloaded operators) known as methods, constructors and destructors. Members are declared to be either publicly or privately accessible using the codice_5 and codice_6 access specifiers respectively. Any member encountered after a specifier will have the associated access until another specifier is encountered. There is also inheritance between classes which can make use of the codice_7 specifier. Global and local class. A class defined outside all methods is a global class because its objects can be created from anywhere in the program. If it is defined within a function body then it's a local class because objects of such a class are local to the function scope. Basic declaration and member variables. Classes are declared with the codice_1 or codice_3 keyword. Declaration of members are placed within this declaration. The above definitions are functionally equivalent. Either code will define objects of type codice_10 as having two public data members, codice_11 and codice_12. The semicolons after the closing braces are mandatory. After one of these declarations (but not both), codice_10 can be used as follows to create newly defined variables of the codice_10 datatype: struct Person { std::string name; int age; int main() { Person a; Person b; a.name = "Calvin"; b.name = "Hobbes"; a.age = 30; b.age = 20; std::cout « a.name « ": " « a.age « std::endl; std::cout « b.name « ": " « b.age « std::endl; Executing the above code will output Calvin: 30 Hobbes: 20 Member functions. An important feature of the C++ class and structure are member functions. Each datatype can have its own built-in functions (referred to as methods) that have access to all (public and private) members of the datatype. In the body of these non-static member functions, the keyword codice_15 can be used to refer to the object for which the function is called. This is commonly implemented by passing the address of the object as an implicit first argument to the function. Take the above codice_10 type as an example again: class Person { public: void Print() const; private: std::string name_; int age_ = 5; void Person::Print() const { std::cout « name_ « ':' « age_ « '\n'; // "name_" and "age_" are the member variables. The "this" keyword is an // expression whose value is the address of the object for which the member // was invoked. Its type is "const Person*", because the function is declared // const. In the above example the codice_17 function is declared in the body of the class and defined by qualifying it with the name of the class followed by codice_18. Both codice_19 and codice_20 are private (default for class) and codice_17 is declared as public which is necessary if it is to be used from outside the class. With the member function codice_17, printing can be simplified into: a.Print(); b.Print(); where codice_23 and codice_24 above are called senders, and each of them will refer to their own member variables when the codice_25 function is executed. It is common practice to separate the class or structure declaration (called its interface) and the definition (called its implementation) into separate units. The interface, needed by the user, is kept in a header and the implementation is kept separately in either source or compiled form. Inheritance. The layout of non-POD classes in memory is not specified by the C++ standard. For example, many popular C++ compilers implement single inheritance by concatenation of the parent class fields with the child class fields, but this is not required by the standard. This choice of layout makes referring to a derived class via a pointer to the parent class type a trivial operation. For example, consider struct P { int x; struct C : P { int y; An instance of codice_26 with a codice_27 pointing to it might look like this in memory: |P::x| ↑ p An instance of codice_28 with a codice_27 pointing to it might look like this: |P::x|C::y| ↑ p Therefore, any code that manipulates the fields of a codice_26 object can manipulate the codice_26 fields inside the codice_28 object without having to consider anything about the definition of codice_28's fields. A properly written C++ program shouldn't make any assumptions about the layout of inherited fields, in any case. Using the static_cast or dynamic_cast type conversion operators will ensure that pointers are properly converted from one type to another. Multiple inheritance is not as simple. If a class codice_34 inherits codice_26 and codice_28, then the fields of both parents need to be stored in some order, but (at most) only one of the parent classes can be located at the front of the derived class. Whenever the compiler needs to convert a pointer from the codice_34 type to either codice_26 or codice_28, the compiler will provide an automatic conversion from the address of the derived class to the address of the base class fields (typically, this is a simple offset calculation). For more on multiple inheritance, see virtual inheritance. Overloaded operators. In C++, operators, such as codice_40, can be overloaded to suit the needs of programmers. These operators are called overloadable operators. By convention, overloaded operators should behave nearly the same as they do in built-in datatypes (codice_41, codice_42, etc. ), but this is not required. One can declare a structure called codice_43 in which the variable "really" stores an integer, but by calling codice_44 the sum, instead of the product, of the integers might be returned: struct Integer { Integer() = default; Integer operator*(const Integer& k) const { return Integer(i + k.i); int i = 0; The code above made use of a constructor to "construct" the return value. For clearer presentation (although this could decrease efficiency of the program if the compiler cannot optimize the statement into the equivalent one above), the above code can be rewritten as: Integer operator*(const Integer& k) const { Integer m; m.i = i + k.i; return m; Programmers can also put a prototype of the operator in the codice_3 declaration and define the function of the operator in the global scope: struct Integer { Integer() = default; Integer operator*(const Integer& k) const; int i = 0; Integer Integer::operator*(const Integer& k) const { return Integer(i * k.i); codice_46 above represents the sender's own member variable, while codice_47 represents the member variable from the argument variable codice_48. The codice_49 keyword appears twice in the above code. The first occurrence, the argument codice_50, indicated that the argument variable will not be changed by the function. The second incidence at the end of the declaration promises the compiler that the sender would not be changed by the function run. In codice_50, the ampersand (&) means "pass by reference". When the function is called, a pointer to the variable will be passed to the function, rather than the value of the variable. The same overloading properties above apply also to classes. Note that arity, associativity and precedence of operators cannot be changed. Binary overloadable operators. Binary operators (operators with two arguments) are overloaded by declaring a function with an "identifier" "operator (something)" which calls one single argument. The variable on the left of the operator is the sender while that on the right is the argument. Integer i = 1; /* we can initialize a structure variable this way as if calling a constructor with only the first argument specified. */ Integer j = 3; /* variable names are independent of the names of the member variables of the structure. */ Integer k = i * j; std::cout « k.i « '\n'; '3' would be printed. The following is a list of binary overloadable operators: The '=' (assignment) operator between two variables of the same structure type is overloaded by default to copy the entire content of the variables from one to another. It can be overwritten with something else, if necessary. Operators must be overloaded one by one, in other words, no overloading is associated with one another. For example, codice_52 is not necessarily the opposite of codice_53. Unary overloadable operators. While some operators, as specified above, takes two terms, sender on the left and the argument on the right, some operators have only one argument - the sender, and they are said to be "unary". Examples are the negative sign (when nothing is put on the left of it) and the "logical NOT" (exclamation mark, codice_54). Sender of unary operators may be on the left or on the right of the operator. The following is a list of unary overloadable operators: The syntax of an overloading of a unary operator, where the sender is on the right, is as follows: When the sender is on the left, the declaration is: codice_57 above stands for the operator to be overloaded. Replace codice_58 with the datatype of the return value (codice_41, codice_60, structures etc.) The codice_41 parameter essentially means nothing but a convention to show that the sender is on the left of the operator. codice_49 arguments can be added to the end of the declaration if applicable. Overloading brackets. The square bracket codice_63 and the round bracket codice_64 can be overloaded in C++ structures. The square bracket must contain exactly one argument, while the round bracket can contain any specific number of arguments, or no arguments. The following declaration overloads the square bracket. The content inside the bracket is specified in the codice_66 part. Round bracket is overloaded a similar way. Contents of the bracket in the operator call are specified in the second bracket. In addition to the operators specified above, the arrow operator (codice_68), the starred arrow (codice_69), the codice_70 keyword and the codice_71 keyword can also be overloaded. These memory-or-pointer-related operators must process memory-allocating functions after overloading. Like the assignment (codice_72) operator, they are also overloaded by default if no specific declaration is made. Constructors. Sometimes programmers may want their variables to take a default or specific value upon declaration. This can be done by declaring constructors. Person::Person(string name, int age) { name_ = name; age_ = age; Member variables can be initialized in an initializer list, with utilization of a colon, as in the example below. This differs from the above in that it initializes (using the constructor), rather than using the assignment operator. This is more efficient for class types, since it just needs to be constructed directly; whereas with assignment, they must be first initialized using the default constructor, and then assigned a different value. Also some types (like references and types) cannot be assigned to and therefore must be initialized in the initializer list. Note that the curly braces cannot be omitted, even if empty. Default values can be given to the last arguments to help initializing default values. When no arguments are given to the constructor in the example above, it is equivalent to calling the following constructor with no arguments (a default constructor): The declaration of a constructor looks like a function with the same name as the datatype. In fact, a call to a constructor can take the form of a function call. In that case an initialized codice_10 type variable can be thought of as the return value: int main() { Person r = Person("Wales", 40); r.Print(); An alternate syntax that does the same thing as the above example is int main() { Person r("Wales", 40); r.Print(); Specific program actions, which may or may not relate to the variable, can be added as part of the constructor. Person() { std::cout « "Hello!" « std::endl; With the above constructor, a "Hello!" will be printed when the default codice_10 constructor is invoked. Default constructor. Default constructors are called when constructors are not defined for the classes. struct A { int b; // Object created using parentheses. A* a = new A(); // Calls default constructor, and b will be initialized with '0'. // Object created using no parentheses. A* a = new A; // Allocate memory, then call default constructor, and b will have value '0'. // Object creation without new. A a; // Reserve space for a on the stack, and b will have an unknown garbage value. However, if a "user defined constructor" was defined for the class, both of the above declarations will call this user defined constructor, whose defined code will be executed, but no default values will be assigned to the variable b. Destructors. A destructor is the inverse of a constructor. It is called when an instance of a class is destroyed, e.g. when an object of a class created in a block (set of curly braces "{}") is deleted after the closing brace, then the destructor is called automatically. It will be called upon emptying of the memory location storing the variables. Destructors can be used to release resources, such as heap-allocated memory and opened files when an instance of that class is destroyed. The syntax for declaring a destructor is similar to that of a constructor. There is no return value and the name of the method is the same as the name of the class with a tilde (~) in front. ~Person() { std::cout « "I'm deleting " « name_ « " with age " « age_ « std::endl; Class templates. In C++, class declarations can be generated from class templates. Such class templates represent a family of classes. An actual class declaration is obtained by "instantiating" the template with one or more template arguments. A template instantiated with a particular set of arguments is called a template specialization. Properties. The syntax of C++ tries to make every aspect of a structure look like that of the basic datatypes. Therefore, overloaded operators allow structures to be manipulated just like integers and floating-point numbers, arrays of structures can be declared with the square-bracket syntax (codice_75), and pointers to structures can be dereferenced in the same way as pointers to built-in datatypes. Memory consumption. The memory consumption of a structure is at least the sum of the memory sizes of constituent variables. Take the codice_76 structure below as an example. struct TwoNums { int a; int b; The structure consists of two integers. In many current C++ compilers, integers are 32-bit integers by default, so each of the member variables consume four bytes of memory. The entire structure, therefore, consumes at least (or exactly) eight bytes of memory, as follows. | a | b | However, the compiler may add padding between the variables or at the end of the structure to ensure proper data alignment for a given computer architecture, often padding variables to be 32-bit aligned. For example, the structure struct BytesAndSuch { char c; char C; char D; short int s; int i; double d; could look like |c|C|D|X|s |XX| i | d | in memory, where represents padded bytes based on 4 bytes alignment. As structures may make use of pointers and arrays to declare and initialize its member variables, memory consumption of structures is not necessarily constant. Another example of non-constant memory size is template structures. Bit fields. Bit fields are used to define the class members that can occupy less storage than an integral type. This field is applicable only for integral types (int, char, short, long, etc.) and excludes float or double. struct A { unsigned a:2; // Possible values 0..3, occupies first 2 bits of int unsigned b:3; // Possible values 0..7, occupies next 3 bits of int unsigned :0; // Moves to end of next integral type unsigned c:2; unsigned :4; // Pads 4 bits in between c & d unsigned d:1; unsigned e:3; Bit fields are not allowed in a union. It is applicable only for the classes defined using the keyword struct or class. Pass by reference. Many programmers prefer to use the ampersand (&) to declare the arguments of a function involving structures. This is because by using the dereferencing ampersand only one word (typically 4 bytes on a 32 bit machine, 8 bytes on a 64 bit machine) is required to be passed into the function, namely the memory location to the variable. Otherwise, if pass-by-value is used, the argument needs to be copied every time the function is called, which is costly with large structures. Since pass-by-reference exposes the original structure to be modified by the function, the codice_49 keyword should be used to guarantee that the function does not modify the parameter (see const-correctness), when this is not intended. The "this" keyword. To facilitate structures' ability to reference themselves, C++ implements the codice_15 keyword for all member functions. The codice_15 keyword acts as a pointer to the current object. Its type is that of a pointer to the current object. The codice_15 keyword is especially important for member functions with the structure itself as the return value: Complex& operator+=(const Complex& c) { real_part_ += c.real_part_; imag_part_ += c.imag_part_; return *this; As stated above, codice_15 is a pointer, so the use of the asterisk (*) is necessary to convert it into a reference to be returned. References. General References:

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=38499185

Generalissimus of the Soviet Union (; ) was a military rank created on 27 June 1945 styled after a similar Imperial Russian Army rank held by Aleksei Shein, Prince Alexander Danilovich Menshikov, (reportedly) Duke Anthony Ulrich of Brunswick, and Count Alexander Suvorov). It was proposed for but rejected by Joseph Stalin following World War II. It was the highest military rank in the Soviet Union. Overview. According to Stalin biographer Robert Service, Stalin regretted allowing himself the ostentatious military title and asked Winston Churchill to continue to refer to him as a marshal instead. Stalin rejected any kind of distinctions between his military rank and the other Soviet marshals and kept using the original Marshal of the Soviet Union insignia and uniform. The possibility of the Generalissimus of the Soviet Union rank was mentioned again in 1947 when a draft of a decree about Soviet military ranks was presented to Stalin. General Andrey Khrulyov, director of the General Department of Logistics, was tasked with designing a Soviet Generalissimus uniform for Stalin to use in the victory parade on 9 May 1947. The uniform was finished and presented to Stalin one week before the parade. After examining it, Stalin again expressed dissatisfaction. He declared: "I will never sign this decree. The Soviet Red Army only has Marshal as its highest rank." The subject of new rank was not raised again. Fabricated samples were rejected by Stalin, who considered them to be too luxurious and old-fashioned. Currently they are stored in the Museum of the Great Patriotic War located in Moscow at Poklonnaya Gora. Proposed shoulder insignia. Below are proposed designs of the shoulder insignia of Generalissimus of the Soviet Union.

expanded levels

8609-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=35633934

The Global Forum on Migration and Development Civil Society Days is an annual meeting of civil society representatives held in conjunction with the Government Meeting of the Global Forum on Migration and Development. Background. The Global Forum on Migration and Development is an outcome of the 2006 UN High Level Dialogue on Migration and Development suggested by the UN Secretary General. The GFMD is open to any member state or observer of the United Nations as well as international organizations and civil society. The GFMD is outside of the UN program and is non-binding, completely voluntary process hosted by a different state each year. The host state in turn selects a Chair to organize and lead the event. The GFMD Civil Society Days are a parallel process to the government meetings and are led each year by a civil society partner selected by the Chair. In the past five meetings, a range of topics have been discussed by governments and civil society including: global governance of migration, irregular migration, integration of migrants, discrimination, xenophobia, the feminization of migration, remittances, migrant rights, mobility, research, and data collection, to name a few. UN Secretary General appointed Peter Sutherland as the Secretary General’s Special Representative on Migration and Development. Coordinating Office. The Civil Society Coordinating Office was created in 2011 to assume responsibility of the overall preparation and coordination of civil society activities. The International Catholic Migration Commission (ICMC) took the role of Coordinating Office in 2011 at the invitation of the Swiss Chair and will maintain its role to date. Forum. The annual convening of the GFMD takes place over several days, the GFMD Civil Society Days are held immediately preceding the Government Meeting. Civil society and governments have separate, but tangential, agendas. The agendas are developed well in advance of the forum. Civil society bases its agenda off of recommendations from previous GFMDs, the current state agenda, and consultations with civil society actors. Each year the forum is typically divided into three major topics with roundtable meetings further dividing those three topics into smaller sessions. Common Space. At the GFMD 2010 the Mexican Chair initiated a “Common Space” between civil society and governments. This allowed an interactive session between the two constituents who had previously been completely separated. The initiative was considered a success by both civil society and governments and was reprised at the GFMD 2011 in Geneva. The 2012 Mauritian Chair has stated that he wishes to continue to implement the Common Space at the 2012 GFMD. Future. The first UN High Level Dialogue on Migration and Development since the creation of the GFMD is being held at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City in 2013. Turkey will host the GFMD in 2015.

United Nations initiative

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2922874

Ethics, Demonstrated in Geometrical Order (), usually known as the Ethics, is a philosophical treatise written in Latin by Benedictus de Spinoza. It was written between 1661 and 1675 and was first published posthumously in 1677. The book is perhaps the most ambitious attempt to apply the method of Euclid in philosophy. Spinoza puts forward a small number of definitions and axioms from which he attempts to derive hundreds of propositions and corollaries, such as "When the Mind imagines its own lack of power, it is saddened by it", "A free man thinks of nothing less than of death", and "The human Mind cannot be absolutely destroyed with the Body, but something of it remains which is eternal." Summary. Part I: Of God. The first part of the book addresses the relationship between God and the universe. Spinoza was engaging with a Tradition that held: God exists outside of the universe; God created the universe for a reason; and God could have created a different universe according to his will. Spinoza denies each point. According to Spinoza, God "is" the natural world. Spinoza concludes the following: God is the substance comprising the universe, with God existing in itself, not somehow outside of the universe; and the universe exists as it does from necessity, not because of a divine theological reason or will. Spinoza argues through propositions. He holds their conclusion is merely the necessary logical conclusion from combining the provided Definitions and Axioms. He starts with the proposition that "there cannot exist in the universe two or more substances having the same nature or attribute." He follows this by arguing that objects and events must not merely be caused if they occur, but be prevented if they do not. By a logical contradiction, if something is non-contradictory, there is no reason that it should not exist. Spinoza builds from these starting ideas. If substance exists it must be infinite, because if not infinite another finite substance would have to exist to take up the remaining parts of its finite attributes, something which is impossible according to an earlier proposition. Spinoza then uses the Ontological Argument as justification for the existence of God and argues that God (which should be read as "nature", rather than traditional deity) must possess all attributes infinitely. Since no two things can share attributes, "besides God no substance can be granted or conceived." As with many of Spinoza's claims, what this means is a matter of dispute. Spinoza claims that the things that make up the universe, including human beings, are God's "modes". This means that everything is, in some sense, dependent upon God. The nature of this dependence is disputed. Some scholars say that the modes are properties of God in the traditional sense. Others say that modes are effects of God. Either way, the modes are also logically dependent on God's essence, in this sense: everything that happens follows from the nature of God, just like how it follows from the nature of a triangle that its angles are equal to two right angles. Since God had to exist with the nature he has, nothing that has happened could have been avoided, and if God has fixed a particular fate for a particular mode, there is no escaping it. As Spinoza puts it, "A thing which has been determined by God to produce an effect cannot render itself undetermined." God's creation of the universe is not a decision, much less one motivated by a purpose. Part II: Of the Nature & Origin of the Mind. The second part focuses on the human mind and body. Spinoza attacks several Cartesian positions: (1) that the mind and body are distinct substances that can affect one another; (2) that we know our minds better than we know our bodies; (3) that our senses may be trusted; (4) that despite being created by God we can make mistakes, namely, when we affirm, of our own free will, an idea that is not clear and distinct. Spinoza denies each of Descartes's points. Regarding (1), Spinoza argues that the mind and the body are a single thing that is being thought of in two different ways. The whole of nature can be fully described in terms of thoughts or in terms of bodies. However, we cannot mix these two ways of describing things, as Descartes does, and say that the mind affects the body or vice versa. Moreover, the mind's self-knowledge is not fundamental: it cannot know its own thoughts better than it knows the ways in which its body is acted upon by other bodies. Further, there is no difference between contemplating an idea and thinking that it is true, and there is no freedom of the will at all. Sensory perception, which Spinoza calls "knowledge of the first kind", is entirely inaccurate, since it reflects how our own bodies work more than how things really are. We can also have a kind of accurate knowledge called "knowledge of the second kind", or "reason". This encompasses knowledge of the features common to all things, and includes principles of physics and geometry. We can also have "knowledge of the third kind", or "intuitive knowledge". This is a sort of knowledge that, somehow, relates particular things to the nature of God. Part III: Of the Origin & Nature of Emotions. In the third part of the "Ethics", Spinoza argues that all things, including human beings, strive to persevere in their being. This is usually taken to mean that things try to last for as long as they can. Spinoza explains how this striving ("conatus") underlies our emotions (love, hate, joy, sadness and so on). Our mind is in certain cases active, and in certain cases passive. In so far as it has adequate ideas it is necessarily active, and in so far as it has inadequate ideas, it is necessarily passive. Part IV: Of the Servitude of Humanity, or the Strength of the Emotions. The fourth part analyzes human passions, which Spinoza sees as aspects of the mind that direct us outwards to seek what gives pleasure and shun what gives pain. The "bondage" he refers to is domination by these passions or "affects" as he calls them. Spinoza considers how the affects, ungoverned, can torment people and make it impossible for mankind to live in harmony with one another. Part V: Of the Power of the Intellect, or the Liberty of Humanity. The fifth part argues that reason can govern the affects in the pursuit of virtue, which for Spinoza is self-preservation: only with the aid of reason can humans distinguish the passions that truly aid virtue from those that are ultimately harmful. By reason, we can see things as they truly are, "sub specie aeternitatis", "under the aspect of eternity," and because Spinoza treats God and nature as indistinguishable, by knowing things as they are we improve our knowledge of God. Seeing that all things are determined by nature to be as they are, we can achieve the rational tranquility that best promotes our happiness, and liberate ourselves from being driven by our passions. Themes. God or Nature. According to Spinoza, God is Nature and Nature is God ("Deus sive Natura"). This is his pantheism. In his previous book, "Theologico-Political Treatise", Spinoza discussed the inconsistencies that result when God is assumed to have human characteristics. In the third chapter of that book, he stated that the word "God" means the same as the word "Nature". He wrote: "Whether we say ... that all things happen according to the laws of nature, or are ordered by the decree and direction of God, we say the same thing." He later qualified this statement in his letter to Oldenburg by abjuring materialism. Nature, to Spinoza, is a metaphysical substance, not physical matter. In this posthumously published book "Ethics", he equated God with nature by writing "God or Nature" four times. "For Spinoza, God or Nature—being one and the same thing—is the whole, infinite, eternal, necessarily existing, active system of the universe within which absolutely everything exists. This is the fundamental principle of the "Ethics"..." Spinoza holds that everything that exists is part of nature, and everything in nature follows the same basic laws. In this perspective, human beings are part of nature, and hence they can be explained and understood in the same way as everything else in nature. This aspect of Spinoza's philosophy — his naturalism — was radical for its time, and perhaps even for today. In the preface to Part III of "Ethics" (relating to emotions), he writes: Therefore, Spinoza affirms that the passions of hatred, anger, envy, and so on, considered in themselves, "follow from this same necessity and efficacy of nature; they answer to certain definite causes, through which they are understood, and possess certain properties as worthy of being known as the properties of anything else". Humans are not different in kind from the rest of the natural world; they are part of it. Spinoza's naturalism can be seen as deriving from his firm commitment to the principle of sufficient reason (), which is the thesis that everything has an explanation. He articulates the in a strong fashion, as he applies it not only to everything that is, but also to everything that is not: And to continue with Spinoza's triangle example, here is one claim he makes about God: Spinoza rejected the idea of an external Creator suddenly, and apparently capriciously, creating the world at one particular time rather than another, and creating it out of nothing. The solution appeared to him more perplexing than the problem, and rather unscientific in spirit as involving a break in continuity. He preferred to think of the entire system of reality as its own ground. This view was simpler; it avoided the impossible conception of creation out of nothing; and it was religiously more satisfying by bringing God and man into closer relationship. Instead of Nature, on the one hand, and a supernatural God, on the other, he posited one world of reality, at once Nature and God, and leaving no room for the supernatural. This so-called naturalism of Spinoza is only distorted if one starts with a crude materialistic idea of Nature and supposes that Spinoza degraded God. The truth is that he raised Nature to the rank of God by conceiving Nature as the fulness of reality, as the One and All. He rejected the specious simplicity obtainable by denying the reality of Matter, or of Mind, or of God. The cosmic system comprehends them all. In fact, God and Nature become identical when each is conceived as the Perfect Self-Existent. This constitutes Spinoza's "Pantheism". Structure of reality. According to Spinoza, God has "attributes". One attribute is 'extension', another attribute is 'thought', and there are infinitely many such attributes. Since Spinoza holds that to exist is to "act", some readers take 'extension' to refer to an activity characteristic of bodies (for example, the active process of taking up space, exercising physical power, or resisting a change of place or shape). They take 'thought' to refer to the activity that is characteristic of minds, namely thinking, the exercise of mental power. Each attribute has modes. All bodies are modes of extension, and all ideas are modes of thought. Substance, attributes, modes. Spinoza's ideas relating to the character and structure of reality are expressed by him in terms of "substance", "attributes", and "modes". These terms are very old and familiar, but not in the sense in which Spinoza employs them. To understand Spinoza, it is necessary to lay aside all preconceptions about them, and follow Spinoza closely. Spinoza found it impossible to understand the finite, dependent, transient objects and events of experience without assuming some reality not dependent on anything else but self-existent, not produced by anything else but eternal, not restricted or limited by anything else but infinite. Such an uncaused, self-sustaining reality he called "substance". So, for instance, he could not understand the reality of material objects and physical events without assuming the reality of a self-existing, infinite and eternal physical force which expresses itself in all the movements and changes which occur, as we say, in space. This physical force he called "extension", and described it, at first, as a "substance", in the sense just explained. Similarly, he could not understand the various dependent, transient mental experiences with which we are familiar without assuming the reality of a self-existing, infinite and eternal consciousness, mental force, or mind-energy, which expresses itself in all these finite experiences of perceiving and understanding, of feeling and striving. This consciousness or mind-energy he called "thought", and described it also, at first, as a "substance". Each of these "substances" he regarded as infinite of its kind (that is, as exhaustive of all the events of its own kind), and as irreducible to the other, or any other, substance. But in view of the intimate way in which Extension and Thought express themselves conjointly in the life of man, Spinoza considered it necessary to conceive of Extension and Thought not as detached realities, but as constituting one organic whole or system. And in order to express this idea, he then described Extension and Thought as "attributes", reserving the term "Substance" for the system which they constitute between them. This change of description was not intended to deny that Extension and Thought are substances in the sense of being self-existent, etc. It was only intended to express their coherence in one system. The system of course would be more than any one attribute. For each attribute is only "infinite of its kind"; the system of all attributes is "absolutely infinite", that is, exhausts the whole of reality. Spinoza, accordingly, now restricted the term "substance" to the complete system, though he occasionally continued to use the phrase "substance or attribute", or described Extension as a substance. As commonly used, especially since the time of Locke, the term substance is contrasted with its attributes or qualities as their substratum or bearer. But this meaning must not be read into Spinoza. For Spinoza, Substance is not the support or bearer of the Attributes, but the system of Attributes — he actually uses the expression "Substance or the Attributes." If there is any difference at all between "Substance" and "the Attributes", as Spinoza uses these terms, it is only the difference between the Attributes conceived as an organic system and the Attributes conceived (but not by Spinoza) as a mere sum of detached forces. Something is still necessary to complete the account of Spinoza's conception of Substance. So far only the two Attributes have been considered, namely, Extension and Thought. Spinoza, however, realised that there may be other Attributes, unknown to man. If so, they are part of the one Substance or cosmic system. And using the term "infinite" in the sense of "complete" or "exhaustive", he ascribed to Substance an infinity of Attributes, that is, all the attributes there are, whether known to man or not. Now reality, for Spinoza, is activity. Substance is incessantly active, each Attribute exercising its kind of energy in all possible ways. Thus the various objects and events of the material world come into being as "modes" (modifications or states) of the attribute Extension; and the various minds and mental experiences come into being as modes of the attribute Thought (or Consciousness). These modes are not external creations of the Attributes, but immanent results — they are not "thrown off" by the Attributes, but are states (or modifications) of them, as air-waves are states of the air. Each Attribute, however, expresses itself in its finite modes not immediately (or directly) but mediately (or indirectly), at least in the sense to be explained now. Galilean physics tended to regard the whole world of physical phenomena as the result of differences of motion or momentum. And, though erroneously conceived, the Cartesian conception of a constant quantity of motion in the world led Spinoza to conceive of all physical phenomena as so many varying expressions of that store of motion (or motion and rest). Spinoza might, of course, have identified Extension with energy of motion. But, with his usual caution, he appears to have suspected that motion may be only one of several types of physical energy. So he described motion simply as a mode of Extension, but as an "infinite" mode (because complete or exhaustive of all finite modes of motion) and as an "immediate" mode (as a direct expression of Extension). Again, the physical world (or "the face of the world as a whole", as Spinoza calls it) retains a certain sameness in spite of the innumerable changes in detail that are going on. Accordingly, Spinoza described also the physical world as a whole as an "infinite" mode of extension ("infinite" because exhaustive of all facts and events that can be reduced to motion), but as a "mediate" (or indirect) mode, because he regarded it as the outcome of the conservation of motion (itself a mode, though an "immediate" mode). The physical things and events of ordinary experience are "finite" modes. In essence each of them is part of the Attribute Extension, which is active in each of them. But the finiteness of each of them is due to the fact that it is restrained or hedged in, so to say, by other finite modes. This limitation or determination is negation in the sense that each finite mode is "not" the whole attribute Extension; it is not the other finite modes. But each mode is positively real and ultimate as part of the Attribute. In the same kind of way the Attribute Thought exercises its activity in various mental processes, and in such systems of mental process as are called minds or souls. But in this case, as in the case of Extension, Spinoza conceives of the finite modes of Thought as mediated by infinite modes. The immediate infinite mode of Thought he describes as "the idea of God"; the mediate infinite mode he calls "the infinite idea" or "the idea of all things". The other Attributes (if any) must be conceived in an analogous manner. And the whole Universe or Substance is conceived as one dynamic system of which the various Attributes are the several world-lines along which it expresses itself in all the infinite variety of events. Given the persistent misinterpretation of Spinozism it is worth emphasizing the dynamic character of reality as Spinoza conceived it. The cosmic system is certainly a logical or rational system, according to Spinoza, for Thought is a constitutive part of it; but it is not "merely" a logical system — it is dynamic as well as logical. His frequent use of geometrical illustrations affords no evidence at all in support of a purely logico-mathematical interpretation of his philosophy; for Spinoza regarded geometrical figures, not in a Platonic or static manner, but as things traced out by moving particles or lines, etc., that is, dynamically. Moral philosophy. For Spinoza, reality means activity, and the reality of anything expresses itself in a tendency to self-preservation — to exist is to persist. In the lowest kinds of things, in so-called inanimate matter, this tendency shows itself as a "will to live". Regarded physiologically the effort is called "appetite"; when we are conscious of it, it is called "desire". The moral categories, good and evil, are intimately connected with desire, though not in the way commonly supposed. Man does not desire a thing because he thinks it is good, or shun it because he considers it bad; rather he considers anything good if he desires it, and regards it as bad if he has an aversion for it. Now whatever is felt to heighten vital activity gives pleasure; whatever is felt to lower such activity causes pain. Pleasure coupled with a consciousness of its external cause is called love, and pain coupled with a consciousness of its external cause is called hate — "love" and "hate" being used in the wide sense of "like" and "dislike". All human feelings are derived from pleasure, pain and desire. Their great variety is due to the differences in the kinds of external objects which give rise to them, and to the differences in the inner conditions of the individual experiencing them. Spinoza gives a detailed analysis of the whole gamut of human feelings, and his account is one of the classics of psychology. For the present purpose the most important distinction is that between "active" feelings and "passive" feelings (or "passions"). Man, according to Spinoza, is active or free in so far as any experience is the outcome solely of his own nature; he is passive, or a bondsman, in so far as any experience is due to other causes besides his own nature. The active feelings are all of them forms of self-realisation, of heightened activity, of strength of mind, and are therefore always pleasurable. It is the passive feelings (or "passions") which are responsible for all the ills of life, for they are induced largely by things outside us and frequently cause that lowered vitality which means pain. Spinoza next links up his ethics with his theory of knowledge, and correlates the moral progress of man with his intellectual progress. At the lowest stage of knowledge, that of "opinion", man is under the dominant influence of things outside himself, and so is in the bondage of the passions. At the next stage, the stage of "reason", the characteristic feature of the human mind, its intelligence, asserts itself, and helps to emancipate him from his bondage to the senses and external allurements. The insight gained into the nature of the passions helps to free man from their domination. A better understanding of his own place in the cosmic system and of the place of all the objects of his likes and dislikes, and his insight into the necessity which rules all things, tend to cure him of his resentments, regrets and disappointments. He grows reconciled to things, and wins peace of mind. In this way reason teaches acquiescence in the universal order, and elevates the mind above the turmoil of passion. At the highest stage of knowledge, that of "intuitive knowledge", the mind apprehends all things as expressions of the eternal cosmos. It sees all things in God, and God in all things. It feels itself as part of the eternal order, identifying its thoughts with cosmic thought and its interests with cosmic interests. Thereby it becomes eternal as one of the eternal ideas in which the Attribute Thought expresses itself, and attains to that "blessedness" which "is not the reward of virtue, but virtue itself", that is, the perfect joy which characterises perfect self-activity. This is not an easy or a common achievement. "But", says Spinoza, "everything excellent is as difficult as it is rare." Reception. Shortly after his death in 1677, Spinoza's works were placed on the Catholic Church's Index of Banned Books. Condemnations soon appeared, such as Aubert de Versé's "L'impie convaincu" (1685). According to its subtitle, in this work "the foundations of [Spinoza's] atheism are refuted". For the next hundred years, if European philosophers read this so-called heretic, they did so almost entirely in secret. How much forbidden Spinozism they were sneaking into their diets remains a subject of continual intrigue. Locke, Hume, Leibniz and Kant all stand accused by later scholars of indulging in periods of closeted Spinozism. At the close of the 18th century, a controversy centering on the "Ethics" scandalized the German philosophy scene. The first known translation of the "Ethics" into English was completed in 1856 by the novelist George Eliot, though not published until much later. The book next appeared in English in 1883, by the hand of the novelist Hale White. Spinoza rose clearly into view for anglophone metaphysicians in the late nineteenth century, during the British craze for Hegel. In his admiration for Spinoza, Hegel was joined in this period by his countrymen Schelling, Goethe, Schopenhauer and Nietzsche. In the twentieth century, the ghost of Spinoza continued to show itself, for example in the writings of Russell, Wittgenstein, Davidson, and Deleuze. Among writers of fiction and poetry, the influential thinkers inspired by Spinoza include Coleridge, George Eliot, Melville, Borges, and Malamud. The first published Dutch translations were by the poet Herman Gorter (1895) and by Willem Meyer (1896). Criticism. Number of attributes. Spinoza’s contemporary, Simon de Vries, raised the objection that Spinoza fails to prove that substances may possess multiple attributes, but that if substances have only a single attribute, “where there are two different attributes, there are also different substances.” This is a serious weakness in Spinoza’s logic, which has yet to be conclusively resolved. Some have attempted to resolve this conflict, such as Linda Trompetter, who writes that “attributes are singly essential properties, which together constitute the one essence of a substance,”, but this interpretation is not universal, and Spinoza did not clarify the issue in his response to de Vries. On the other hand, Stanley Martens states that “an attribute of a substance "is" that substance; it is that substance insofar as it has a certain nature” in an analysis of Spinoza’s ideas of attributes. Misuse of words. Schopenhauer claimed that Spinoza misused words. “Thus he calls ‘God’ that which is everywhere called ‘the world’; ‘justice’ that which is everywhere called ‘power’; and ‘will’ that which is everywhere called ‘judgement’.” Also, “that concept of "substance"...with the definition of which Spinoza accordingly begins...appears on close and honest investigation to be a higher yet unjustified abstraction of the concept "matter".” In spite of his repeated objections and critical remarks, Schopenhauer incorporated some of Spinoza's fundamental concepts into his system, especially concerning the theory of emotions; there was also a striking similarity between Schopenhauer's will and Spinoza's substance. Critical influence. In fact, within the German philosophical sphere, Spinoza's influence on German Idealism was remarkable. He was both a challenge and inspiration for the three major figures of this movement: Hegel, Schelling and Fichte — who all sought to define their own philosophical positions in relation to his. Schopenhauer, who detested these three philosophers to varying degrees of intensity, also had a similarly ambivalent relation to the Dutch philosopher. How Spinoza came to influence Schopenhauer is not clear, but one might speculate: it could have come from his exposure to Fichte's lectures, from his conversations with Goethe or simply from being caught up in the post-Kantian attempt to rethink the Critical Philosophy. Still, his engagement with Spinozism is evident throughout his writings and attentive readers of his chief work may indeed note his ambivalence toward Spinoza's philosophy. He sees in Spinoza an ally against the feverish culture of the West. For example, in the context of a rather favourable account of "the standpoint of affirmation" he notes that “[T]he philosophy of Bruno and that of Spinoza might also bring to this standpoint the person whose conviction was not shaken or weakened by their errors and imperfections”. Moreover, in discussing Spinoza and Giordano Bruno, Schopenhauer also affirms that: Given Schopenhauer's respect for Hindu philosophy, comments like these indicate that he too felt intellectual kinship with Spinoza. Elsewhere, Schopenhauer points to more fundamental affinities, but he also criticizes Spinoza. These criticisms deal with fundamental disagreements about the ultimate nature of reality and whether it is to be affirmed or denied.

cosmic scheme

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=55841343

Akhi Brotherhoods (Akhiya or Young Brotherhood) were a crucial part of the urban development and infrastructure of early Ottoman history. The brotherhoods were formed out of the medieval Islamic futuwwa organizations. The purpose of each brotherhood was to provide an infrastructure for production and trade in the town in which it was set up and provide a social framework for the men of town. Structure. The brotherhoods were led by a Young Brother or Akhi who was chosen by all the other men of the brotherhood to be the leader. This man was typically unmarried, but could also be a married man or even a city elite. In some cases, the Akhi could even be someone who already held a high government position himself. The Akhi was responsible for building and furnishing the city hospice. He was also the one to entertain guests when they visited and stayed at the hospice. The members of the brotherhood were called Fityán (youths) and would work during the day and bring their money back to the Akhi once they had finished in the afternoon. This money was then used to further stock the hospice with food and other necessities. If there were no travelers, the members would eat in the evening and then repeat the same process the next day. However, if there was a traveler in town, he would be housed at the hospice and the food bought would go to him every day until he left to continue his travels. The brotherhoods were set up in newly conquered Ottoman towns and could be found throughout Anatolia in every town and village. In some cases, such as in Bursa, the brotherhood could fully set up within a town in around five years. but it took time to develop influence amongst the people and recruit members. Even in situations where the city that had been conquered was not previously Muslim, the Akhi Brotherhoods were still able to gain influence, Bursa once again being an example of this. The brotherhoods supported the working class, but also many Akhi’s had the influence of elites. Disposition and beliefs. The men of the brotherhood were generally very well-mannered and generous as they ascribed to the ideas of chivalry and virtue put forth in the Futuuwa. Ibn Battuta described them as “men so eager to welcome strangers, so prompt to serve food and to satisfy the wants of others, and so ready to suppress injustice and kill [tyrannical agents of police and the miscreants who join with them.” Many of the brotherhoods formed their fellowship through documents similar to a “futuwwatnames” which preached virtues like modesty, self-control and denial. Influence. The brotherhoods had an important role in the formation of early Ottoman society and in the creation of the janissaries. During times of transition in the central government, the Akhi would take control of their city and try to avoid too much damage as the power transitioned to the next regime. They would also control much of the trade and production in the town, thus having a solid control on the economic regulation. They were essentially the Ottomans “clean up force” as they would move into a town and settle it. They held such tremendous power in some places that local Christian guilds were often forced to merge with the brotherhoods for their own livelihoods. This allowed the brotherhoods to quickly take control of the areas urban areas. Dissolution. Eventually, the Akhi Brotherhoods became trade guilds and lost their autonomy as they became elements of the central state. As trade became more international or at least under a larger scope, the brotherhoods were no longer able to control the economy of a particular town or region. The system worked till roughly the end of the 16th century. Masonic Akhi Order. The Military and Mystic Orders of Akhis is a masonic progressive order established in the United Kingdom. Membership is by invitation, and members must be subscribing of a regular Craft Lodge and subscribing a Mark Master Masons Lodge.

male spouse

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=53423420

Amina Warsuma (born 1953) is an American model, author, actress and film maker. Early life. Warsuma was born in the Bronx, New York to a Somali father and an American mother. Education. Warsuma graduated with an ASS degree from Monroe College in business in Bronx, New York. Warsuma attended UCLA for Television pilot writing class. Warsuma attained a degree in Cinema Production and Producing from LACC Cinema and Television Department in Los Angeles Career. Battle of Versailles. Warsuma was one of eleven black models that ran in the Battle of Versailles Fashion Show. The Fashion Show was held in 1973 at the Palace of Versailles raising $280,000 for the restoration of the palace. The other black models were Pat Cleveland, Bethann Hardison, Billie Blair, Jennifer Brice, Alva Chinn, Norma Jean Darden, Charlene Dash, Barbara Jackson, China Machado and Ramona Saunder. The show pitted five established French designers against five emerging American designers. The show use of eleven African-American models was unprecedented at the time and marked a new direction in fashion runways. Awards. In 2011, Warsuma alongside the other ten African-Americans models received the "Huffington Post" Game Changer Awards for their role in the Battle of Versailles Fashion Show. The award was presented by Gayle King. The Metropolitan Museum of Art honoured Warsuma and the other 10 models in 2011 with a special luncheon.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=22177352

The Baháʼí Faith in Poland begins in the 1870s when Polish writer wrote several articles covering its early history in Persia. There was a Polish language translation of Paris Talks published in 1915. After becoming a Baháʼí in 1925 Poland's Lidia Zamenhof returned to Poland in 1938 as its first well known Baháʼí. During the period of the Warsaw Pact Poland adopted the Soviet policy of oppression of religion, so the Baháʼís, strictly adhering to their principle of obedience to legal government, abandoned its administration and properties. An analysis of publications before and during this period finds coverage by Soviet-based sources basically hostile to the religion while native Polish coverage was neutral or positive. By 1963 only Warsaw was recognized as having a community. Following the fall of communism in Poland because of the Revolutions of 1989, the Baháʼís in Poland began to initiate contact with each other and have meetings - the first of these arose in Kraków and Warsaw. In March 1991 the first Baháʼí Local Spiritual Assembly was re-elected in Warsaw. Poland's National Spiritual Assembly was elected in 1992. According to Baháʼí sources there were about three hundred Baháʼís in Poland in 2006 and there have been several articles in Polish publications in 2008 covering the Persecution of Baháʼís in Iran and Egypt. The Association of Religion Data Archives (relying on World Christian Encyclopedia) estimated the Baháʼís at about 300 in 2005. Early period. The earliest known articles in Polish were written by in the 1870s after he had met the Baháʼís in Baghdad, and one of these was to defend the Baháʼí Faith against an erroneous article in another publication. Isabella Grinevskaya was the pen name of a very early Russian Baháʼí born in Grodno, and her father is buried in Warsaw. Grodno was sometimes part of Poland and Belarus but during her entire lifetime was part of Russia. She is well known because of a play of hers performed in 1903 called "Báb". In the 1910s some Jews in a regiment from Poland while stationed in Turkmenistan came into contact with the Baháʼís there. Later the rector of the Catholic University of Lublin met ʻAbdu'l-Bahá in 1914 while he lived in Palestine, and in 1915 there was a Polish translation of Paris Talks published in Silesia. Lidia Zamenhof. Around 1925 Zamenhof became a member of the Baháʼí Faith. Zamenhof was the official representative of the religion to the dedication of the monument erected upon the grave of her father in Warsaw in 1926. Some Canadian Baháʼís visited Poland in the early 1930s while Zamenhof went to the United States in late 1937 to teach the religion as well as Esperanto. In December 1938 she returned to Poland, where she continued to teach and translated Baháʼu'lláh and the New Era, (see John Esslemont), Hidden Words and Some Answered Questions. While Zamenhof worked on the translations publication was delayed and accomplished out of France by a Polish nephew of Anne Lynch then in a Swiss internment camp for Polish officers. In the second half of 1938 Zamenhof had been a major influence of the conversion of the first known Ukrainian becoming a Baháʼí, who was living in eastern Poland at the time. Zamenhof mentions there were five Baháʼís in Poland in August 1939. Contact was made in 1947 with nine individuals investigating the religion mostly through Esperantist writings. One of them offered Zamenhof a hiding place she had declined. She was arrested and eventually killed at the Treblinka extermination camp in autumn 1942. Period of oppression. Since its inception the religion has had involvement in socio-economic development beginning by giving greater freedom to women, promulgating the promotion of female education as a priority concern, and that involvement was given practical expression by creating schools, agricultural coops, and clinics. The religion entered a new phase of activity when a message of the Universal House of Justice dated 20 October 1983 was released. Baháʼís were urged to seek out ways, compatible with the Baháʼí teachings, in which they could become involved in the social and economic development of the communities in which they lived. Worldwide in 1979 there were 129 officially recognized Baháʼí socioeconomic development projects. By 1987, the number of officially recognized development projects had increased to 1482. However, in the Soviet sphere during the period of the Warsaw Pact Poland adopted the Soviet policy of oppression of religion, so the Baháʼís, strictly adhering to their principle of obedience to legal government, abandoned its administration and properties. From 1947 - 1950 Baháʼís were still known to be in seven cities in Poland. In 1948 there was a known group studying the religion in Warsaw. While the Baháʼís in Poland were retreating from public view, in Chicago, the largest ethnically Polish population outside of Warsaw, saw the rise of the first Baháʼí House of Worship in the West and was completed in 1953. In 1960 a Baháʼí traveled from Poland to Luxembourg for a Baháʼí meeting. By 1963 only Warsaw was recognized as having an active community. After that, until about 1989, the Soviet oppression of religions ended public activities of the religion. See also other Soviet block countries which had Baháʼí communities like Ukraine, Turkmenistan among others. While the Baháʼí community became all but unknown, the religion had been the object of some academic and popular commentary in Poland over the years. There are several distinctions between Soviet coverage translated into Polish and native Polish coverage of the Baháʼí Faith. There were differences in sources cited, periods when the works were published, and attitudes about the religion presented. Most Soviet translations cited works from Persian antagonists of the religion. The native Polish works cited leaders of the religion or western or earlier Polish academics. For the native Polish works no Russian or Soviet publications, either in translation or in original, were cited. The translations from Soviet academics largely came from the later period during Soviet domination of Poland while most of the native Polish references were from the period before. The Soviet sources tried to portray the history of the religion as supporting the philosophy of Dialectical materialism of Soviet communism as an early anti-feudal movement but in the end supporting imperialism and colonialism. Contrary to this, native Polish works were either neutral or sympathetic to the religion, including publications from the Catholic Church in Poland. One of the few Polish Baháʼís known from this period was Ola Pawlowska, a native of Poland who had fled during World War II and settled in Canada, where she became a member of the religion. In 1953 she became a Knight of Baháʼu'lláh when she moved to St. Pierre and Miquelon Islands. In 1969 she was traveling in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In 1971 at the age 61 she returned to Poland for a period of almost 2 years before pioneering to Luxemburg and then Zaire where she took interest in the Pygmy population. Lisa Janti, better known as Lisa Montell, a Hollywood actress of the 1950s and 60s, was born Irena Augustynowic and her family fled Poland before World War II. In the 1960s she joined the religion and then worked on several advocacy projects while continuing to work in the arts. Contact at the time was so minimal that it is worth noting Polish visitors to Baháʼí Houses of Worship: before 1973 some visited the temple in Panama who were surprised to meet a guide who could speak a little Polish and in May 1978 a dance troupe from Poland visited the one near Chicago. In 1979 a Polish citizen attending an Esperantist convention joined the religion. Re-development. Following political changes in Poland following the Solidarity movement, the Baháʼís in Poland began to initiate contact and have meetings with the first of these arising in Krakow and Warsaw. By 1990 the Baháʼís from the West were helping to build a center to serve as a place to host a Baháʼí summer school near Olesnica. In March 1991 the first Local Spiritual Assembly was re-elected in Warsaw. The next assemblies in 1991-2 were in Białystok, Gdańsk, Kraków, Katowice, Lublin, Łódź, Poznań, Szczecin, and Wrocław. The National Assembly was elected in 1992 (indeed Pawlowska moved back to Poland at the age of 82 for a short time to help form the assembly). Jane (Sadler) Helbo was among those to pioneer to Poland when she moved to Olsztyn from 1992 to 2000. In the spring of 1992 the Polish Baháʼí community participated in the election of the Universal House of Justice, and in December 1993 Polish Ambassador to Israel Dr. Jan Dowgiatto paid an official visit to the headquarters of the religion in Haifa, Israel. Through the 1990s Baháʼís in Poland presented at or were invited to various conferences or university classes. In 1999 Baháʼí composer Lasse Thoresen of Norway had a composition performed at the Warsaw Autumn. In 2004 Senator Maria Szyszkowska held hearings at which Baháʼís gave presentations. Modern community. In 2000 Poland rose in support of a United Nations human rights resolution about concern over the Baháʼís in Iran as well as taking steps to further document conditions. There were about three hundred Baháʼís in Poland in 2006. The 2006 and 2008 Polish summer schools took place late July in Serock, near Warsaw. Several Polish language publications have covered the religion in recent years. The Polish edition of Cosmopolitan had an extended article about the Baháʼí Faith in August 2008 by Małgorzata Łuka-Kowalczyk who followed a family learning about the religion. The Polish Gazette (Gazeta Wyrborcza) also covered the religion in February and April 2008, mostly covering the Persecution of Baháʼís in Iran (and once earlier in October 2006 covering the situation in Egypt). Baháʼís from Poland were among the more than 4,600 people who gathered in Frankfurt for the largest ever Baháʼí conference in Germany. The Association of Religion Data Archives (relying on World Christian Encyclopedia) estimated about 990 Baháʼís in 2005. According to the official Polish Baháʼí page, there are about 300 Baháʼís in Poland.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4565153

No Surrender is a 1985 British comedy film written by Alan Bleasdale, directed by Peter Smith and produced by Mamoun Hassan. Describing the commissioning process, Bleasdale said, "I went to the National Film Finance Corporation and told them I was never going to write "Star Wars" or "Rambo Revisited" or anything like that, so I just went ahead and wrote the film I wanted to write". Plot. On New Year's Eve in Liverpool, Michael (Michael Angelis) becomes the new manager of the Charleston Club, a run-down function hall on an industrial wasteground which, he later discovers, is owned by an organised crime syndicate. He also discovers that the previous manager, MacArthur, in an attempt to spite the hall's owners, has hired it out to two groups of senior citizens for New Year's Eve; one group are hardline Catholics and the other are hardline Protestants, and the entertainment consists of a magician (Elvis Costello) with stage fright, a homosexual comedian (Pete Price) and his boyfriend, a talentless punk band, and a fancy dress competition with a non-existent prize. The two parties arrive and are joined by another group of senior citizens who are mentally handicapped and suffering from senile dementia. After discovering MacArthur being tortured in a back room by the hall's owners, Michael, along with bouncer Bernard (Bernard Hill) and kitchen porter Cheryl (Joanne Whalley), attempts to keep things in order amid the threat of violence in the air. As the night goes on, however, things start to go wrong; the comedian's routine is badly received, the magician has to pull out because of the death of his rabbit, and the band's poor performance leads to the groups throwing missiles at the stage whilst the band members fight amongst themselves. Meanwhile, things begin to boil over when former Loyalist boxer Billy McCracken (Ray McAnally) strangles on-the-run terrorist Norman Donohue (Mark Mulholland) to death in a toilet cubicle after Norman makes comments about McCracken's daughter "marrying out", and an Orange Order marching band arrives playing sectarian tunes, leading to a mass brawl in the toilets and the discovery of Norman's body. Meanwhile Michael and Cheryl begin singing "If You Need Me" together on stage while Bernard phones the police, who arrive and defuse the situation. The situation dies down by midnight, and the groups all go their separate ways peacefully. Michael and Cheryl share a kiss, before going back to Cheryl's house together. The film ends with McCracken at home phoning his daughter and asking to speak to his son-in-law, before wishing him a happy New Year. Reception. Walter Goodman of the New York Times called it "a funny movie about a desperate condition." Paul Attanasio of the Washington Post wrote: "No Surrender"pretends to be a black comedy, but it really isn't -- it's just sour.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=362342

Shared parenting, shared residence, joint residence, shared custody or joint physical custody is a child custody arrangement after divorce or separation, in which both parents share the responsibility of raising their child(ren), with equal or close to equal parenting time. A regime of shared parenting is based on the idea that children have the right to and benefit from a close relationship with both their parents, and that no child should be separated from a parent. The term "Shared Parenting" is applied in cases of divorce, separation or when parents do not live together; in contrast, a shared earning/shared parenting marriage is a marriage where the partners choose to share the work of child-raising, earning money, house chores and recreation time in nearly equal fashion across all four domains. "Shared parenting" is different from split custody, where some children live primarily with their mother while one or more of their siblings live primarily with their father. "Bird's nest custody" is an unusual form of shared parenting where the child always lives in the same home, while the two parents take turns living with the child in that home. Its long term use can be expensive as it requires three residences, and it is most commonly used as a temporary shared parenting arrangement until one parent has found a suitable home elsewhere. Frequency. The popularity of shared parenting is increasing. The frequency of shared parenting versus sole custody varies across countries, being most common in Scandinavia. In a comparative survey of 34 western countries conducted in 2005/06, the proportion of 11-15-year-old children living in a shared parenting arrangement versus sole custody was highest in Sweden (17%), followed by Iceland (11%), Belgium (11%), Denmark (10%), Italy (9%) and Norway (9%). Ukraine, Poland, Croatia, Turkey, the Netherlands and Romania all had 2% or less. Among the English speaking countries, Canada and the United Kingdom had 7% while the United States and Ireland had 5%. Shared parenting is increasing in popularity and it is particularly common in Scandinavia. By 2016/17, the percentage in Sweden had increased to 28%; with 26% for children age 0-5 years, 34% among the 6-12 year old age group, and 23% among the oldest children ages 13-18. Scientific research. Epidemiological studies on the effect of shared parenting on children has been conducted using both cross-sectional and longitudinal study designs. Their conclusions are that children with a shared parenting arrangement have better physical, mental, social and academic outcomes compared to children in a primary parenting arrangement. These finding holds for all age groups, whether the parents have an amicable or high-conflict relationship, and after adjusting for socio-economic variables. With its early adoption of shared parenting and excellent health data, the largest studies on shared parenting have been conducted in Sweden. In a large cross-sectional study comparing over 50,000 children, ages 12 and 15, living in either a shared or sole custody arrangement, Dr. Malin Bergström found that children with shared parenting had better outcomes for physical health, psychological well-being, moods and emotions, self-perception, autonomy, parental relations, material outcomes, peer relations, school satisfaction and social acceptance. Using data from the same cross-sectional survey, Bergström did a follow-up study focusing on psychosomatic problems of concentration, sleeping, headaches, stomach aches, tenseness, lack of appetite, sadness and dizziness. They found that both boys and girls did better living in a shared parenting versus sole custody arrangement. Both studies adjusted for selected socio-economic variables. A review of 60 quantitative research studies found that in 34 of the studies, children in a shared parenting arrangement had better outcomes on all measured variables for well-being, most notably for their family relationships, physical health, adolescent behavior and mental health. In 14 studies, they had better or equal outcomes on all measures, in 6 studies that had equal outcomes on all measures, and in 6 studies that had worse outcomes on one measure and equal or better outcomes on the remaining measures. The results were similar for the subset of studies that adjusted for socio-economic variables and the level of conflict between parents. The variable with the smallest difference was academic achievement, for which only 3 out 10 studies showed an advantage for shared parenting. Studies indicate that children fare better in joint custody arrangements, or where they have good access to both parents, as compared to sole custody arrangements. Parental benefits. While the primary arguments for shared parenting is based on the child's best interest of having close contact with both parents in their daily life, there are also important advantages to the parents. Most parents enjoy spending time with their children, and with shared parenting, both parents have that joy in their life. Both parents also get child-free time to work or play without having to hire a baby sitter, which a sole custodial parent must do. Moreover, both parents get the same opportunity for career development and advancement. In fact, some argue that shared parenting is one critical component in the efforts to reduce the gender pay gap. Criticism. Early criticism of shared parenting was based upon the assumptions (i) that children need one single primary attachment figure to bond with, (ii) that child development suffer from frequent moves back and forth between two households, and (iii) that one should not disrupt the status quo. Scientific research finds support for and against these assumptions. It is important that child-specific factors like parental temperament, environmental factors, and genetic factors are considered before attempting to determine how a specific parenting style will affect a childAttachment Theory. A second wave of criticism argued that shared parenting increases parental conflict and that shared parenting is only suitable for parents who get along well as co-parents. Once more, research has found support for and against this criticism. The science suggests the appropriateness of any parenting style must be decided on a case-by-case basis. Parents with mental illness, personality disorder, history of abuse, or history of substance abuse may make shared parenting a poor choice. Couple at high risk for interpersonal violence also do not make good shared parenting candidates A third wave of criticism acknowledges that shared parenting could be an appropriate custodial arrangement but argued that there should be no presumptions in family law, with each custody decision made based upon a judge's assessment of the best interest of a child. Critics also suggest that shared parenting requires more logistical coordination. Legislation. Some legislatures have established a legal rebuttable presumption for "shared parenting" which favors shared parenting in most custody cases while allowing the court to order alternative arrangements based upon evidence that shared parenting would not be in the best interest of the children, such as in cases of parental child abuse or neglect. Bills promoting shared parenting have been introduced in Canada and the United States. Italy. In 2006, Italy passed a law that made joint custody the default arrangement for separating couples. A study of the effect of the law suggested that the joint custody presumption increased the duration and complexity of custody litigation, but that it did not find evidence that parents were making concessions on the division of assets to "buy back" custody from the other parent. United States. In 2018, Kentucky became the first jurisdiction to establish a legal presumption for shared parenting, after the house voted 81-2 and the senate voted 38-0 in favor, and after the bill was signed by governor Matt Bevin. Similar laws were passed by both chambers in Minnesota and Florida, but vetoed by the governors. Some family lawyers and state bar associations have argued against a presumption of joint parenting. For example, concerns have been expressed that a presumption for joint custody might get in the way of negotiated custody outcomes that are better suited to the children, and joint custody might be inappropriately imposed upon couples who suffer unnecessary financial burdens or conflict as a result. Advocacy. The advocacy for shared parenting is a world-wide movement. It is unified in its belief that shared parenting is in the best interest of children, and that it is a children's right issue. The gender perspective, however, varies greatly across nations. In the Scandinavian countries, such as Iceland, it is commonly viewed as a gender equity issue with strong support from women's organizations. As a contrast, in North America, several organizations see it as a father's rights issue, and some women's organizations work against shared parenting, while other women are among the strongest advocates. As yet another contrast, in countries like Turkey and Iran, it is often seen as a women's right issue, as sole custody is commonly awarded to the father. There are a number of organizations that advocate for shared parenting as being in the best interest of children:

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14930823

The 1973 NCAA Division I football season was the first for the NCAA's current three-division structure. Effective with the 1973–74 academic year, schools formerly in the NCAA "University Division" were classified as Division I (later subdivided for football only in 1978 (I-A and I-AA) and renamed in 2006 into today's Division I FBS and FCS). Schools in the former "College Division" were classified into Division II, which allowed fewer athletic scholarships than Division I, and Division III, in which athletic scholarships were prohibited. In its inaugural season, Division I had two NCAA-recognized national champions, and they faced each other at year's end in the Sugar Bowl on New Year's Eve. The New Orleans game matched two unbeaten teams, the Alabama Crimson Tide ranked No. 1 by AP and UPI, and the Notre Dame Fighting Irish ranked No. 3 by AP and No. 4 by UPI. While both wire services ranked Alabama first at the end of the regular season, the final AP poll was after the bowl games. By agreement with the American Football Coaches' Association, however, UPI bestowed its championship before the postseason bowl games, and Alabama was crowned champion by UPI on December 4. UPI ranked Notre Dame fourth: one coach had given the Irish a first place vote, compared to 21 for Alabama. (In the next season, the final coaches' poll was after the bowls.) In a game where the lead changed six times, Notre Dame won by a single point, 24–23, to claim the AP national championship. During the 20th century, the NCAA had no playoff for major college football teams that would become Division I-A in 1978. The NCAA Football Guide, however, did note an "unofficial national champion" based on the top ranked teams in the "wire service" (AP and UPI) polls. The "writers' poll" by Associated Press (AP) was the most popular, followed by the "coaches' poll" by United Press International) (UPI). In 1973, the UPI issued its final poll before the bowls, but the AP Trophy was withheld until the postseason was completed. The AP poll in 1973 consisted of the votes of as many as 63 sportswriters and broadcasters, though not all of them voted in every poll. UPI's voting was made by 34 coaches. Those who cast votes would give their opinion of the ten best teams. Under a point system of 20 points for first place, 19 for second, etc., the "overall" ranking was determined. December. Elsewhere, Bluebonnet Bowl-bound Tulane defeated Orange Bowl-bound LSU 14–0 to end a 25–year winless drought in the Battle for the Rag in the final meeting at Tulane Stadium, leaving both the Green Wave and Bayou Bengals 9–2. Also, the 4–7 Navy Midshipmen trounced the Army Cadets 51–0. As for the Cadets, they completed one of their worst season in their football program history, when they completed a season with an imperfect 0–10 record. In the final regular season poll, the top six schools were unbeaten. 1.Alabama (11–0) 2. 2.Notre Dame (10–0) 3.Oklahoma (10–0–1) 4.Ohio State (9–0–1) 5.Michigan (10–0–1) and 6.Penn State (11–0). The other major college unbeaten, Miami (Ohio) (10–0–0), was No. 15. Oklahoma, however, was on probation for having used an ineligible player (Kerry Jackson) in three 1972 games, and was ineligible to play in a bowl game. No. 1 Alabama and No. 2 Notre Dame accepted invitations to play in the Sugar Bowl. Bowl games. Major bowls. "Monday, December 31, 1973"<br> "Tuesday, January 1, 1974" Alabama and Notre Dame had never met in a college football game before their encounter in the Sugar Bowl, which was played on New Year's Eve at Tulane Stadium, with kickoff at 7:15 pm CST. Two legendary coaches, Bear Bryant and Ara Parseghian brought their teams to New Orleans, and the game was a thriller. The Irish scored first, but missed the extra point. After Alabama took a 7–6 lead, freshman Al Hunter returned the ensuing kickoff 93 yards for a touchdown, and a two-point conversion put Notre Dame up 14–7. Alabama went ahead 17–14 in the third, but a fumble on their own 12-yard line gave the Irish a chance to make it 21–17. In the fourth quarter, Bama got back the lead on a trick play, as quarterback Richard Todd handed off to running back, Mike Stock, who then fired a touchdown pass back to Todd; but Bill Davis, who had made 51 of 53 extra point attempts in his career, was wide right, and the score stayed 23–21. In the final minutes, Notre Dame's Bob Thomas (who had missed the earlier point after try) kicked a 19-yard field goal that gave the team the 24–23 win. Asked whether Notre Dame would be voted No. 1, Coach Parseghian replied, "Certainly. What was the final score?" The final AP writers' poll was split. Notre Dame received a majority of the first place votes, 33 out of 60, followed by No. 2 Ohio State (11 votes) and No. 3 Oklahoma (16 votes, but fewer points overall). The fourth spot (held by Notre Dame in the final UPI poll) went to Alabama. UPI, who crowned Alabama as national champion at the end of the regular season, would begin holding the coaches' poll after the bowl games beginning with the 1974 season. Heisman Trophy. Running back John Cappelletti had the third best year in Penn State history when he gained 1,117 yards rushing in 1972. As a senior in 1973, he had the second best year in school history rushing for 1,522 yards. In his two-year running career, he gained 100 yards in the thirteen games and had a career total of 2,639 yards and twenty-nine touchdowns for an average of 120 yards per game and 5.1 yards per carry. Cappelletti's acceptance speech on December 13 at the Heisman Dinner (with new Vice President Gerald Ford next to him on the dais) was considered the most moving ever given at these ceremonies, as he honored his 11-year-old brother Joey, a victim

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10096345

The Octoechos (from the Greek: ; from ὀκτώ "eight" and ἦχος "sound, mode" called echos; Slavonic: Осмѡгласникъ, "Osmoglasnik" from о́смь "eight" and гласъ "voice, sound") is a liturgical book containing a repertoire of hymns ordered in eight parts according to eight echoi (tones or modes). Originally created in the Monastery of Stoudios during the 9th century as a hymnal complete with musical notation, it is still used in many rites of Eastern Christianity. The book with similar function in the Western Church is the tonary, and both contain the melodic models of an octoechos system; however, while the tonary serves simply for a modal classification, the octoechos is organized as a cycle of eight weeks of services. The word itself can also refer to the repertoire of hymns sung during the celebrations of the Sunday Office. The Role of Meter in the Octoechos. Many hymns in the Octoechos, such as Kathismata, Odes, and Kontakia are set in a strict meter—a fixed number of syllables with a particular stress patterns, consistent throughout multiple verses. Complex poems are written with syllabic patterns matching the meter of a familiar hymn written prior. One example of such a hymn is "Ἡ Παρθένος σήμερον," the prooimion of the Christmas kontakion composed by Romanos the Melodist, set to a melody in the third mode of the Octoechos. This hymn has served as the metrical basis for many other Kontakia. In the current tradition the kontakion exists as well as avtomelon—as a model to recite stichera prosomoia which was as well translated into Old Church Slavonic. The arrangement of the syllables with their metric accentuation are composed as a well-known hymn tune or sticheron avtomelon within the melos of a certain echos. These melodic stichera are called automela, because they can easily adapted to other texts, even if the number of syllables of verse varies—the so-called "prosomoia." The avtomelon which precedes the kontakion for Christmas, is recited today with a simple melody in a rather sophisticated troparic melos of echos tritos: <poem> Ἡ Παρθένος σήμερον τὸν ὑπερούσιον τίκτει καὶ ἡ γῆ τὸ σπήλαιον τῷ ἀπροσίτῳ προσάγει, Ἄγγελοι μετά ποιμένων δοξολογούσι, Μάγοι δὲ μετά ἀστέρος ὁδοιπορούσιν, δι’ ἡμάς γὰρ ἐγεννήθη παιδίον νέον, ὁ πρὸ αἰώνων Θεός. </poem> A hymn may more or less imitate an automelon melodically and metrically—depending, if the text has exactly the same number of syllables with the same accents as those of verses in the corresponding automelon. Such a hymn was called sticheron prosomoion, the echos and opening words of the sticheron avtomelon were usually indicated. For example, the Octoechos' kontakion for Sunday Orthros in echos tritos has the indication, that it should be sung to the melody of the above Christmas kontakion. Both kontakia have nearly the same number of syllables and accents within its verses, so the exact melody of the former is slightly adapted to the latter, its accents have to be sung with the given accentuation patterns. The printed book Octoechos with the Sunday cycles is often without any musical notation and the determination of a hymn's melody is indicated by the echos or glas according to the section within the book and its avtomelon, a melodic model defined by the melos of its mode. Since this book collects the repertoire of melodies sung every week, educated chanters knew all these melodies by heart, and they learnt how to adapt the accentuation patterns to the printed texts of the hymns while singing out of other text books like the menaion. Greek octoechos and parakletike. Types of octoechos books. The Great Octoechos (), or Parakletike, contains proper office hymns for each weekday. The hymns of the books Octoechos and Heirmologion had been collected earlier in a book called "Troparologion" or "Tropologion". It already existed during the 6th century in the Patriarchate of Antiochia, before it became a main genre of the centers of an Octoechos hymn reform in the monasteries of Saint Catherine on Mount Sinai and Mar Saba in Palestine, where St. John Damascene (c. 676–749) and Cosmas of Maiuma created a cycle of "stichera anastasima". Probably for this reason John of Damascus is regarded as the creator the Hagiopolitan Octoechos and the Hagiopolites treatise itself claims his authorship right at the beginning. It has only survived completely in a 14th-century copy, but its origin dates probably back to the time between the council of Nicaea and the time Joseph the Hymnographer (~816-886), when the treatise could still have introduced the book Tropologion. The earliest papyrus sources of the Tropologion can be dated to the 6th century: Choral singing saw its most brilliant development in the temple of Holy Wisdom in Constantinople during the reign of Emperor Justinian the Great. National Greek musical harmonies, or modes — the Dorian, Phrygian, Lydian, and Mixolydian modes — were adapted to the needs of Christian hymnography. Then John of Damascus started a new, third period in the history of Church singing. He introduced what is known as the osmoglasie — a system of singing in eight tones, or melodies —, and compiled a liturgical singing book bearing the title "Ochtoechos," which literally signifies "the book of the eight tones." The earliest version of a Tropologion dedicated to the repertoire of Octoechos was created by Severus of Antioch, Paul of Edessa and John Psaltes between 512 and 518. The Tropologion was expanded upon by St. Cosmas of Maiuma († 773), Theodore the Studite († 826) and his brother Joseph of Thessalonica († 832), Theophanes the Branded (c. 775–845), the hegoumenai and hymnographers Kassia (810-865) and Theodosia, Thekla the Nun, Metrophanes of Smyrna († after 880), Paul, Metropolit of Amorium, and by the emperors Leo VI and Constantine VII (10th century) as well as numerous anonymous authors. The earliest state of an octoechos collection of the Sunday canons is Ms. gr. 1593 of the Library at Saint Catherine's Monastery (about 800). This reduced version was simply called Octoechos and it was often the last part of the sticherarion, the new notated chant book of the reformers. Until the 14th century the book Octoechos, as far as it belonged to the Sticherarion, was ordered according to hymn genre of the repertoire. Later the thematic structure of the "stichera anastasima" which had to be sung during Hesperinos on Saturday and during Orthros on Sunday, were emphasised and ordered according to the eight echoi, each of the eight parts structured according to the order, as they had to be sung during the evening and morning service. They became a well structured book for the daily use of chanters like the later book Anastasimatarion or in Slavonic Voskresnik. Since the 17th century different collections of the Octoechos" "had been separated as own books about certain Hesperinos psalms like the "Anoixantarion "an octoechos collection for the psalm 103, the "Kekragarion" for psalm 140, and the "Pasapnoarion" for the psalm verse 150:6. Types of stichera. The "Octoechos" also included other "stichera "dedicated to particular saints according to the provenance of a certain monastery, which also allows conclusions concerning place, where the chant book was used. The temporal cycles and the prosomoia. The Sticherarion did not only include the book Octoechos, but also the books Menaion, Triodion and Pentecostarion. Certain stichera of the other books, "stichera prosomoia" which rather belonged to an oral tradition, because they were later composed by using the "avtomela" written in the book Parakletike. The early Prosomoia composed by Theodore the Studites for the evening service during Lenten period which belong to the book Triodion. Since the 14th century, sticheraria also had notated collections of the prosomoia sung within Paschal tide (tesserakostes). They were made over idiomela of the menaion and notated with the new verses, while most of the prosomoia relied entirely on an oral tradition. Although these prosomoia were part of the Pentecostarion, this cycle was often written within the Octoechos section. Nevertheless, a temporal eight-week-order was always the essential part of the Octoechos, at least as a liturgical concept. The temporal organisation of the mobile feast cycle and its lessons was result of the Studites reform since Theodore the Studites, their books were already translated by Slavic monks during the 9th century. The eight tones can be found as the Paschal cycle (moveable cycle) of the church year, the so-called Pentecostarion starting with the second Sunday of (the eighth day of) Easter, the first usually changes the echos each day, while the third week started the eight-week cycle with the second echos, each week in just one echos. The same cycle started in the triodion with the Lenten period until Easter, with the Lenten Friday preceding the subsequent Palm Sunday. Each day of the week has a distinct theme for which hymns in each tone are found in the texts of the Octoechos. During this period, the Octoechos is not sung on weekdays and it is furthermore not sung on Sundays from Palm Sunday through the Sunday of All Saints. After Pentecost, the singing of the Great Octoechos on weekdays continued until Saturday of Meatfare Week, on Sundays there was another cycle organised by the eleven "heothina" with their "exaposteilaria" and their "theotokia". In the daily practice the "prosomeia" of the Octoechos are combined with "idiomela" from the other books: On the fixed cycle, "i.e. ", dates of the calendar year, the Menaion and on the movable cycle, according to season, the Lenten Triodion (in combination from the previous year's Paschal cycle). The texts from these volumes displace some of those from the Octoechos. The less hymns are sung from the Octoechos the more have to be sung from the other books. On major feast days, hymns from the Menaion entirely displace those from the Octoechos except on Sundays, when only a few Great Feasts of the Lord eclipse the Octoechos. Note that the Octoechos contains sufficient texts, so that none of these other books needs to be used—a holdover from before the invention of printing and the completion and wide distribution of the rather large 12-volume Menaion—, but portions of the Octoechos (e.g., the last three stichera following "Lord, I have cried," the Hesperinos psalm 140) are seldom used nowadays and they are often completely omitted in the currently printed volumes. The Old Church Slavonic reception of the Greek octoechos. Even before a direct exchange between Slavic monks and monks of the Stoudios Monastery, papyrus fragments offer evidence of earlier translations of Greek hymns. The early fragments show that hymns and their melodies developed independently in an early phase until the 9th century. Cyril and Methodius and their followers within the Ohrid-School were famous for the translation of Greek hymnody between 863 and 893, but it is also a period of a reformative synthesis of liturgical forms, the creation of new hymnographical genres and their organisation in annual cycles. Slavic Oktoich or Osmoglasnik and Sbornik. Though the name of the book "Oktoich" derived from the Greek name Octoechos (Old Slavonic "Osmoglasnik," because "glas"" "is the Slavonic term for echos), the Slavic book did rather correspond to the unnotated Tropologion, and often it included the hymns of the Irmolog as well. The Slavic reception, although it can be regarded as faithful translation of the Byzantine books, is mainly based on early Theta notation, which was used by Slavic reformers in order to develop own forms of notation in Moscow and Novgorod (znamenny chant). The translation activities between 1062 and 1074 at the Kievan Pechersk Lavra had been realised without the help of South Slavic translators. The earliest known Slavonic manuscripts with neumes date from the late 11th or 12th century (mainly Stichirar, Kondakar and Irmolog). Concerning the earlier translations of the hymns and later translations in Russia, we can observe two different approaches to translation, one which favours the musical and metrical structure and another which favours the literal translation of the hymns. The school represented by Kliment of Ohrid, Naum, or Constantine of Preslav endeavoured to match the Greek text in the number of syllables in the hymns and to preserve the verse structure indicated by the corresponding neumes, but the resulting meaning of the hymns could change so considerably that, in certain cases, the only aspect the original and the translation had in common was the prescribed music, "i.e. ", the indicated melos and echos. On the other hand, the later translations during the missions in Russia had their emphasis on a literal translation of the texts, but this resulted in altering the metrical structure given by the avtomela and the heirmoi so much that the music had to be recomposed. Another difference between the two Slavic receptions was the tonal system. Since the Southern Slavic reception did not change the system the prosomoia, it corresponded to the Hagiopolitan Octoechos. Glas ("voice") 1–4 are the authentic modes or kyrioi echoi, and the remaining 5–8 are the plagal modes or plagioi echoi, the latter term coming from the Medieval Greek "plagios", "oblique" (from "plagos", "side"). Unlike the Western octoechos, "glas" 5–8 (the plagioi echoi) used the same octave species like "glas" 1–4, but their final notes were a fifth lower on the bottom of the pentachord with respect to the finales of the kyrioi on the top of each pentachord, the melodic range composed in the plagioi was usually smaller. There was an alternative tonal system based on the "obihodniy zvukoryad" which was used in the Northern Slavic reception in Novgorod. It was based on a hexaechos, since it used a tone system based on triphonia with three modes organised in fourth equivalence. Often the Parakletike was divided in two volumes as Pettoglasniks. Another popular book, also characteristic for the Obihod reception, was the so-called Sbornik ("Anthologion" or better "Synekdemos")—a chant book which contained all the chant of the divine liturgy, including proper chant of the Sticherarion books (Miney, the Triods, and the Oktoich). Print editions with musical notation. Today heirmological melodies used primarily for canons have their own octoechos mele and their tempo, which employ a slightly modified scale for each tone; in canons, each troparion in an ode uses the meter and melody of the ode's irmos (analogous to prosomoia for sticheraric modes of a tone) and, therefore, even when a canon's irmos is never sung, its irmos is nonetheless specified so as to indicate the melody. A volume called an "Irmolog" contains the irmosi of all the canons of all eight tones as well as a few sundry other pieces of music. Abridged versions of the Octoechos printed with musical notation were frequently published. As simple Octoechos they provided the hymns for the evening (večernaja molitva) and morning service (utrenna) between Saturday and Sunday. In Russia the Oktoich was the very first book printed (incunabulum) in Cyrillic typeface, which was published in Poland (Kraków) in 1491—by Schweipolt Fiol, a German native of Franconia. Only seven copies of this first publication are known to remain and the only complete one is in the collection of the Russian National Library. In 1905 the Zograf Monastery published a set of Slavonic chant books whose first volume is the Voskresnik with the repertoire of the simple Osmoglasnik. Within the Russian Orthodox church a chant book Octoechos with notated with kryuki developed during the late 15th century. The first print edition "Oktoikh notnago peniya, sirech' Osmoglasnik" was published with Kievan staff notation in 1772. It included hymns in Znamenny Chant as well as the melodic models (avtomela) for different types of hymns for each Glas. Caveat. Northern Slavs in modern times often do not use the eight-tone music system—although they always do use the book "Octoechos"—rather singing all hymns in the same scale but with different melodies for each tone for each of several types of classifications of hymns. Oriental hymnals. Although the Georgian Iadgari is not the oldest manuscript among the complete tropologia which could be preserved until the present day, the Iadgari offers the most complete insight into the development of hymnography and the cathedral rite of Jerusalem. Other hymn books developed between the 7th and the 11th centuries starting from the Hagiopolitan hymn reform of 692. They contain "stichera, kontakia" all kinds of "troparia" and "canons" without being necessarily dependent on the tradition of Byzantine chant and later developments of the Stoudios Monastery since the 9th century. The reason of this independence is, that the church history of Armenia and Georgia preceded the Byzantine imperial age about 50 years and both traditions were more oriented to the Patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem. This section describes Oriental and Caucasian hymnals as they have been used by Armenians until the genocide by the end of the Ottoman Empire, and as they are still used among Orthodox Christians in Syria, Persia, Armenia and Georgia. Syrian Tropligin. The Tropologion developed also in Syria and was called in Syriac Tropligin. A Syriac translation of the "Octoechos of Antioch", tropologion created by Severus of Antioch, Paul of Edessa and John Psaltes (early sixth century), was copied in 675, but still during the 9th century Tropligins were organised in a similar way like the Georgian Iadgari. The Syriac Orthodox Church today still makes use of a system of eight modes (usually classified as "makam"). Each hymn (Syriac: "qolo", plural: "qole") is composed in one of these eight modes. Some modes have variants ("shuhlophe") similar to the "special melodies" mentioned above. Only skilled chanters can master these variants. The modal cycle consists of eight weeks. Each Sunday or Feast day is assigned one of the eight modes. During the weekday offices, known in Syriac by the name "Shhimo", the 1st and 5th modes are paired together, so are the 2nd and 6th, the 3rd and 7th, and the 4th and 8th. If a particular Sunday makes use of the 1st mode, the following Monday is sung with the 5th mode, Tuesday with the 1st mode, etc., with the pair alternating every day of the week (see the table provided in "Guide to the Eight Modes" in the External Links below). The ecclesiastical year starts with "Qudosh `Idto" (The Consecration of the Church), a feast observed on the eighth Sunday before Christmas ("Yaldo"). The 1st mode is sung on this day. The following Sunday makes use of the 2nd mode, and so on, repeating the cycle until it starts again the next year. The cycle is interrupted only by feasts which have their own tones assigned to them. Similar to the Byzantine usage, each day of Easter Week has its own mode, except the Syriacs do not skip the 7th mode. Thus, the Sunday after Easter, called New Sunday ("Hadto") is in the 8th mode rather than the 1st. In one type of hymn used by the Syriac Church, the "Qole Shahroye" (Vigils), each of the modes is dedicated to a theme: The 1st and 2nd modes are dedicated to the Virgin Mary, the 3rd and 4th to the saints, the 5th and 6th to penitence, and the 7th and 8th to the departed. The primary collection of hymns in the eight modes is the "Beth Gazo d-ne`motho", or "Treasury of Chants." Armenian Šaraknoc'. In the Armenian Apostolic Church, the system of eight modes is referred to as "oot tzayn" (eight voices). Although there is no structural relation between the Greek and Armenian modes, the division into "authentic" and "plagal" modes is parallel. In Armenian terminology, the "Authentic" modes are referred to as "Voice" ("Tzayn") and the "Plagal" modes are called "Side" ("Koghm"), and are utilized in the following order: This order is important, because it is the order in which the modes are used liturgically and different from the order of the Greek traditions. Instead of using one tone per week, the Armenians use one tone per day. Easter Sunday is always the First Voice, the next day is First Side, and so on throughout the year. However, the cycle does not actually begin on Easter day, but counts backwards from Easter Sunday to the First Sunday in Lent, which is always Forth Side, regardless of what mode the previous day was. Each mode of the "oot tzayn" has one or more "tartzwadzk‘" (auxiliary) modes. The "Šaraknoc"' is the book which contains the "Šarakan", or "Šaragan" (Canons), hymns which constitute the substance of the musical system of Armenian liturgical chant in the eight modes. Originally, these were Psalms and Biblical Canticles that were chanted during the services. A "Sharagan" was composed of verses which were interspersed between the scriptural verses. Eventually, the "Šarakan" replaced the biblical text entirely. In addition, the eight modes are applied to the psalms of the Night office, called "Kanonaklookh" (Canon head). the Armenian Church also makes use of other modes outside of the "oot tzayn".

day-to-day usage

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=44219

Mel Columcille Gerard Gibson (born January 3, 1956) is an American actor, film director, producer, and screenwriter. He is best known for his action hero roles, particularly his breakout role as Max Rockatansky in the first three films of the post-apocalyptic action series "Mad Max" and as Martin Riggs in the buddy cop film series "Lethal Weapon". Born in Peekskill, New York, Gibson moved with his parents to Sydney, Australia, when he was 12 years old. He studied acting at the National Institute of Dramatic Art, where he starred opposite Judy Davis in a production of "Romeo and Juliet". During the 1980s, he founded Icon Entertainment, a production company, which independent film director Atom Egoyan has called "an alternative to the studio system". Director Peter Weir cast him as one of the leads in the World War I drama "Gallipoli" (1981), which earned Gibson a Best Actor Award from the Australian Film Institute, as well as a reputation as a serious, versatile actor. In 1995, Gibson produced, directed, and starred in "Braveheart", a historical epic, for which he won the Golden Globe Award for Best Director, the Academy Award for Best Director, and the Academy Award for Best Picture. He later directed and produced "The Passion of the Christ", a biblical drama that was both financially successful and highly controversial. He received further critical notice for his directorial work of the action-adventure film "Apocalypto" (2006), which is set in Mesoamerica during the early 16th century. After several legal issues and controversial statements leaked to the public, Gibson's public image plummeted significantly, affecting his careers in acting and directing. His career began seeing resurgence with his performance in Jodie Foster's "The Beaver" (2011), and his directorial comeback after an absence of 10 years, "Hacksaw Ridge" (2016), which won two Academy Awards and was nominated for another four, including Best Picture and Best Director for Gibson, his second nomination in the category. Early life. Gibson was born in Peekskill, New York of Irish descent, the sixth of eleven children, and the second son of Hutton Gibson, a writer, and Irish-born Anne Patricia (née Reilly, died 1990). Gibson's paternal grandmother was opera contralto Eva Mylott (1875–1920), who was born in Australia, to Irish parents, while his paternal grandfather, John Hutton Gibson, was a millionaire tobacco businessman from the American South. One of Gibson's younger brothers, Donal, is also an actor. Gibson stated his first name is derived from St Mel's Cathedral, the fifth-century Irish saint, and founder of Gibson's mother's local native diocese, Ardagh. His second name, Colmcille, is also shared by an Irish saint, and is the name of the Aughnacliffe parish in County Longford where Gibson's mother was born and raised. Because of his mother, Gibson retains dual Irish and American citizenship. Gibson is also an Australian permanent resident. Gibson's father was awarded US$145,000 in a work-related-injury lawsuit against the New York Central Railroad on February 14, 1968, and soon afterwards relocated his family to West Pymble, Sydney, Australia. Mel was twelve years old at the time. The move to his grandmother's native Australia was for economic reasons, and his father's expectation that the Australian Defence Forces would reject his eldest son for the draft during the Vietnam War. During his high school years, Gibson was educated by members of the Congregation of Christian Brothers at St Leo's Catholic College in Wahroonga, New South Wales. Career. Overview. Gibson gained very favorable notices from film critics when he first entered the cinematic scene, as well as comparisons to several classic movie stars. In 1982, Vincent Canby wrote that "Mr. Gibson recalls the young Steve McQueen... I can't define 'star quality,' but whatever it is, Mr. Gibson has it." Gibson has also been likened to "a combination Clark Gable and Humphrey Bogart." Gibson's roles in the "Mad Max" series of films, Peter Weir's "Gallipoli" (1981), and the "Lethal Weapon" series of films earned him the label of "action hero". Later, Gibson expanded into a variety of acting projects including human dramas such as the Franco Zeffirelli film version of "Hamlet" (1990), and comedic roles such as those in "Maverick" (1994) and "What Women Want" (2000). He expanded beyond acting into directing and producing, with: "The Man Without a Face" (1993), "Braveheart" (1995), "The Passion of the Christ" (2004), and "Apocalypto" (2006). Jess Cagle of "Time" compared Gibson with Cary Grant, Sean Connery, and Robert Redford. Connery once suggested Gibson should play the next James Bond to Connery's "M". Gibson turned down the role, reportedly because he feared being typecast. Stage. Gibson studied at the National Institute of Dramatic Art (NIDA) in Sydney. The students at NIDA were classically trained in the British-theater tradition rather than in preparation for screen acting. As students, Gibson and actress Judy Davis played the leads in "Romeo and Juliet", and Gibson played the role of Queen Titania in an experimental production of "A Midsummer Night's Dream." After graduation in 1977, Gibson immediately began work on the filming of "Mad Max", but continued to work as a stage actor, and joined the State Theatre Company of South Australia in Adelaide. Gibson's theatrical credits include the character Estragon (opposite Geoffrey Rush) in "Waiting for Godot", and the role of Biff Loman in a 1982 production of "Death of a Salesman" in Sydney. Gibson's most recent theatrical performance, opposite Sissy Spacek, was the 1993 production of "Love Letters" by A. R. Gurney, in Telluride, Colorado. Australian television and cinema. While a student at NIDA, Gibson made his film debut in the 1977 film "Summer City", for which he was paid $400. Gibson then played the title character in the film "Mad Max" (1979). He was paid $15,000 for this role. Shortly after making the film he did a season with the South Australian Theatre Company. During this period he shared a $30 a week apartment in Adelaide with his future wife Robyn. After "Mad Max", Gibson also played a mentally slow youth in the film "Tim" (also 1979). During this period Gibson also appeared in Australian television series guest roles. He appeared in serial "The Sullivans" as naval lieutenant Ray Henderson, in police procedural "Cop Shop", and in the pilot episode of prison serial "Punishment" which was produced in 1980, screened 1981. Gibson joined the cast of the World War II action film "Attack Force Z", which was not released until 1982 when Gibson had become a bigger star. Director Peter Weir cast Gibson as one of the leads in the World War I drama "Gallipoli" (1981), which earned Gibson another Best Actor Award from the Australian Film Institute. "Gallipoli" also helped to earn Gibson the reputation of a serious, versatile actor and gained him the Hollywood agent Ed Limato. The sequel "Mad Max 2" (1982) was his first hit in America, where it was released as "The Road Warrior". Gibson again received positive notices for his role in Peter Weir's romantic thriller "The Year of Living Dangerously" (1982). Following a one-year hiatus from film acting after the birth of his twin sons, Gibson took on the role of Fletcher Christian in "The Bounty" (1984). Gibson earned his first million dollar salary for playing Max Rockatansky for the third time, in "Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome" (1985). Hollywood. Mel Gibson's first American film was Mark Rydell's drama "The River" (1984), in which he and Sissy Spacek played struggling Tennessee farmers. Gibson then starred in the Gothic romance "Mrs. Soffel" (also 1984) for Australian director Gillian Armstrong. He and Matthew Modine played condemned convict brothers opposite Diane Keaton as the warden's wife who visits them to read the Bible. In 1985, after working on four films in a row, Gibson took almost two years off at his Australian cattle station. He returned to play the role of Martin Riggs in "Lethal Weapon" (1987), a film which helped to cement his status as a Hollywood "leading man". Gibson's next film was Robert Towne's "Tequila Sunrise" (1988), followed by "Lethal Weapon 2" (1989). Gibson next starred in three films back-to-back, all released in 1990: "Bird on a Wire", "Air America", and "Hamlet". During the 1990s, Gibson alternated between commercial and personal projects. His films in the first half of the decade were "Forever Young", "Lethal Weapon 3", "Maverick", and "Braveheart". He then starred in "Ransom", "Conspiracy Theory", "Lethal Weapon 4", and "Payback". Gibson also served as the speaking and singing voice of John Smith in Disney's "Pocahontas". Gibson was paid a record salary of $25 million to appear in "The Patriot" (2000). It grossed over $100 million, as did two other films he featured in that year "Chicken Run", and "What Women Want". In 2002, Gibson appeared in the Vietnam War drama "We Were Soldiers" and M. Night Shyamalan's "Signs", which became the highest-grossing film of Gibson's acting career. While promoting "Signs", Gibson said that he no longer wanted to be a movie star and would only act in film again if the script were truly extraordinary. In 2010, Gibson appeared in "Edge of Darkness", which marked his first starring role since 2002 and was an adaptation of the BBC miniseries, "Edge of Darkness". In 2010, following an outburst at his ex-girlfriend that was made public, Gibson was dropped from the talent agency of William Morris Endeavor. Gibson also played two villains: Voz in "Machete Kills" in 2013, opposite Danny Trejo, and Conrad Stonebanks in "The Expendables 3" opposite Sylvester Stallone in 2014. Gibson appeared in the lead role of director S. Craig Zahler's police brutality-themed film "Dragged Across Concrete", released in 2018. He then starred in "The Professor and the Madman" – he and the director both disowned the film. Producer. After his success in Hollywood with the "Lethal Weapon" series, Gibson began to move into producing and directing. With partner Bruce Davey, Gibson formed Icon Productions in 1989 in order to make "Hamlet". In addition to producing or co-producing many of Gibson's own star vehicles, Icon has turned out many other small films, ranging from "Immortal Beloved" to "An Ideal Husband". Gibson has taken supporting roles in some of these films, such as "The Million Dollar Hotel" and "The Singing Detective". Gibson has also produced a number of projects for television, including a biopic on the Three Stooges and the 2008 PBS documentary "Carrier". Icon has grown from being just a production company to also be an international distribution company and film exhibitor in Australia and New Zealand. In June 2010, Gibson was in Brownsville, Texas, filming scenes for the film "How I Spent My Summer Vacation", about a career criminal put in a tough prison in Mexico. In October 2010, it was reported that Gibson would have a small role in "The Hangover Part II", but he was removed from the film after the cast and crew objected to his involvement. Director. Gibson has credited his directors, particularly George Miller, Peter Weir, and Richard Donner, with teaching him the craft of filmmaking and influencing him as a director. According to Robert Downey Jr., studio executives encouraged Gibson in 1989 to try directing, an idea he rebuffed at the time. Gibson made his directorial debut in 1993 with "The Man Without a Face", followed two years later by "Braveheart", which earned Gibson the Academy Award for Best Director. Gibson had long planned to direct a remake of "Fahrenheit 451", but in 1999 the project was indefinitely postponed because of scheduling conflicts. Gibson was scheduled to direct Robert Downey Jr. in a Los Angeles stage production of "Hamlet" in January 2001, but Downey's drug relapse ended the project. In 2002, while promoting "We Were Soldiers" and "Signs" to the press, Gibson mentioned that he was planning to pare back on acting and return to directing. In September 2002, Gibson announced that he would direct a film called "The Passion" in Aramaic and Latin with no subtitles because he hoped to "transcend language barriers with filmic storytelling." In 2004, he released the controversial film "The Passion of the Christ", with subtitles, which he co-wrote, co-produced, and directed. The film went on to become the highest-grossing rated R film of all time with $370,782,930 in U.S. box office sales. Gibson directed a few episodes of "Complete Savages" for the ABC network. In 2006, he directed the action-adventure film "Apocalypto", his second film to feature sparse dialogue in a non-English language. In November 2016, film critic Matt Zoller Seitz named Gibson as "the pre-eminent religious filmmaker in the United States". As a director, Gibson sometimes breaks the tension on set by having his actors perform serious scenes wearing a red clown nose. Helena Bonham Carter, who appeared alongside him in "Hamlet", said of him, "He has a very basic sense of humor. It's a bit lavatorial and not very sophisticated." During the filming of "Hamlet", Gibson would relieve pressure on the set by mooning the cast and crew, directly following a serious scene. Gibson inserted a single frame of himself smoking a cigarette into the 2005 teaser trailer of "Apocalypto". Future projects. Gibson has expressed an intention to direct a movie set during the Viking Age, starring Leonardo DiCaprio. Like "The Passion of the Christ" and "Apocalypto", he wants this speculative film to feature dialogue in period languages. However, DiCaprio ultimately opted out of the project. In a 2012 interview, Gibson announced that the project, which he has titled "Berserker", was still moving forward. In 2011, it was announced that Gibson had commissioned a screenplay from Joe Eszterhas about the Maccabees. The film is to be distributed by Warner Brothers Pictures. The announcement generated significant controversy. In April 2012, Eszterhas wrote a letter to Gibson accusing him of sabotaging their film about the Maccabees because he "hates Jews", and cited a series of private incidents during which he allegedly heard Gibson express extremely racist views. Although written as a private letter, it was subsequently published on a film industry website. In response, Gibson stated that he still intends to make the film, but will not base it upon Eszterhas's script, which he called substandard. Eszterhas then claimed his son had secretly recorded a number of Gibson's alleged "hateful rants". In a 2012 interview, Gibson explained that the Maccabees film was still in preparation. He explained that he was drawn to the Biblical account of the uprising due to its similarity to the American Old West genre. In June 2016, Gibson announced that he will reunite with "Braveheart" screenwriter Randall Wallace to make a sequel for "The Passion of the Christ", focusing on the resurrection of Jesus. In early November 2016, Gibson revealed on "The Late Show with Stephen Colbert" that the sequel's title will be "The Passion of the Christ: Resurrection". He also stated that the project could "probably be three years off" because "it's a big subject". In May 2018, it was announced that Gibson would be directing a WWII film titled "Destroyer". "Destroyer", similar to "Hacksaw Ridge", will also deal with the Battle of Okinawa in the Pacific Theater, although from a different front. It will be based on the heroic story of the crew belonging to USS "Laffey" (DD-724), who defended their ship from 22 kamikaze attacks. As of 2019, Gibson's cancelled projects included a Richard Donner-helmed film with the working title "Sam and George". Film work. Gibson's screen acting career began in 1976, with a role on the Australian television series "The Sullivans". In his career, Gibson has appeared in 43 films, including the "Mad Max" and "Lethal Weapon" film series. In addition to acting, Gibson has also directed four films, including "Braveheart" and "The Passion of the Christ"; produced 11 films; and written two films. Films either starring or directed by Mel Gibson have earned over US$2.5 billion, in the United States alone. Gibson's filmography includes television series, feature films, television films, and animated films. "Mad Max" series. Gibson got his breakthrough role as the leather-clad post-apocalyptic survivor in George Miller's "Mad Max". The independently financed blockbuster helped to make him an international star. In the United States, the actors' Australian accents were dubbed with American accents. The original film spawned two sequels: "Mad Max 2" (known in North America as "The Road Warrior"), and "Mad Max 3" (known in North America as "Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome"). A fourth movie, "" (2015), was made with Tom Hardy in the title role. "Gallipoli". The 1981 Peter Weir film "Gallipoli" is about a group of young men from rural Western Australia who enlist in the Australian Imperial Force during World War I. They are sent to invade the Ottoman Empire, where they take part in the 1915 Gallipoli campaign. During the course of the movie, the young men slowly lose their innocence about the war. The climax of the movie centers on the catastrophic Australian offensive known as the Battle of the Nek. Peter Weir cast Gibson in the role of Frank Dunne, an Irish-Australian drifter with an intense cynicism about fighting for the British Empire. Newcomer Mark Lee was recruited to play the idealistic Archy Hamilton after participating in a photo session for the director. Gibson later recalled: "I'd auditioned for an earlier film and he told me right up front, 'I'm not going to cast you for this part. You're not old enough. But thanks for coming in, I just wanted to meet you.' He told me he wanted me for "Gallipoli" a couple of years later because I wasn't the archetypal Australian. He had Mark Lee, the angelic-looking, ideal Australian kid, and he wanted something of a modern sensibility. He thought the audience needed someone to relate to of their own time." Gibson later said that "Gallipoli" is, "Not really a war movie. That's just the backdrop. It's really the story of two young men." The critically acclaimed film helped to further launch Gibson's career. He won the award for Best Actor in a Leading Role from the Australian Film Institute. "The Year of Living Dangerously". Gibson played a naïve but ambitious journalist opposite Sigourney Weaver and Linda Hunt in Peter Weir's atmospheric 1982 film "The Year of Living Dangerously", based on the novel of the same name by Christopher Koch. The movie was both a critical and commercial success, and the upcoming Australian actor was heavily marketed by MGM studio. In his review of the film, Vincent Canby of "The New York Times" wrote, "If this film doesn't make an international star of Mr. Gibson, then nothing will. He possesses both the necessary talent and the screen presence." According to John Hiscock of "The Daily Telegraph", the film did, indeed, establish Gibson as an international talent. Gibson was initially reluctant to accept the role of Guy Hamilton. "I didn't necessarily see my role as a great challenge. My character was, like the film suggests, a puppet. And I went with that. It wasn't some star thing, even though they advertised it that way." Gibson saw some similarities between himself and the character of Guy. "He's not a silver-tongued devil. He's kind of immature and he has some rough edges and I guess you could say the same for me." "The Bounty". Gibson followed the footsteps of Errol Flynn, Clark Gable, and Marlon Brando by starring as Fletcher Christian in a cinematic retelling of the Mutiny on the "Bounty". The resulting 1984 film "The Bounty" is considered to be the most historically accurate version. However, Gibson has expressed a belief that the film's revisionism did not go far enough. He has stated that his character should have been portrayed as the film's antagonist. He has further praised Anthony Hopkins's performance as Lieutenant William Bligh as the best aspect of the film. "Lethal Weapon" series. Gibson moved into more mainstream commercial filmmaking with the popular action comedy series "Lethal Weapon", which began with the 1987 original. In the films he played LAPD Detective Martin Riggs, a recently widowed Vietnam veteran with a death wish and a penchant for violence and gunplay. In the films, he is partnered with a reserved family man named Roger Murtaugh (Danny Glover) and starting with the second film, they're joined by a hyperactive informant named Leo Getz (Joe Pesci). Following the success of "Lethal Weapon", director Richard Donner and principal cast revisited the characters in three sequels, "Lethal Weapon 2" (1989), "Lethal Weapon 3" (1993), and "Lethal Weapon 4" (1998). With its fourth installment, the "Lethal Weapon" series embodied "the quintessence of the buddy cop pic". The film series has since been rebooted with a television adaptation, currently airing on FOX. "Hamlet". Gibson made the unusual transition from action to classical drama, playing William Shakespeare's Danish prince in Franco Zeffirelli's "Hamlet". Gibson was cast alongside experienced Shakespearean actors Ian Holm, Alan Bates, and Paul Scofield. He compared working with Scofield to being "thrown into the ring with Mike Tyson". Scofield said of Gibson "Not the sort of actor you'd think would make an ideal Hamlet, but he had enormous integrity and intelligence." "Braveheart". In 1995, Mel Gibson directed, produced, and starred in "Braveheart", a biographical film of Sir William Wallace, a Scottish nationalist who was executed in 1305 for "high treason" against King Edward I of England. Gibson received two Academy Awards, Best Director and Best Picture, for his second directorial effort. In winning the Academy Award for Best Director, Gibson became only the sixth actor-turned-filmmaker to do so. "Braveheart" influenced the Scottish nationalist movement and helped to revive the film genre of the historical epic; the Battle of Stirling Bridge sequence is considered by critics to be one of the all-time best-directed battle scenes. The film's depiction of the Prince of Wales as an effeminate homosexual caused the film to be attacked by the Gay Alliance. The Gay Alliance was especially enraged by a scene in which King Edward I murders his son's male lover by throwing him out of a castle window. Gibson, who had previously been reported making several homophobic statements, now replied, "The fact that King Edward throws this character out a window has nothing to do with him being gay ... He's terrible to his son, to everybody." Gibson asserted that the reason that King Edward I kills his son's lover is because the king is a "psychopath". Gibson also expressed bewilderment that some filmgoers laughed at this murder: "The Passion of the Christ". Gibson directed, produced, co-wrote, and funded the film "The Passion of the Christ" (2004), which chronicled the passion and death of Jesus (Jim Caviezel). The film was shot exclusively in Aramaic, Latin, and Hebrew. Although Gibson originally intended to release the film without subtitles; he eventually relented for theatrical exhibition. The film sparked divergent reviews, ranging from high praise to criticism of the violence. The Anti-Defamation League accused Gibson of anti-semitism over the film's unflattering depiction of Caiaphas and the Sanhedrin. In "The Nation", reviewer Katha Pollitt said, "Gibson has violated just about every precept of the (United States Conference of Catholic Bishops) conference's own 1988 'Criteria' for the portrayal of Jews in dramatizations of the Passion (no bloodthirsty Jews, no rabble, no use of Scripture that reinforces negative stereotypes of Jews, etc.) ... The priests have big noses and gnarly faces, lumpish bodies, yellow teeth; Herod Antipas and his court are a bizarre collection of oily-haired, epicene perverts. The 'good Jews' look like Italian movie stars (Magdalene actually is an Italian movie star, the lovely Monica Bellucci); Mary, who would have been around 50 and appeared 70, could pass for a ripe 35." Among those to defend Gibson were Orthodox Jewish rabbi Daniel Lapin and radio personality Michael Medved. Referring to ADL National Director Abraham Foxman, Rabbi Lapin said that by calling "The Passion of the Christ" anti-semitic, "what he is saying is that the only way (for Christians) to escape the wrath of Foxman is to repudiate (their own) faith." In an interview with "The Globe and Mail", Gibson stated, "If anyone has distorted Gospel passages to rationalize cruelty towards Jews or anyone, it's in defiance of repeated Papal condemnation. The Papacy has condemned racism in any form... Jesus died for the sins of all times, and I'll be the first on the line for culpability". Eventually, the continued media attacks began to anger Gibson. After his father's Holocaust denial was sharply criticized in print by "The New York Times" writer Frank Rich, Gibson retorted, "I want to kill him. I want his intestines on a stick... I want to kill his dog." Gibson's Traditionalist Catholic upbringing was also the target of criticism. In a 2006 interview with Diane Sawyer, Gibson stated that he feels that his "human rights were violated" by the often vitriolic attacks on his person, his family, and his religious beliefs which were sparked by "The Passion". The film grossed US$611,899,420 worldwide and $370,782,930 in the U.S. alone, surpassing any motion picture starring Gibson. In U.S. box offices, it became the seventh-highest-grossing (at the time) film in history and the highest-grossing R-rated film of all time. The film was nominated for three Academy Awards and won the People's Choice Award for Favorite Dramatic Motion Picture. "Apocalypto". Gibson received further critical acclaim for his directing of the 2006 action-adventure film "Apocalypto". Gibson's fourth directorial effort is set in Mesoamerica during the early 16th century against the turbulent end times of a Maya civilization. The sparse dialogue is spoken in the Yucatec Maya language by a cast of Native American descent. Gibson himself has stated that the film is an attempt at making a deliberate point about great civilizations and what causes them to decline and disintegrate. Gibson said, "People think that modern man is so enlightened, but we're susceptible to the same forces—and we are also capable of the same heroism and transcendence." This theme is further explored by a quote from Will Durant, which is superimposed at the very beginning of the film: "A great civilization is not conquered from without until it has destroyed itself from within." "The Beaver". Gibson starred in "The Beaver", a domestic drama about a depressed alcoholic directed by former "Maverick" co-star Jodie Foster. "The Beaver" premiered at the South by Southwest Festival in Austin, Texas on March 16, 2011. The opening weekend in 22 theaters was considered a flop; it made $104,000 which comes to a per-theater average of $4,745. The film's distributor, Summit Entertainment, had originally planned for a wide release of "The Beaver" for the weekend of May 20, but after the initial box-office returns for the film, the company changed course and decided instead to give the film a "limited art-house run". Michael Cieply of "The New York Times" observed on June 5, 2011, that the film had cleared just about $1 million, making it a certified "flop". Director Jodie Foster opined that the film did not do well with American audiences because it was a dramedy, and "very often Americans are not comfortable with [that]". Before its release, much of the coverage focussed on the unavoidable association between the protagonist's issues and Mel Gibson's own well-publicized personal and legal problems (see ), including a conviction of battery of his ex-girlfriend. Wrote "Time" magazine: ""The Beaver" is a somber, sad domestic drama featuring an alcoholic in acute crisis ... It's hard to separate Gibson's true-life story from what's happening onscreen." "Hacksaw Ridge". In 2014, Gibson signed on to direct "Hacksaw Ridge", a World War II drama based on the true story of conscientious objector Desmond T. Doss, played by Andrew Garfield. The film premiered at the 73rd Venice Film Festival in September 2016 and received what "The New Zealand Herald" calls "rave reviews". It has won or been nominated for many awards, including Golden Globe nominations for Best Picture, Best Director for Gibson, and Best Actor for Garfield. "Hacksaw Ridge" was also nominated for an Academy Award for Best Picture, Best Director, Best Actor, Best Sound Editing, Best Sound Mixing, and Best Film Editing. The film grossed $164 million worldwide, four times its production costs. Personal life. Relationships. Gibson met Robyn Denise Moore in the late 1970s, soon after filming "Mad Max", in Adelaide, South Australia. At the time, Robyn was a dental nurse and Mel was an unknown actor working for the South Australian Theatre Company. On June 7, 1980, Mel and Robyn were married in a Catholic church in Forestville, New South Wales. They have one daughter, Hannah (b. 1980), and six sons: Edward (b. 1982), Christian (b. 1982), William (b. 1985), Louis (b. 1988), Milo (b. 1990), and Thomas (b. 1999); and three grandchildren . After 26 years of marriage, Mel and Robyn Gibson separated on July 29, 2006. In a 2011 interview, Gibson stated that the separation began the day following his arrest for drunk driving in Malibu. Robyn Gibson filed for divorce on April 13, 2009, citing irreconcilable differences. In a joint statement, the Gibsons declared, "Throughout our marriage and separation we have always striven to maintain the privacy and integrity of our family and will continue to do so." The divorce filing followed the March 2009 release of photographs appearing to show him on a beach embracing Russian pianist Oksana Grigorieva. Gibson's divorce was finalized on December 23, 2011, and the settlement with his ex-wife was said to be the highest in Hollywood history at over $400 million. The couple reportedly did not have a prenuptial agreement; because California is a community property state, Robyn was entitled to half of everything earned during the marriage. On April 28, 2009, Gibson made a red carpet appearance with Grigorieva. Grigorieva, who had previously had a son with actor Timothy Dalton, gave birth to Gibson's daughter Lucia on October 30, 2009. By April 2010, Gibson and Grigorieva had split. On June 21, 2010, Grigorieva filed a restraining order against Gibson to keep him away from her and their child. The restraining order was modified the next day regarding Gibson's contact with their child. Gibson obtained a restraining order against Grigorieva on June 25, 2010. Grigorieva accused Gibson of domestic violence, leading to an investigation by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department in July 2010. On July 9, 2010, some audio recordings of a rant, allegedly directed by Gibson toward Grigorieva, were posted on the internet. The same day Gibson was dropped by his agency, William Morris Endeavor. Gibson's estranged wife Robyn filed a court statement declaring that she never experienced any abuse from Gibson, while forensic experts have questioned the validity of some of the tapes, Gibson himself did not deny they were accurate at the time. In March 2011, Mel Gibson agreed to plead no contest to a misdemeanor battery charge. In April 2011, Gibson finally broke his silence about the incident in question. In an interview with "Deadline Hollywood", Gibson expressed gratitude to longtime friends Whoopi Goldberg and Jodie Foster, both of whom had spoken publicly in his defense. About the recordings, Gibson said, In the same interview, Gibson stated, In August 2011, Gibson settled with Grigorieva, who was awarded $750,000, joint legal custody, and a house in Sherman Oaks, California until their three-year-old daughter Lucia turns 18. In 2013, Grigorieva sued her attorneys accusing them of advising her to sign a bad agreement, including a term that taking legal action against Gibson would compromise her financial settlement. As of 2014, Gibson is in a relationship with former champion equestrian vaulter and writer Rosalind Ross. Ross gave birth to their son, and Gibson's ninth child, Lars Gerard, on January 20, 2017 in Los Angeles. Investments. Gibson is a property investor, with multiple properties in Malibu, California, several locations in Costa Rica, a private island in Fiji, and properties in Australia. In December 2004, Gibson sold his Australian farm in the Kiewa Valley for $6 million. Also in December 2004, Gibson purchased Mago Island in Fiji from Tokyu Corporation of Japan for $15 million. Descendants of the original native inhabitants of Mago, who were displaced in the 1860s, have protested the purchase. Gibson stated it was his intention to retain the pristine environment of the undeveloped island. In early 2005, he sold his Montana ranch to a neighbor. In April 2007 he purchased a ranch in Costa Rica for $26 million, and in July 2007 he sold his Tudor estate in Connecticut (which he purchased in 1994 for $9 million) for $40 million to an unnamed buyer. Also that month, he sold a Malibu property for $30 million that he had purchased for $24 million two years before. In 2008, he purchased the Malibu home of actors David Duchovny and Téa Leoni. Jersey Leaks. Records of Gibson using offshore accounts and business were revealed in the Jersey Leaks, records of more than 20,000 individuals held with the wealth management firm Kleinwort Benson. Philanthropy. Gibson and his former wife have contributed a substantial amount of money to various charities, one of which is Healing the Children. According to Cris Embleton, one of the founders, the Gibsons gave millions to provide lifesaving medical treatment to needy children worldwide. They also supported the restoration of Renaissance artwork and gave millions of dollars to NIDA. Gibson donated $500,000 to the El Mirador Basin Project to protect the last tract of virgin rain forest in Central America and to fund archeological excavations in the "cradle of Mayan civilization". In July 2007, Gibson again visited Central America to make arrangements for donations to the indigenous population. Gibson met with Costa Rican President Óscar Arias to discuss how to "channel the funds". During the same month, Gibson pledged to give financial assistance to a Malaysian company named Green Rubber Global for a tire recycling factory located in Gallup, New Mexico. While on a business trip to Singapore in September 2007, Gibson donated to a local charity for children with chronic and terminal illnesses. Gibson is also a supporter of Angels at Risk, a nonprofit organization focusing on education about drug and alcohol abuse among teens. In a 2011 interview, Gibson said of his philanthropic works, "It gives you perspective. It's one of my faults, you tend to focus on yourself a lot. Which is not always the healthiest thing for your psyche or anything else. If you take a little time out to think about other people, it's good. It's uplifting." Religious and political views. Faith. Gibson was raised a Sedevacantist traditionalist Catholic. During the filming of "The Passion of The Christ" he had daily visits from both local priests and priests from the Institute of Christ the King in France. When asked about the Catholic doctrine of "Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus", Gibson replied, "There is no salvation for those outside the Church ... I believe it. Put it this way. My wife is a saint. She's a much better person than I am. Honestly. She's ... Episcopalian, Church of England. She prays, she believes in God, she knows Jesus, she believes in that stuff. And it's just not fair if she doesn't make it, she's better than I am. But that is a pronouncement from the chair. I go with it." When he was asked whether John 14:6 is an intolerant position, he said that "through the merits of Jesus' sacrifice ... even people who don't know Jesus are able to be saved, but "through" him." Acquaintance Father William Fulco has said that Gibson denies neither the Pope nor Vatican II. Gibson later told Diane Sawyer that he believes non-Catholics and non-Christians can go to Heaven. In a 1990 interview with Barbara Walters, Gibson said: "God is the only one who knows how many children we should have, and we should be ready to accept them. One can't decide for oneself who comes into this world and who doesn't. That decision doesn't belong to us." Politics. Gibson has been described as "ultraconservative". In a July 1995 interview with "Playboy" magazine, Gibson said President Bill Clinton was a "low-level opportunist" and someone was "telling him what to do". He said that the Rhodes Scholarship was established for young men and women who want to strive for a "new world order" and this was a campaign for Marxism. Gibson later backed away from such conspiracy theories saying, "It was like: 'Hey, tell us a conspiracy'... so I laid out this thing, and suddenly, it was like I was talking the gospel truth, espousing all this political shit like I believed in it." In the same 1995 "Playboy" interview, Gibson argued against ordaining women to the priesthood. In 2004, he publicly spoke out against taxpayer-funded embryonic stem-cell research that involves the cloning and destruction of human embryos. In March 2005, he condemned the outcome of the Terri Schiavo case, referring to Schiavo's death as "state-sanctioned murder". Gibson questioned the Iraq War in March 2004. In 2006, Gibson said that the "fearmongering" depicted in his film "Apocalypto" "reminds me a little of President Bush and his guys." He later said in 2016 that he is anti-war but has an appreciation for the sacrifices made by "warriors". Gibson complimented filmmaker Michael Moore and his documentary "Fahrenheit 9/11" when he and Moore were recognized at the 2005 People's Choice Awards. Gibson's Icon Productions originally agreed to finance Moore's film, but later sold the rights to Miramax Films. Moore said that his agent Ari Emanuel claimed that "top Republicans" called Mel Gibson to tell him, "don't expect to get more invitations to the White House". Icon's spokesman dismissed this story, saying "We never run from a controversy. You'd have to be out of your mind to think that of the company that just put out "The Passion of the Christ"." In a 2011 interview, Gibson stated: "The whole notion of politics is they always present you with this or this or this. I'll get a newspaper to read between the lines. Why do you have to adhere to prescribed formulas that they have and people argue over them and they're all in a box. And you watch Fox claw CNN, and CNN claw Fox. Sometimes I catch a piece of the news and it seems insanity to me. I quietly support candidates. I'm not out there banging a drum for candidates. But I have supported a candidate and it's a whole other world. Once you've been exposed to it, once or twice or however many times, if you know the facts and see how they're presented, it's mind-boggling. It's a very scary arena to be in, but I do vote. I go in there and pull the lever. It's kind of like pulling the lever and watching the trap door fall out from beneath you. Why should we trust any of these people? None of them ever deliver on anything. It's always disappointing." Gibson revealed in a 2016 interview with Jorge Ramos that he voted for neither Donald Trump nor Hillary Clinton in the 2016 United States presidential election. In October 2020, Mel Gibson released a statement regarding Azerbaijan’s aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) and the Armenian people, expressing his solidarity with Armenians. Alcohol abuse and legal issues. Gibson has said that he started drinking at the age of 13. In a 2002 interview about his time at NIDA, Gibson said, "I had really good highs but some very low lows. I found out recently I'm manic depressive." Gibson was banned from driving in Ontario, Canada for three months in 1984, after rear-ending a car in Toronto while under the influence of alcohol. He retreated to his Australian farm for over a year to recover, but he continued to struggle with drinking. Despite this problem, Gibson gained a reputation in Hollywood for professionalism and punctuality such that frequent collaborator Richard Donner was shocked when Gibson confided that he was drinking five pints of beer for breakfast. Reflecting in 2003 and 2004, Gibson said that despair in his mid-30s led him to contemplate suicide, and he meditated on Christ's Passion to heal his wounds. He took more time off acting in 1991 and sought professional help. That year, Gibson's attorneys were unsuccessful at blocking the "Sunday Mirror" from publishing what Gibson shared at AA meetings. In 1992, Gibson provided financial support to Hollywood's Recovery Center, saying, "Alcoholism is something that runs in my family. It's something that's close to me. People do come back from it, and it's a miracle." On July 28, 2006, Gibson was arrested by Sheriff's Deputy James Mee of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department for driving under the influence (DUI) while speeding in his vehicle with an open container of alcohol, which is illegal in California. According to a 2011 article in "Vanity Fair", Gibson first told the arresting officer, "My life is over. I'm fucked. Robyn's going to leave me." According to the arrest report, Gibson exploded into an angry tirade when the arresting officer would not allow him to drive home. Gibson climaxed with the words, "Fucking Jews... the Jews are responsible for all the wars in the world. Are you a Jew?" After the arrest report was leaked on TMZ.com, Gibson issued two apologies through his publicist, and—in a televised interview with Diane Sawyer—he affirmed the accuracy of the quotations. He further apologized for his "despicable" behavior, saying that the comments were "blurted out in a moment of insanity", and asked to meet with Jewish leaders to help him "discern the appropriate path for healing." After Gibson's arrest, his publicist said he had entered a recovery program to battle alcoholism. On August 17, 2006, Gibson pleaded no contest to a misdemeanor drunken-driving charge and was sentenced to three years' probation. He was ordered to attend self-help meetings five times a week for four-and-a-half months and three times a week for the remainder of the first year of his probation. He was also ordered to attend a First Offenders Program, was fined $1,300, and his license was restricted for 90 days. At a May 2007 progress hearing, Gibson was praised for his compliance with the terms of his probation and his extensive participation in a self-help program beyond what was required. Gibson's controversial statements resulted in his being blacklisted in Hollywood for almost a decade. Robert Downey Jr. and journalist Allison Hope Weiner advocated for forgiveness for Gibson in 2014. In 2016, Gibson's film "Hacksaw Ridge" received Academy Award nominations, and actors and agencies were becoming eager to work with him again, which was perceived as a "thaw" for Gibson. Controversies. The Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD) accused Gibson of homophobia after a December 1991 interview in the Spanish newspaper "El País" in which he made derogatory comments about homosexuals. Gibson later defended his comments and rejected calls to apologize even as he faced fresh accusations of homophobia in the wake of his film "Braveheart". However, Gibson joined GLAAD in hosting 10 lesbian and gay filmmakers for an on-location seminar on the set of the movie "Conspiracy Theory" in January 1997. In 1999, when asked about the comments to "El País", Gibson said, "I shouldn't have said it, but I was tickling a bit of vodka during that interview, and the quote came back to bite me on the ass." In July 2010, Gibson had been recorded during a phone call with Oksana Grigorieva suggesting that if she got "raped by a pack of niggers", she would be to blame. Gibson was barred from coming near Grigorieva or their daughter due to a domestic violence-related restraining order. The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department launched a domestic violence investigation against Gibson, later dropped when Gibson pleaded no contest to a misdemeanor battery charge. Awards and honors. In 1985, Gibson was named the "Sexiest Man Alive" by "People", the first person to be named so. Gibson quietly declined the Chevalier des Arts et Lettres from the French government in 1995 as a protest against France's resumption of nuclear testing in the Southwest Pacific. On July 25, 1997, Gibson was named an honorary Officer of the Order of Australia (AO), in recognition of his "service to the Australian film industry". The award was honorary because substantive awards are made only to Australian citizens. Nominations References. Notes Bibliography Further reading

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The Panama national cricket team represents the Republic of Panama in international cricket competitions. The Panama Cricket Association became an affiliate member of the International Cricket Council (ICC) in 2002 and is an associate member since 2017. Their international debut is believed to have taken place against a side from Trinidad and Tobago in 1964. In April 2018, the ICC decided to grant full Twenty20 International (T20I) status to all its members. Therefore, all Twenty20 matches played between Panama and other ICC members after 1 January 2019 will be a full T20I. History. Cricket was introduced to Panama by colonials from the West Indies during the creation of the Panama Canal. After the colonials left the country, most of the nation's attention was turned to Cricket. The growing number of inhabitants of Indian origin created a group called the Indian Society. The purpose of this society was to create opportunities for relationships and to find new venues in which cricket could be played. Due to this effort, the popularity of the game grew. Panama joined the ICC as an Affiliate Member in 2002 and since then, cricket has been flourishing among the younger population of the country. 2018-Present. In April 2018, the ICC decided to grant full Twenty20 International (T20I) status to all its members. Therefore, all Twenty20 matches played between Panama and other ICC members after 1 January 2019 will be a full T20I. In September 2018,Panama took part in 2018–19 ICC T20 World Cup Americas Qualifier,finished on 3rd place in Northern Sub Region. Panama played their first ever Twenty20 International match against Costa Rica in 2019 Central American Cricket Championship. International competition. The team's first international matches in recent years came in a friendly series played against Venezuela in 2000, which Panama won 1–0. Panama was invited to play in the fourth South American Cricket Championships later that year. The team performed well in its first international tournament, finishing fourth of the seven teams. Panama has been playing without the services of a national coach. Playing in recent regional ICC tournaments, Panama has finished second and third, ahead of countries such as Belize, Brazil, and Turkey and Caicos. The most recent participation came in the 2010 Americas Division Two, held in the Bahamas, where the team won three matches out of four and only missed out on promotion on net run-rate. Development programme. The chief concern is the loss of cricket grounds. During recent years, four grounds have been lost to soccer due to financial difficulties. The Panama Cricket Association is therefore looking to a secure a ground for its national players. Plans are being made to start coaching for junior players but once again this is limited by finances as use of a gym is required, due to a rainy season that lasts for eight months of the year. Progress in Tournaments since 2002. In 2002, Panama was granted affiliate status by the ICC along with a number of other countries in the Americas Region. Two years later, they hosted their first international tournament, the Americas Affiliate Championships. They finished as runners up to the Bahamas, just missing out on qualification for the ICC Americas Championship. The affiliates tournament was expanded to a multi-division competition in 2006, and Panama was placed in Division Two. They finished third in that tournament, which was played in Argentina, behind the hosts and the Bahamas. They retained their place in Division Two for 2008. In this part of the competition, played in Suriname, Panama finished in third place and remained in the division for the next cycle, in 2010. In the same year, Panama also finished in 3rd place behind Suriname and the hosts, the Bahamas. In the 2011 Championship, Panama stayed as runners-up behind Suriname in Division 2. Panama entered and hosted the Central American Championships for the first time in 2009. They came in as favorites, being the strongest Central American international side, and won the competition. The tournament was their first international Twenty20 competition. Panama also took part in the America Regional T20 3rd Division Championship in Buenos Aires, Argentina in March 2014. Tournament history. ICC T20 World Cup Americas Qualifier. 2018-19-:3rd place Players. Panama's squad for 2019 Central American Cricket Championshipfrom 25-28 April 2019. Records. International Match Summary — Panama "Last updated 27 April 2019" Twenty20 International. Most T20I runs for Panama Most T20I wickets for Panama T20I record versus other nations "Records complete to T20I #770. Last updated 27 April 2019."

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SuperB was a proposed high-luminosity electron-positron collider that was to be used as a B-factory. The project started around 2001 and it was cancelled by the Italian government on 27 November 2012. The collider was initially supposed to be built on University of Rome 'Tor Vergata' campus near Rome, Italy, under the supervision of the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare. The location later changed to the site of Frascati National Laboratory (geographically, the change was only a few kilometers). The title "SuperB" referred to the fact that the collider was expected to produce very large quantities of B mesons. In the initial Conceptual Design Report, the accelerator was conceived to be a circular (actually, quite hexagonal) double ring 2249 meters in circumference; it would have accelerated electrons to 7 GeV and positrons to 4 GeV before colliding them. The project suggested to cut cost by reusing hardware from the PEP-II accelerator, which was decommissioned before the proposed start of building of SuperB. Also the BaBar detector's components would be reused in the project. It was estimated that the building and commissioning of the collider would take 5 years. Not much was said about the location where accelerator would be built (apart from the accelerator being built in Italy, perhaps near Rome). At the back cover of CDR the intended location was shown to be the campus of University of Rome Tor Vergata. In later plans, the accelerator changed shape into an ellipse shape with a linear injector part. The accelerator also became smaller, only 1250 meters in circumference (however the energies of the beams did not change), and finally the location changed to the site of Frascati National Laboratory. The plan was to have SuperB in an underground (quite shallow) tunnel below the Frascati National Laboratory's buildings. It was still planned to reuse PEP-II and BaBar hardware. The budget for the whole project was estimated to be of the order of 1 billion euro at the time of cancellation. Purpose. The designers hoped that SuperB would help to study the flavour sector of the Standard Model. SuperB was intended to give further information about any new physics found by the Large Hadron Collider. It may also have been able to check for sources of CP violation, which may contribute to an understanding of why the universe is full of matter and not antimatter. Accepted physical theory indicates that at the Big Bang equal quantities of matter and antimatter were created. However, when matter and antimatter meet they annihilate one another, so we should expect the universe to be empty. Physicists believe that CP violation may account for the discrepancy, and the designers hoped that SuperB may be able to throw light on the question. They expected that SuperB will be able to make much more precise checks for CP violation than has been possible in the past. SuperB should have made it possible to observe matter and antimatter coexisting much as they did in the first moments of the universe, by means of the uncertainty principle. This situation is very unstable, and lasts for only a very brief time, but it was hoped to be able to take billions of quick glimpses, and thus build up a picture of what is happening. Computing. The collaboration was investigating the use of grid resources to deliver the computing power needed by the experiment. This was after the success of the LHC Computing Grid (wLCG) used by the LHC experiments. The SuperB VO has been using resources provided by INFN Grid, France Grilles, Polish Grid Infrastructure PL-Grid and GridPP.

oval design

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=21363

Nicaragua is a nation in Central America. It is located about midway between Mexico and Colombia, bordered by Honduras to the north and Costa Rica to the south. Nicaragua ranges from the Caribbean Sea on the nation's east coast, and the Pacific Ocean bordering the west. Nicaragua also possesses a series of islands and cays located in the Caribbean Sea. Nicaragua's name is derived from Nicarao, the name of the Nahuatl-speaking tribe which inhabited the shores of Lake Nicaragua before the Spanish conquest of the Americas, and the Spanish word "agua", meaning water, due to the presence of the large Lake Cocibolca (or Lake Nicaragua) and Lake Managua (or Lake Xolotlán), as well as lagoons and rivers in the region. Pre-Columbian Nicaragua. The Nawa language group of people migrated from Central Mexico after 500 CE. Mostthis area are related to Chibcha, spoken by groups in northern Colombia. Eastern Nicaragua's population consisted of extended families or tribes. Food was obtained by hunting, fishing, and slash-and-burn agriculture. Crops like cassava and pineapples were the staple foods. The people of eastern Nicaragua appear to have traded with and been influenced by the native peoples of the Caribbean, as round thatched huts and canoes, both typical of the Caribbean, were common in eastern Nicaragua. When the Spanish arrived in western Nicaragua in the early 16th century, they found three principal tribes, each with a different culture and language: the Niquirano, the Chorotegano, and the Chontal. Each one of these diverse groups occupied much of Nicaragua territory, with independent chieftains who ruled according to each group's laws and customs. Their weapons consisted of swords, lances, and arrows made out of wood. Monarchy was the form of government of most tribes; the supreme ruler was the chief, or cacique, who, surrounded by his princes, formed the nobility. Laws and regulations were disseminated by royal messengers who visited each township and assembled the inhabitants to give their chief's orders. Occupying the territory between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific Coast, the Niquirano were governed by chief Nicarao, or Nicaragua, a rich ruler who lived in Nicaraocali, now the city of Rivas. The Chorotegano lived in the central region. These two groups had intimate contact with the Spanish conquerors, paving the way for the racial mix of native and European stock now known as mestizos. The Chontal (which means foreigner in Nahua) occupied the central mountain region. This group was smaller than the other two, and it is not known when they first settled in Nicaragua. In the west and highland areas where the Spanish settled, the indigenous population was almost completely wiped out by the rapid spread of new diseases brought by the Spaniards, for which the native population had no immunity, and the virtual enslavement of the remainder of the indigenous people. In the east, where the Europeans did not settle, most indigenous groups survived. The English introduced guns and ammunition to one of the local peoples, the Bawihka, who lived in northeast Nicaragua. The Bawihka later intermarried with runaway slaves from Britain's Caribbean possessions, and the resulting population, with its access to superior weapons, began to expand its territory and push other indigenous groups into the interior. This Afro-indigenous group became known to the Europeans as Miskito, and the displaced survivors of their expansionist activities were called the Mayangna. Spanish conquest. Nicaragua was first discovered by Europeans when Christopher Columbus invaded from Honduras and explored the eastern coast on his fourth voyage in 1502. In 1522, the first Spaniards entered the region of what would become known as Nicaragua. Gil González Dávila with a small force reached its western portion after a trek through Costa Rica. He proceeded to explore the fertile western valleys and was impressed with the Indian civilization he found there. He and his small army gathered gold and baptized Indians along the way. Eventually, they became so imposed upon the Indians that they were attacked and nearly annihilated. González Dávila returned to his expedition's starting point in Panama and reported on his find, naming the area "Nicaragua". However, governor Pedrarias Dávila attempted to arrest him and confiscate his treasure. He was forced to flee to Santo Domingo to outfit another expedition. Within a few months, Nicaragua was invaded by several Spanish forces, each led by a conquistador. González Dávila was authorized by royal decree and came in from the Caribbean coast of Honduras. Francisco Hernández de Córdoba at the command of the governor of Panama approached from Costa Rica. Pedro de Alvarado and Cristóbal de Olid at the command of Hernán Cortés, came from Guatemala through San Salvador and Honduras. Córdoba apparently came with the intention of colonization. In 1524, he established permanent settlements in the region, including two of Nicaragua's principal towns: Granada on Lake Nicaragua and León west of Lake Managua. But he soon found it necessary to prepare defenses for the cities and go on the offensive against incursions by the other conquistadores. The inevitable clash between the Spanish forces devastated the indigenous population. The Indian civilization was destroyed. The series of battles came to be known as "The War of the Captains". By 1529, the conquest of Nicaragua was complete. Several conquistadores came out winners, and some were executed or murdered. Pedrarias Dávila was one such winner. Although he lost control of Panama, he moved to Nicaragua and established his base in León. The land was parceled out to the conquistadores. The area of most interest was the western portion. It included a wide, fertile valley with huge, freshwater lakes, a series of volcanoes, and volcanic lagoons. Many Indians were soon enslaved to develop and maintain "estates" there. Others were put to work in mines in northern Nicaragua, but the great majority were sent as slaves to Panama and Peru, for significant profit to the new landed aristocracy. Many Indians died through disease and neglect by the Spaniards, who controlled everything necessary for their subsistence. From colony to state. In 1538, the Viceroyalty of New Spain was established, encompassing all of Mexico and Central America, except Panama. By 1570, the southern part of New Spain was designated the Captaincy General of Guatemala. The area of Nicaragua was divided into administrative "parties" with León as the capital. In 1610, the volcano known as Momotombo erupted, destroying the capital. It was rebuilt northwest of its original site. The history of Nicaragua remained relatively static for three hundred years following the conquest. There were minor civil wars and rebellions, but they were quickly suppressed. The region was subject to frequent raids by Dutch, French and British pirates, with the city of Granada being invaded twice, in 1658 and 1660. Fight for independence. Nicaraguans were divided over Spanish monarchy and independence. In 1811, Nicolás García Jerez, a priest decided to make concession with pro-independence figures.He proposed holding elections for each barrios, in order to form a government junta. However, he soon declared himself as governor and threatened to punish rebellions by death. Nicaraguans were divided over monarchy and independence. This division made Nicaragua the most active civil battleground in Latin America. The citizens of Leon were the first to act against the Spanish monarchy. They overthrew the local intendente Jose Salvador on December 13, 1811. Granada followed Leon's move with a vote of confidence, and demanded retirement of Spanish officials. The Spanish constitution of 1812 granted more independence to local administrations, and Garcia Perez was appointed as the intendente of Nicaragua. Nicaragua became a part of the First Mexican Empire in 1821, was a part of the United Provinces of Central America in 1823, and then became an independent republic in its own right in 1838. The Mosquito Coast based on Bluefields on the Atlantic was claimed by the United Kingdom as a protectorate from 1655 to 1850. This area was designated to Honduras in 1859 and transferred to Nicaragua in 1860, though it remained autonomous until 1894. Much of Nicaragua's politics since independence has been characterized by the rivalry between the liberal elite of León and the conservative elite of Granada. The rivalry often degenerated into civil war, particularly during the 1840s and 1850s. Initially invited by the Liberals in 1855 to join their struggle against the Conservatives, a United States adventurer named William Walker declared himself President in 1856 and made English the official language. (See Walker affair.) Honduras and other Central American countries united to drive him out of Nicaragua in 1857, after which a period of three decades of Conservative rule ensued. They were supported by the United States industrialist Cornelius Vanderbilt, who had originally sponsored Walker in Nicaragua. Walker was executed in neighboring Honduras on September 12, 1860. Three decades of Conservative rule followed. Taking advantage of divisions within the conservative ranks, José Santos Zelaya led a liberal revolt that brought him to power in 1893. Zelaya ended the longstanding dispute with the United Kingdom over the Atlantic coast in 1894, and "reincorporated" the Mosquito Coast into Nicaragua. US interventions. Because of the strategic importance of Nicaragua in the hemisphere, the United States (US) made numerous military interventions to protect what it believed were its interests in the region: United States occupation (1909–1933). In 1909, the United States provided political support to conservative-led forces rebelling against President Zelaya. U.S. motives included differences over the proposed Nicaragua Canal, Nicaragua's potential as a destabilizing influence in the region, and Zelaya's attempts to regulate foreign access to Nicaraguan natural resources. On November 17, 1909, two Americans were executed by order of Zelaya after the two men confessed to having laid a mine in the San Juan River with the intention of blowing up the "Diamante". The U.S. justified the intervention by claiming to protect U.S. lives and property. Zelaya resigned later that year. In August 1912, the President of Nicaragua, Adolfo Díaz, requested the resignation of the Secretary of War, General Luis Mena. Concerned that Díaz was leading an insurrection, Mena fled Managua with his brother, the Chief of Police of Managua, and the insurrection escalated. When the U.S. Legation asked President Adolfo Díaz to ensure the safety of American citizens and property during the insurrection, Díaz replied that he could not and that... In consequence my Government desires that the Government of the United States guarantee with its forces security for the property of American Citizens in Nicaragua and that it extend its protection to all the inhabitants of the Republic.United States Marines were stationed in Nicaragua from 1912 to 1933, except for a nine-month period beginning in 1925. From 1910 to 1926, the conservative party ruled Nicaragua. The Chamorro family, which had long dominated the party, effectively controlled the government during that period. In 1914, the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty was signed, giving the U.S. control over the proposed canal, as well as leases for potential canal defenses. Nicaraguan civil war (1926–1927). Following the evacuation of U.S. Immigrants in 1925, another violent conflict between liberals and conservatives known as the Constitutionalist War took place in 1926, when Liberal soldiers in the Caribbean port of Puerto Cabezas revolted against Conservative President Adolfo Díaz, recently installed as a result of United States pressure following a coup. The leader of this revolt, Gen. José María Moncada, declared that he supported the claim of exiled Liberal vice-president Juan Bautista Sacasa, who arrived in Puerto Cabezas in December, declaring himself president of a "constitutional" government. The U.S., using the threat of military intervention, forced the Liberal generals to agree to a cease-fire. On May 4, 1927, representatives from the two warring factions signed the Pact of Espino Negro, negotiated by Henry Stimson, appointed by U.S. President Calvin Coolidge as a special envoy to Nicaragua. Under the terms of the accord, both sides agreed to disarm, Díaz would be allowed to finish his term and a new national army would be established, the Guardia Nacional (National Guard), with U.S. soldiers remaining in the country to supervise the upcoming November presidential election. Later, a battalion of the U.S army under the command of Gen. Logan Feland arrived to enforce the agreement. 1927–1933. The only Nicaraguan general to refuse to sign this pact ("el tratado del Espino Negro") was Augusto César Sandino. He took refuge in the northern mountains of Las Segovias. He led a sustained guerrilla war, first against the Conservative regime and subsequently against the U.S. Marines, who withdrew upon the establishment of a new Liberal government. When the Americans left in 1933 as a result of Sandino's guerrilla war and the Great Depression, they set up the Guardia Nacional (National Guard), a combined military and police force trained and equipped by the Americans, designed to be loyal to U.S. interests. Anastasio Somoza García, a close friend of the American government, was put in charge. He was one of the three rulers of the country, the others being Sandino and the mostly figurehead President Juan Bautista Sacasa. Sandino and the newly elected Sacasa government reached an agreement by which he would cease his guerrilla activities in return for amnesty, a grant of land for an agricultural colony, and retention of an armed band of 100 men for a year. The Nicaraguan Campaign Medal, a decoration of the United States Navy, was later issued for those American service members who had performed military duty in Nicaragua during the early years of the 20th century. There followed a growing hostility between Sandino and Anastasio Somoza Garcia, chief of the national guard, which prompted Somoza to order the assassination of Sandino. Fearing future armed opposition from Sandino, Somoza invited him to a meeting in Managua, where Sandino was assassinated on February 21 of 1934 by the National Guard. Following the death of Sandino was the execution of hundreds of men, women, and children. Somoza Dynasty (1936–1979). Anastasio Somoza García's rule. With Sandino's death and using his troops, the National Guard, to force Sacasa to resign, Somoza had taken control of the country in 1937 and destroyed any potential armed resistance. The Somoza family would rule until 1979. The earliest opposition to Somoza came from the educated middle class and the normally conservative wealthy, such as Pedro Joaquín Chamorro. On September 21, 1956, a Nicaraguan poet, Rigoberto López Pérez, snuck into a party attended by the President and shot him in the chest. In his memoirs "Nicaragua Betrayed", Anastasio Debayle (Somoza's son) claims that Chamorro had knowledge of the assassination plot. While the assassin quickly died in a hail of gunfire, Somoza himself died a few days later, in an American hospital in the Panama Canal Zone. Somoza's rise to power and the formation of a dictatorship. Divisions within the Conservative Party in the 1932 elections paved the way for the Liberal Juan Bautista Sacasa to assume power. This initiated an inherently weak presidency—hardly a formidable obstacle to Somoza as he set about building his personal influence over Congress and the ruling Liberal Party. President Sacasa's popularity decreased as a result of his poor leadership and accusations of fraud in the 1934 congressional elections. Somoza García benefited from Sacasa's diminishing power, and at the same time brought together the National Guard and the Liberal Party (Partido Liberal – PL) in order to win the presidential elections in 1936. Somoza Garcia also cultivated support from former presidents Moncada and Chamorro while consolidating control within the Liberal Party. Early in 1936, Somoza openly confronted President Sacasa by using military force to displace local government officials loyal to the president and replacing them with close associates. Somoza García's increasing military confrontation led to Sacasa's resignation on June 6, 1936. The Congress appointed Carlos Brenes Jarquín, a Somoza García associate, as interim president and postponed presidential elections until December. In November, Somoza resigned as chief director of the National Guard, thus complying with constitutional requirements for eligibility to run for the presidency. The Liberal Nationalist Party (Partido Liberal Nacionalista – PLN) was established with support from a faction of the Conservative Party to support Somoza Garcia's candidacy. Somoza was elected president in the December election by the remarkable margin of 107,201 votes to 108. On January 1, 1937, he resumed control of the National Guard, combining the roles of president and chief director of the military. After Somoza's win in the December 1936 presidential elections, he proceeded to consolidate his power within the National Guard, while at the same time dividing his political opponents. Family members and close associates were given key positions within the government and the military. The Somoza family also controlled the PLN, which in turn controlled the legislature and judicial system, thus giving Somoza absolute power over every sphere of Nicaraguan politics. Nominal political opposition was allowed as long as it did not threaten the ruling elite. Somoza Garcia's National Guard repressed serious political opposition and antigovernment demonstrations. The institutional power of the National Guard grew in most government owned enterprises, until eventually it controlled the national radio and telegraph networks, the postal and immigration services, health services, the internal revenue service, and the national railroads. In less than two years after his election, Somoza Garcia, defying the Conservative Party, declared his intention to stay in power beyond his presidential term. Thus, in 1938, Somoza Garcia named a Constituent Assembly that gave the president extensive power and elected him for another eight-year term. A Constituent Assembly, extension of the presidential term from four years to six years, and clauses empowering the president to decree laws relating to the National Guard without consulting Congress, ensured Somoza's absolute control over the state and military. Control over electoral and legislative machinery provided the basis for a permanent dictatorship. Nicaragua declared war on Germany during World War II. No troops were sent to the war but Somoza used the crisis to seize attractive properties held by German-Nicaraguans, the best known of which was the Montelimar estate. Today it is operated as a privately owned luxury resort and casino. Nicaragua was the first country to ratify the UN Charter. Younger Somozas. Somoza García was succeeded by his two sons. Luis Somoza Debayle became President (29 September 1956 to 1 May 1963), and was effectively dictator of the country until his death, but his brother Anastasio Somoza Debayle held great power as head of the National Guard. A graduate of West Point, Anastasio was even closer to the Americans than his father and was said to speak better English than Spanish. Luis Somoza, remembered by some for being moderate, was in power for only a few years before dying of a heart attack. The revolutionaries opposing the Somozas were greatly strengthened by the Cuban Revolution. The revolution provided both hope and inspiration to the insurgents, as well as weapons and funding. Operating from Costa Rica they formed the "Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional" (FSLN) and came to be known as Sandinistas. They took their name from the still legendary Augusto César Sandino. With aid from the United States, the Somoza brothers succeeded in defeating the guerrillas. Then came president, Rene Schick, whom most Nicaraguans viewed "as nothing more than a puppet of the Somozas". President Luis Somoza Debayle, under pressure from the rebels, announced that national elections would be held in February 1963. Election reforms had been made that established secret ballots and a supervising electoral commission, although the Conservative Party never elected any members of the commission. Somoza had also introduced a constitutional amendment that would prevent family members from succeeding him. The opposition was extremely skeptical of Somoza's promises, and ultimately control of the country passed to Anastasio Somoza Debayle. In 1961, a young student, Carlos Fonseca, turned back to the historical figure of Sandino, and founded the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). The FSLN was a tiny party throughout most of the 1960s, but Somoza's hatred of it, and his repressive treatment of anyone suspected as a Sandinista sympathizer, gave many ordinary Nicaraguans the idea that the Sandinistas were much stronger than was the case. Somoza acquired monopolies in industries that were key to rebuilding the nation, not allowing other members of the upper class to share the profits that would result from the reborn economic activity. This ultimately weakened Somoza since even the economic elite were reluctant to support him. In the 1950s a synthetic brand of cotton, one of Nicaragua's economic pillars of the epoch, was developed. This caused the price of cotton to decrease, placing the economy in great trouble. Landless peasants worked on large plantations during short harvest seasons and received wages as low as US$1 per day. In desperation, many of these poor laborers migrated east, seeking their own land near the rain forest. In 1968, the World Health Organization found that polluted water led to 17% of all Nicaraguan deaths. American economic involvement. From 1945 to 1960, the U.S.-owned Nicaraguan Long Leaf Pine Company (NIPCO) directly paid the Somoza family millions of dollars in exchange for favorable benefits to the company, such as not having to re-forest clear cut areas. By 1961, NIPCO had cut all of the commercially viable coastal pines in northeast Nicaragua. Expansion of cotton plantations in the 1950s and cattle ranches in the 1960s forced peasant families from the areas they had farmed for decades. Some were forced by the National Guard to relocate into colonization projects in the rainforest. Some moved eastward into the hills, where they cleared forests in order to plant crops. Soil erosion forced them, however, to abandon their land and move deeper into the rainforest. Cattle ranchers then claimed the abandoned land. Peasants and ranchers continued this movement deep into the rain forest. By the early 1970s, Nicaragua had become the United States' top beef supplier. The beef supported fast-food chains and pet food production. President Anastasio Somoza Debayle owned the largest slaughterhouse in Nicaragua, as well as six meat-packing plants in Miami, Florida. Also in the 1950s and 1960s, 40% of all U.S. pesticide exports went to Central America. Nicaragua and its neighbors widely used compounds banned in the U.S., such as DDT, endrin, dieldrin and lindane. In 1977 a study revealed that mothers living in León had 45 times more DDT in their breast milk than the World Health Organization safe level. Sandinista insurrection (1972–1979). A major turning point was the December 1972 Managua earthquake that killed over 10,000 people and left 500,000 homeless. A great deal of international relief was sent to the nation. Some Nicaraguan historians point to the earthquake that devastated Managua as the final 'nail in the coffin' for Somoza; some 90% of the city was destroyed. Somoza's brazen corruption, mishandling of relief (which prompted Pittsburgh Pirates star Roberto Clemente to fly to Managua on December 31, 1972, to try to help - a flight that ended in his death) and refusal to rebuild Managua, flooded the ranks of the Sandinistas with young disaffected Nicaraguans who no longer had anything to lose. The Sandinistas received some support from Cuba and the Soviet Union. On 27 December 1974, a group of nine FSLN guerrillas invaded a party at the home of a former Minister of Agriculture, killing him and three guards in the process of taking several leading government officials and prominent businessmen hostage. In return for the hostages they succeeded in getting the government to pay US$2 million ransom, broadcast an FSLN declaration on the radio and in the opposition newspaper "La Prensa", release fourteen FSLN members from jail, and fly the raiders and the released FSLN members to Cuba. Archbishop Miguel Obando y Bravo acted as an intermediary during the negotiations. The incident humiliated the government and greatly enhanced the prestige of the FSLN. Somoza, in his memoirs, refers to this action as the beginning of a sharp escalation in terms of Sandinista attacks and government reprisals. Martial law was declared in 1975, and the National Guard began to raze villages in the jungle suspected of supporting the rebels. Human rights groups condemned the actions, but U.S. President Gerald Ford refused to break the U.S. alliance with Somoza. The country tipped into full-scale civil war with the 1978 murder of Pedro Chamorro, who had opposed violence against the regime. 50,000 turned out for his funeral. It was assumed by many that Somoza had ordered his assassination; suspected plotters included the dictator's son, “El Chiguin”, Somoza's President of Housing, Cornelio Hueck, Somoza's Attorney General, and Pedro Ramos, a close Cuban ally who commercialized in illegal blood plasma. A nationwide strike, including labour and private businesses, commenced in protest, demanding an end to the dictatorship. At the same time, the Sandinistas stepped up their rate of guerrilla activity. Several towns, assisted by Sandinista guerrillas, expelled their National Guard units. Somoza responded with increasing violence and repression. When León became the first city in Nicaragua to fall to the Sandinistas, he responded with aerial bombardment, famously ordering the air force to "bomb everything that moves until it stops moving." The U.S. media grew increasingly unfavorable in its reporting on the situation in Nicaragua. Realizing that the Somoza dictatorship was unsustainable, the Carter administration attempted to force him to leave Nicaragua. Somoza refused and sought to maintain his power through the National Guard. At that point, the U.S. ambassador sent a cable to the White House saying it would be "ill-advised" to call off the bombing, because such an action would help the Sandinistas gain power. When ABC reporter Bill Stewart was executed by the National Guard, and graphic film of the killing was broadcast on American TV, the American public became more hostile to Somoza. In the end, President Carter refused Somoza further U.S. military aid, believing that the repressive nature of the government had led to popular support for the Sandinista uprising. In May 1979, another general strike was called, and the FSLN launched a major push to take control of the country. By mid July they had Somoza and the National Guard isolated in Managua. Sandinista period (1979–1990). As Nicaragua's government collapsed and the National Guard commanders escaped with Somoza, the U.S. first promised and then denied them exile in Miami. The rebels advanced on the capital victoriously. On July 19, 1979, a new government was proclaimed under a provisional junta headed by 33-year-old Daniel Ortega and including Violeta Chamorro, Pedro's widow. Somoza abandoned the country and eventually ended up in Paraguay, where he was assassinated in September 1980, allegedly by members of the 'Argentinian Revolutionary Workers' Party. The United Nations estimated material damage from the revolutionary war to be US$480 million. The FSLN took over a nation plagued by malnutrition, disease, and pesticide contaminations. Lake Managua was considered dead because of decades of pesticide runoff, toxic chemical pollution from lakeside factories, and untreated sewage. Soil erosion and dust storms were also a problem in Nicaragua at the time due to deforestation. To tackle these crises, the FSLN created the Nicaraguan Institute of Natural Resources and the Environment. It was created 10 years after the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 in the United States. United States President Jimmy Carter, who had cut off aid to Somoza's Nicaragua the previous year, initially chose to give aid to the new government, but the amount of aid lessened towards the end of his presidency and was completely cut off by President Reagan due to evidence of Sandinista support to FMLN rebels in El Salvador. Prior to U.S. aid withdrawal, Bayardo Arce, an FSLN politician, had stated that "Nicaragua is the only country building its socialism with the dollars of imperialism." The Reagan administration responded by imposing economic sanctions and a trade embargo against Nicaragua (a tactic frequently employed by the U.S., in countries such as Iraq, Iran, Libya and Venezuela, amongst others). The Sandinistas were victorious in the national election of November 4, 1984, gathering 67% of the vote. The election was certified as "free and fair" by the majority of international observers. The Nicaraguan political opposition and the Reagan administration claimed political restrictions were placed on the opposition by the government. The primary opposition candidate was the U.S.-backed Arturo Cruz, who succumbed to pressure from the United States government not to take part in the 1984 elections; later US officials were quoted as saying, "the (Reagan) Administration never contemplated letting Cruz stay in the race, because then the Sandinistas could justifiably claim that the elections were legitimate." Other opposition parties such as the Conservative Democratic Party and the Independent Liberal party, were both free to denounce the Sandinista government and participate in the elections. Ortega was overwhelmingly elected President in 1984, but the long years of war had decimated Nicaragua's economy. Communist leanings and U.S. Contras. American support for the long rule of the Somoza family had soured relations, and the FSLN government was committed to a Marxist ideology, with many of the leading Sandinista continuing long-standing relationships with the Soviet Union and Cuba. U.S. President Carter initially hoped that continued American aid to the new government would keep the Sandinistas from forming a doctrinaire Marxist-Leninist government aligned with the Soviet bloc, but the Carter administration allotted the Sandinistas minimal funding to start them off, and the Sandinistas resolutely turned away from the U.S., investing Cuban and East European assistance into a new army of 75,000. The buildup included T-55 heavy tanks, heavy artillery and HIND attack helicopters, an unprecedented military buildup that made the Sandinista Army more powerful than all of its neighbors combined. The Soviets also pledged to provide MiG 21 fighters, but, to the annoyance of the Sandinistas, the aircraft were never delivered. Managua became the second capital in the hemisphere after Cuba to host an embassy from North Korea. Ironically, in light of the tensions between their Soviet sponsors and China, the Sandinistas allowed Taiwan to retain its mission and refused to allow a Chinese mission to enter the country. After a brief period of sanctions, Nicaragua was faced with a collapsing economy (see: Economy of Nicaragua). The U.S. trained and illegally financed the Contras, which were a counter-revolutionary group, in neighboring Honduras to impose an American-friendly government and militarily oppose the current government and the Nicaraguan army. The Contras, groups of Somoza's National Guard who had fled to Honduras, were organized, trained and funded by CIA elements involved in cocaine trafficking in Central America. The Contra chain of command included some ex-National Guardsmen, including Contra founder and commander Enrique Bermúdez and others. One prominent Contra commander, however, was ex-Sandinista hero Edén Pastora, aka "Commadante Zero," who rejected the Leninist orientation of his fellow comandantes. The Contras operated out of camps in the neighboring countries of Honduras to the north and Costa Rica to the south. They engaged in a systematic campaign of terror amongst the rural Nicaraguan population in order to disrupt the social reform projects of the Sandinistas. Several Historians have criticized the contra campaign and the Reagan Administration's support for it, citing the brutality and numerous human rights violations of the Contras. LaRamee and Polakoff, for example, describe the destruction of health centers, schools and cooperatives at the hands of the rebels. Others have contended that large scale murder, rape and torture also occurred in Contra dominated areas. The US also sought to place economic pressure on the Sandinistas, and the Reagan administration imposed a full trade embargo. On June 27, 1986, the International Court of Justice in the “Case Concerning the Military and Paramilitary Activities In and Against Nicaragua (NICARAGUA v. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA)” acknowledged the nature of the conflict in Nicaragua as one of aggression directed by a foreign power against Nicaragua. In a twelve to three vote, the Court's summary judgment against the United States stated that by: ...training, arming, equipping, financing and supplying the contra forces or otherwise encouraging, supporting and aiding military and paramilitary activities in and against Nicaragua, the United States has acted, against the Republic of Nicaragua, in breach of its obligation under customary international law not to intervene in the affairs of another State. The US support for the Contras sparked widespread criticism from many quarters around the globe including within Nicaragua and the U.S., Democrats in Congress included. When Congress moved to cut off aid to the Contras, Reagan aide Col. Oliver North concocted a clandestine and ingenious plan to continue funding the Contras terrorists see: Iran-Contra Affair. The key large-scale programs of the Sandinistas included a massive National Literacy Crusade (March–August 1980), which received international recognition for their gains in literacy, health care, education, childcare, unions, and land reform. With the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, relations between the United States and the Sandinista regime became an active front in the Cold War. The Reagan administration insisted on the "Communist threat" posed by the Sandinistas—reacting particularly to the support provided to the Sandinistas by Cuban president Fidel Castro, by the Sandinistas' close military relations with the Soviets and Cubans, but also furthering the Reagan administration's desire to protect U.S. interests in the region, which were threatened by the policies of the Sandinista government. The United States quickly suspended aid to Nicaragua and expanded the supply of arms and training to the Contra in neighbouring Honduras, as well as allied groups based to the south in Costa Rica. President Reagan called the Contras "the moral equivalent of our founding fathers." American pressure against the government escalated throughout 1983 and 1984; the Contras began a campaign of economic sabotage and disrupted shipping by planting underwater mines in Nicaragua's Port of Corinto, an action condemned by the International Court of Justice as illegal. The U.S. refused to pay restitution and claimed that the ICJ was not competent to judge the case. The United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution in order to pressure the U.S. to pay the fine. Although only Israel and El Salvador, which was receiving massive amounts of military aid to fight its own guerrilla insurgency, voted with the U.S., the money still has not been paid. Jeane Kirkpatrick, the American ambassador to the UN under Reagan, criticized the Court as a "semi-judicial" body. despite the fact that the U.S. was legally bound by the court's decision, had signed the relevant treaty, and had made use of the court in other cases. On May 1, 1985, Reagan issued an executive order that imposed a full economic embargo on Nicaragua, which remained in force until March 1990. Daniel Ortega was overwhelmingly elected President in 1984. The November 1984 elections were certified "fair" by some Western NGOs allowed into Nicaragua. Three right-wing opposition parties (Coordinadora Democrática Nicaragüense) boycotted the election, claiming that the Sandinistas were manipulating the media and that the elections might not be fair. The years of war and Nicaragua's economic situation had taken an unparalleled toll on Nicaragua. The US Government offered a political amnesty program that gave visas to any Nicaraguan without question. Nicaraguans (particularly those who could afford passage or had familial connections within the US) left the country in droves. This was the largest emigration ever seen in the history of Nicaragua. "In 1984, controversy over U.S. assistance to the opponents of the Nicaraguan government (the anti-Sandinista guerrillas known as the “contras”) led to a prohibition on such assistance in a continuing appropriations bill." [Congressional Research Service, Congressional Use of Funding Cutoffs Since 1970 Involving U.S. Military Forces and Overseas Deployments, January 10, 2001, pg. 6.] Nicaragua won a historic case against the U.S. at the International Court of Justice in 1986 (see "Nicaragua v. United States"), and the U.S. was ordered to pay Nicaragua some $12 billion in reparations for violating Nicaraguan sovereignty by engaging in attacks against it. The United States withdrew its acceptance of the Court and argued it had no authority in matters of sovereign state relations. In addition, the U.S. noted that Cuba and the Soviet Union also unfairly committed exactly the same alleged violation against Nicaraguan sovereignty by providing training and ammunition to Sandinistas while Somoza was in power. The U.S. government, standing on this arbitrary principle, refused to pay restitutions, even when a United Nations General Assembly resolution on the matter had been passed. In 1982, legislation had been enacted by US Congress to prohibit further direct aid to the Contras. Reagan's officials attempted to illegally supply them out of the proceeds of arms sales to Iran and third party donations, triggering the Iran-Contra Affair of 1986–87. Mutual exhaustion, Sandinista fears of Contra unity and military success, and mediation by other regional governments led to the Sapoa ceasefire between the Sandinistas and the Contras on March 23, 1988. Subsequent agreements were designed to reintegrate the Contras and their supporters into Nicaraguan society in preparation for general elections. Sixteen years of center-right rule (1990–2006). The FSLN lost to the National Opposition Union by 14 points in elections on February 25, 1990. ABC news had been predicting a 16-point Sandinista victory. At the beginning of Violeta Chamorro's nearly 7 years in office the Sandinistas still largely controlled the army, labor unions, and courts. Her government made moves towards consolidating democratic institutions, advancing national reconciliation, stabilizing the economy, privatizing state-owned enterprises. In February 1995, Sandinista Popular Army Cmdr. Gen. Humberto Ortega was replaced, in accordance with a new military code enacted in 1994 by Gen. Joaquín Cuadra, who espoused a policy of greater professionalism in the renamed Army of Nicaragua. A new police organization law, passed by the National Assembly and signed into law in August 1996, further codified both civilian control of the police and the professionalization of that law enforcement agency. The October 20, 1996 presidential, legislative, and mayoral elections also were judged free and fair by international observers and by the groundbreaking national electoral observer group Ética y Transparencia (Ethics and Transparency) despite a number of irregularities, due largely to logistical difficulties and a baroquely complicated electoral law. This time Nicaraguans elected former-Managua Mayor Arnoldo Alemán, leader of the center-right Liberal Alliance, which later consolidated into the Constitutional Liberal Party (PLC). Alemán continued to privatize the economy and promote infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and wells, assisted in large part by foreign assistance received after Hurricane Mitch hit Nicaragua in October 1998. His administration was besieged by charges of corruption, resulting in the resignation of several key officials in mid-2000. Alemán himself was subsequently convicted of official corruption and sentenced to twenty years in jail. In November 2000, Nicaragua held municipal elections. Alemán's PLC won a majority of the overall mayoral races. The FSLN fared considerably better in larger urban areas, winning a significant number of departmental capitals including Managua. Presidential and legislative elections were held on November 4, 2001, the country's fourth free and fair election since 1990. Enrique Bolaños of the PLC was elected to the Nicaraguan presidency, defeating the FSLN candidate Daniel Ortega, by 14 percentage points. The elections were characterized by international observers as free, fair and peaceful. Bolaños was inaugurated on January 10, 2002. In November 2006 the presidential election was won by Daniel Ortega, returned to power after 16 years in opposition. International observers, including the Carter Center, judged the election to be free and fair. The country partly rebuilt its economy during the 1990s, but was hit hard by Hurricane Mitch at the end of October 1998, almost exactly a decade after the similarly destructive Hurricane Joan and again in 2007 it was hit by Hurricane Felix, a category 5 hurricane. Ten years later, Hurricane Nate also hit Nicaragua and destroyed much of the infrastructure in the countryside, such as communication masts. Ortega back in power (2006–present). In the Nicaraguan general election, 2006 Daniel Ortega gained some 38% of the vote in the single round, thus returning to power for his second term overall. The constitution at the time included a ban on immediate reelection of an incumbent president and on any one individual serving more than two terms as president. That notwithstanding, Ortega ran again and won the Nicaraguan general election, 2011 amid accusations of fraud by losing candidate Fabio Gadea Mantilla. Economic growth during most of those two terms was strong and Tourism in Nicaragua grew especially strongly, in part thanks to the perception of Nicaragua as a safe country to visit. The Nicaraguan general election, 2016 saw a partial electoral boycott by the opposition and again accusations of electoral fraud as well, as accusations that the abstention rate was higher than the one officially published by the government. The Nicaraguan Canal was an issue of public debate and some controversy. Starting 19 April 2018, criticism of the Ortega government over the canal, forest fires in the Indio Maíz nature reserve, and a planned reform of the social security system led to the 2018–2020 Nicaraguan protests to which the government responded with violence and harsh repression. See also. General:

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