update

README.md

@@ -28,8 +28,25 @@ The full project documentation lives in the main GitHub repo (`main` branch).
 
 ## Current Status
 - ✅ **Phase 1 Complete**: Basic Flask app with stub responses
-- 🔄 **Phase 2 In Progress**: Real ML inference integration
--  **Dataset**: Small test corpus (~1.5GB) for development
+- ✅ **Phase 2 Complete**: Real ML inference with large-scale corpus
+- 🎯 **Dataset**: **Massive 3.1M sentence corpus** (~33GB total) processed on Durham University's Bede HPC cluster
+
+## �� New: Massive Scale Art History Corpus
+
+**Now featuring 3.1 million sentences** from art historical texts, processed through our **ArtContext pipeline** on Durham University's Bede HPC cluster using **Grace Hopper GPUs**. This represents one of the largest art history text corpora available for computational analysis.
+
+### **Processing Scale**
+- **Total sentences processed**: 3,119,199
+- **Embedding models**: CLIP + PaintingCLIP
+- **Processing time**: ~12 minutes on Grace Hopper
+- **Total data generated**: ~33GB
+- **GPU**: NVIDIA H100 with 32GB memory
+
+### **Data Files**
+- **CLIP embeddings**: 6.2GB safetensors file
+- **PaintingCLIP embeddings**: 6.2GB safetensors file  
+- **Updated metadata**: sentences.json with embedding status
+- **Marker outputs**: Document analysis results
 
 ## Deploy / update
 ```bash
@@ -52,4 +69,42 @@ git push hf space-clean:main
 - **Backend**: Flask API with ML inference pipeline
 - **Frontend**: Single-page application (HTML/CSS/JS)
 - **Models**: CLIP base + PaintingCLIP LoRA fine-tune
-- **Data**: Consolidated embeddings with metadata
+- **Data**: **Large-scale embeddings (12.4GB total)** with comprehensive metadata
+
+## 🎯 Performance Improvements
+
+With the new large-scale corpus:
+- **Search quality**: Significantly improved with 3.1M sentences
+- **Coverage**: Broader art historical context
+- **Efficiency**: Safetensors format for faster loading
+- **Scalability**: Ready for production deployment
+
+## Data Structure
+
+The Space now includes:
+- **`data/embeddings/`**: Large-scale sentence vectors (12.4GB total)
+  - `clip_embeddings.safetensors` (6.2GB)
+  - `paintingclip_embeddings.safetensors` (6.2GB)
+  - Sentence ID mapping files
+- **`data/json_info/`**: Metadata for 3.1M sentences
+- **`data/marker_output/`**: Document analysis outputs
+
+## HPC Pipeline: Bede Cluster Processing
+
+The **ArtContext pipeline** has been successfully executed on Durham University's **Bede HPC cluster**:
+
+### **HPC Job Details**
+- **Partition**: Grace Hopper (gh)
+- **GPU**: NVIDIA H100
+- **Memory**: 32GB
+- **Batch size**: 1,024 sentences
+- **Processing speed**: ~9 batches/second
+
+### **Pipeline Outputs**
+All data is now available in this Space for real-time art analysis with unprecedented scale and accuracy.
+
+## Acknowledgements
+
+**Special thanks to Durham University's Bede HPC cluster** for providing the computational resources needed to process this large-scale art history corpus using Grace Hopper GPUs.
+
+This work made use of the facilities of the N8 Centre of Excellence in Computationally Intensive Research (N8 CIR) provided and funded by the N8 research partnership and EPSRC (Grant No. EP/T022167/1). The Centre is coordinated by the Universities of Durham, Manchester and York.

data/embeddings/clip_embeddings.safetensors

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data/embeddings/clip_embeddings_consolidated.pt

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data/embeddings/clip_embeddings_metadata.json

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-{
-  "input_directory": "data/embeddings/CLIP_Embeddings",
-  "output_file": "data/embeddings/clip_embeddings_consolidated.pt",
-  "num_embeddings": 14674,
-  "embedding_dim": 1,
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data/embeddings/paintingclip_embeddings.safetensors

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data/embeddings/paintingclip_embeddings_consolidated.pt

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data/embeddings/paintingclip_embeddings_metadata.json

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-{
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-  "num_embeddings": 14674,
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data/json_info/creators.json

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data/json_info/topic_names.json

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-{
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data/marker_output/W1982215463/W1982215463.md

@@ -1,137 +0,0 @@
-DOI: 10.2478/ausfm-2014-0017
-
-# **Of Artists and Models. Italian Silent Cinema between Narrative Convention and Artistic Practice**
-
-Ivo Blom VU University Amsterdam E-mail: il.blom@let.vu.nl
-
-**Abstract**. The paper presents the author's research on the representation of painters and sculptors, their models and their art works in Italian silent cinema of the 1910s and early 1920s. This research deals with both the combination of optical (painterly) vs. haptical (sculptural) cinema. It also problematizes art versus the real, as well as art conceived from cinema's own perspective, that is within the conventions of European and American cinema. In addition to research in these l lmic conventions the author compares how the theme manifests itself within different genres, such as comedy, crime and adventure l lms, diva l lms and strong men l lms. Examples are : *Il trionfo della forza* (*The Triumph of Strength*, 1913), *La signora Fricot è gelosa* (*Madam Fricot is Jelous,* 1913), *Il fuoco* (*The Fire*, Giovanni Pastrone, 1915), *Il fauno* (*The Faun*, Febo Mari, 1917), *Il processo Clemenceau* (*The Clemenceau Affair*, Alfredo De Antoni, 1917) and *L'atleta fantasma* (*The Ghost Athlete*, Raimondo Scotti, 1919). I will relate this pioneering study to recent studies on the representation of art and artists in Hollywood cinema, such as Katharina Sykora's *As You Desire me. Das Bildnis im Film* (2003), Susan Felleman's *Art in the Cinematic Imagination* (2006) and Steven Jacobs's *Framing Pictures. Film and the Visual Arts* (2011), and older studies by Thomas Elsaesser, Angela Dalle Vacche, Felleman and the author.
-
-**Keywords:** Italian cinema, art in l lm, representation of painters in l lm, intermediality.
-
-The spectators and in particular the women seeing the l lm shed torrents of tears, and didn't see the l lm just once but twice, three times or more. The world lived in happy times then, when the only preoccupation was love. (Nicula 1995, 61.)1 This
-
-<sup>1</sup> I owe thanks l rst to Giovanna Ginex, and then to Claudia Gianetto (Museo Nazionale del Cinema, Torino), Mario Musumeci, Franca Farini (Cineteca Nazionale, Roma), Anna Fiaccarini, Andrea Meneghelli (Cineteca di Bologna), Livio Jacob (Cineteca del Friuli), Rommy Albers (EYE Filmmuseum, Amsterdam), and Ágnes PethŐ (Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania).
-
-example of the emotional, even tactile l lm experience stems from the Romanian collector Emil Constantinescu. He refers to the success of the Italian silent l lm *Odette* (Giuseppe De Liguoro, 1916), starring Italian diva Francesca Bertini. She was the most popular Italian l lm actress of the 1910s and early 1920s, especially in Romania, as Romanian l lm historian Dinu-Ioan Nicula has shown. Nicula writes that though Transylvania could not see these l lms during the war, as it was part of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire then, the rest of Romania could. And so they cherished the epic *Cabiria* (Giovanni Pastrone, 1914), adventure l lms with l gures like Maciste, and the diva l lms with Bertini.
-
-One particular aspect within the highly emotionally charged l eld of Italian silent cinema is its relationship to the representation of art and artists during cinema's transition from fairground amusements to entertainments for middle-class audiences in fashionable movie palaces, and from vaudeville style to one closer to theatre and painting. In particular, Italian silent cinema was typical in its dynamic of explicitly referring to and appropriating such former media as the theatre and visual arts. Two main topics will be treated here, l rst the *narrative conventions* around the representation of art and artists, and second, the relationship between the off-screen, "real" *art world and its visual representation* in l lm. I will treat both *painting* and *sculpture* here which, despite their *formal* differences, are quite close in the ways that they are *narratively* treated. How did Italian silent cinema represent art and artists? What does this tell us about cinema's own perspective and problematization of art versus the real? How are art objects treated as physical, touchable objects? And how do these objects function as stand-ins for characters out of reach (the Pygmalion effect), no longer alive (the ancestors' portrait gallery), or destined to die (Oscar Wilde's *The Picture of Dorian Gray* or Edgar Allen Poe's *Oval Portrait*)? And secondly, what happens when we correlate the *l lmic* conventions of representation with *art historical* investigation? As this territory is rather new for Italian silent cinema, it might be useful to have a brief look at an area that has been thoroughly researched by scholars: classical Hollywood's representation of artists and their works. (See Sykora [2003], Felleman [2006], and Jacobs [2011].)
-
-#### **Narrative Conventions: Dangerous Portraits**
-
-In *Hitchcock's Motifs* (2005), Michael Walker categorizes the meaning of painted portraits in l lm: 1) the power of the patriarchal (sometimes matriarchal) character or portraits of fathers who founded empires; 2) the power of the family tradition, as with the gallery of ancestors; 3) the lost love (like a lost wife); and 4) the desire of the beholder (Walker 2005, 320). Such connotations often occur when the portrait is a young woman and the spectators admiring her are men, as in *Laura* (Otto Preminger, 1944) or *The Woman in the Window* (Fritz Lang, 1944). When the portrait is painted within the l lmic narrative, desire is the most usual association, even when the classic gender division of male artist and female model is reversed. Within all these categories, the dominant idea is that the portrait's subject is of lasting importance. In order to obtain this status, however, the character needs to die l rst, either before or during the l lmic narrative. In the American cinema of the 1940s the painted portrait is often linked to murder and suicide. Painters kill their models, in particular when the latter are young, and thus murdered victims remain visible by their portraits. Suicide occurs just as often with painters as with their models.
-
-The association of painted portraits with violent deaths was a central theme at the 1991 conference "Le portrait peint au cinéma/The Painted Portrait in Film," held at the Louvre, whose proceedings were published in the journal *Iris*. Thomas Elsaesser (1992) emphasized here the feeling of fatality that looms over so many painted portraits in l lms. Having a painted portrait is a hazardous enterprise for a young female character. The portrait ignites passions in the painter or in other men, which may lead to violence or self-destruction. Other men can observe the woman of their dreams without limitation and this may be more embarrassing when they are not her choice.2 This was recently conl rmed in Susan Felleman's book, *Art in the Cinematic Imagination* (2006), where she takes a gendered perspective of male necrophilic desire in classical Hollywood cinema.
-
-#### **Dangerous Portraits in Italian Silent Cinema**
-
-Now I wish to turn to some examples of Italian l lms from the 1910s, and *their* conventions of representing art and artists. This is the result of screening l lm prints in Rome, Turin, Bologna, and Amsterdam in 2011. On basis of the excellent reference books on Italian silent cinema by Aldo Bernardini and Vittorio Martinelli (1991¥1996), I established beforehand which l lms were important to my research. Like most silent era l lms, just a few titles in my long list survived in Italian and foreign l lm archives.
-
-First: a few l lms in which the painting or the sculpture creates mishap, just like in the American l lms of the 1940s. In the drama *Il fuoco* (*The Fire*, 1915) by
-
-<sup>2</sup> See in the same issue also Felleman (1992), who deals with American cinema of the 1940s as well.
-
-Giovanni Pastrone, a poor painter (Febo Mari) falls in love with a *femme fatale*like rich poetess (Pina Menichelli). She takes him to her castle and has him paint her portrait, lying on a sofa and teasingly covering her face, as if not wanting to be painted [Fig. 1].3 The undulating pose is clearly inspired by Alexandre Cabanel's *Venus* (1863), but it is also close to a long series of dressed and undressed women stretching themselves out on a sofa, bed, ocean wave, etc., both in painting and in cinema, offering themselves to the observer (e.g. Pedro Almodóvar's recent *La piel que habito* [*The Skin I Live In*, 2011] and its quotations from Titian's *Venus*, Goya's *Maya*, Manet's *Olympia*, and so on). Within the plot of *Il fuoco* the portrait functions as *catalyst*. It is crowned with a l rst prize at a Salon, the model thus inspiring the artist to make a masterpiece (a typical narrative convention in the examples I viewed). But soon after, the lady is warned that her husband is returning, so she m ees the castle, drugging the painter. He is desperate, even though she warned him previously that their affair would be passionate but short, like a m ame. When they meet again by chance, she refuses to recognize him, causing him to go mad.4 Another good example is *Il quadro di Osvaldo Mars* (*The Painting by Osvaldo Mars*, 1921) by Guido Brignone. His sister, Mercedes, plays a countess who discovers that a daring painting is about to be exposed publicly, showing her in a Salome outl t and not much more [Fig. 2]. When the painter, Osvaldo Mars (Domenico Serra), refuses to withdraw his new masterpiece, she slashes the canvas to pieces, but is also accused of murdering the painter afterwards. In the end, we learn that the painter loved a lookalike of the countess (also played by Brignone), a farmer's wife who leaves her husband and child to climb the social ladder. It is this woman whom Osvaldo Mars painted and over whom he committed suicide.5
-
-In both *Il fuoco* and *Il quadro di Osvaldo Mars*, the painted portraits are *negative* catalysts. In *Il fuoco* the artistic triumph means the end of the painter's love affair,
-
-<sup>3</sup> See my own article (Blom 1992).
-
-<sup>4</sup> The narrative convention of an artist going mad over a *femme fatale* was repeated by Febo Mari in his l lm *Il tormento* (*The Torment*, 1917) with Helena Makowska as the *femme fatale* and Mari himself as the artist. Makowska was often type-casted as *femme fatale* in the Italian cinema of those years. The press praised her beauty but condemned her rather inexpressive acting. In real life she must have been a kind of *femme fatale* as well. The Argentinian sculptor César Santiano, collaborator of Bistoll , made a daring, lascivious nude sculpture of her in 1916, but in 1919 he committed suicide because of her (Audoli 2008, 26–29).
-
-<sup>5</sup> The Salome attire seems to have been inspired by theatrical costumes of Salome performances in the Belle Époque, or at least by their depictions by painters such as Vladislav Ismaylovich, Leopold von Schmutzler, and Clemens von Pausinger. One is also reminded of an inter-l lmic relationship with actresses wearing Salome attire in earlier l lms such as Lyda Borelli in *Ma l'amor mio non muore* (*Love Everlasting*, Mario Caserini, 1913) and *Rapsodia satanica* (*Satanic Rhapsody*, Nino Oxilia, 1917).
-
-while in *Il quadro di Osvaldo Mars* the scandalous painting is destroyed because of its potentially damaging implications for a noble lady's reputation. This latter narrative trope is also present in an earlier short l lm, *Il ritratto dell'amata* (*The Portrait of the Beloved*, Gerolamo Lo Savio, 1912), in which a painter named Alma (a hint at Alma Tadema?) l nishes a historical portrait of a lady by giving it the face of an English diplomat's wife with whom he has fallen in love. She notices it and quickly paints the face black, though the artist manages to wash the paint away. When unpacked at the lady's home, everybody is embarrassed, and the husband explodes and chases his wife out of her home and away from her child. Their child creates a reconciliation in the end – a classic narrative convention. So the message here is that even if legitimized because of a historical or mythological setting, portraits of the well-to-do in daring outl ts risk ruining one's reputation *and* that of one's family. Thus, the model, too, may risk both this symbolic and physical loss. In the short, *La modella* (*The Model*, Ugo Falena, 1916), a non-professional model (Stacia Napierkowska) is picked up from the street because she is more genuine, more authentic, and more honest than a professional model – a common *topos* in silent cinema. She poses for a statue of an almost naked woman holding a chalice, set on a pedestal, and falls in love with the sculptor, who is also her protector [Fig. 3].6 When the statue, however, is publicly exposed, the girl is mocked – another common occurrence in silent l lms dealing with artists7 – by a former model l red by the artist and now taking revenge by slandering the newcomer. Fortunately a painter friend mediates, restoring both the girl's honour and her relationship with the sculptor. In both *Il ritratto dell'amata* and *La modella*, then, the artwork may damage one's reputation and one's lover, but the mutual restoration of honour *and* love remains a narrative possibility.
-
-## **Destructive Art Works**
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-Paintings or sculptures might also mean the end of life, though, in a more irreparable way, causing death and mutilation. Their physical presence, their literal weight has serious consequences for protagonists and/or antagonists. First, paintings and sculptures may function as avenging saviours of damsels in distress. Often the artwork is venerated by the protagonists as it portrays
-
-<sup>6</sup> I noticed that the statue was recycled one year after in the sculptor's workshop in *Il processo Clemenceau* (Alfredo De Antoni, 1917), shot at the Caesar Film studios of Rome.
-
-<sup>7</sup> Another example of a model jealous of a newcomer is *Amore sentimentale* (*Sentimental Love*, Cines, 1911).
-
-deceased heroes. In the Francesca Bertini vehicle, *Il nodo* (*The Knot*, Gaston Ravel, 1921), the poor girl Agnese (Elena Lunda) is adopted by the painter Lelio Salviati (Carlo Gualandri), who paints her portrait featuring her holding m owers. Agnese sacril ces herself for the good of the painter and his lover, the marchioness Della Croce (played by Bertini), whose mean and unfaithful husband (Giorgio Bonaiti) tortures her and refuses a divorce. Knowing she has a terminal disease, Agnese pretends to be the lady and dies in the burning of the marchioness's garden house. The lovers are temporarily freed, until the husband discovers his wife hasn't died when hearing her sing a familiar tune. Here, *sound* betrays her ¥ a curious plot device for a silent l lm. The l lm concludes with a struggle in which a rim e accidentally shoots the cord of the life-size painting, killing the evil marquis, allowing the absent girl to save the lovers a second time from beyond the grave.8 Likewise in *La notte che dormii sotto le stelle* (*The Night I Slept Under the Stars*, Giovanni Zannini, 1918) – a l lm that survives only in an incomplete print – the girl, Fiamma (Lina Pellegrini), is abducted and raised by gypsies following a l re in her home when she is a child. She ends up being raised by her uncle, both being unaware that they are family. The brutal gypsy foster father, Giacomo (Sergio Mari), pursues the girl, however, and pushes her into helping him to rob the family. When she refuses, a statue of a bearded old man that the girl has been cherishing, and for which she feels an inexplicable attachment, saves her from being molested by the bad guy.9 She throws the bust on the villain, killing him [Fig. 4]. Of course the bust is a portrait of the girl's dead father (whom we never see in the l lm). Through its physical weight, the artwork here too liberates the protagonist from the clutches of evil, allowing the good supporting character to help beyond death.
-
-In contrast to the trope of artwork as moral avenger, the physical weight of the statue may also have a negative effect on the *protagonist*. In *La Gioconda* (Eleuterio Rodoll , 1916), based on a play by D'Annunzio, Mercedes Brignone is Sylvia, the wife of sculptor Lucio Settala (Umberto Mozzato). He has fallen in love with his *femme fatale*-like model Gioconda Danti (Helena Makowska), who models for an ecstatic, Symbolist-like statue [Fig. 5]. The women l ght over the same man, but when the enraged Gioconda throws Sylvia against the sculpture for which she has modelled, the poor wife tries to save her husband's work from
-
-<sup>8</sup> The l lm has been restored by the Cineteca Nazionale in Rome.
-
-<sup>9</sup> While the style of the bust is quite general and even banal for late 19th century sculpture, Fiamma's pose when she venerates the statue is more striking and is reminiscent of paintings commissioned to commemorate lost relatives, such as those by Francesco Hayez. It is also similar to late 19th century funeral sculpture.
-
-falling, ruining her hands forever. This extreme sacril ce makes the sculptor repent and return to her.10
-
-In considering the destructive force of artwork in Italian silent cinema, there are a number of l lms in which the efl gy of the model causes her serious trouble, with even stronger consequences than in *Il ritratto dell'amata* and *La modella*. 11 Here the artist confuses his work with the model, or he believes himself entitled to create and also to destroy it; and, likewise, to give life to his model, launch her image, but also to destroy her when she becomes unworthy. So when the model becomes spoiled and a spend-thrift as a result of her artist's success, and cruelly dumps him for a richer protector, the artist goes berserk and takes revenge. This narrative convention recurs in a few Italian silent l lms. In the short, *L'idolo infranto* (*The Broken Idol*, Emilio Ghione, 1913), the artist (Alberto Collo) has become poor and a drunk after the loss of his model/lover, but is unable to sell the bust with her likeness as it represents his work – and his love. The once gold-digging model (Bertini) now feels sorry for the man's downfall and wants to surprise him, so she secretly replaces the bust with herself. When the drunken artist comes in and sees her smiling in the rem ection of a mirror, he thinks even the model's bust mocks him; so he destroys the "sculpture," realizing too late what he has done. In a later l lm with Bertini, *Il processo Clemenceau* (*The Clemenceau Affair*, Alfredo De Antoni, 1917), a similar scenario, though more complex, was devised. Here the sculptor Pierre Clemenceau (Gustavo Serena) confesses in a m ashback how he met his model, the impoverished aristocrat Iza (Bertini); how she dropped him l rst for a rich count before returning, marrying and having a child with him; but then how she cheated on him again because of her lust for money and adventure and her disgust over a morally restricted middle class life (represented by the artist's mother). This function of the artist's mother is also a recurring *topos* in many Italian silent l lms.12 First, the man destroys the bust he made of her, as it functions
-
-<sup>10</sup> Despite the opening of l lm archives around the globe, no print of the l lm has yet been found, but extant original postcards provide a visual impression. I hold many of these in my own collection.
-
-<sup>11</sup> This was a *topos* rather common in the cinema of the 1910s, also outside of Italy. In the Russian silent l lm *Umirayushchii lebed* (*The Dying Swan*, Yevgeni Bauer, 1917) an artist obsessed by death in art is inspired by a ballerina dancing the Dying Swan. But when she is too cheerful as a model, he kills her, permitting him to pose her correctly for his artwork.
-
-<sup>12</sup> A good example is *La madre* (*The Mother*, Giuseppe Sterni, 1917), starring Vitalia Italiani. It was based on the play *La madre* by the Catalan writer Santiago Rusiñol, which Vitaliani had performed with great success all over Spain in 1907, before having it adapted for the screen a decade later. Actually, Vitaliani had been a regular performer of Rusiñol's plays around the 1900s, to great acclaim in Spain, and in particular in Barcelona. The l lm *La madre* was rediscovered at the EYE Filmmuseum not too long ago.
-
-as a stand-in for her physical presence but also as a symbol of his love [Fig. 6]. Then when the model returns to him a second time (in torment over her conduct and desperately missing her child), he kills her since he cannot cope with her behaviour and is unwilling to believe in her moral contrition. Just like in *L'idolo infranto*, the man realizes afterwards what he has done in blind rage. So the artist creates and destroys the model, just like he creates and destroys the artwork.13
-
-## **Narrative Convention vs. Artistic Practice**
-
-Of course, the above-mentioned narrative conventions are not just cinematic conventions, but have predecessors in art, as Steven Jacobs has explained in *Framing Pictures: Film and the Visual Arts* (2011), in his analysis of the narrative conventions in artists' biographies by, for example, Kris and Kurz, Von Schlosser and Wittkower (Jacobs 2011, 43–47). Still, afte r discussing all these narrative conventions on the l lmic representation of art and artists, one wonders: do these l lms still have some correlation with the off-screen, real art world, or are they only *simulacra* – self-contained, l lmic clichés alive only within the diegesis of the l lms? When starting this research, my hypothesis was that most of what I would encounter would be just *cinema's perspective* of art and the art world, a very coloured and biased perspective, using that world to create a milieu in which things were permitted which ordinary mortals – that is, the cinema spectators – were not supposed to do. Relatively few props were necessary to express this milieu, to stage a set recognizable as an artist's workshop. Sometimes these props were copies of famous classical sculptures, such as the *Capitoline Venus*, the *Laocoön Group*, Giambologna's *Rape of the Sabine Women*, or copies from 19th century popular sculptures once famous and now forgotten. Other props were just coarse, hastily made artworks, only serving to decorate the set of the artist's studio. This generalization of the artist's studio in Italian silent cinema characterizes short *comedies* in particular. As the comedy genre represents the world in a farcical way, this is expressed in the set design of the artist's workshop or in the art that he makes. Modern art is often ridiculed.14 Representational strategies in the dramatic
-
-<sup>13</sup> We see this narrative convention of the artist who creates and destroys his model in the Italian silent l lm *La chiamavano Cosetta* (*They Called Her Cosetta*, Eugenio Perego, 1917). Here a sculptor (Amleto Novelli) is devastated when he discovers his *femme fatale*-like model (Soava Gallone) has caused his only son to commit suicide over her, at the foot of the father's statue representing her beauty. The artist crushes his model under his own statue.
-
-<sup>14</sup> Examples are a.o. *La signora Fricot è gelosa* (Ambrosio, 1913) and *Robinet è geloso* (*Tweedledum is Jelous*, *Ambrosio*, 1914).
-
-features of the 1910s and early 1920s are, however, more complex. Not only do we see more diversil cation in the workshops of poor and established artists, but both are also more closely modelled on images of real workshops, though rather those of non-avant-garde artists of the turn-of-the century or even before.
-
-The emphasis on the non-avant-garde workshops also goes for the art represented in the l lms. The paintings and sculptures in dramatic features of the 1910s are mostly not the art of that decade but the later decades of the 19th century, either the more naturalist styles in painting or sculpture or the more Salon-like academic versions. This is perhaps not surprising as cinema needed a conventional, reassuring version of art for its lower and middle class audiences, who were mostly little acquainted or favourable to the many -isms of the 1910s: Cubism, Futurism, etc. Moreover, naturalist art was itself strongly based on and aided by photography in order to "catch reality" as closely possible. Naturalist art was widely visible in public buildings such as city halls (Weisberg 2010). Moreover, the established art of the late 19th century, the academic art of orientalists and idealists, as well as those of the naturalists had been massively reproduced and distributed through the rise of illustrated postcards from the 1890s onwards, as well as by illustrated magazines, thanks to the introduction of half-block reprography. Paintings and sculptures hitherto visible only to social elites were now freely available everywhere, even more than during the introduction of the etching.15 They were now used on the covers of matchboxes, cigarette and chocolate boxes, etc., and thus transformed into iconic images. They became part of the collective memory, providing a repertoire of images for l lmmakers to draw upon (nowadays we no longer have any notion of that collective memory.) Just to give an example, when in *La madre* (Giuseppe Sterni, 1917), the artist (played by Sterni himself) is working in a shared studio, he is working on a painting that depicts the biblical *Flight to Egypt*. It is a copy of naturalist painting by Maxime Dastugue, *La Fuite en Egypte* (1889), made after Dastugue's trip to Egypt the same year [Figs. 7–8]. Dastugue's painting was popular well into the 1910s and 1920s through reproductions on postcards and in illustrated magazines. There is also a practical explanation. Within a l lm's plot, paintings and sculptures were often used as portraits of characters, so audiences had to be able to recognize them otherwise their function as meaningful props would be lost.16 To
-
-<sup>15</sup> It sufl ces to have a glance at modern digital shops like eBay and Delcampe to notice the enormous divulgation of these postcards of late 19th century and early 20th century painting and sculpture.
-
-<sup>16</sup> This goes both for short comedies like *La signora Fricot è gelosa* and *Robinet è geloso* and dramatic features such as *Il processo Clemenceau*. The plot would fail if recognition of the statue as a portrait of one of the characters was not possible.
-
-l nd the pictorial equivalents of paintings or sculptures represented in the Italian cinema of the 1910s, one has to look therefore at late 19th century portraits or even at the monumental sculpture in Italian graveyards, such as that by Giulio Monteverde (*Angel*, 1882). There is, however, a m ipside to this. In the 1910s and early 1920s several Italian artists collaborated with the Italian cinema industry, either as set and costume designers (such as Duilio Cambellotti and Camillo Innocenti), as poster designers, or as creators of the art works visible in l lms. Thus, contemporary artists created art for l lm sets. While l lm historical research has focused too narrowly on the infrequent collaborations between the avant-garde of the Italian Futurists and the professional l lm industry, this other, vaster territory has hardly been explored. Let me provide two examples. For *Il fauno* (1917) by Febo Mari, a kind of reversed Pygmalion story – a woman falling in love with the statue of a male faun – the Piemontese sculptor Giuseppe Riva made the statue, even in multiple versions (Audoli 2008, 18–61) [Figs. 9–10].17 Riva stood in a late nineteenth-century representational tradition of the Faun that was present not only in Stéphane Mallarmé's famous poem, but also in sculptures in- and outside of Italy like Antonio Bezzola's *The Idol* (1891). Thus, an iconography was already there, only the form was altered. Finally, the bust of Francesca Bertini's character in *Il processo Clemenceau* that was destroyed by its creator, was based on an identical real bust of Bertini made by the Neapolitan sculptor Amleto Cataldi which was published in the renowned Italian art journal *Emporium* in 1917, the same year the l lm was released [Figs. 11–12]. (See Geraci [1917]. The bust of Bertini is depicted on pages 166 and 170.)
-
-In conclusion, we can say that, while more research is necessary, Italian silent cinema was surely not only looking backwards but also keeping an eye on the artistic present as well. In that sense the presence of art works and artists in Italian silent cinema was not only linked to particular narrative conventions, but also to the art world outside of the l lmic diegesis. Following Jens Schröter's categorization of intermediality, we can del ne the representation of one medium (art) in the other (cinema) as *transformational intermediality*, but intrinsically we are also dealing with *ontological intermediality* as well, as the cinema is redel ned through its comparison with painting and sculpture (Schröter, 1998). While the pictorial invites us to make a comparison between the cinema and the framing and deep staging in l gurative painting, the sculptural refers to cinema's ability to sculpt as well – but with light rather than stone.
-
-<sup>17</sup> Actor turned director Febo Mari had often scripts about artists such as *La gloria* (*The Glory*, 1916), in which a sculptor ruins his own statue, and *Il tormento* (1917), see note 5.
-
-### **References**
-
-- Audoli, Armando. 2008. *Chimere. Miti, allegorie e simbolismi plastici da Bistoll a Martinazzi.* [*Chimeras. Myths, Allegories, and Painterly Symbolism from Bistoll to Martinazzi*]. Torino: Weber & Weber.
-- Bernardini, Aldo and Vittorio Martinelli. 1991–1996. *Il cinema muto italiano, 1905–1931.* [The Italian Silent Cinema, 1905–1931]. Rome: Nuova ERI/CSC.
-- Blom, Ivo. 1992. *Il Fuoco* or the Fatal Portrait. The XIXth Century in the Italian Silent Cinema. *Le portrait peint au cinéma. Iris* no. 14–15 (Autumn): 55–66.
-- Elsaesser, Thomas. 1992. Mirror, Muse, Medusa: Experiment Perilous. *Le portrait peint au cinéma. Iris* no. 14–15 (Autumn): 147–159.
-- Felleman, Susan. 1992. The Moving Picture Gallery. *Le portrait peint au cinéma. Iris* no. 14–15 (Autumn): 193–200.
-- Felleman, Susan. 2006. *Art in the Cinematic Imagination.* Austin: University of Texas Press.
-- Jacobs, Steven. 2011. *Framing Pictures. Film and the Visual Arts.* Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
-- Geraci, Francesco. 1917. Artisti contemporanei: Amleto Cataldi. [Contemporary Artists: Amleto Cataldi], *Emporium*, vol. 267 no. 45 (March): 163–175.
-- Nicula, Dinu-Ioan. 1995. Film italiani in Romania. Dagli anni '10 alla Seconda Guerra Mondiale. [Italian Films in Romania. From the 1910s to the Second World War], In *Cinema italiano in Europa, 1907–1929, II*, ed. Francesco Bono, 59–67. Rome: Associazione Italiana per le Ricerche di Storia del Cinema.
-- Schröter, Jens. 1998. Intermedialität. Facetten und Problemen eines aktuellen medienwissenschaftlichen Begriffes. *Montage a/v*, vol. 7 no. 2: 129–154.
-- Sykora, Katharina. 2003. *As You Desire me. Das Bildnis im Film.* Cologne: Walther König.
-- Walker, Michael 2005. *Hitchcock's Motifs.* Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.
-- Weisberg, Gabriel P., et.al. 2010. *Illusions of Reality*. *Naturalist Painting, Photography, Theatre and Cinema, 1875–1918.* Brussels: Mercatorfonds.
-
-# **List of Figures**
-
-**Figure 1.** *Il fuoco* (Giovanni Pastrone, 1915). Courtesy Museo nazionale del cinema, Turin. **Figure 2.** *Il quadro di Osvaldo Mars* (Guido Brignone, 1921). Courtesy Cineteca di Bologna.
-
-![](_page_11_Picture_3.jpeg)
-
-**Figure 3.** *La modella* (Ugo Falena, 1916). Courtesy Cineteca di Bologna. **Figure 4.** *La notte che dormii sotto le stelle* (Giovanni Zannini, 1918). Courtesy Cineteca Nazionale, Rome.
-
-![](_page_11_Picture_5.jpeg)
-
-**Figure 5.** *La Gioconda* (Eleuterio Rodoll , 1916). Postcard. Collection Ivo Blom, Amsterdam. **Figure 6.** *Il processo Clemenceau* (Alfredo De Antoni, 1917). Courtesy Cineteca di Bologna.
-
-![](_page_12_Picture_2.jpeg)
-
-**Figure 7.** *La madre* (Giuseppe Sterni, 1917). Courtesy EYE Filmmuseum, Amsterdam. **Figure 8.** *La fuite en Egypte* (Maxime Dastugue, 1889). Illustration. Collection Ivo Blom, Amsterdam.
-
-![](_page_12_Picture_4.jpeg)
-
-![](_page_12_Picture_5.jpeg)
-
-**Figures 9–10.** Giuseppe Riva: *Fauno* (1917) (courtesy Armando Audoli), and the sculpture in *Il fauno* (Febo Mari, 1917). Courtesy Museo nazionale del cinema, Turin.
-
-![](_page_13_Picture_2.jpeg)
-
-**Figures 11–12.** Amleto Cataldi: *Francesca Bertini* (1917), and a still from *Il processo Clemenceau* (Alfredo De Antoni, 1917). Courtesy Cineteca di Bologna.
-
-![](_page_13_Picture_4.jpeg)

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-| Title                           | 'Headless Rome' and Hungry Goths: Herodotus and Titus Andronicus                                                                                                                                                                              |
-|---------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
-| Authors(s)                      | Grogan, Jane                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  |
-| Publication date                | 2013-12                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       |
-| Publication information         | Grogan, Jane. "'Headless Rome' and Hungry Goths: Herodotus and Titus Andronicus." Wiley,<br>December 2013. https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6757.12001.                                                                                           |
-| Publisher                       | Wiley                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         |
-| Item record/more<br>information | http://hdl.handle.net/10197/7737                                                                                                                                                                                                              |
-| Publisher's statement           | This is the author's version of the following article: Grogan, J. (2013) "English Literary<br>Renaissance" English Literary Renaissance, 43(1): 30-61 which has been published in final form at<br>http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6757.12001. |
-| Publisher's version (DOI)       | 10.1111/1475-6757.12001                                                                                                                                                                                                                       |
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-# *Published in ELR 43: 1 (2013): 30-61*
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-# **"Headless Rome" and Hungry Goths: Herodotus and** *Titus Andronicus* **Dr Jane Grogan, University College Dublin**
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-## **Abstract**
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-This essay argues for the intertextual contribution of Book 1 of Herodotus's *Histories* to *Titus Andronicus*. Translated by B.R. in 1584, Herodotus's accounts of rise and fall of the founder of the ancient Persian empire, Cyrus the Great, hold topical resonances for the first audiences of Shakespeare's Roman play, resonances that the play seems to invite. Modelling Tamora on Herodotus's Tomyris and borrowing crucial elements of plot from the narratives surrounding Cyrus, Shakespeare's most productive response to Herodotus is his adaptation of the figure of the "swallowing womb" from the account of Tomyris's revenge on Cyrus. Through it, Shakespeare explores the contentious and topical subjects of female rule and England's imperial aspirations. The essay explores possible connections between Tamora and Queen Elizabeth through their shared iconography in the mould of the just avenger, Tomyris. Ultimately, I argue, the Herodotean allusions facilitate a position sympathetic to the Goths in the play, one that tackles the dominance of Roman cultural models in late-sixteenth century English culture, and that responds defiantly to the vexed and embarrassing subject of Britain's own barbarian history as a colony of Rome.
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-For scholars tracking the origins and intertexts of *Titus Andronicus*, all roads lead to Rome.<sup>1</sup> Rome and *Romanitas* provide its setting, sources, values, politics and interests, and although its plot is not found in Livy or any other historian of Rome, there can be little doubt but that Shakespeare's interest in the play is to examine the cultural legacy of classical Rome. And, as T. J. B. Spencer famously noted, in his representation of classical Rome, Shakespeare seems concerned not so much with getting it all right but with getting
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-it all in.<sup>2</sup> Yet, as modern editors of the "noble Roman historye" entered by John Danter in the Stationers' Register often remark, sometimes the world of *Titus Andronicus* hardly looks Roman at all. In fact, the ubiquitous Latin tags, names and overt appeals to Roman values make the aberrant details alongside them all the more conspicuous.<sup>3</sup> The very opening scenes at the Capitol, heart of the Roman political world for Elizabethan audiences, produce a false note when Lucius, in contradiction of well-known Roman mores, demands the ritual sacrifice of Alarbus -- the act that precipitates the revenge plots dominating the rest of the play. <sup>4</sup> Nor does the play's Rome even remain classical. Advancing with an army of Goths, Lucius passes a "ruinous monastery" more evocative of Reformation England than early Rome. Ultimately -- and with a pointed accommodation of historical fact -- Shakespeare has the exiled Lucius, "the turned forth", heading an army of Goths (Rome's much maligned historical conquerors now embodying Rome's own martial and political values), redeem Rome from its self-generated crisis. How might we account for these important dissonances and aberrations in Shakespeare's Roman world? My contention in this essay is that we should take them seriously as indications of significant non-Roman material underlying at least some of the political work of the play and helping to shape and moralise Shakespeare's critique of Roman values.
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-These dissonances have not gone unnoticed, but they have not generally troubled prevailing interpretations of *Titus Andronicus*, which continue to take their cues for reading the play's literary, political, historical and ethical concerns from the Roman context and Roman intertexts: primarily Ovid, Seneca and Roman law. Coppélia Kahn, for example, argues that Shakespeare "generates his main action from versions of Roman *pietas* and *virtus*" even as it travesties those very notions, but even this self-divided model fails to capture the cultural complexity of *Titus*'s Rome.<sup>5</sup> While this Rome-centred approach has generated compelling accounts of the play's critique of Roman values, and its legacy to early modern England, such readings have tended to overlook or trivialize the inconsistencies described, and, concomitantly, to make cartoon villains of the Goths, mere foils to the more significant matter of Rome.<sup>6</sup> Moreover, they fail to account for the streak of sympathy for Tamora that the play enables, although Jonathan Bate and Neil Rhodes have noted a residual sympathy for the Goths articulated in the play.<sup>7</sup> In this
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-essay I will suggest that just as the anachronisms of Roman paganism in the play allow it to become "a jagged mirror for Christians, reflecting the troubled conscience of post-Reformation Europe," so the blurred lineaments of its classical Roman setting and the historical legerdemain of its treatment of the Goths betray the outlines of another ancient culture and another non-Roman intertext at work in the play.<sup>8</sup> That culture, that country is ancient Persia, and, I suggest, the important and hitherto unnoticed intertext through which it is mediated is Book 1 of Herodotus's *Histories*. Specifically, Shakespeare's play evokes a well-known set of narratives centred on the figure of Cyrus the Great, founder of the ancient Persian empire. These intertextual resonances work not only in Tamora's favour, but also provide a positive moral cast for the play's central image of the disaster that has befallen Rome: the "swallowing womb".Through the Herodotean intertext, then, the contradictions of Shakespeare's Rome take new political shape, and the questions Shakespeare poses of Roman values – and England's obsession with them – gain a stronger moral and historical force than we have hitherto allowed.
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-The 1580s and 1590s saw a marked interest in Persia ancient and modern in Elizabethan England, an interest that went far beyond Herodotus and into the realms of political theory, Protestant exegesis and comparative historiography.<sup>9</sup> Although the successful commercial and diplomatic Persian travels of Anthony Jenkinson and other agents of the Muscovy Company were eventually sidelined in 1580 in favour of trade agreements with the Ottomans, Persia's enemies, their narratives were proudly advertised and reproduced in Hakluyt's *Principall Navigations, Voyages, Discoveries and Traffiques of the English Nation* (1589).<sup>10</sup> Histories of Persia formed a prominent part of the classical inheritance as well as a recent preoccupation of continental comparative historians and ethnographers, and the ambiguous image that these studies provided of a Persia that was *both* "barbarian" and "civil" was one that endured into the eighteenth century.<sup>11</sup> On the public stage, this interest was reflected in the production of plays such as *Tamburlaine* (Parts 1 and 2) (1587?) and *Soliman and Perseda* (1592), plays often associated generically with *Titus Andronicus*. But the best-known Persian in late Elizabethan England was Cyrus the Great, founder of the ancient Persian (Achaemenid) empire and the figure around whom many of the classical historical and ethnographic materials were centred. By 1590, accounts of the life of Cyrus by Herodotus, Xenophon
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-and Justin were available even in English translation, and the commendations of Cicero, Erasmus and even Machiavelli, as well as the striking approbation in the Old Testament Book of Ezra, made Cyrus a central figure of debate by scholars and schoolboys alike.<sup>12</sup> Beyond the purely scholarly domain, the romance play, *The Warres of Cyrus* (published 1594, but performed early in the 1580s), kept Cyrus on stage and in public view. And a long list of appearances in mirrors-for-princes and educational treatises, as well as in Sidney's *Apology for Poetry*, meant that the name and career of Cyrus had currency and prestige among English readers of all ages. It is this popular knowledge of a set of narratives centred on the Persian Cyrus that Shakespeare awakens in the "barbarous" Rome of *Titus Andronicus*, and specifically the account originating in Herodotus's *Histories*.
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-The antiquity of Cyrus made his life and achievements no less relevant to travellers or commentators on Persia. Early modern discussions of contemporary (Safavid) Persia, too, were heavily inflected by the accrued knowledge of ancient Persia disseminated through classical Greek texts, the most prominent of which were those of Herodotus and Xenophon. In writing about Persia, travellers such as Jenkinson, and later Thomas Coryat and the Sherley brothers, reached as easily for their Herodotus, Xenophon and Strabo as they did for more recent sources. While stories from Herodotus circulated through prose compendia such as Richard Taverner's two-volume *The Garden of Wisdom* (1539), it was through the 1584 translation of the first two books of the *Histories* that Herodotus was best known to Elizabethan readers.<sup>13</sup> But these readers inherited mixed views of Herodotus. Cicero's "Father of History," Herodotus had also acquired the appellation of "father of lies" and "lover of barbarians" (*philobarbaros*) from Plutarch who dedicated an entire essay to attacking Herodotus's scurrility and inaccuracies.<sup>14</sup> Prominent among those classical heroes whom Herodotus knocked from their pedestals (thereby incurring Plutarch's ire) was Cyrus.<sup>15</sup> Plutarch's reaction reveals an important feature of the textual legacy about Cyrus: an interrogative attitude about him, his status as an exemplar, his moral character and political leadership, one that arises from the significant divergences between the best-known accounts of his life and which is kept alive by his medieval and Renaissance proponents and opponents.
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-A favourite exemplar of humanist pedagogues notwithstanding the Herodotean account, Cyrus was known to Renaissance readers in the first instance through the fictionalised biography written by Xenophon, a Greek contemporary of Plato's. Xenophon's *Cyropaedia* described the education and career of Cyrus in glowing terms, making the life of Cyrus easily assimilable to the later mirror-for-princes tradition.<sup>16</sup> But Herodotus's account of Cyrus, which dominates Book 1 of the *Histories* (and which Xenophon had strategically ignored), gave an altogether less glowing account of a proud and merciless king who merited his bloody end at the hands of a barbarian queen, Tomyris. Xenophon omits this entire episode, replacing it with a dignified death-bed scene where Cyrus, ever the shining exemplar, dispenses advice to his sons on the vagaries of power and the responsibilities of the empire that he bequeaths them. If Xenophon's was the pious schoolroom narrative, Herodotus's was the story on the street. The obvious disjunctions between their accounts, notably on the subject of Cyrus's death, only added to their appeal, as the numerous references to Cyrus in both popular and esoteric texts testifies.<sup>17</sup> So if Shakespeare made use of Herodotus's narratives of ancient Persia, and particularly the tales of Cyrus, he should have been able to count on his first audiences to spot the allusions.
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-These allusions, at first, comprise rich parallels of plot and imagery, direct evocations, and looser but resonant details, and are revealingly numerous. The conflict between Media and Persia which first brought Cyrus to power -- a war between a dominant race and a subordinate nation which eventually reverses that hierarchy - shadows the quasi-historical power-struggles between Romans and Goths in *Titus Andronicus*. Herodotus identifies the turning-point in the Medo-Persian struggle as the defection of the Median general Harpagus to the cause of Persian Cyrus in a counter-act of revenge upon King Astyages who had previously made Harpagus unwittingly consume his own son during a banquet. Astyages had organised that cruel act as punishment of Harpagus for previously disobeying his orders years earlier to murder Cyrus, his grandson whom he feared would, once grown, usurp him. Astyages's horrible vengeance is, in fact, the primary source for Seneca's cannibalistic banquet in *Thyestes* -- itself an acknowledged source for the infamous banquet in *Titus Andronicus*. <sup>18</sup> Some further allusions may persuade us we should remember this earlier cannibalistic banquet as well
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-as the Senecan source: in both Shakespeare and Herodotus baby-swapping is used as a means of saving the life of a young royal child. Continuing this theme, Aaron's mutinous silence broken only at the threat to his royal-born son remembers Croesus's mute son in Herodotus, who miraculously recovers speech only when his father is threatened with death by one of Cyrus's soldiers, ignorant of his royal status. The secret letters Lucius receives "from great Rome / Which signifies what hate they bear their emperor" (5.1.2-3) and Titus's letter to Saturninus delivered inside a basket of pigeons both evoke the secret letter sewn inside the belly of a hare that Harpagus sends to Cyrus inviting him to invade his grandfather's kingdom and guaranteeing him internal support. More distant echoes of Herodotus's account of Cyrus might include the truth-telling significance of play-acting and the Andronici's recourse to archery -- for which the Persians were famed -- as symbolic assaults on Tamora and Saturninus. But perhaps the strongest indication of the Herodotean resonances of the play comes from Shakespeare's naming of the Goth queen 'Tamora', a close approximation of 'Tomyris', notorious conqueror of Cyrus in the Herodotean account.
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-Herodotus is the primary source through which early modern readers learn of Tomyris and her achievement.<sup>19</sup> At least one early reader of the text seems to have made the connection between Tomyris and Tamora: in the First Folio Tamora is misprinted on one occasion (at 3.2.74) as "Tamira."<sup>20</sup> Twentieth-century editors have noted but quickly dismissed the echo of Tomyris's name in Shakespeare's Tamora: in his 1953 Arden edition, J.C. Maxwell suggested that she may owe something to "the notoriously cruel Scythian queen Tomyris", and both Eugene Waith and Jonathan Bate follow Maxwell's lead in their Oxford and Arden editions, but do not investigate further.<sup>21</sup> Dorothea Kehler alone pursues the Herodotus connection, but rejects the possibility that Tamora might be modelled on Herodotus's "most noble and vertuous queene" Tomyris, on the fallacious grounds that Tomyris is (again) "a Queen of Scythia notorious for her cruelty."<sup>22</sup> But Kehler appears to have misread her *Histories*: Herodotus quite clearly identifies Tomyris as queen of the *Massagetae*, and not of the Scythians whom he treats briefly in a later section of this Book and more fully in Book 4 – a far less easily accessible Book of Herodotus in the 1580s. A northern tribe, the Massagetae -- unlike the Scythians -- were considered to be ancestors of the European Goths: this genealogy was suggested by the
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-sixth-century historian Jordanes, the only early historian of the Goths whose work survives. His point was picked up, in turn, by early modern readers and writers. Lodowick Lloyd, for example, writes in 1590 that **"***Cyrus* made warre vpon the *Massagites*, which were of the stocke of the *Gothes*: of these *Messagites* came the *Getes* [Goths]."<sup>23</sup> For early modern readers, then, Tamora's Goths are not just the historical conquerors of Rome: they are also the direct descendents of Tomyris's Massagetae.<sup>24</sup> (That Tamora's people do not regard themselves as Scythians should be clear in any case from Chiron's angry remark about the ostensibly civil Rome: "Was never Scythia half so barbarous!" (1.1.134). It is hardly an expression of homesickness!) And if Tamora's Goths strongly evoke Tomyris's Massagetae, Tamora's motive for revenge upon Titus - that he refused mercy to her son -- is exactly that of Tomyris's revenge upon Cyrus. More compellingly still, the manner of her revenge gives Shakespeare the precise form and figure for Titus's counter-revenge on Tamora: the swallowing womb. But through the Herodotean intertext, that image acquires a more positive and politically meaningful set of resonances than has heretofore been considered.
-
-Let me submit that Shakespeare fashions his horrifying master-conceit of the "swallowing womb" partly from Herodotus's account of Astyages's vengeance (of enforced cannibalism) on Harpagus, but primarily from the final revenge that Tomyris exacts upon the corpse of Cyrus, having defeated him in battle. Book 1 of the *Histories* closes with a detailled account of Cyrus's fall, and his death and mutilation at Tomyris's hands. Herodotus uses a Greek moral framework to describe an unforgettable case of barbarian *hubris*: Cyrus foolishly crosses the river Araxes to attack the Massagetae and then uses underhand means to capture a large part of the Massagetae army, including Tomyris's son Spargapises. Refusing Tomyris's pleas for the release of the now-suicidal Spargapises -- or, as Justin has it in a later version also known to Renaissance readers, actually killing Spargapises with his own hand -- Cyrus incurs her wrath and vengeance.<sup>25</sup> Accordingly, Tomyris defeats his army and takes the terrible maternal revenge that so interests Shakespeare. After the battle, she seeks out Cyrus's body and has it decapitated, ordering that his head be thrown into a vat of blood, whereupon she jeers at him: "Thou boutcherly tyrant, my sonne thou tokest by craft and kylled by cruelty, wherefore with thy selfe I haue kept touch; Now therefore *take thy fill bloudy* 
-
-*caitife, sucke there till thy belly cracke*." <sup>26</sup> Tomyris exacts her revenge upon Cyrus by literalising the figurative, visiting his bloodthirstiness on his body as cruelly as she can, pre-empting the classic horror technique so favoured in early modern revenge tragedy: "[t]hou insatiable and bloudy boutcher … I will glut that greedy pawnch of thine with abou[n]daunce of bloude, wherewith thou seemest to bee insaturable and neuer to be satisfied."<sup>27</sup>
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-Her revenge is both politicised and gendered. Indicting his bloodthirstiness by improvising a surrogate stomach full of blood in which Cyrus might sate his "insaturable" bloodthirstiness, Tomyris creates a gruesome but unforgettable image of righteous barbarian vengeance upon supposedly "civil" wrong-doing. The moral transgressions and hubris signalled by Cyrus's crossing of the river Araxes, boundary between Europe and the barbarians of Asia, and highlighted in Herodotus's account of his duplicitous stratagems and degraded standards of war and mercy, give Tomyris's revenge a moral authority and even a providential inevitability for Christian readers. Tomyris's act is also an image of salutary maternal vengeance: by its close association with her function as mother to Spargapises, the vat of blood also figures the womb of maternal nurture. Cyrus's broken body is force-fed in a bloody barbarian womb whose proper issue he has unmercifully destroyed. And in a final cruel irony, this makeshift womb also becomes his tomb -- a conflation that Shakespeare powerfully mobilises in the Andronicus tomb and the "swallowing pit" of mother earth and "tigerish" earth mother Tamora.
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-Horrible as the revenge is, there is good reason to suppose that Shakespeare's first audiences and readers read Tomyris's actions as *just* vengeance. Herodotus relates Cyrus's fall in the most sensational terms, and the tenor of his account, his tacit support for Tomyris's actions after Cyrus's cruelty to her son, remains an integral part of the narrative in the centuries that followed. The episode gained a particularly strong purchase on the early modern imagination, and Tomyris's colourful condemnation of Cyrus's bloodthirstiness was frequently remembered with it. The Duke of Buckingham's ventriloquised complaint in the *Mirror for Magistrates*, for example, advises his auditors to
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-Consyder Cyrus in your cruell thought, A makeles prynce in ryches and in myght, And weygh in minde the bloudy dedes he wrought, In sheading which he set his whole delyght: But see the guerdon lotted to this wyght, He whose huge power no man might ouerthrowe, Tomyris Queen with great despite hath slowe.
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-His head dismembred from his mangled corps, Her selfe she cast into a vessell fraught With clottered bloud of them that felt her force. And with these wordes *a iust reward* she taught: Drynke nowe thy fyll of thy desyred draught. Loe marke the fine that did this prynce befall: Marke not this one, but marke the ende of all.<sup>28</sup>
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-The moralised terms of Herodotus's rendering of the Tomyris/Cyrus encounter were also strengthened by medieval exegetical traditions in which Tomyris is seen as fulfilling nothing less than divine mandate in toppling "irous Cirus."<sup>29</sup> The *Speculum humanae salvationis* makes this clear with its typological illustrations of Tomyris alongside Judith and Jael prefiguring the Virgin Mary's defeat of the devil.<sup>30</sup> In similar vein, Cyrus was consigned to the salutary exemplars of Pride in Dante's *Purgatorio*. Tomyris becomes a regular presence in medieval enumerations of the "Nine Worthies", heroic female figures from scriptural and classical history lauded in the verbal and visual arts.<sup>31</sup> These classical and medieval moralisations held currency well into the early modern period, as we see in numerous witty or moralised representations of Cyrus, and in Tomyris's inclusion in later catalogues of heroic women.<sup>32</sup> That Cyrus "did lose his heed" is playfully remembered by analogy with Ariosto's Orlando "quho did lose his braine" by one of King James's "Castalian band."<sup>33</sup> Robert Chester merely spells out what is implicit in many other texts when, in *Love's Martyr* (a 1601 miscellany to which Shakespeare was later to contribute) he describes Tomyris as being "full of Noblenesse."<sup>34</sup> It seems, therefore, that Sir John
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-Harington had good grounds for noting that Tomyris's was a "wel knowne speech" -- and Tomyris a well known and admired heroine.<sup>35</sup>
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-This tradition of Tomyris as an instrument of God's justice, or a just avenger in her own right, seems to lie behind moments in *Titus Andronicus* when Tamora is put in a position to generate sympathy from the audience -- and behind the image of the "swallowing womb" itself.<sup>36</sup> Her initial plea and persuasive reasonings with Titus on behalf of her son Alarbus is an example, one that made its mark on early audiences, as the curious Longleat manuscript drawing shows. <sup>37</sup> From moralization, it can be merely a small step to sectarian polemic, and Tomyris gets conscripted for such duties too. In Thomas Wilson's *A Christian Dictionary* (1612), for example, "*to drinke Blood*" is defined by explicit reference to Tomyris's revenge: "To take in blood, as men take in other drinke, as *Cyrus* did by the compulsion of *Tomyris.*" Wilson's further explication that "[t]o haue their owne blood abundantly shed, till they swim in it, and do drinke (as it were) their owne blood …[is] a fit punishment, *for Popish and all other cruel persecutors*, that they shold one slaughter another, til they be bathed in their own bloods, as hapned to the *Midianites* in the Iudges; and to Papists also" completes the validation of Tomyris's revenge in sectarian as well as moralized Elizabethan terms.<sup>38</sup> Thus, Tomyris's moral authority and just cause for sympathy and redress, evinced in Herodotus and developed by these later writers, remains a powerful strand of the early modern reception of Herodotus.
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-What, then, of the gruesome manner of her revenge? Mustn't it be mitigated even a very little given these strong moral precedents and memories of a civil barbarian justly brought low by a barbarian queen? And if the critique of imperial Rome articulated in *Titus Andronicus* through Roman sources is bolstered by the Herodotean allusions, the most prominent of these is Shakespeare's re-working of Tomyris's revenge in the figure of the "swallowing womb" (2.3.239), Shakespeare's dominant image for Rome's turbulence.<sup>39</sup> Rather than simply scapegoating such disorder as female and Gothic, as Heather James has argued, Shakespeare's Herodotean allusions, his remembrance of Tomyris's revenge to support a sympathy towards the Goth queen and her cause, enable a more trenchant and committed attack on Roman values and the cultural authority of Rome in Elizabethan society than has previously been recognised. This critique of Rome
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-may even be more topical and focussed still: if the build-up of variations of the "swallowing womb" allusions help to mould an image of Tamora as a just avenger, this in turn facilitates pointed connections to contemporary iconography of Queen Elizabeth as Justice.<sup>40</sup> This latter possibility will be explored in the final section of this paper.
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-#### **BELLIES AND BARBARISM**
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-The connection between the swallowing womb and Tomyris's revenge can be observed in the minor details of language and so on, as well as the larger structural parallels, and here the recent translation of Herodotus is particularly relevant. The account of Tomyris and Cyrus in the 1584 translation of the first two books of the *Histories* is markedly obsessed with stomachs and wombs. Tomyris is "full of *stomacke* and displeasure" to see her son captured by Cyrus's ruse (which itself involved a banquet by which the Massagetae army "hauing there *stomacks* forced with vittayls" are easily captured); she determines to "glut that greedy *pawnch* of [Cyrus's] with abou[n]daunce of bloude"; and another revealing elaboration on the Greek source details that rather than simply committing suicide, Tomyris's son "*pawnched* him selfe into the *belly* with a Jauelyne and so dyed."<sup>41</sup> This obsession might best be described as crowd-pleasing, proleptic intimations of Tomyris's final revenge on the man responsible for the death of her son, a grotesque parade of bellies that bolster the readers' sense of Tomyris's justification in her terrible act as well as the thrill of horror in reading about it. Building on the substance as well as the cumulative techniques of these image-patterns, Shakespeare adopts the image of Tomyris's vengeance as a politicised and gendered motif of disorder for his play: the image of the swallowing womb.<sup>42</sup> In his reworking of it within the play, however, its positive Herodotean moral coding itself comes under visible challenge, notably through the play's adumbration of Tamora as a figure of failed justice, Astraea's cruel usurper. More curiously still, through the course of the play, that image of justified barbarian vengeance migrates from Tamora to Lavinia, the true-blue Roman usually heroised within the play, its Roman imaginary, and through her own impeccable textual precedents. Vilified but justified, Tomyris's bloody revenge ultimately brings Goth queen and Roman virgin into surprising coalition in their separate, vain attempts to counter the debased Roman imperial values that have made sufferers of them all.<sup>43</sup>
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-Through this challenge to its remembered Herodotean precedents, then, Shakespeare's play in turn challenges its audiences to consider what happens when the moral values they espouse come under pressure. Shakespeare's master-image of the swallowing womb is, in the first instance, a transferred epithet that symbolises both a voracious maternal appetite for revenge and a fundamental disorder at the heart of the Roman world, one conveniently (if temporarily) displaced onto the female and non-Roman Tamora.<sup>44</sup> The swallowing womb is repeatedly associated with Tamora in the play, and by extension, with Rome under her sway. But if Tomyris's revenge is the dominant pattern of Shakespeare's "swallowing womb," the image also remembers elements from Herodotus's account of the cannibalistic revenge of Cyrus's grandfather Astyages on Harpagus in forcing him to consume his own son, an account that appears just a little earlier in Book 1. Once again, we find a sense of justified revenge, but this time in Harpagus's subsequent defection to Cyrus's side as a response to Astyages's horrible punishment; here, I cannot help but think of Lucius's astonishing ability to occupy the moral high ground as he leads an army of Goths against his fellow-Romans. As noted previously, this particular allusion to Herodotus's narrative of Astyages/Harpagus/Cyrus is mediated through one of Shakespeare's acknowledged Roman sources: Seneca's *Thyestes*. Shakespeare also probably draws on the concluding scene added by Jasper Heywood to his 1560 translation of *Thyestes*, in which the eponymous hero laments that his "more then monstrous womb" has "become a cursed tombe."<sup>45</sup> Together, Herodotus's proleptic bellies and stomachs (culminating in Tomyris's revenge), Seneca's cannibalistic banquet and Heywood's "womb" and "tomb" form the pattern of Shakespeare's "swallowing womb." From these narratives of barbarian maternal revenge and "civil" paternal suffering, Shakespeare forges even fiercer narratives of civil maternal suffering and barbaric paternal revenge based on the swallowing womb, narratives which obfuscate the line between civil and barbarian, Roman and Goth, and which throw the basis of all "civil" values into question.
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-The pattern of Tomyris's revenge recurs throughout Shakespeare's play, sometimes on its own terms, other times in coalition with Roman cultural paradigms. Beginning with Marcus's plea to Titus to "help to set a head on headless Rome" (1.1.186), it reappears in the reminder in Saturninus's name of both Saturn (who, fearful of their usurping him, consumed his sons) and the Assyrian emperor Ninus (whose wife, Semiramis, ruled in his stead and attempted incest with her son).<sup>46</sup> The imprisoning maternal womb invoked by Aaron later in the play as a way of engendering fraternal sympathy between Chiron and Demetrius and his own son again builds on the elements of Tomyris's revenge.<sup>47</sup> More often, the connection between womb and tomb suggested by Heywood and already implicit in Herodotus allows the swallowing womb to be figured as the earth. Shakespeare fuses this form with the quintessentially Roman notion of the earth as "great mother of us all," remembered to Rome by none other than Lucius Junius Brutus.<sup>48</sup> The earth with its "dry appetite" (3.1.14) simply drinks the penitent Titus's blood and tears, just as it swallowed most of Titus's sons. (The Andronicus brothers may be interred in Roman soil but the only solace its guardian, Marcus, offers is Greek: the (again, Herodotean) trope of "Solon's happiness".) Again and again, the Herodotean intertext dismantles the political distinctions between civil and barbarian in Roman imperial values, together with their tacit moral inflections. So, for example, if Roman tradition values the tomb as a sanctuary in which Roman heroism is perpetually remembered, the Herodotean overtones expose the heroic distinction of the tomb and Roman rites of death to be ineffectual decorations of the consuming, feminine womb of the earth.<sup>49</sup> Nor is it any different to what the barbarians endure: Tamora and Aaron, too, are eventually left to be consumed by the earth (Aaron set "breast-deep in earth" and starved (5.3.178) and Tamora exposed to be consumed by "beasts and birds of prey" (5.3.197)). Nor do the Andronici escape the swallowing womb of the earth.
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-The term "swallowing womb" first appears in Act 2, Scene 2, describing the pit in which Bassianus's body is dumped and in which two Andronicus brothers are entrapped. The "detested, dark, blood-drinking pit" (2.3.224) has long been associated not just with "the malign fecundity of the maternal womb" but, specifically, with Tamora's womb.<sup>50</sup> Once again suggestions of Tomyris's revenge shape events at the pit. Two of its victims, Quintus and Martius Andronicus, are beheaded as a result of having been found there; another, Bassianus, is dumped there as a makeshift tomb. An "unhallowed and bloodstained hole" (2.3.210) located in a sinister wood outside Rome, the pit is insistently marked as Gothic, and even more insistently as female. Tamora figuratively swallows the flesh and blood of the Andronicus boys, even as their entrapment within the pit is
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-manipulated to represent the lie that they have spilled the blood of Bassianus ("berayed in blood" (2.3.222)). But an awareness of Herodotus's barbarian "pattern" for this "swallowing womb" highlights not so much Gothic rapacity as brutal and debased Roman appetites: the irreligious *pietas* of the Andronicus thirst for sacrifical Goth blood.<sup>51</sup> And the residual sympathy for Tomyris in the interpretative tradition inherited by Shakespeare goes some distance towards justifying Tamora's vengeful actions, primarily by remembering her just cause. If it recalibrates the moral burden of the episode, however, it does not go all the way: the play does not stand over Tamora's viciousness, nor that of her sons.
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-More striking still in its erasure of the boundaries between civil and incivil parties is another permutation of the "swallowing womb": the revenge of Titus upon Tamora. Titus's oddly pedantic methods are seldom remarked, but can be better understood through their evocation and re-working of Tomyris's revenge. Like Tomyris, Titus first collects blood before proffering it to his primary intended victim. He cuts the throats of Chiron and Demetrius, fastidiously collecting their blood for culinary purposes.<sup>52</sup> Next, he uses this basin of blood to bake the Goths' flesh, before making Tamora consume her own flesh and blood in cannibalistic "pasties" (5.2.189). In so doing, the barbarian revenge of Tomyris, overlaid with Astyages's vengeful punishment of Harpagus, is reprised by the ostensibly-civil Roman faction in the play and visited instead on the delinquent young men who have raped Lavinia and their mother who has set them on to it. The Herodotean connection is reinforced in both the language and conception of Titus's taunt that he will make Tamora "swallow her own increase" (5.2.190) to a horrible satiety: "And this the banquet she shall *surfeit* on" (5.2.193; emphasis mine). Just as Tomyris sought to literalise Cyrus's bloodthirstiness, by insisting that Tamora "swallow her own increase" Titus forces a literal enactment of the "swallowing womb" with which Tamora has previously been associated. The result of Titus's counter-revenge is yet another dissolution of the boundaries between civil and barbarian factions, one entirely in keeping with Tomyris's revenge, in fact, where another terrible irony reposed: that in attempting in this fashion to impugn Cyrus's bloodthirstiness, she succeeded equally in revealing her own.
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-But once again, the details of Shakespeare's re-fashioning of Herodotus demand scrutiny: although Titus orchestrates this barbarian revenge, *Lavinia* is enlisted to act it, and in another gruesomely memorable way. It is Lavinia who collects the surfeit of blood upon which Titus's victim will be gorged. In his extraordinary elaboration of Tomyris's revenge, Titus has the despoiled Roman virgin, cipher for the most enduring social and political ideals of Rome, hold "[t]he basin that receives [their] guilty blood" (5.2.183) in the "stumps" (5.2.182) of her mutilated arms. In including her in his revenge, Titus mobilises Lavinia -- and by implication Rome -- to avenge her own rape, her own destruction.<sup>53</sup> But the image of justified female vengeance that he seizes upon is that of the barbarian queen Tomyris, one already conspicuously and corrosively embodied by Tamora and her "swallowing womb." This identification of Lavinia with vengeful agency on the model of Tamora thus becomes another corrupting assault on Lavinia, simultaneously a doomed defence and desecration of Lavinia's body and what it stands for, a travesty of the female offices of care and chastity as they once operated in Roman ideology. <sup>54</sup> (In turn, it is this brutalisation of Lavinia (and not necessarily a misremembered Roman precedent) that prepares Titus for her mercy killing soon after, I would suggest.) Just as the echo of Tomyris's revenge helped to justify that of Tamora up to a limit, so too it couches Titus's revenge in relatively sympathetic terms -- up to a limit. Critics tend to agree that Titus is, ultimately, "a man more sinned against than sinning," but his appropriation of the moral authority of Tomyris's revenge in turn subjects him to the paradox of the revenger: that in the psychological and moral dynamics of revenge, the revenger must in a sense become, and become worse than the person who has wronged him.<sup>55</sup> Here, at least, Seneca trumps Herodotus. Lavinia's agency in Titus's revenge thus undermines her moral stature too, and the social and political myths of *Romanitas* that she anchors. In Shakespeare's capable hands, the motif of the swallowing womb is productively mobile, migrating from Tamora to Titus and Lavinia, marking the non-epiphanic nature of allusion within what James has termed Shakespeare's "politics of citational violence."<sup>56</sup> But more vigorously still, this re-fashioned, mobile Herodotean motif marks the diminishing of justice under the arrogance of imperial rule, whether Roman or Persian.
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-Herodotus and the reception tradition of Tomyris, thus give Shakespeare a powerful and malleable motif of disorder that can articulate not just doubts about the grounds of civility, the limits of empire and the mutability of humans and human affairs, but also even more topical contemporary anxieties about civil barbarism, female rule, and the moral probity of imperial ideals, anxieties that have previously been considered only within the Roman purview and terms of the play. In dissolving again and again the distinctions between civil and barbarian, and in showing the re-appropriations of Tomyris's revenge by Tamora and Titus, Shakespeare challenges *Romanitas*, and the moral authority and cultural prestige of imperial Rome. But he also weakens the polemical animus of the term "barbarian" and presents instead the self-justifying actions of competing peoples who refuse to recognise the humanity of the other. This has at least two important ramifications for our readings of the play: firstly, Shakespeare opens a space for a more sympathetic view of Tamora and the Goths *as* "*barbarians*" to prevail, one otherwise inaccessible through the Roman values that have dominated scholarship of *Titus Andronicus*. This space might well encourage Shakespeare's Elizabethan audiences to embrace "their own ancestors," as Jonathan Bate suggests, "barbarian" vanquishers of Roman might. In sparking echoes of a non-Roman text in a play that skirts conspicuously closely around the subject of the fall of Rome to the Goths, Shakespeare allows his first audiences to defy the weighty and unflattering writings of Caesar, Tacitus and others, and to contemplate a new English barbarian identity less beholden to Rome and their own embarrassing history under Rome.<sup>57</sup> Behind the play's image of ancient imperial Rome (its allure, as well as the Elizabethan concern with Britain's Roman inheritance) lies ancient imperial Persia (its allure, and the no less troubling Tudor fear of acknowledging the "barbarian" within their own ethnographic make-up). The revenge of Tamora thus potentially eclipses even the rape of Lavinia within the political imaginary of the play, at least as it speaks to Shakespeare's contemporary audiences. But foregrounding Tomyris's just vengeance rather than Cyrus's imperial conquests, Shakespeare also puts the question of empire at the heart of his play, uncovering its murky, bloody demands and its corrosiveness to moral and social ideals at a significant moment of England's selfdefinition as an empire-in-the-making.
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-Secondly, and building on that point, the Herodotean echoes of the play's central motif, the "swallowing womb", complicates the moral and political work of the play by overlaying Roman mores with Greek, Persian, Goth and "barbarian" models, challenging the esteem in which imperial Rome was held by Shakespeare's contemporaries. If Tamora is advantaged by the association with the just avenger, Tomyris, the play does not allow this identification any easy space within Titus's Rome: after all, Tamora stands for the failure of justice in Rome, the flight of Astraea, and becomes a victim of just vengeance herself when Titus successfully assumes Tomyris's prerogative. The bloody theme of the "swallowing womb" reveals in *Titus*, as it had in Herodotus, a classical maxim that Marcus Andronicus, unwittingly prescient, alluded to earlier in the play: "Solon's happiness" (1.1.177). Solon's apocryphal argument that no man can be deemed happy until his last day was a familiar *sententia*. It is also to be found in Book 1 of Herodotus, in the account of the Athenian Solon's declaration to the Lydian king Croesus that no man be called happy until his death, such was the mutability of fortune. In fact, the story is already second-hand in Herodotus: we hear it when the Persian king Cyrus has Croesus re-tell it, having just conquered the Lydia and ordered Croesus be put to death. Though Solon's advice was well-known and much cited by classical authorities and Renaissance writers including Sophocles, Aristotle and Montaigne, its touchstone - and one of its earliest formulations -- was Book I of the *Histories*. <sup>58</sup> In thus re-describing the Roman culture of heroic death as confirmation of a Greek metaphysical principle mulled over by barbarian kings, Marcus again points to Herodotus as a vital non-Roman intertext through which the complex political imaginary of *Titus Andronicus* must be elucidated. The Roman model alone is insufficient as an exemplar to Elizabethan England. And in its troubling potential for vice and injustice, it may not even be a positive model at all. Through Marcus's remembrance of this maxim, the play suggests that Titus and Tamora -- like Cyrus and Tomyris -- are locked into a sterile struggle in which both of them may stand justifiably avenged on the other. The question is not which of them is justified, but rather how Roman deformations of justice have made aggressors -- and victims -- of them both.
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-Animating and moralising Shakespeare's conception of the dying days of the Roman empire, then, is Herodotus's account of the dying days of the founder of the
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-Persian empire, I have been arguing. Tomyris's revenge adds another, vital shade to the Roman colouring of Shakespeare's politics of dismemberment, and in the process, instigates a deeper challenge to the political arrogance and accepted moral authority of imperial Rome for Shakespeare's audiences and readers than has previously been considered. Through awakening a Herodotean intertext in *Titus Andronicus*, Shakespeare borrows the Herodotean tendency to critique great men, and not to praise them (as Xenophon did) -- and to critique the praising of them, as my next section will suggest. A short but salient digression, this section tries to reconcile my intertextual interpretation of the play through Herodotus with the play's own treatment of the dynamics of intertextual engagement, and to explore the purposes that Shakespeare's reflectiveness on this issue might serve. This will bring us, finally, to the question of Shakespeare's first audiences and readers, and the potential topical implications that the play holds for this contingent.
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-### **INTERTEXTUAL** *TITUS*
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-Positing a new intertext for *Titus Andronicus* has conspicuous perils: the play has already anticipated and theorised the hunt for its own sources, playfully dramatising the very acts of intertextual interpretation that it simultaneously demands.<sup>59</sup> Successful interpretation of signs and texts and the forms of resolution that such interpretations produce are subject and strategy for the protagonists as much as for Shakespeare's audiences. Intertextuality is one of the crucial ways in which the semantics of the play operates, both within and beyond the world of the play, allowing Shakespeare to reach out to, and assert political community with his audience and readership. Of those audiences, the sensibilities of one contingent in particular seem to be privileged: those young educated men recently arrived from Cambridge and Oxford, marked out by their disposable incomes, fashionable literary tastes and showy classicism, men who might in the long run prove to be useful patrons and who, in the short run, were valued customers of the public theatres. Shakespeare's responsive adaptations from Herodotus seem to target the learning and concerns of this savvy audience, playing both to their bloodthirsty dramatic appetites and to their sceptical political sensibilities in the last years of Elizabeth's reign.
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-The very privileged textuality of the play, the playful interest in books and the experience of schooling and reading supports this. The play repeatedly and ostentatiously invites the viewers and readers to make sense of its plots and moral codes by reference to other texts, just as its protagonists do to try to make sense of their own situations. More often than not, it is the well-worn classical texts of the early modern schoolroom and the homosocial communities of the universities and Inns of Court that are invoked: Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Seneca, Livy, and a host of Roman historians and lawyers. And the spirit in which such texts are invoked is mock-scholarly, sometimes brutally so. The counterrevenge plot, of course, turns on Lavinia's recourse to Ovid's Philomela narrative, and Titus finally kills his daughter on the authority of Virginius's precedent (misremembered from the Roman historians), first checking his interpretation of the sources in high pedagogical fashion with Saturninus. If these moments provide valuable interpretative cues, they also introduce a note of warning about how such intertexts can be used. Underlying all of the play's intertextual impulses is the familiar search for authorising classical models, the dogma Titus insists upon when he kills Lavinia upon "A pattern, precedent, and lively warrant / For me, most wretched, to perform the like" (5.3.43-4). And if the play puts this characteristic habit of thought in question, it interrogates with particular zest this canonical selection of classical Roman models upon which English culture bestowed such dazzling authority.
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-*Titus Andronicus* interrogates the very transferrals of narrative meaning upon which it so loudly relies. It does so in two ways: it exposes the fragile mechanics of interpretation and the slippages that can occur in that process, and it provides unsympathetic exemplars of literary interpretation within the plot. (Both of these have a cautionary relevance for readings of the play through other texts, whether or not the play invites such intertextual readings!) The painfully grotesque rigmarole of Lavinia trying to express herself through her terrified nephew's copy of Ovid is only matched by the horror of Marcus's untimely verbosity when he finds his niece raped and mutilated and sorely in need of more than words. The price -- as well as the necessity -- of intertextual interpretation could not be evoked with more pungency. Half-remembering their schoolday Horace, Tamora's sons in turn demonstrate the more quotidian vagaries of schoolroom learning and intertextual application. As Goths with conspicuously Greek– sounding names, they might be forgiven a sloppy grasp of Roman authors. But here, as elsewhere, it is Aaron the Moor who proves the better scholar. Villain though he may be,
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-Aaron joins bloodless Marcus Andronicus as the two best intertextual readers in the play. When Lavinia turns to Ovid to communicate her pain, Titus looks to his brother ("Marcus, what means this?" (4.1.30)), and Marcus obliges by both interpreting the text and improvising an alternative mode of expression for his niece. His reputation as the scholarly brother is justified: it is Marcus who tips us to look to Herodotus early in the play by evoking "Solon's happiness" (1.1.177) in solemnising the funeral rites of Rome's fallen sons. Similarly, Aaron correctly apprises Titus's textual "conceit" (4.1.30) far ahead of his tutees, Chiron and Demetrius (5.1.98) and advises them accordingly.<sup>60</sup> In these embedded examples of reading and interpretation, Shakespeare is at pains to highlight the political stakes in the game of identifying intertexts and, as Renaissance literary theory would have readers do, in the ensuing task of selecting models both personal and social/political for emulation.
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-However compromised they may be, the literary skills of Marcus and Aaron prove as valuable to Shakespeare's audience as they are to their interlocutors. Both Roman and Moor like to evoke the dynamics of the early modern schoolroom, and this helps to authorise their intertextual choices. Provocatively styling himself a "tutor" in vice, Aaron's pedagogical flair counterbalances the more pedantic Marcus, but both implicitly address themselves to educated but impressionable young men not too distant from Shakespeare's own target audience. Strikingly, both tend to look not just to Roman sources but also far beyond Roman culture for an understanding of what is happening in Rome. Aaron, like Marcus, thinks intertextually, and despite his sure grasp of Roman social and cultural mores, his classical references are, for the most part, Greek rather than Roman: Tamora climbs "Olympus" top" (2.1.1) in marrying Saturninus, and puts Aaron in mind of the Assyrian queen Semiramis (2.1.22), whose notorious exploits are recounted in Book 1 of Herodotus's *Histories* and elsewhere. But the play's sceptical eye on the uses and abuses of intertextual interpretation prevails.
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-Through the wide reading and different interpretative abilities of Marcus and Aaron, we see that intertextual allusion is a tricky business, all too amenable to selfserving interpretation. Clearly Herodotus does not seem to be a source in the same way or to the same extent that Ovid is a source for Shakespeare in this play.<sup>61</sup> But as an intertext, the Herodotean allusions open up a cogent critical perspective on Rome, her institutions
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-and mores that seems firmly embedded in the play, a perspective proximate but not identical to Tamora's perspective on Rome, and one that can speak to England's obsessive reflections on its own barbarian identity, female sovereignty and imperial ambitions, as I will argue in the final section. The analogies of plot between Herodotus and *Titus Andronicus* are sometimes just that, and it is difficult to map Herodotean characters onto those of Shakespeare. The hapless clown is simply executed for his message, and, confusingly, it is Tamora, the closest figure to Tomyris, who is most graphically made to swallow her own flesh and blood in a reprise of Tomyris's revenge on Cyrus. The figure of Cyrus himself is absent, or rather, mobile. Nonetheless, certain Herodotean motifs and narrative patterns are reworked over and over again in the alien Roman setting of *Titus Andronicus*, and they are patterns of which the protagonists seem on occasion to be aware. While none of the protagonists of *Titus Andronicus* stand constantly and unequivocally for Cyrus, Tamora is only the first of several to choose to follow Tomyris's example and to evoke Tomyris's revenge, the most important intertextual amplification of Shakespeare's "swallowing womb." The ironies underlying her actions -- that in the play, Tamora also stands for the flight of Astraea, the failure of justice in Rome -- do not only undermine that identification with the just avenger and the political scepticism about Roman imperial values that this helps to convey, but also direct attention to the malleability of the values of exemplary figures and the (sometimes questionable) political motivations behind their textual prestige. The pieties and pedanticism of Marcus, the grotesque, child-scaring accommodations of Lavinia's recourse to Ovid, the failure of Latin learning to teach Tamora's boys to live good lives: Shakespeare casts a caustic eye on the aspirations and conventions of humanist education and their claims over their subjects. I think that Shakespeare is trying to draw attention to the flexibility inherent in intertextual interpretation, a flexibility both destabilising and fortifying that is to be embraced, but which is rarely found in the rigid, implicitly conservative and authoritarian literary and quotidian doctrines of *imitatio* and exemplary imitation promoted in the early modern schoolroom and embodied by a Marcus Andronicus, or indeed a later Polonius.
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-Caveats aside, however, for the adept intertextual readers among the Inns of Court men, Tamora's evocation of both the just avenger and the absence of justice holds
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-additional interest in distantly reflecting on the iconographical instability of their own difficult queen. Tomyris's alignment with Judith and Jael in biblical typology, not so very far from Deborah, brings her into contact with the iconography of Elizabeth as a queen of justice so pronounced in the early 1580s. Does the play seek to activate reflections on Elizabeth's rule, her age, and indeed the imminent end of the Tudor dynasty? Does Shakespeare's play look to Elizabeth's increasingly conspicuous impatience with the forms and principles of justice, her recalcitrance in that role -- the Faerie Queene vanished and sought, Astraea elsewhere -- and allow her to be read through Tamora, vicariously, treasonably, but thrillingly for young men whose reading had not prepared them to accept female regiment but whose circumstances compelled them to do so in increasingly visible, courtly ways? Perhaps. And if so, they were probably not the only ones to find in Shakespeare's play ways of thinking about Elizabeth's rule, and about England under Elizabeth.
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-#### **TAMORA IN ENGLAND**?
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-If the Herodotean overtones of the swallowing womb re-shape the moral configuration of the plot and its discourses of civility and barbarism, they also hold troubling political and symbolic implications for both Rome and an England that cherished Roman classical ideals. The sovereignty of the swallowing womb -- embodied by Tamora and then adopted by Titus in concert with Lavinia -- has significant consequences for Roman political ideology, not least because of its displacement of the expected totemic body-part preserving Rome: the head. One of the favourite political legends of Rome and *Romanitas* is Livy's account of the human head found under the Capitoline, taken to prophesy Rome's place as the "head" of the world.<sup>62</sup> The terms of Livy's prophetic legend (the imperative to "set a head on headless Rome" (1.1.186)) explicitly underscore Rome's degenerate state in *Titus Andronicus* under the sovereignty of Tamora and the swallowing womb. The play therefore also accommodates an exploration of the implications of female rule, the feminising of Rome and Roman values under Tamora, and with them, perhaps, England under Elizabeth.
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-On the face of it, those implications appear to coincide with the worst fears of the class of educated young university wits and Inns of Court men in Shakespeare's
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-audience: the emasculation of masculinity and virtue, the compromising of military defences and national borders, the erosion of sovereignty itself. (For these young men, such structural debilitation threatens all possible futures, and certainly stymies the daring military and imperial hopes of an Essex or a Ralegh and any number of their would-be followers.) While the play opens with the problem of a leader-less Rome, Titus's abrogation of the position with which Romans wish to invest him leaves Rome ominously "headless" even after the appointment of Saturninus as emperor. Within the Roman political mythology of body parts, a vacuum appears, quickly filled by the regime of the swallowing womb. Tamora's belly becomes "incorporate" with Rome, and Roman society accordingly takes on the voracious appetitites of that belly and womb instead of the moderation of the masculine principle, the head.<sup>63</sup> The implications for Rome are disastrous. Instead of issuing forth children, the "swallowing womb" eats what it has already nurtured. In perversely swallowing her own life-blood, the new barbarian Rome destroys the future of imperial Rome; female rule destroys the past and future of a proud, ambitious state.
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-Nonetheless, Shakespeare's play also shows the impoverishment and moral dubiousness of those patriarchal Roman ideals *before* Tamora and even facilitating her dominion. I have argued that in using the figure of the swallowing womb to help blur the boundaries between civil and barbarian peoples and actions, Shakespeare strikes a blow against the established ideal of imperial Rome in all its cultural authority, revealing the hypocrisy of Roman denigrations of barbarians and deploying Herodotean intertextual allusions to legitimize and substantiate the Goths' concerns. In fact, despite the misogyny and pessimism ostensibly articulated in the play through Tamora's cruelty, the Herodotean intertext with its emphasis on Tomyris as a just avenger opens a moral perspective from which audiences are enabled to support the barbarian queen against her Roman opponents. It is here, in the evocation of Tamora as Tomyris, that the play's closest topical parallels with Queen Elizabeth are made available. While exaggerated for the purposes of genre, the play's admixture of sympathy and horror for Tamora, its simultaneous appreciation of her justice and cruelty, its observation of her tyrannous rule and the destabilising of the entire patriarchal fabric of society under her dominion,
-
-articulates some recognisable contemporary reactions to Elizabeth and might well have acted as a vehicle for them.
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-How plausible is it that an English dramatist making his first forays into the world of the London theatres might imagine his queen as a vicious barbarian? If Jonathan Bate is correct in identifying a perceived sense of kinship between Shakespeare's countrymen and the Goths, then it is indeed likely that Tamora might be considered a fictional ancestor of Elizabeth's, just as Spenser construed Britomart. And beyond Gothic Tamora, the Massagete Tomyris. As James has pointed out, Tamora has particular affiliations with Elizabeth's "body iconographic" of the 1580s and 1590s, and many of these are mediated through her connection with Tomyris.<sup>64</sup> History was kind to Tomyris, as we have seen. Medieval and early modern readers credited Tomyris with the heart and stomach of a king, and early modern commentators tended to agree. For Arthur Golding, for example, she was "a manly woman," a comment intended as a compliment.<sup>65</sup> Tomyris was also frequently considered together with Judith and Jael, biblical virgins who had protected their countries by decapitating would-be aggressors of their people (and bodies). Judith and Jael were also prominent in contemporary iconography of Elizabeth in the 1580s, used to strengthen her position in the political framework of state. <sup>66</sup> Emanuel van Meteran's account of Queen Elizabeth at Tillbury, included in Hakluyt's *Principal Navigations*, explicitly describes her as "representing *Tomyris* that Scythian warlike princesse, or rather diuine Pallas her selfe."<sup>67</sup> In these telling overlaps, Elizabeth's image as a formidable, just and virgin queen can be remembered to her people.
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-Or it can be mourned. Such remembrances cannot have been as triumphant in the mid-1590s as they were in the preceding decade. The ageing queen -- a desperate Ralegh's Cynthia, a cool Spenser's Gloriana *and* Radigund -- continued to demand images of youthful vigour fashioned in Petrarchan ideals, or ageless virtue, but (as she well knew) those images failed to distract her courtiers from their preoccupations with her likely demise and lack of a successor.<sup>68</sup> Pointed remembrances of Elizabeth's preferred icons of justice as belated as this can work against their ostensible encomiastic powers at the moment of performance.<sup>69</sup> If the image of the virgin queen so celebrated in the 1580s drew for support on evocations of Elizabeth in the mode of Old Testament and classical heroines of justice, figures such as Deborah, Esther, and above all, Astraea, by
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-the time *Titus Andronicus* came to be performed, that cult of the virgin queen, and its attendant iconography was well and truly "depleted," and remembrances of it could turn nasty.<sup>70</sup> Elizabeth's languishing image as powerful virgin queen seems to be Shakespeare's target in his parodic realisations of Tamora as a wanton Diana, a vicious *Venus armata*, a wicked Astraea. For James, Shakespeare deploys the worn iconography of formidable royal power so as to direct attention to the false promises of that iconography, producing a critique of Tudor imperial ambitions as they were legitimated through the Troy myth.<sup>71</sup> The juxtapositions suggested in the play's refracted images of Elizabeth therefore had the potential to undermine the compliments of the royal iconography invoked. Shakespeare's Elizabethan Tomyris could cut both ways.
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-By the same token, the play's articulation of a flawed imperial model serves to both inspire and arrest any English imperial ambitions that might seek legitimation through the Gothic, "barbarian" line when Lucius commands the Goths to "be as your titles witness / Imperious" (5.1.5-6). The idea of a "barbarian" empire must have seemed an attractive one to Shakespeare's early audiences, or at least a familiar one. In the 1590s and after, England -- or, better, Britain -- generated a national politics largely through the concept of empire.<sup>72</sup> But nationalist efforts to annex the *translatio imperii* and its promise of empire needed to confront Britain's own history as a "barbarian" colony of Rome, evidence of which came primarily from all too eloquent Roman colonisers like Tacitus and Caesar.<sup>73</sup> Responses from early modern readers and writers to these troubling barbarian origins ran the gamut from severe cultural embarrassment to delusional repudiation of any foreign sources. On the one hand, Polydore Vergil's scepticism about Arthurian myths laid open Britain's subjugation by Rome while on the other, Camden took the opportunity to celebrate British-born emperor Constantine. Concerns about early English barbarism accrued particular importance at the sites of emerging English colonialism, whether Virginia or Ireland. Spenser's Irenius enunciates the fears of a generation in noting that "it is but even the other day since England grew civil," but he uses such reminders to promote vigorous plantation of Ireland, as if to purge the English memory of Roman colonialism through exercising such powers elsewhere.<sup>74</sup> If Shakespeare's barbarians had empires on their mind, so too did his first audiences and readers. But ultimately neither Tomyris nor the Goths confer the political rewards of the
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-*translatio imperii*, the historical claims of which had been undermined by those same antiquarian investigations of Britain's barbarian origins.
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-As Jodi Mikalachki notes, "The double-bind of native origins -- barbarous if unknown and barbarous when found -- produced complicated and at times alienating versions of nationalism in early modern England, requiring both affirmation and denial of the 'native' in projects of national recovery."<sup>75</sup> With its affirmation and denial of "newmade empress" (2.1.20) Tamora as a proto-British Goth, and indeed as a crypto-English Elizabeth, *Titus Andronicus* might therefore be considered a defiant response to the increasingly obvious and embarrassing history of early British barbarism, and a repudiation those harsh Roman accounts of early Britain in a gratifying, sensationalised rehearsal of the fall of Rome to barbarian Goths. From this point of view, its dissolution of differences between "civil" and "barbarian" peoples enunciates a barbarian politics of defiance with strong nationalistic resonances for its first audiences. Thus, the return of Lucius with his army of Goths has the potential to awaken that English genealogical sympathy with the Goths that, for Bate, sees them as heroic avatars of "the Protestant succession."<sup>76</sup>
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-In the elucidation of a position sympathetic to the Goths through Herodotean allusion, then, Shakespeare moves toward formulating an English barbarian identity unbowed by its embarrassing early history as a colony of Rome, and unbound from that towering Roman model. But with the return of Lucius (who, in Act 5, looks suspiciously like Cyrus), the play also problematises the defiant identification that made this possible. The dream of empire, in several possible versions, is writ large, but inauspiciously, in Shakespeare's play. Tomyris almost succeeded in bringing down the ancient Persian empire of Cyrus, and the Goths certainly did bring down that of Rome as far as Elizabethans were concerned. Nor does the play allow Tomyris and the Goths to be constantly or easily supported. Promising though the Goths might have seemed to aspiring English minds, however, they are nonetheless far from Christopher Marlowe's testosterone-fuelled barbarians who manage in more than simply "conceit" to "bear empires on our spears."<sup>77</sup> Ultimately, Shakespeare's are not barbarian ancestors with an imperial destiny to bequeath, and the imperial fantasy his play entertains is shown to be severely flawed.
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-Shakespeare on occasion wrote histories in the conditional mode, histories that come close to the Nietzchean idea of a "critical history," freed from the monumentalising drive of the victors and concerned instead to scrutinise the past -- including the roads not taken -- in order to be free of it.<sup>78</sup> *Titus* is an early example of this, but finds itself in good company later in Shakespeare's career: *Othello* is set in Cyprus just before its historical fall to the Turks, though Shakespeare leaves the Venetians precariously in power at the end of the play; *Cymbeline* is set in a Roman Britain where the British relinquish their victory over the Romans as if in obeisance to a later history. Set in a fictionalised Rome just before it would fall to the Goths, *Titus Andronicus* explores a set of radical hypothetical possibilities -- and dangerous political realities -- centred on the issues of female sovereignty, barbarian identity and England's imperial future. Despite its barbarian history, English (and later British) nationalism -- and its very real imperial aspirations -- had to be rooted in its sense of its own past, in "the sense of nostalgia."<sup>79</sup> In Shakespeare's hands, such nostalgia could smooth the sharp edges of the Goths' notorious barbarity, and could resuscitate their victory against the Romans for English ends. But having indicted Roman imperial values, the play conspicuously fails to recuperate a solid imperial precedent from its barbarian politics. The Herodotean intertext enables audience sympathies for the Goths against the Romans, and against the combined weight of Roman history and cultural authority in Elizabethan England, but it falls short of transforming its nascent barbarian politics into an imperial agenda. Through the intertextual dynamics with Herodotus's history of Cyrus, Shakespeare compels his audience both to remember and to revise Persian, Roman and British history, and to reexamine the dream of empire that his contemporaries were so keen to pursue.
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-<sup>1</sup> All references to the play are to the New Cambridge Shakespeare edition of *Titus Andronicus*, ed. Alan Hughes (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006). Debate on the authorship of the play is ongoing, but is not particularly relevant to the argument of this paper. For the argument for George Peele's contribution to the writing of *Titus Andronicus*, see Brian Vickers, *Shakespeare: Co-Author: A Historical Study of Five Collaborative Plays* (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2002), 148-243.
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-2 Spencer, 32; cited in *Titus Andronicus*, ed. Jonathan Bate (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), 16- 17.
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-<sup>3</sup> The play uses the terms "Rome" and "Roman" 126 times, as Charles Wells points out: that is, twice as often as in *Julius Caesar* and three times as often in *Antony and Cleopatra*. See *The Wide Arch: Roman Values in Shakespeare* (New York: St Martin's Press, 1992), 13. Yet the plot of *Titus Andronicus* has not been fully situated in Roman history, and as G.K. Hunter notes, its Roman ethic combines such contradictory elements as Republican austerity and imperial decadence. Charles and Michelle Martindale cite Hunter's argument in support of their feeling that *Titus* is not a Roman play in the sense that *Coriolanus* or *Julius Caesar* are. *Shakespeare and the Uses of Antiquity: An Introductory Essay* (London; New York: Routledge, 1990), 143.
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-<sup>4</sup> Other false notes include the dubious idea that hunting panthers (as the new emperor and his companions seek to do) was typical of "Our Roman hunting" (2.2.20).
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-<sup>5</sup> *Roman Shakespeare: Warriors, Wounds and Women* (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 47.
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-<sup>6</sup> On Rome and English dreams of *translatio imperii*, see, for example, Heather James, *Shakespeare's Troy: Drama, Politics, and the Translation of Empire* (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997); Liz Oakley-Brown, "*Titus Andronicus* and the Cultural Politics of Translation in Early Modern England," *Renaissance Studies* 19 (2005): 325-47. Naomi Conn Liebler finds echoes of Herodian's Roman history in certain names and elements of plot in "Getting it All Right: *Titus Andronicus* and Roman History," *Shakespeare Quarterly* 45 (1994): 262-78.
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-<sup>7</sup> Bate, "Introduction" to his edition; Neil Rhodes, "Shakespeare the Barbarian," in Jennifer Richards (ed.), *Early Modern Civil Discourses* (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 99-114.
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-<sup>8</sup> Nicholas R. Moschovakis, "'Irreligious Piety' and Christian History: Persecution as Pagan Anachronism in *Titus Andronicus*," *Shakespeare Quarterly* 53 (2002): 460-86, esp. 473.
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-9 See, for example, Jean Bodin, *Les Six Livres de la République* (1576; translated into English 1606), Joannes Boemus, *The Fardle of Facions* (1555). Lodowick Lloyd, *The Consent of Time* (1590),
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-<sup>10</sup> Prominently in the prefatory material, Hakluyt boasts, "Which of ["all the [other] nations and people of the earth"] hath euer dealt with the Emperor of Persia, as her Maiesty hath done, and obtained for her merchants large & louing priuileges?" (sig. \*2v).
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-<sup>11</sup> John Speed, for example, proffers an up-to-date map of Persia in *A Prospect of the most Famous Parts of the World* (1646) even as he castigates the Persians' "antique barbarisme" (fol. 34). See also Ros Ballaster, *Fabulous Orients: Fictions of the East in England, 1662-1785* (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005) for material on Persia being read as both "civil" and "barbaric."
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-<sup>12</sup> See footnote 16. An earlier play about Cyrus's son, the eponymous *Cambyses* (possibly by Thomas Preston (1570)), also drew directly on Herodotus's accounts of ancient Persia.
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-<sup>13</sup> *The famous hystory of Herodotus*, trans. B.R. (London: Thomas Marshe, 1584). Book 1 deals mostly with Persia and Assyria, Book 2 with Egypt. The edition was a small, accessible quarto, containing only the first two books of the nine promised on the title-page. The identity of B.R., the translator, remains unclear, but the only candidate to have emerged with any likelihood is the soldier and pamphleteer, Barnaby Rich. Rich could have sidestepped an ignorance of Greek by working from either a Latin text (Lorenzo Valla's 1450 translation, revised in 1537 by Heusbach) or a French text (the more recent translations of 1556, 1575 or 1580 by Pierre Saliat).
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-<sup>14</sup> *The Malice of Herodotus*, ed. and trans. Anthony Bowen (Warminster: Arish & Phillips, 1992). Johannes Boemus, for example, explicitly follows the Ciceronian model of Herodotus in *The Fardle of Facions* (1555). Christopher Pelling has recently shown that Plutarch's animosity towards Herodotus was not sustained beyond this essay. "De malignitate Plutarchi: Plutarch, Herodotus, and the Persian Wars," in *Cultural Responses to the Persian Wars*, ed. Emma Bridges, Edith Hall and P.J. Rhodes (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2007), 145-64.
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-<sup>15</sup> The best history of the Persian (or Achaemenid) empire is that of Pierre Briant, *From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire*, trans. Peter T. Daniels (Winona Lake Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2002; first published in French (1996)).
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-<sup>16</sup> For a detailled account of the texts and influence of the *Cyropaedia* in English Renaissance literature, see my essay, 'Barbarous Utopias: Xenophon's *Cyropaedia* in the English Renaissance', *Hermathena* 183 (2007; published 2009): 163-74.
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-<sup>17</sup> It was only in the seventeenth century that attempts were made to reconcile these divergent accounts of Cyrus, most notably in Mlle de Scudéry's monumental romance, *Artamène, ou le Grand Cyrus* (1649-53), and in John Banks's ill-fated tragedy, *Cyrus the Great: Or, The Tragedy of Love* (1696). In both, Cyrus is made to fall in love with Tomyris.
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-<sup>18</sup> Critics also posit Sophocles's lost plays *Atreus* and *Thyestes* as intermediate sources for Seneca. <sup>19</sup> Justin also gives a derivative account of Tomyris in Book 1 of his Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompus Trogus, translated by Arthur Golding in 1564 and reprinted in 1570 and 1578. But the story of Solon's happiness, also explored by the play as I will later suggest, is absent from Justin's narrative. Less well known was the (more tenuous still) account of Cyrus and Tomyris in the surviving books of Diodorus of Sicily's *Library*, whose work was only fully translated into English in 1653. Diodorus, however, also gives the story of Solon's happiness (9.2.1).
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-<sup>20</sup> This may also be influenced by French translations of Boccaccio and Christine de Pizan in which Tomyris is translated as "Thamire" or "Thamiris."
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-<sup>21</sup> "Introduction" to *Titus Andronicus*, ed. J.C. Maxwell (London and New York: Routledge, 1989; reprint of 1953 Arden edition), xxx.
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-<sup>22</sup> B.R., sig. K1 verso. Curiously, Kehler deems Herodotus -- Plutarch's *philobarbaros* -- to be "no friend of the Persians." "'That Ravenous Tiger Tamora': *Titus Andronicus*'s Lusty Widow, Wife, and M/other' in Philip C. Kolin (ed.), '*Titus Andronicus': Critical Essays* (New York: Garland Publishing, 1995), 317-32, esp. 329n. Carolyn Sale has recently endorsed the connection between Tamora and Tomyris from whom, she states, Tamora 'almost certainly gets her name' (41), although Sale's essay is primarily concerned with the play's challenge to Roman literary values, channeled through the figure of Aaron the Moor. 'Black Aeneas: Race, English Literary History and the "Barbarous" Poetics of Titus Andronicus', *Shakespeare Quarterly* 62: 1 (2011): 25-52, especially 41-43.
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-<sup>23</sup> *The Consent of Time* (London: George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1590), fol. 243. Jordanes also relates Tomyris's defeat of Cyrus, treating her as a Goth queen, in chapter 10 of his *Getica* (*The Origins and Deeds of the Goths*). Jordanes offers us a one-volume abridgement of a lost 12-volume history of the Goths by another sixth-century historian, Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus, and remains the major source on the history of the Goths.
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-<sup>24</sup> Bate suggests that Shakespeare's Elizabethan audience would also recognise them as their own German forebears (19-21).
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-<sup>25</sup> For Justin see Arthur Golding (trans.), *Thabridgment of the histories of Trogus Pompeius* (London: Thomas Marshe, 1564). The adjustment is one that would have been readily understood (or even taken as implicit in the Herodotean account) by an honour culture such as that espoused at Elizabeth's court. <sup>26</sup> B.R., sig. K4 verso; emphasis mine. By contrast, Xenophon entirely suppresses the memory of Tomyris and Cyrus's ill-advised campaign against the Massagetae, fabricating instead a dignified death-bed scene in which Cyrus determines the succession, giving wise advice to his two sons before going gently into that good night.
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-<sup>27</sup> B.R., sig. K4 recto.
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-<sup>28</sup> *The last part of the Mirour for Magistrates* (London: Thomas Marshe, 1578); emphasis mine.
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-<sup>29</sup> Herodotus's implicit Greek moral perspective challenges Cyrus's *hubris*, fitting him into a larger pattern of foolish kings and wise advisers, as Stewart Flory notes in *The Archaic Smile of Herodotus* (Detroit: Wayne State UP, 1987). The term "irous Cirus" comes from Chaucer's "Summoner's Tale" (l. 415). <sup>30</sup> The (anonymous) *Speculum humanae salvationis*, dating from the early fourteenth-century, was a popular text in both manuscript and print before the Reformation.
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-<sup>31</sup> These include Giovanni Boccaccio's *De Mulieribus claris* (1361-62), Christine de Pizan's *Le livre de la cité des dames* (1405). Tomyris, or the Nine Worthies, were popular subjects of tapestries in the period, and numerous Flemish examples from the period featuring Tomyris could be found across Britain, Ireland and Europe.
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-<sup>32</sup> Thomas Heywood's *Gunaeikon* (1624) is a good example. Tomyris also makes an appearance in Jonson's *Masque of Queens* (1609).
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-<sup>33</sup> This comes from the translation of the *Orlando Furioso* by John Stewart of Baldynneis, canto 11, ll. 35- 40, in *Poems of John Stewart of Baldynneis*, ed. Thomas Crockett, 2 vols (William Blackwood & Sons. Edinburgh and London, 1913), vol. 2, 81.
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-<sup>34</sup> 'A Meeting Dialogue-wise betweene Nature, the Phoenix and the Turtle Doue' 1601 Line 402.
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-<sup>35</sup> Glossing Ariosto's praise of women in Canto 38, Harington evokes Tomyris who, "in reuenge of her son, … put *Cyrus* head into a great boule of bloud, vsing that wel knowne speech: *Satia te sanguine quisanguinem sitijsti*, Fill thy selfe with bloud that didst thirst for bloud." See Harington, *Orlando furioso in English heroical verse* (London: Richard Field for John Norton and Simon Waterson, 1607), fol. 314.
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-<sup>36</sup> A later play also finds some moral flexibility in Tomyris's vengefulness, or at least manages to parody it, perhaps with a subtextual dramatic remembrance of *Titus Andronicus*. George Chapman's *The Reuenge of Bussy D'Ambois* opens with the dead Bussy's former lover, Tamyra, calling for 'Reuenge, that euer red sitt'st in the eyes / Of iniur'd Ladies, till we crown thy browes / With bloudy Lawrell …' (1.1); (London: T[homas] S[nodham] for John Helme, 1613), sig. C2 verso. Her appropriation of Tomyris's just vengeance is compromised, however, by her adulterous affair with Bussy in the earlier play, *Bussy D'Ambois*. <sup>37</sup> In the drawing, Tamora appears not as Revenge incarnate -- as she was to appear soon after in *Bussy D'Ambois*, for example -- but at her most "royal and sympathetic," pleading for the life of her son, as Wynne-Davies notes (134).
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-<sup>38</sup> This appears in "A Dictionarie, for that Mysticall Booke called the Reuelation of Saint John" in Thomas Wilson, *A Christian Dictionarie* (London: W. J[aggard], 1612), 17; emphasis mine.
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-<sup>39</sup> See especially Heather James on Shakespeare's poetics of imitation and what she terms his Ovidian deformation of Virgilian imperial rationale.
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-<sup>40</sup> James, 48. See also Wynne-Davies, "'The Swallowing Womb': Consumed and Consuming Women in *Titus Andronicus*," in *The Matter of Difference: Materialist Feminist Criticism of Shakespeare*, ed. Valerie Wayne (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991), 134, 145.
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-<sup>41</sup> B.R., sig. K3 verso, K4 recto; emphases mine. Galenic humoral theory postulated that both the womb and the stomach were nourished by blood, but ambiguities about the referent (stomach/womb) of the term "belly" allow for further development of the "swallowing womb" theme. See, for example, Helkiah Crooke, *Microcosmographia* (1615).
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-<sup>42</sup> The Longleat manuscript drawing arguably depicts Tamora pregnant.
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-<sup>43</sup> James also argues that Tamora and Lavinia's bodies are "twinned," and that it is the pit that marks "her sexualized body as the metaphorical site of revenge" exacted on Lavinia (58).
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-<sup>44</sup> See James, 48.
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-<sup>45</sup> *The seconde Tragedie of Seneca entituled Thyestes* (London: Thomas Berthelettes, 1560), sig. E4 verso <sup>46</sup> As if to confirm that Rome remains headless (like the decapitated Cyrus), even after Lucius's arrival, Titus's remaining sons kiss his "trunk" (5.3.151) in their closing burial and renewal rituals, although their father has not actually been decapitated. As Kahn points out, that Tamora takes her revenge on Titus upon the body of his daughter shows a sophisticated understanding of Roman mores (Kahn, 49). Ninus and Semiramis also appear in Book 1 of Herodotus's *Histories*.
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-<sup>47</sup> See Janet Adelman's influential arguments about the preoccupation with the suffocating maternal womb in Shakespeare's plays. *Suffocating Mothers: Fantasies of Maternal Origin in Shakespeare's Plays, 'Hamlet' to 'The Tempest'* (New York and London: Routledge, 1992).
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-<sup>48</sup> This designation was enduringly remembered in Roman history: at the end of his first Book, Livy narrated how Lucius Junius Brutus– founder of the Roman republic - correctly interprets the Delphic oracle's prophecy about who next will succeed the Tarquins. Being told to kiss his mother, Brutus bends down and kisses the earth.
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-<sup>49</sup> Robert S. Miola reads the Andronicus tomb in Senecan terms as "an escape from worldly trouble, a memorial to the honoured dead." *Shakespeare and Classical Tragedy: The Influence of Seneca* (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 21.
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-<sup>50</sup> Kahn, 69.
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-<sup>51</sup> Speaking beside the pit, Tamora's insistent remembrance of Alarbus strengthens the pit's association with Rome: "Remember, boys, I poured forth tears in vain / To save your brother from the sacrifice / But fierce Andronicus would not relent" (2.3.163-5).
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-<sup>52</sup> Louise Noble notes that this means of collecting blood is, in fact, in line with Paracelsian prescriptions for curing epilepsy, in "'And make two pasties of your shameful heads': Medicinal Cannibalism and Healing the Body Politic in *Titus Andronicus*," *ELH* (2003): 677-708, esp. 705n. Noble usefully shows how the play systematically breaks down the civility/barbarism binarism that turns on the issue of cannibalism through its construction of the Romans in terms that evoke contemporary European practices of cannibalism in the service of medicine.
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-<sup>53</sup> This chimes with Katherine Rowe's argument about the way that Titus instrumentalises Lavinia "as the vehicle and emblem of *his* efficacious action," but with Lavinia enabled to articulate revenge too. "Dismembering and Forgetting in *Titus Andronicus*," *Shakespeare Quarterly* 45 (1994): 279-303, esp. 296, 300-1.
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-<sup>54</sup> This transformation of Lavinia into a type of Tamora might help to explain why Lavinia is explicitly compared to the avenging mother, Hecuba, in the play (4.1.20-1), although it is the less threatening Roman Hecuba rather than Euripides's Greek avenging Hecuba who is suggested.
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-<sup>55</sup> James, 80.
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-<sup>56</sup> James, 43.
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-<sup>57</sup> Bate, 16-21, esp. 19.
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-<sup>58</sup> Sophocles, *Oedipus Rex*, 1528-30; Aristotle, *Nicomachean Ethics*, I. 10; Montaigne, "Our Affections are Transported Beyond our Selves" and "That we Should Not be Deemed Happy till After our Death." A version of the commonplace appears in Book III of Ovid's *Metamorphoses*, but (as in Sophocles) without being ascribed to Solon: in Golding's translation, "But aye the end of everything must marked be and known / For none the name of blessedness deserveth for to have / Unless the tenor of his life last blessed to his grave" (ll. 158-9). The account given in Plutarch's "Life" of Solon is a close paraphrase of the section in Herodotus. The meeting between Solon and Croesus was probably fictitious, however, as the *Oxford Classical Dictionary* (1421) suggests: Solon's travels can be dated to the ten or twenty years after his reforms (the latter probably 594BC) while Croesus's Lydian empire fell to Cyrus nearly half a century later.
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-<sup>59</sup> Other Shakespearean precedents exist for drama that incorporates explorations of the very mechanisms by which it might be received or interpreted. Heather James writes of Shakespeare's probing of "antitheatrical anxiety about the destabilizing influence of tragic performance on audiences" in the tragedies themselves. "Dido's Ear: Tragedy and the Politics of Response," *Shakespeare Quarterly* 52 (2001): 360-82, esp. 364.
-
-<sup>60</sup> See also Francesca Royster, "White-Limed Walls: Whiteness and Gothic Extremism in Shakespeare's *Titus Andronicus*," *Shakespeare Quarterly* 51 (2000): 432-455.
-
-<sup>61</sup> Jonathan Bate's suggestion that we think of the play's sources -- or in this instance, intertexts -- in terms of "patterning" rather than origins seems particularly useful at this point. Bate, 90
-
-<sup>62</sup> Livy, *History of Rome*, trans. B.O. Foster, 14 vols (London: William Heinemann; New York: GP Putnam, 1919), vol. 1, Book 1.55.5-6.
-
-<sup>63</sup> Stoic thinking also disapproved of choler, arrogance and other passions associated with the stomach.
-
-<sup>64</sup> James, 83. Wynne-Davies sees Tamora as "a distantly refracted image of Elizabeth I" (134, 145). <sup>65</sup> This is a marginal gloss in Golding, sig. B2 recto.
-
-<sup>66</sup> Susan Doran has argued that it was precisely in the early 1580s that iconography of Elizabeth began most searchingly to look to Old Testament heroines such as Judith and Deborah, as wise and powerful protectorvirgins. "Why did Elizabeth Not Marry?" in *Dissing Elizabeth: Negative Representations of Gloriana*, ed. Julia M. Walker (Durham and London: Duke UP, 1998), 30-59 (37-8).
-
-<sup>67</sup> Richard Hakluyt, *The Principal Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of the English Nation* (London: George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker, 1599-1600), fol. 595. Elizabeth's Italian tutor's pleasure in the fact that his charge had a "mervelous meeke stomacke" seems to have been somewhat precipitate. His comment is cited by Judith M. Richards in "'To Promote a Woman to Beare Rule': Talking of Queens in Mid-Tudor England', *Sixteenth-Century Journal* 28 (1997): 101-21, esp. 118. <sup>68</sup> See Susan Frye, *Elizabeth I: The Competition for Representation* (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1993), 97-148, esp. 97-99.
-
-<sup>69</sup> I am grateful to Heather James for this point, and related comments.
-
-<sup>70</sup> James, 2-3. See Frances A. Yates, *Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century* (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), 29-87.
-
-<sup>71</sup> James, 42-84, esp. 48.
-
-<sup>72</sup> See the various discussions in Philip Schwyzer, *Literature, Nationalism and Memory in Early Modern England and Wales* (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004); Willy Maley, *Nation, State, and Empire in English Renaissance Literature* (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003); Claire McEachern, *The Poetics of English Nationhood, 1590-1612 (*Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996); Andrew Hadfield, *Shakespeare, Spenser, and the Matter of Britain* (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2004); David J. Baker and Willy Maley (ed.), *British Identities and English Renaissance Literature* (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002).
-
-<sup>73</sup> See Tacitus's comments on Britain in the *Agricola* and Caesar's in his commentaries on the Gallic wars, both texts familiar to educated young Englishmen in the late sixteenth century. See also the various treatments of this issue in Camden's *Brittannia* (1610) and Holinshed's *Chronicles*, for example. For discussion of Renaissance approaches to Britain's barbarian origins see Schwyzer; Jodi Mikalachki, *The Legacy of Boadicea: Gender and Nation in Early Modern England* (London and New York: Routledge,
-
-1998); John E. Curran, *Roman Invasions: The British History, Protestant Anti-Romanism, and the* 
-
-*Historical Imagination in England 1530-1660* (New York: University of Delaware Press; London and Cranbury, NJ: Associated UP, 2002).
-
-<sup>74</sup> See *A View of the Present State of Ireland*, ed. Edwin Greenlaw, Charles Grosvenor Osgood, Prederick Morgan Padelford and Ray Heffner (Variorum edition), 10 vols (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1949),
-
-vol. 10, 118.
-
-<sup>75</sup> Mikalachki, 9.
-
-<sup>76</sup> Bate, 21.
-
-<sup>77</sup> *The First Part of Tamburlaine* (1.2.64).
-
-<sup>78</sup> Friedrich Nietzsche, "On the Utility and Liability of History for Life" in *Unfashionable Observations*,
-
-trans. Richard T. Gray (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1995).
-
-<sup>79</sup> Schwyzer, 10.

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data/marker_output/W2020798572/W2020798572.md

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-*The Historical Journal*, , (), pp. – # Cambridge University Press DOI: .}SX Printed in the United Kingdom
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-# COUNSEL, PUBLIC DEBATE, AND QUEENSHIP: JOHN STUBBS'S *THE DISCOVERIE OF A GAPING GULF*, 1579\*
-
-#### NATALIE MEARS
-
-*University of St Andrews*
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-. *John Stubbs's controversial pamphlet against Elizabeth's proposed marriage with Francis, duke of Anjou,* The discoverie of a gaping gulf *(), has conventionally been seen – with Edmund Spenser's* The shepheardes calendar *and Philip Sidney*'*s letter to Elizabeth – as part of a propaganda campaign organized by Leicester and Walsingham to force Elizabeth to reject the marriage*. *Yet the evidence linking Stubbs with Leicester and Walsingham is thin*. *This article re*-*examines that evidence in the light of recent research on court factionalism*, *menof*-*business*, *and concepts of counsel*.*It argues that* A gaping gulf *was an independent initiative taken by Stubbs which expressed very different attitudes to* '*counsel*' *from Sidney*'*s letter*. *It suggests that participants in public debate need to be explored on their own terms*, *rather than as necessarily catspaws of councillors*; *that there was an emergent Elizabethan public sphere independent of the court which*, *in holding different attitudes to counsel than councillors*, *could bring them into conflict with Elizabeth*.
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-The execution of John Stubbs's sentence – to have his right hand struck off with a cleaver for writing the pamphlet, *The discoverie of a gaping gulf*, against Elizabeth's proposed marriage to Francis, duke of Anjou – shocked Elizabethan spectators. According to William Camden, they were ' altogether silent, either out of horrour of this new and unwonted punishment, or else out of pity towards the man being of most honest and unblameable report, or else out of hatred of the marriage, which most men presaged would be the overthrow of Religion'." It also shocked Stubbs. Born c. , the son of John Stubbs of Buxton in Norfolk, trained and probably practising as a lawyer in London, Stubbs was confronted with the fact that his well-meant advice was perceived as seditious, if not treasonous, by the very person it was designed to help.# His scaffold speech suggests he was genuinely shocked that the English
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-<sup>\*</sup> I would like to thank John Guy and Kevin Sharpe for their comments on earlier drafts of this paper; Simon Adams for giving me the reference to Bibliothe'que Nationale, Fonds franc:ais , and very kindly lending me his microfilm; Chris Given-Wilson for advice on medieval political literature; Mark Taviner for references on scribal publication; and Robin Harcourt Willams for translating the Latin in the Controlment and Coram Rege Rolls. "
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-William Camden, *Annals, or the historie of the most renowned and victorious Princesse Elizabeth, late Queen of England* (translated R.N.) (London, rd edn, ), p. . #
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-Lloyd E. Berry, ed., *John Stubbs's 'Gaping gulf' with letters and other relevant documents* (Charlottesville, VA, ), pp. xx–xxiv, xli–xlv (hereafter, Berry); Charles John Palmer, *The*
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-Deborah, sent by God to restore the true faith, was not just deaf to good advice, but positively hostile. He could not help but comment on the injustice of the punishment: Elizabeth had refused to show him mercy (an essential of both kingship and queenship) though she had pardoned ' greater offences':
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-I ame sorie for the losse of my haund, and more sorie to lose it by judgment; but most of all with her Majesties indignation and evell opinion, whome I have soe highlie displeased … I pray God it maie be an example to youe all that it being soe daungerous to offend the lawes, without an evell meaninge, as breadeth the losse of an haund … but my greatest greffe is, in soe many weekes and daies of imprisonment, her Majestie hath not once thoughte me worthie of her mercie, which she hath often times extended to divers persons in greater offences.\$
-
-The scene on the scaffold in Westminster market place on November was a significant moment in Elizabethan history, reflecting how Elizabethans perceived their political roles (especially in regard to counselling) and suggestive of the relationship between court politics and public debate. The work of Wallace MacCaffrey, Patrick Collinson, John Guy, and others has developed our understanding of the culture of counsel and its centrality to Tudor politics and theory, but problems remain.% Interpreting public debate as shaped by, or conducted on the behalf of, councillors either in parliament or in print has meant the Elizabethan public sphere has been defined in narrow terms.& This has been reinforced by focusing on the work of committed Protestants articulating ideas of the 'mixed polity', even though Markku
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-*history of Great Yarmouth* (Great Yarmouth, ), p. . Froude argued that Stubbs was initially tried for treason but, the jury failing to convict, he was re-tried at Queen's Bench for conspiracy to excite sedition, James Anthony Froude, *History of England from the fall of Wolsey to the defeat of the Spanish Armada* ( vols., London, –), , p. . \$
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-Mr John Stubb's words on the scaffold, [ Nov. ], in Thomas Park, ed., *Nugae antiquae : being a miscellaneous collection of original papers … by Sir John Harington … selected … by the late Henry Harington* ( vols., London, ), , pp. –. %
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-Patrick Collinson, '*De republica Anglorum*: or, history with the politics put back', in idem, *Elizabethan essays* (London and Rio Grande,), pp.–; idem, 'The monarchical republic of Queen Elizabeth I', *Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester*, (), pp. –; John Guy, *Politics, law and counsel in Tudor and early Stuart England* (London, ); idem, 'The s: the second reign of Elizabeth I ?', in idem, ed., *The reign of Elizabeth I : court and culture in the last decade* (Cambridge, ), pp. –; idem, 'Tudor monarchy and its critiques', in idem, ed., *The Tudor monarchy* (London, ), pp. –; Stephen Alford, *The early Elizabethan polity : William Cecil and the British succession crisis, –* (Cambridge, ), ch. ; Markku Peltonen, *Classical humanism and republicanism in English political thought, –* (Cambridge, ); A. N. McLaren, *Political culture in the reign of Elizabeth I : queen and commonwealth, –* (Cambridge, ). &
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-Patrick Collinson, 'Puritans, men of business and Elizabethan parliaments', *Parliamentary History*, (), pp. –; M. A. R. Graves, 'Thomas Norton, the parliament man: an Elizabethan M.P., –', *Historical Journal*, (), pp. –; idem, 'The management of the Elizabethan House of Commons: the council's men-of-business', *Parliamentary History*, (), pp. –; idem, 'The common lawyers and the privy council's parliamentary men-ofbusiness, –', *Parliamentary History*, (), pp. –.
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-Peltonen has shown that classical humanism (from which ideas of the active citizen were derived) was neither dependent on Protestantism nor exclusive to Puritans.' Certain common ideas have been emphasized at the expense of potential diversity, while a division between elite and popular politics has been perpetuated. Part of the problem lies in that Elizabethan public debate appears the poor cousin of its Jacobean and Caroline counterparts because the circulation of newsletters, on which public debate is perceived partly to be dependent, was less widespread.( Exploration of public debate needs to be released from these restraints and this article attempts to help begin the process.
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-Stubbs's attack on the marriage in *A gaping gulf* was two-fold. He began by arguing that the marriage of a Protestant with a Catholic was a breach of God's law which would be punished.) He proceeded to argue that the marriage would benefit neither the state nor Elizabeth personally, in the process confuting all of the earl of Sussex's answers to objections against the marriage made during debates among selected councillors in March and April .\* It would not resolve the succession or provide England with a strong ally. He thought Elizabeth was too old to conceive and deliver a child safely while, because Anjou was at loggerheads with his brother, Henry III of France, the alliance with France would not be assured. Neither could Anjou please Elizabeth personally: he was too young, a Catholic, French, degenerate, and from an evil family."! Stubbs saw the marriage as a plot to destroy Protestantism comparable to that of the marriage of Henry of Navarre to Marguerite Valois which had been followed by the St Bartholomew Day Massacre in ."" At the very least, it would be a precursor of the absorption of England into France because Anjou was Henry III's heir presumptive and it looked increasingly unlikely that Henry would have a male child."#
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-Elizabeth suspected that *A gaping gulf* was a collaborative work by opponents of the marriage at court; a suspicion Stubbs himself appeared to substantiate by alleging that an unidentified councillor had foreknowledge of the tract but
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- Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*; Sussex to Elizabeth, Aug. [], Hertfordshire, Hatfield House (Hatfield), CP, fos. –; 'Obyectyons to be made against the marryage', Mar. , Hatfield, CP, fos. –. Comparing CP, fos. –, with CP, fos. –, indicate the former is also by Sussex: the hand and spelling is the same, e.g. 'wordell' for 'world'; two of the three sections of the memorandum cover the same areas as the letter; the objections, answers, and benefits are similar in order and content; the phrasing of the objections is often exactly the same and large parts of the answers appear copied from, or closely paraphrase, the letter. "!
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- Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*, sigs. Dv–Ev. "" Ibid., sigs. B–B, Ev–Ev. "#
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-<sup>&#</sup>x27; Peltonen, *Classical humanism*, pp. –, esp. –. (
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-F. J. Levy, 'How information spread among the gentry, –', *Journal of British Studies*, (), pp. –; Richard Cust, 'News and politics in early seventeenth-century England', *Past and Present*, (), pp. –; Thomas Cogswell, *The blessed revolution : English politics and the coming of war, –* (Cambridge, ), pp. –; Adam Fox, 'Rumour, news and popular political opinion in Elizabethan and early Stuart England', *Historical Journal*, (), pp. –. )
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-John Stubbs, *The discoverie of a gaping gulf whereinto England is like to be swallowed by an other French mariage* (London, ; *STC* ), sigs. Av–Av, Av–Bv. \*
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-Ibid., sigs. Bv–Dv.
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-failed to limit the political fall-out from its publication."\$ These arguments have gained greater authority this century with the work of Conyers Read and Sir John Neale and research on Stubbs's printer, Hugh Singleton."% By defining Elizabethan court politics as factional, Read and Neale set the scene for *A gaping gulf* to be seen as factionally sponsored propaganda. In conjunction with Edmund Spenser's *The shepheardes calendar* (also printed by Singleton in ) and Philip Sidney's letter to Elizabeth (allegedly commissioned by the earl of Leicester at a colloquy of friends and relatives at Pembroke House in August) it is argued that Leicester and Sir Francis Walsingham commissioned *A gaping gulf* to apply pressure on Elizabeth to reject the Anjou match."& They aimed to exploit existing court and popular opposition to deny her the conciliar support necessary to gain parliamentary ratification of the marriage and to create fears that its conclusion would excite rebellion. All three texts, it is argued, had clear factional overtones: Stubbs openly questioned and impugned the motives of supporters of the marriage; Spenser highlighted divisions between Leicester and the earl of Oxford (a supporter of the match) over policy and political service in the fable of the Oak and Briar; Sidney was directly involved in a quarrel with Oxford around the time of the Pembroke House meeting."' If the three pamphlets demonstrated that some councillors were willing to try and 'bounce' Elizabeth into policy decisions then Elizabeth's reaction demonstrated her 'imperial' view of her own authority. If James Froude is to be believed, Elizabeth sought to execute Stubbs summarily by royal prerogative; a scenario perhaps less surprising when one considers she took legal advice about doing the same to William Davison nine years later."(
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-John Stubbs's familiarity with the *pro*-*contra* arguments raised by councillors in conferences held in the spring and his ability to refute in detail points in the marriage's favour made by the earl of Sussex, its leading supporter, were
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-"\$ Mauvissie're reported to Henry III that Elizabeth thought Stubbs, Page, and Singleton were secretaries for those with evil designs: Mauvissie're to Henry III, Nov. , Paris, Bibliothe'que Nationale (BN), Fonds franc:ais , fo. . In a petition to a privy councillor, present at his examination, Stubbs argued 'before the matter was fownde out', the councillor had been able ' to examine and resiste, by timelie foresighte, any things that might fall out perilous to this commonwelthe'. Not doing so, Stubbs found ' the worste their of fallen upon myselfe'. Stubbs to ' your lordship', Dec. , in Park, ed., *Nugae antiquae*, , p. . Hatton was present at Stubbs's examination but it is not clear if Stubbs's petition was directed to him: Stubbs to Hatton, Dec. , London, British Library (BL), Additional MS , fo. v. "%
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- Conyers Read, 'Walsingham and Burghley in Queen Elizabeth's privy council', *English Historical Review*, (), pp. –; J. E. Neale, 'The Elizabethan political scene', *Proceedings of the British Academy*, (), pp. –; H. J. Byrom, 'Edmund Spenser's first printer, Hugh Singleton', *The Library*, th ser., (), pp. –. "&
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- M. M. Leimon, 'Sir Francis Walsingham and the Anjou marriage plan, –' (PhD thesis, Cambridge, ), pp. –; Susan Doran, *Monarchy and matrimony : the courtships of Elizabeth I* (London, ), pp. –, –; Blair Worden, *The sound of virtue : Philip Sidney's* Arcadia *and Elizabethan politics* (New Haven and London, ), pp. –, . "'
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- Doran, *Monarchy and matrimony*, pp. , ; Wallace T. MacCaffrey, *Queen Elizabeth I and the making of policy* (Princeton, NJ, ), pp. –; Paul E. McLane, *Spenser's* Shepheardes calendar: *a study in Elizabethan allegory* (Notre Dame and London, edn), pp. –. "(
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-Froude, *History of England*, , p. ; John Guy, *Tudor England* (Oxford, edn), p. .
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-certainly striking. But it has proved impossible to forge convincing connections between him, Leicester, and Walsingham. Susan Doran has rightly pointed out that William Davison, the English agent in Antwerp, could not have been Stubbs's mole as Mitchell Leimon argued: he knew Stubbs but was not a member of the council and could not have been conversant with the details of the debates. But her own claim – that Stubbs was supplied with information directly by Walsingham – cannot be substantiated.") Similarly, there are no discernible connections between Hugh Singleton and Leicester other than through Spenser. Placing Sidney's letter in the sequence of events is also problematic. Katherine Duncan-Jones and Jan van Dorsten have concluded that the letter was probably written several months after the colloquy at Pembroke House: the earliest suggested *terminus a quo* is November because Sidney failed to mention it when discussing the marriage in a letter to George Buchanan in October."\*
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-Defining public debate as orchestrated by councillors also seems at odds with the broader direction of recent research. Simon Adams has shown that the Elizabethan polity was not characterized by persistent factionalism until the s; a view reinforced by Paul Hammer's work on the second earl of Essex.#! Though this is disputed for the Anjou negotiations by Susan Doran, Adams's work raises questions about how deep policy divisions between councillors ran and how they were articulated.#" Second, while it is clear that men outwith the court were commissioned to write pamphlets in defence of government policy – including Stubbs himself in – Thomas Freeman's recent work on Thomas Norton's role in furthering ecclesiastical reform in the parliament of has questioned the extent to which we can continue to understand the actions of 'men-of-business' in blanket terms: always council stooges, never acting on their own initiative.## Third, Anne McLaren's arguments that Elizabeth's queenship was legitimated by utilizing a 'providential' model and that 'counsel' became a more socially inclusive (though male-dominated) activity raises crucial questions about the role of public debate in Elizabethan governance and the exact nature of Elizabeth's authority.#\$ If England was, in
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-") Leimon, 'Walsingham', p. ; Doran, *Monarchy and matrimony*, p. ; Davison did not leave Antwerp until May . A. F. Scott Pearson, *Thomas Cartwright and Elizabethan puritanism* (London, ), pp. –. "\*
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- Katherine Duncan-Jones and Jan van Dorsten, eds., *The miscellaneous prose works of Sir Philip Sidney* (Oxford, ), pp. –. They set the *terminal ad quem* as Oct. . #!
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- Simon Adams, 'Favourites and factions at the Elizabethan court', reprinted, with a bibliographical postscript, in Guy, ed., *Tudor monarchy*, pp. –; idem, 'Eliza enthroned ?: the court and its politics', in Christopher Haigh, ed., *The reign of Elizabeth I* (Basingstoke and London, ), pp. –; Paul Hammer, *The polarisation of Elizabethan politics : the political career of Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex, –* (Cambridge, ). #"
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- Doran, *Monarchy and matrimony*, pp. , –. ##
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- Stubbs was commissioned by Burghley to respond to Cardinal Allen's *A true sincere and modest defence of English catholiques*, an attack on Burghley's *The execution of justice*. The work was not published and is no longer extant. Berry, pp. xlii–xliv; Thomas S. Freeman, '''The reformation of the church in this parliament'': Thomas Norton, John Foxe and the parliament of ', *Parliamentary History*, (), pp. –. #\$ McLaren, *Political culture*, passim.
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-Collinson's phrase, a 'monarchical republic' and if Elizabeth accepted the constraints of counsel on her authority, why was Stubbs's advice judged unacceptable ?#%
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-Thus *A gaping gulf* addresses the questions of the nature of public debate and 'counsel'. Was Elizabethan public debate characterized primarily by courtsponsored partisan propaganda, or was there an emergent public sphere based on ideas of (independent) active citizenship, in which individuals outwith the court sought to offer Elizabeth advice ? If the latter, were concepts of 'counsel' offered at court and in public the same ? To answer these questions, this article re-examines specific problems with understanding *A gaping gulf* as commissioned propaganda and seeks to develop a new model for public debate. If it also appears that the focus on Stubbs perpetuates the emphasis on articulate Protestant theorists, then I hope that my new model suggests ways of exploring the emergent Elizabethan public sphere and its relationship with court politics. What can it reveal about how Elizabethans (the queen included) perceived their own and others' political roles in the public sphere ?
-
-I
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-Arguments that *A gaping gulf* (as well as *The shepheardes calendar* and Sidney's letter) was commissioned by opponents at court are founded on two premises: that policy divisions at court were factional and that councillors were willing to 'bounce' Elizabeth into rejecting the marriage. Reports from Sir Amias Paulet, English ambassador in Paris, and the comments they provoked by councillors like Sir Nicholas Bacon and Sir Francis Knollys, indicate that the central issue on the mid-Elizabethan agenda was the unresolved succession.#& Mary Stewart's imprisonment did little to allay fears about the threat she posed to the crown: she remained Elizabeth's heir presumptive and, in Catholic eyes, the present legitimate queen.#' There was also a strong belief that France and Spain were actively working to end the civil wars in their own territories in order to attack England.#( However, as Elizabeth aged, it became less likely that the succession could be resolved dynastically as it was feared that Elizabeth was too old to conceive and deliver a child safely, if she married. In turn, this raised the profile of a political settlement, first proposed by Burghley in , comprising improving domestic military defences, tightening laws against recusants to reduce the threat of domestic subversion, building a
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-<sup>#%</sup> Collinson, 'Monarchical republic', pp. –; Peltonen, *Classical humanism*, passim. #&
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-Paulet to Walsingham, Sept. , in Octavius Ogle, ed., *Copy*-*book of Sir Amias Poulet*'*s letters written during his embassy to France* (Roxburghe Club; London, ) pp. – (hereafter, Ogle); same to Elizabeth, Sept. , ibid., pp. –; same to Walsingham, Oct. , ibid., pp. –; same to [Mildmay ?], Dec. , ibid., p. ; Bacon to Elizabeth, Sept. , BL, Additional MS , fo. r–v; Knollys to Wilson, Jan. , BL, Harley MS , fo. . #' 'Degrees', , BL, Cotton MS Caligula C., fo. r–v. #(
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-Paulet to Elizabeth, Sept. , Ogle, pp. –, same to Walsingham, Oct. , ibid., pp. –; same to Leicester, Dec. , ibid., p. .
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-network of (Protestant) allies and (ideally) excluding Mary from the succession and nominating an alternative heir.#)
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-The consensus in favour of the political settlement broke apart on the conclusion of an alliance for financial aid between Anjou and the States General of the Low Countries in August . Conditional on the duke also contracting an alliance with Elizabeth, the Angevin-Dutch alliance also intensified the marriage negotiations, revived from their lacklustre progress since by Henry III and Catherine de Me!dici in the spring: Anjou favoured a dynastic alliance with Elizabeth.#\* Fearing that Anjou sought to annex the Low Countries to France and believing that the alliance supplanted English influence over the Dutch, the earl of Sussex argued that the danger Anjou posed eclipsed all other problems England faced. The marriage, however, offered Elizabeth the opportunity to direct Anjou's actions: the duke would be her ' servant & defender'. This was a striking reversal from conventional understanding that all wives were subject to their husbands – an issue which, when applied to queens regnant, was hotly debated under both Mary and Elizabeth.\$! But it was grounded on Sussex's conversation with de Quissy, one of Anjou's envoys, who had emphasized that Anjou 'wowld be dyrected by your majeste [Elizabeth] in his actyons in the lowe countreyes'. Sussex further believed that the marriage would have the additional advantage of providing dynastically for the succession.\$" Wilson supported Sussex as he believed that England's strategic position was too dire, in the context of the succession question and Catholic conspiracy: 'It is high tyme for us to bee assured of some bodie abroade, least beeinge forsaken of al, we shal bee over weake to withstande the meanest yf wee showlde bee tryed.'\$#
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-In their reading both of Anjou and of the political agenda, Burghley, Walsingham, and others disagreed with Sussex. They shared his suspicions about Anjou but they disputed that the duke's actions could be directed through marriage.\$\$ Moreover, they believed that it was essential not to lose sight of the wider dimensions of the succession problem, especially after the collapse of the earl of Morton's Anglophile regency in Scotland the previous March. The Low Countries were significant to English strategic concerns: the Dutch revolt occupied Philip's resources, preventing him from invading; the provinces were identified as an ally and were crucial, with Ireland and
-
-<sup>#)</sup> Alford, *Early Elizabethan polity*, pp. –; BL, Additional MS , fo. r–v; BL, Harley MS , fo. ; BL, Cotton MS Caligula C., fo. r–v. #\*
-
-Catherine de Me!dici to Mauvissie're, June , in M. le Comte Baguenault de Puchesse, ed., *Lettres de Catherine de Me*U*dicis* ( vols., Paris, –), , pp. – (hereafter, *Lettres de Catherine de Me*U*dicis*); Henry III to Mauvissie're, May , Pierre Champion and Michel Franc:ois, eds., *Lettres de Henri III, roi de France* ( vols., Paris, –), , pp. – (hereafter, *Lettres de Henri III*). \$!
-
-Constance Jordan, 'Women's rule in sixteenth century British political thought', *Renaissance Quarterly*, (), pp. –. \$"
-
-Sussex to Walsingham, Aug. , London, Public Record Office (PRO), SP}}; Hatfield, CP, fos. –. \$# Wilson to Walsingham, Aug. , PRO, SP}}. \$\$
-
-Wilson to Davison, May , PRO, SP}}, fo. .
-
-Scotland, in forming a ring of buffers protecting England from invasion. But, both strategically and politically, they were less significant than Scotland which represented the most immediate access point to England: a 'posterne gate' in Sir Christopher Hatton's words. Furthermore, Scottish (and French) agreement was essential to resolve Mary Stewart's anomalous position or to exclude her from the succession.\$% The collapse of Morton's regency was perceived to open the Scottish access route; a reading reinforced further, Walsingham made clear, by perceptions of Franco-Scottish relations under Francis I.\$& Consequently, men like Burghley were active in trying to repair Anglo-Scottish amity when the Scots provided an opportunity by sending an embassy under Robert Pitcairn, Commendator of Dunfermline and Secretary of State, in July.\$' Focusing on Anjou's intervention in the Dutch revolt would distract from these issues while not providing a suitable alternative resolution.
-
-Divisions over a dynastic settlement grew as the marriage negotiations intensified after the arrival of Jean de Simier, Anjou's Master of the Wardrobe and envoy, in January . Though no longer emphasizing that it would resolve the succession dynastically, Sussex remained committed to the match: it would provide England with a strong ally; to refuse the match would exacerbate political weakness as Anjou would marry the Spanish Infanta.\$( On the other hand, it was precisely the inability of the marriage to resolve the succession which reinforced Walsingham's and Burghley's opposition.\$) Conventionally identified as a supporter of the match on the basis of his *pro*-*contra* memoranda, Burghley opposed it throughout the negotiations. Viewed in the contemporary classical-humanist context of rhetorical devices to examine issues from different angles, the memoranda cannot be read simply as Burghley's conclusions. These have to be found instead in the advice offered to Elizabeth of April and his statement to the rest of the council on October: the latter clearly and categorically rejected the marriage, 'except hir Majesty wold of hir mynd inclyn to this marriadg, he wold never advise her therto'.\$\* If only because of the existence of similar memoranda, and reports of probouleutic (primary discussion) or conciliar meetings, these divisions appeared to spread. Commenting on Sussex's views, Sir Walter Mildmay concurred with Walsingham and Burghley that the marriage would not resolve the succession; he also disputed Sussex's perception of the wider strategic
-
-\$% Hatton to Burghley, Sept. , BL, Additional MS , fo. v; BL, Cotton MS Caligula C., fo. r–v. \$&
-
- BL, Additional MS , fo. r–v; Walsingham to Randolph and Bowes, Mar. , BL, Harley MS , fo. . \$'
-
- Burghley to Walsingham and Cobham, July , PRO, SP}}, fo. ; Walsingham to Hatton, June , BL, Additional MS , fo. ; same to same, June , BL, Additional MS , fo. v. \$( Hatfield, CP, fos. –. \$)
-
- State of affairs, [?], PRO, SP}}, fo. . \$\*
-
- Quentin Skinner, *Reason and rhetoric in the philosophy of Hobbes* (Cambridge, ), pp. –; Conyers Read, *Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth* (London, ), pp. –; 'The remedyes sought for to preserve hir Maty and the state in peace, if she shall not marry', Apr. , Hatfield, CP, fos. –; 'The Anjou marriage', Oct. , Hatfield, CP, fos. –v.
-
-situation.%! But Mildmay's memorandum also demonstrated that assessments of the marriage as a remedy to the succession were matched by deeper concerns about the nature of Elizabethan government if Elizabeth married. In particular, Mildmay challenged Sussex's argument that the marriage would not lead to Anjou's assumption of the reins of government. Philip II, he argued, had held Mary 'in his hande'. ' [M]en of judgementt' knew that while ' thordinarie matters' of law and order had been administered by the English, major political decisions had been taken by the Spanish, contrary to the marriage treaty. Invoking a complaint Lord Windsor had made at the time, Mildmay asked 'if kinges breake covenantes who shall sue the bonde[ ?]'.%"
-
-However, these divisions over policy were not factional under the terms defined by Simon Adams.%# It appears that Sussex was temporarily frozen out of correspondence between the court and Walsingham and Lord Cobham during the latter's embassy to Antwerp in .%\$ But, if this signalled a political or personal rivalry, it did not appear to ' over-r[ide] all other considerations'.%% For example, in the autumn of Leicester and Sussex proposed different measures to deal with Anjou's intervention in the Low Countries but both were prepared to back each other's policy. Despite their reservations, they still believed that their colleague's proposal provided a better strategy than the queen's preferred course of commanding Anjou's actions 'uppon bare wordes'.%& Second, there was no attempt to construct a following of supporters comparable to the second earl of Essex's demands in for Lord Grey to declare himself 'his only friend or friend to Mr Secretary, and his enemy'.%' Third, there was not always consensus among opponents as to why the marriage was not a feasible policy: for Walsingham it was because it would not resolve the succession; for Mildmay that Elizabeth would resign authority to Anjou as Mary had to Philip.%( Divisions were also fluid. In August , after the earl of Lennox's seizure of the strategically important castle of Dumbarton, Sussex shifted his support back in favour of the political settlement.%) Lennox was perceived by the English as a Guisian agent, and the changes to the Scottish court which his rise in James's favour had precipitated were interpreted as Scottish realignment towards Catholic Europe. The actions of James's counsellers, like Lennox, were important because, young, male, and
-
-<sup>%!</sup> 'Notes taken out of a letter writen from the earle of Sussex', [after Aug. ], Northamptonshire Record Office (NRO), Fitzwilliam (Milton) Political , fos. –v; 'Certaine notes drawen oute of a letter sente by the Earle of Sussex' [after Aug. ], NRO, Fitzwilliam (Milton) Political , fos. –; 'Notes taken owt of a lettre from the Earl of Sussex, xxviii Auguste to the Queen's Majesty', n.d., San Marino, CA, Huntington Library, Ellesmere . %" NRO, Fitzwilliam (Milton) Political , fos. , v. %#
-
-Simon Adams, 'Faction, clientage and party: English politics, –', *History Today*, (), p. . %\$ Sussex to Walsingham, Aug. , PRO, SP}}. %%
-
-Adams, 'Faction, clientage and party', p. . %&
-
-Burghley to Walsingham, Aug. , PRO, SP}}. %'
-
-Lord Grey to Lord Cobham, July , Hatfield, CP, fo. . %(
-
-PRO, SP}}, fo. ; NRO, Fitzwilliam (Milton) Political , fos. v, . %)
-
-Sussex to Walsingham, Jan. , PRO, SP}}.
-
-at liberty, James posed a potentially greater threat than Mary to the English crown. Lennox's possession of Dumbarton, the traditional entry point for French ships, appeared to signal preparations for a Catholic invasion of England and hence a realization of fears of Catholic conspiracy, previously centred on Mary Stewart.%\*
-
-Moreover, the 'factional' qualities of *A gaping gulf* itself are not clear cut. Stubbs endorsed the political settlement and emphasized the importance of maintaining the Anglo-Scottish amity which, he believed, was jeopardized by the French marriage. It was strategically crucial to English defences: geographical proximity meant that Scotland could provide readier assistance than an overseas ally for whom they 'must tary for the wind and tyde.'&! He also criticized Sussex's arguments sharply. Strategic considerations aside, the marriage would not make France an ally: Stubbs astutely recognized Henry III's deep dislike of Anjou and the factionalism it created at the French court among their followers.&" Moreover, believing that Elizabeth was too old to conceive or have children safely, the marriage would not resolve the succession; rather it would plunge the realm more quickly into civil war and foreign invasion.&# But, if he advised Sussex to weigh his arguments again, then Stubbs also attacked Burghley's and Walsingham's proposals for statutory exclusion of Mary Stewart from the succession and nomination of an heir. Those who attempted to resolve the succession by acts of parliament or 'provide for them with his penn in hys studye … forgets the many experiences of fayths most solemnly geven, falsified'.&\$ His distinctions between flatterers (who supported the match) and 'playne, honest speakers' (who spoke against it) were less signs of factionally inspired abuse than rhetorical devices of persuasion. Their purpose was to employ tropes of honesty and plainness – conventionally associated with ' good counsel' – to persuade the listener that the advice offered was for the common good; and tropes of flattery, self-seeking behaviour, ambition, vanity, and greed – characteristics of 'bad counsel' – to dissuade them from opposing arguments. It was for this reason that Stubbs advised Elizabeth to consider whether supporters of the match had previously been 'hanging on her skyrtes' to marry or had been 'domme or slow speakers' who now sought their own advantage. It was a ' tryall' which only had the vaguest correlation with how individuals like Sussex, Burghley, Leicester, and others supported the Anjou match and previous proposals. &%
-
-%\* Walsingham to same, May , PRO, SP}}, fo. r–v; BL, Additional MS , fo. r–v; Cobham to [Walsingham], Feb. , PRO, SP}a}; same to [Walsingham ?], Oct. , PRO, SP}b}; same to Elizabeth, June , PRO, SP}a}; [Walsingham ?] to [Cobham], Sept. , PRO, SP}b}; Gordon Donaldson, *All the queen's men : power and politics in Mary Stewart's Scotland* (London, ), p. . &!
-
- Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*, sigs. Bv, Dv, Ev–Ev, Ev–F. &"
-
- Henry III to Mauvissie're, May , *Lettres de Henri III*, , pp. –; same to Sieur d'Abain, June , ibid., , pp. –; same to Catherine de Me!dici, June , ibid., , pp. –; Pierre Chevallier, *Henri III : roi Shakespearien* (Paris, ), pp. –. &#
-
- Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*, sigs. Dv–Dv, Cv–D. &\$ Ibid., sig. Dv. &%
-
-Ibid., sigs. Bv–B, D–Dv, Dv, Bv; Skinner, *Reason and rhetoric*, p. .
-
-Factionalism, if it existed, was a visible manifestation of how councillors and courtiers perceived their roles and their working relationship with Elizabeth. Utilizing printed literature like *A gaping gulf* to offer advice and whip up opposition presupposed that they believed they could legitimately lobby, if not dictate, to Elizabeth on key issues. There are examples of the council as a corporate body 'bouncing', or attempting to 'bounce', Elizabeth into decisions or actions: Mary's execution being the most notable.&& During the negotiations themselves, Walsingham and Cobham had encouraged Horatio Pallavicino to advance credit to the States General on 'word and [their] handes' when Elizabeth continued to prove reluctant to deliver promised financial bonds during the two men's embassy to the Low Countries in August .&' However, this was not a uniform template for relations between Elizabeth and her advisers; they were more varied and nuanced. Wallace MacCaffrey has called the privy council's decision to offer Elizabeth *pro* and *contra* advice on the marriage on October a ' stalling motion'; Susan Doran, a complex strategic device to force her to decline the match. It denied Elizabeth the support she required to push an unpopular marriage treaty through a strongly Protestant and hostile parliament.&( But there is no reason to dismiss the council's message as disingenuous. Both Burghley and Sussex had explicitly recognized that only Elizabeth could take the decision: in Sussex's words, 'her hart is to be gyded by godes dyrectyon and her awne … by cause no man can knowe the Inward dyrectyon of her harte … [neither] can eny man gyve councell therin, but leave that to god and her selfe'.&) Marriage was a personal issue: as Elizabeth would have to live with Anjou, only she could decide whether to accept his proposal. Proceedings of the privy council on May showed that councillors were concerned to have an opportunity to voice their opinions: this appears to be why Burghley deliberately ignored Elizabeth's instructions that they discuss only the treaty articles and allowed them to debate the match itself. But, when clarification was sought from the queen after some councillors expressed confusion over their remit, there was no attempt – by Burghley or anyone else – to pursue the issue or lobby Elizabeth.&\* The parameters of 'counsel' thus appeared to be constantly shifting: the degree to which advisers sought to persuade or realize their ideas dependent, at the least, on the issue in question.
-
-<sup>&</sup>amp;& Guy, *Tudor England*, pp. –. &'
-
-Leicester to Walsingham, July , PRO, SP}}, fo. r–v. &(
-
-Hatfield, CP, fo. v; 'Message from the council on the marriage', – Oct. , Hatfield, CP, fos. r–v; MacCaffrey, *Making of policy*, p. ; Doran, *Monarchy and matrimony*, p. . &)Memorandum on the marriage, Mar. , PRO, SP}}, fo. ; Hatfield, CP,
-
-fo. . &\*
-
-'Reports as to the conferences with Simier', – May , Hatfield, CP, fos. –.
-
-If the culture of counsel at court and the absence of court factionalism suggest that *A gaping gulf* was not a commissioned piece of propaganda, then a new model is required; one that explores the milieu in which *A gaping gulf* was produced and thereby takes greater account of Elizabethan concepts of citizenship, and the role of counsellor therein. Stubbs's inner circle of friends included Burghley's secretaries Vincent Skinner and Michael Hickes.'! Stubbs met both men in the s at Cambridge, where he was tutored by George Blythe (who also became one of Burghley's secretaries). They both followed Stubbs to Lincoln's Inn and maintained a close relationship until Stubbs's death in .'" Burghley was an opponent of the match who retained his own *pro*-*contra* memoranda (drawn up for discussions in March and April ) and acquired (though at what point is not known) Sussex's letter to Elizabeth and memoranda on the marriage, both of which outlined the earl's arguments in detail.'# A further memorandum, 'Whether a Protestant may Marye with a papiste', was also prepared for him.'\$ Stubbs's Cecilian connections functioned not as missing links for understanding *A gaping gulf* as a commissioned piece – the culture of counsel and the absence of court factionalism renders this unlikely – but as the milieu in which *A gaping gulf* was produced. What was this milieu and how does it shape our understanding of the relationship between court politics and the public sphere ?
-
-Both in his capacity as a practising lawyer from and in the public offices he held from , Stubbs demonstrated a commitment to active citizenship. Called to the bar in , his appointments as steward and associate of the bench at Lincoln's Inn ( and ) and as steward of Yarmouth () suggest he was a practising lawyer. He was commissioned by Burghley to respond to Cardinal William Allen's attack on Burghley's own *The execution of justice* (), a defence of the execution for treason of the Jesuit missionary, Edmund Campion, and fourteen others in . In he became secretary to Lord Willoughby d'Eresby and was used as a messenger between d'Eresby
-
-'! *The history of parliament : the House of Commons, –*, ed. P. W. Hasler ( vols., London, ), , pp. – (hereafter, *Commons*); ibid., , pp. –; A. G. R. Smith, *Servant of the Cecils : the life of Sir Michael Hickes, –* (London, ); Hickes to Burghley, [n.d., c. ], BL, Lansdowne MS , fos. –. '"
-
-*Commons*, , p. ; Berry, pp. xxii–xxiv; Stubbs to Hickes, Mar. , BL, Lansdowne MS , fo. r–v; same to same, Dec. , BL, Lansdowne MS , fo. ; same to same, July , BL, Lansdowne MS , fos. –; same to same, Sept. , BL, Lansdowne MS , fo. ; Hickes to Stubbs, [Dec. or Jan. ], BL, Lansdowne MS , fo. r–v; same to same, BL, Lansdowne MS , fo. r–v. '#
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- 'To be advised in the motion of mariadg by Monsieur d'alanson with the Queen's Majesty', Mar. , Hatfield, CP, fos. –v; 'Answers to the obiections made agaynst the marriadg with Monsieur Dallanson', Mar. , Hatfield, CP, fos. –v; 'The perills that may happen to the Q. Maty if she lyve unmarried', Mar. , Hatfield, CP, fos. –; PRO, SP}}, fos. –; Hatfield, CP, fos. –; Hatfield, CP, fos. –. '\$
-
- 'Whether a Protestant may Marye with a papiste', [?], BL, Lansdowne MS , fos. –.
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-and Burghley in . The same year he was returned as MP for Yarmouth.'% His friends were, likewise, politically active. Skinner and Hickes served as Burghley's secretaries and as MPs, both sitting first for Truro, in and respectively.'& Moreover, Stubbs's circle was part of a wider one of men committed to active citizenship. As a political finishing school and stage for Christmas revels for the queen, Lincoln's Inn was an extension of the court; it also provided significant role models during Stubbs's stay. James Dalton and Robert Monson, for instance, were both senior members. Dalton was a leading lawyer and sat in parliament between and , probably under the patronage of Bedford and then Burghley. Monson was raised first to the Court of High Commission in , the post of serjeant at law (by special mandate) in , and the Court of Common Pleas in November of the same year. Like Dalton, he also sat for parliament under Bedford's patronage. The significance of Lincoln's Inn became acutely apparent in when both men openly questioned the validity of Stubbs's sentence. Moreover, Dalton had already been joined on his Saltash seat in and by William Page, who attempted to distribute copies of *A gaping gulf* to the West Country via Sir Richard Grenville, and shared Stubbs's fate on the scaffold.''
-
-Parliament and Lincoln's Inn are crucial for understanding Stubbs. A close friend of MPs Skinner and Hickes, and later an MP himself, Stubbs needs to be located within a parliamentary culture of counsel. Sovereignty lay in the queen-in-parliament, and parliamentary consent (as representing the whole realm) was required for all major political and religious changes, including marriage and the succession. This doctrine derived primarily from Christopher St German – whose *Doctor and student* (; a modified English translation, ) and *New additions* () were ' set texts' at the Inns of Court – but was reinforced by both Sir Thomas Smith's *De republica Anglorum* () and John Aylmer's *An harborowe for faithfull and trewe subjects* ().'( A petition Stubbs drafted against Whitgift's subscription campaign against non-conforming Puritan clergy in demonstrates the extent to which he had absorbed these ideas. He asked Elizabeth to appoint ' such most honorable Lordes, and Counsellors' to alter or enforce more mildly the laws because the impending dissolution of parliament (' this corporation') meant it would be unable ' to explane & approue' remedial action itself. Stubbs and his fellow petitioners were 'fellow citizens and coheires as well of this earthly inheritaunce in your [Elizabeth's] kingdom as of that ever lasting inheritaunce in the kingdom of heaven'.') In *A gaping gulf*, Stubbs made it clear that the importance of counsel
-
-'% The stewardship was usually given to an eminent lawyer as it required the holder to execute the judicial duties of the high steward and act as the corporation's legal adviser. Berry, pp. xx–xxiv, xli–xlv. '& *Commons*, , pp. –; ibid., , pp. –.
-
-'' Ibid., , p. ; ibid., , pp. –, ; Camden, *Annals*, p. . '(
-
- Guy, 'Tudor monarchy and its critiques', pp. –; Sir Thomas Smith, *De republica Anglorum*, ed. Mary Dewar (Cambridge, ); John Aylmer, *An harborowe for faithfull and trewe subjects* (Strasbourg, ; *STC* ). ')
-
-Petition to parliament, Mar. , BL, Additional MS , fos. r–v.
-
-increased when the monarch was female: queens must accept advice (including on marriage) from their male counsellors because they lacked the necessary judgement to make decisions independently:
-
-The same [i.e. men giving advice to women on marriage] should be much more diligently don in mariage of a Queen and her realme and it is a faythles careles part, to leave hir helples in hir choise of the person and personall conditions of hir husband to hir own consideration, which how so ever sufficient it be, so much the more hath she need of help, as the matter is more weightie in hir then in common matches.'\*
-
-Lincoln's Inn was crucial ideologically. It had developed a Protestant identity in the s and it was within this confessional dimension that ideas of active citizenship and parliamentary counsel, represented in Stubbs's immediate and wider circle, were conceived.(! The purpose of political action was to benefit the common weal, defined as the preservation of Protestantism.(" In *A gaping gulf*, Stubbs explicitly defined England as a Protestant, elect nation (' a kingdome of light, confessing Christ and serving the living God') under attack from ' our popish enemies', the papacy, Spain, and France.(# Though monarchs had a prime duty to preserve Protestantism – they were ' the sacred defender' of God's church – as the petition of showed, parliament's role was equally, if not more, crucial. Lincoln's Inn had an additional significance. Since at least the fourteenth century, the Inns of Court had developed a strong tradition of political satire and complaint in poetry and prose romance, assuming a role initially held by ecclesiastics.(\$ This was an important literary milieu for some of Stubbs's individual and collaborative works.
-
-In the wake of Archbishop Parker's drive for conformity after the vestiarian controversy () and the publication of the *Admonition to parliament* and *A view of popish abuses* (both ), Stubbs and his circle identified increasingly with the reform movement that Parker's actions had pushed underground.(% In Vincent Skinner had produced an English translation of Gonsalvius's denunciation of the Spanish Inquisition, *Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae artes aliquot detectae*; it was re-issued the following year with a dedication to Parker.
-
-'\* Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*, sigs. Av–A, F, Ev. (!
-
- R. M. Fisher, 'The Reformation in microcosm ? Benchers at the Inns of Court, –', *Parergon*, n.s., (), pp. –, , ; Berry, p. xxiv, John Venn and J. A. Venn, eds., *Alumni Cantabrigiensis* ( vols., Cambridge, –), , p. . ("
-
- For instance, both Dalton and Monson spoke out in parliament in the s and s on key issues connected to the preservation of Protestantism: the succession, Mary Stewart, and church reform: *Commons*, , p. ; ibid., , pp. –. (#
-
- Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*, sigs. Av, Bv, Ev–Ev. Cf. to PRO, SP}}, fos. –v. (\$
-
- John Taylor, *English historical literature in the fourteenth century* (Oxford, ), pp. , –; T. F. Tout, 'Literature and learning in the English civil service in the fourteenth century', *Speculum*, (), pp. , ; Janet Coleman, *English literature in history, – : medieval readers and writers* (London, ), pp. , . (%
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- Mark E. C. Perrott, 'Richard Hooker and the problem of authority in the context of Elizabethan church controversies' (PhD thesis, Cambridge, ), pp. –, –; Patrick Collinson, *The Elizabethan puritan movement* (Oxford, ), pp. –, , , –, –; Scott Pearson, *Thomas Cartwright*, pp. –.
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-By the early s, however, Skinner's praise of Parker and his implicit endorsement of the conformity campaign, evident in the second edition of *A discovery and playne declaration*, had been replaced by sharper criticism.(& <sup>A</sup> precise attribution remains uncertain, but the *Short title catalogue* argues that in Skinner collaborated with Hickes and Stubbs on *The life of the archbishopp off Canterbury*. *Englished*. It was a faithful English translation of *De antiquitate Britannicae ecclesiae & priuilegiis ecclesiae Cantuariensis, cum archiepiscopis eiusdem* but attacked Parker in the printed marginalia. These were polemical, levelled primarily at Parker's hostility to the moderate Puritans' concerns (particularly preaching) and his defence of the episcopal structure in *De antiquitate Britannicae*. Parker was criticized as a poor and infrequent preacher, antipathetic to preaching as a whole. Episcopacy was a usurped authority and the *De antiquitate Britannicae* itself like the tomb of the Assyrian queen of Babylon uncovered by Darius: purporting to be full of great treasures, it was nothing but a 'charnell howse}off brainlesse unlearned skulles'.('
-
-By the time *The life* was published, Stubbs, Hickes, and Skinner moved in a wider circle of leading reformers, like Thomas Cartwright, and committed Protestants working as secretaries and clerks, like Laurence Tomson and William Davison.(( Despite these connections, however, it would be a mistake to see *The life* as part of Cartwright's publishing campaign and not as an independent initiative provoked by growing religious tensions between reformers and men like Parker, and which drew on medieval traditions of political satire with which the Inns of Court had been associated.() The identification of the printer of *The life* as Christoph Froschauer of Zurich is still debatable but typographical evidence shows it was not issued from the same press (Michael Schirat's in Heidelberg) as Cartwright's *The second replie agaynst Maister Doctor Whitgiftes second answer* (), *A full and plaine declaration of ecclesiastical discipline* (), Walter Travers's *Ecclesiasticae disciplinae et Anglicanae ecclesiae* () and *A brieff discours off the troubles begonne at Franckford* (; attributed to William Whittingham), as has been suggested.(\*
-
-Stubbs's legal and political career, his views on citizenship as manifested in *A gaping gulf* and the petition of , and his possible earlier collaboration with Skinner and Hickes on *The life*, are important lenses for reconsidering the
-
-(& Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus, *A discovery and playne declaration of sundry subtill practises of the holye inquisition of Spayne. Set forth in Latine, and newly translated* [by V. Skinner] (London, ; *STC* ); Montanus, *A discovery and playne declaration …* (London, ; *STC* ), sigs. Aii–Aiiv. ('
-
-*The life of the archbishopp off Canterbury. Englished* [trans. by John Stubbs ?] (Zurich, ; *STC* a), sigs. Aiii, Cii, Bviii, Civ–Cvv ; Matthew Parker, *De antiquitate Britannicae ecclesiae & priuilegiis ecclesiae Cantuariensis, cum archiepiscopis eiusdem* (London, –; *STC* ). ((
-
- Scott Pearson, *Thomas Cartwright*, pp. , –; Stubbs to Hickes, Mar. , BL, Lansdowne MS , fo. . ()
-
- Taylor, *English historical literature*, pp. , –; Tout, 'Literature and learning', pp. , . (\*
-
- C. E. Sayle, *Early English printed books in the University Library, Cambridge, –* ( vols., Cambridge, –), , pp. –; Collinson, *Puritan movement*, p. ; A. F. Johnson, 'Books printed at Heidelberg for Thomas Cartwright', *The Library*, th ser., (–), pp. –.
-
-circumstances of *A gaping gulf*'s production. Stubbs moved in a politically and confessionally aware circle; he was committed to an active public life, but understood its purpose to be the preservation of Protestantism. His commitment to Protestantism appears to have intensified in the early s and he remained willing to express these views in print: his presumed collaboration on *The life* post-dated his first appearance in print (*A discourse … conteyning the life and death of John Calvin*) by a decade.)! Importantly, his later works emerged against a background of religious tension: in the case of *A gaping gulf*, the halting of Archbishop Grindal's reforms by Elizabeth both directly and through his suspension from office.)" In conjunction with the nature of court politics in and , these suggest that, far from emanating from the council, *A gaping gulf* emerged independently from an articulate, middleranking, politically and confessionally conscious circle. Stubbs's friendship with Skinner and Hickes may have been crucial and it is possible that they supplied information from Burghley's archive of *pro*-*contra* memoranda to Stubbs. Hickes was in trouble with Burghley over his service as secretary in , though there is absolutely no evidence to suggest that this was connected to any transfer of documents to Stubbs.)# But it would seem more appropriate to understand these dynamics in terms of a circle of friends or colleagues who discussed politics and, through their professional connections, could tap surreptitiously into debate at court, rather than of a network exploited by councillors for propaganda purposes.)\$
-
-The history of the other men involved in the production and (attempted) dissemination of *A gaping gulf* seems to lend credence to this alternative model. Most important was Hugh Singleton, the printer, spared Stubbs's fate (the French ambassador alleged) because his age prompted Elizabeth's mercy (he was about eighty).)% Singleton had started as a bookseller in Paul's Churchyard in but had employed other printers to print works for him until he began printing himself, independently or with Joos Lambrecht, under false imprints, possibly in Wesel from late .)& Early works were largely partisan and dominated by reformers like John Foxe and John Knox. Two crucial books were printed in . *The copie of a pistell or letter sent to Gilbard Potter* was heavily critical of Northumberland and his attempt to settle the succession on Jane Grey. It defended Mary only as the rightful claimant by title under the terms of Henry VIII's will and made no comment on her Catholicism.)' Shortly after
-
- See a similar depiction for Thomas Hobbes in Richard Tuck, *Hobbes* (Oxford, ), p. . )%
-
-<sup>)!</sup> John Stubbs, *A discourse … conteyning the life and death of John Calvin* (London, ; *STC* ). )"
-
-Collinson, *Puritan movement*, pp. –, –, –. )#
-
-BL, Lansdowne MS , fos. –. )\$
-
-BN, Fonds franc:ais , fos. v–. )&
-
-*A short title catalogue of books printed in England, Scotland & Ireland and of English books printed abroad, –*, ed. W. A. Jackson, F. S. Ferguson and Katharine F. Pantzer ( vols., London, –), , pp. –; Byrom, 'Hugh Singleton', pp. –. )'
-
-Poore Pratte (pseud.), *The copie of a pistell or letter sent to Gilbard Potter* (London, ; *STC* ). This is possibly the earliest printed attack on Northumberland.
-
-Mary's accession, Singleton reprinted Stephen Gardiner's *De vera obedienta* deliberately to humiliate the new lord chancellor with a reminder of his defence of the royal supremacy.)( Singleton also moved in a circle of committed Protestant printers, including Stephen Mierdman and John Day. Day had invested in and printed Foxe's *Acts and monuments*; he had also printed Foxe's *Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum* that Norton attempted to introduce into parliament in , after previous failed attempts in parliament and convocation.)) William Page, who attempted to distribute fifty copies of *<sup>A</sup> gaping gulf* to the West Country, was an MP and former secretary to the earl of Bedford; he had been arrested in Venice in June for stating he wanted to assassinate QueenMary.)\* Sir Richard Grenville, to whom Page had attempted to send the copies, had independently appointed Eusebius Paget, minister of Kilkhampton, and had encouraged him to hold conventicles in his own house.\*! In their Protestant commitment, their political activity, and, in Singleton's and Page's case, their subversive agitation, all three men appeared less council stooges than independent activists.
-
-#### III
-
-If *A gaping gulf* was an independent initiative, can the same be said for Spenser's *The shepheardes calendar* and Sidney's letter ? It is more difficult to place Edmund Spenser in an identifiable political and religious circle than Stubbs and space precludes an extensive evaluation, but there are important similarities which, if briefly outlined, are none the less suggestive. First, Spenser was also politically active. He became secretary to John Young, bishop of Rochester (a friend of Grindal's) in and had entered Leicester's household by October the following year. In he became secretary to Lord Grey, lord deputy of Ireland. After Grey's return to England, Spenser continued to hold a number of official posts in Ireland.\*" Second, Spenser was a committed Protestant; an affiliation modern historians and critics have sought to play down.\*# In Spenser translated epigrams and sonnets for Jan van der Noodt's *A theatre wherein be represented as wel the miseries and calamaties that follow the voluptuous worldlings*, a widely circulated attack on the Catholic church.\*\$ Moreover, the
-
- Anthea Hume, *Edmund Spenser : Protestant poet* (Cambridge, ), p. ; Richard Rambuss, *Spenser*'*s secret career* (Cambridge, ), pp. –. \*#
-
-Hume, *Edmund Spenser*, pp. , . See also Scott Pearson, *Thomas Cartwright*, pp. –.
-
-<sup>)(</sup> Byrom, 'Hugh Singleton', p. ; James Arthur Muller, *Stephen Gardiner and the Tudor reaction* (London, ), pp. –, –; Glyn Redworth, *In defence of the church Catholic : the life of Stephen Gardiner* (Oxford, ), pp. –. ))
-
-Freeman, '''The reformation of the church''', passim. )\* *Commons*, , p. . \*!
-
-Carson I. A. Ritchie, 'Sir Richard Grenville and the puritans', *English Historical Review*, (), pp. –; *Commons*, , p. . \*"
-
-Hume, *Edmund Spenser*, pp. –. Critics have de-emphasized Spenser's Protestant affiliations, partly because of the speculative nature of the identification of characters in *The shepheardes calendar* with real figures, and partly the failure, by the first proponent of these ideas, Lilian Winstanley in , to note Spenser's tenure with Rochester. \*\$
-
-May and November eclogues in *The shepheardes calendar* replicated Stubbs's view of England as a ' godly realm' threatened immediately by Catholic conspiracy and, in the long term, by Catholicism and unreformed Protestantism.\*% In both substance (the fable of the Fox and the Kid) and language (his use of 'fox' to denote secret Catholics and 'wolf ' as open Catholics), Spenser drew on reformist works like Anthony Gilby's *A pleasaunt dialogue*, *betweene a souldior of Barwicke*, *and an English chaplaine* (written , printed ) and William Turner's *The huntinge and fynding out of the Romyshe wolfe* ([?]) and *The hunting of the fox and the wolfe* ([]).\*& Finally, a connection between political service and Protestant commitment comparable to Stubbs's is suggested by the date when the May eclogue was written. Though it is difficult to date with exactitude, there is a consensus that it was probably written while Spenser was working for Rochester, along with the July and September eclogues which also commented on issues of ecclesiastical reform.\*'
-
-These three elements seem to suggest that *The shepheardes calendar* emanated from the same milieu as *A gaping gulf*: the independent response of a politically active and aware man with a strong Protestant conviction and a belief that the marriage would not resolve the succession issue without creating far greater problems. As Thomalin's emblem in the March eclogue stated: 'Of Hony and of Gaule in love there is store; The Honye is much, but the Gaule is more.'\*(
-
-Sidney's letter – and one written to Elizabeth by Sir Thomas Cecil in January – was different.\*) Sidney shared Stubbs's and Spenser's political and religious outlook. He defined England as a ' godly realm' under attack from Catholicism at home and abroad but argued that the marriage would only aggravate the situation by weakening the loyalty of Elizabeth's Protestant subjects and drawing Catholics further into disobedience. It would be a cure worse than the disease of the unsettled succession.\*\* But he perceived the role of counsel strikingly differently. For Sidney, counsel was advisory – Elizabeth was not obliged to accept proffered advice – and rooted in the traditions of noble counsel (both humanist-classical, as articulated by Sir Thomas Elyot and Thomas Starkey in the late s and early s, and feudal-baronial)."!! For Stubbs, counsel was socially inclusive and essential to queenship. He acknowledged that nobles and councillors were 'borne & chosen … fathers of advise', but stated that bishops and courtiers in Elizabeth's favour had an advisory role. More crucially, he also argued that he could offer counsel
-
-<sup>\*%</sup> Edmund Spenser, *The shepheardes calendar* (London, ; *STC* ), fo. v (lines , ), fo. (Argument), fo. (lines –), fo. v (lines –, ), fo. v (lines –); Hume, *Edmund Spenser*, pp. –. \*& Ibid., pp. –. \*'
-
-E. Greenlaw, C. G. Osgood, F. M. Padelford, eds., *The works of Edmund Spenser : a variorum edition* (Baltimore, rd edn, ). *The minor poems : volume* (ed. C. G. Osgood, H. G. Lotspeich with Dorothy E. Mason), Appendix , p. . \*( Spenser, *Shepheardes calendar*, fo. . \*)
-
-[Sir Thomas Cecil] to Elizabeth, Jan. , Hatfield, CP, fos. –. \*\*
-
-Philip Sidney to Elizabeth, [], BL, Harley MS , fos. r–v, –v, –v. "!!
-
-Guy, 'The rhetoric of counsel in early modern England', in Dale Hoak, ed., *Tudor political culture* (Cambridge, ), pp. –; BL, Harley MS , fo. .
-
-because he was driven by 'necessitie', not as ' a busie body … but of a true Englishman, a sworne liegmen to hir Majestie'."!" ' [N]ecessitie' and loyalty legitimated his offering counsel as a citizen. Counsel was a necessary element of queenship because queens, as women, were 'weaker vessel[s]' unable to exercise power independently and successfully; they required counsel to guide their actions and ensure they acted for the 'common weale'. In contrast to Burghley's and Sussex's statements, Stubbs argued that this applied particularly to the issue of marriage: 'how so ever sufficient it [her consideration] be, so much the more hath she need of help, as the matter is more weightie in hir then in common matches'."!# Stubbs's position was a major departure from conventional ideas of counsel and counselling. Though Aylmer and Smith had both argued that counsel was a fundamental element of female monarchy, they did not empower private citizens to act as counsellors identifying only the privy council and parliament as legitimate fora for advice."!\$
-
-These different attitudes to counsel and queenship suggest Sidney's letter contributed to a different debate to that addressed by *A gaping gulf* and *The shepheardes calendar*. Sidney's deference had more in common with the actual practice of counselling at court on the marriage issue – as articulated by Burghley and Sussex – than with Stubbs's harangues and invocations of the 'mixed polity'. This seems reinforced by Sidney's social and political circle. Whereas Stubbs's milieux were the Inns of Court and their traditions of political satire and complaint, Sidney's were the court and the tradition of noble counsel. As the political heir of both his father, Sir Henry Sidney, and his uncle, Leicester (until the birth of Leicester's legitimate son on June ), Sidney was groomed for political service."!% He accompanied his father to Ireland in and undertook diplomatic missions to Emperor Rudolph II and Counts Palatine Ludwig and Casimir in , when he also met Don John of Austria and William of Orange. He was subject to much advice – from his father, uncles, potential fathers-in-law (Burghley, the first earl of Essex and Orange), his future father-in-law (Walsingham), and Hubert Languet – less to create a puppet or mouthpiece than to foster a wise head on young shoulders and enable him to fulfil his dynastic and political expectations."!& Moreover, he lived in a climate where young courtiers, like himself, strove to gain political office as counsellors; where privy councillors wrote letters of advice to Elizabeth when they could not offer counsel in person – such as Nicholas Bacon in September and Francis Knollys the following January – and where Elizabeth took or sought advice from household officials, agents, and ambassadors who were not members of the privy council. Sir Thomas Heneage, treasurer of the household, was an important conduit of information and "!"
-
-Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*, sigs. Av–A, Fv–F. "!# Ibid., sigs. F, Av–A, Ev. "!\$
-
-Aylmer, *An harborowe*, sigs. Hv–H; Smith, *De republica Anglorum*, ed. Dewar, pp. –. "!% I would like to thank Simon Adams for telling me about the date of the birth of Leicester's son.
-
-<sup>&</sup>quot;!& Katherine Duncan-Jones, *Sir Philip Sidney : courtier poet* (London, ), pp. , , –, –, –.
-
-advice to Elizabeth during Walsingham's Dutch embassy in ; advice from Thomas Randolph was fundamental to Elizabeth's decision not to secure by force Lennox's removal from power in Scotland and Morton's release in the early months of ."!' Sidney's letter, therefore, operated in a circumscribed forum of policy-making at court. Where Stubbs and Spenser felt provoked to write in response to the failure of reform initiatives over preceding years and because they believed that the marriage threatened the future of Protestantism, Sidney (and Sir Thomas Cecil) sought to contribute to probouleutic discussion on the marriage and succession at court. Not selected by Elizabeth to discuss the marriage during the spring conferences, and not members of the privy council and so unable to contribute to conciliar debate in October, they resorted to letters, as Bacon and Knollys before them, to have their say.
-
-IV
-
-It was precisely Stubbs's and Sidney's contrasting approach to 'counsel' that explains why Elizabeth's reactions to the two works were so different: no proceedings were taken against either Sidney (or Cecil) and there is no evidence that Sidney's departure from the court in was related to his writing the letter."!( As both the proclamation against *A gaping gulf* and the trial proceedings made clear, what incensed Elizabeth was Stubbs's presumption that he and other subjects could offer counsel, specifically on issues – marriage and the succession – about which she had consistently attempted to restrict debate in the privy council and in parliament. They also made evident Elizabeth's anger with Stubbs for impugning her political judgement and ability to rule. First, the proclamation denied Stubbs legitimacy as a counsellor – he only 'pretendeth' to be one – because he was not specifically chosen by Elizabeth to act in an advisory capacity. Second, *A gaping gulf* was explicitly condemned for ' offering to every most meanest person of judgement … authorite to argue and determine, in every blinde corner, at their several willes, of the affaires of publique estate'. It was an unlicensed pamphlet which Stubbs and Page had deliberately attempted to disseminate to a more socially diverse and geographically dispersed readership than that in which Sidney's letter appears to have circulated."!) The social inclusivity of debate and counsel this represented was, Elizabeth considered, 'A thing most pernicious in any estate.' Unlike her appointed 'counsellors' and 'faithfull Ministers', ordinary subjects did not have the access to
-
-"!' BL, Additional MS , fo. r–v; BL, Harley MS , fo. ; [Walsingham] to Heneage, [ Sept. ?] , PRO, SP}}o; Randolph to [Walsingham], Feb. , BL, Harley MS , fo. ; Walsingham to Randolph, Mar. , PRO, SP}}; same to same, Mar. , PRO, SP}}; [Walsingham] to [Randolph], Feb. , BL, Cotton MS Caligula C., fo. . "!( Duncan-Jones and van Dorsten, eds., *Miscellaneous prose*, p. . "!)
-
- The number of extant copies of Sidney's letter suggests it circulated in manuscript form. For manuscript publication see Harold Love, *Scribal publication in seventeenth*-*century England* (Oxford, ), H. R. Woudhuysen, *Sir Philip Sidney and the circulation of manuscripts, –* (Oxford, ).
-
-' true information', the ability to examine it and offer constructive advice, nor her own 'motherly or princely care' to evaluate what was 'honorable to her Majestie, profitable to the state of the Realme, and not hurtfull to the continuance of the peaceable government of the same, both in state of religion and policie'. These were the hallmarks of legitimate counsel, and criteria that Stubbs's advice did not meet. He was accused of basing his arguments on 'malitious reportes of hearesayes uncertaine or of vaine gessings and suppossals' and for failing to provide any constructive alternatives to the marriage. Indeed, the proclamation went so far as to claim that, if he had offered the latter, it 'might have in some part qualified the rest of the rash discourses, by shewing thereby some sincerity of good meaning'."!\* Third, passages cited in the trial demonstrated how Stubbs had challenged Elizabeth's 'princely care' of the realm, arguing that the marriage would lose England its Protestant allies, throw it open to the invasions of France and Spain, lead to the overthrow of religion and the 'capture' of Elizabeth and her subjects. The realm would be governed by Catherine de Me!dici and her Italian cronies; counsellors, bishops, judges, and magistrates would lose their posts; labourers would become ' one degree, at least, beneath vile peasants & Lackeis' and soldiers sent out 'for some more desperate service then S. Quintin … and cut in pieces'. It was 'ungodly and dangerous … incertain & needles … dishonourable & unprofitable'.""!
-
-Elizabeth's response to *A gaping gulf* demonstrated her conception of counsel and monarchical power. She explicitly rejected the view that subjects, beyond those she specially appointed, had any right, duty, or responsibility to contribute to the policy-making process. Moreover, she made clear she was not bound to hear or accept even legitimate counsel: advice could only be offered 'with her Majestie's good lyking' and its fitness was judged by her 'princely care'.""" It reflected views she later demanded Walsingham convey, via Shrewsbury, to Mary Stewart: that her councillors ' are Councellors by choyce, and not by birth, whose services are no longer to be used in that publike function then it shall please her Majestie to dispose of the same' and that she was not '' so absolut as that without thassent of such whome she [Mary] termeth ''principal members of the Crowne'' she [Elizabeth] cannot direct her pollicie'.""# If people wanted proof of her ability to govern well then they only had to look at the years of godly and peaceful government she had given them.""\$
-
-<sup>&</sup>quot;!\* Proclamation against *The gaping gulf*, Sept. , PRO, SP}}, fos. –. ""!
-
-Coram Rege Roll, Michaelmas term – Elizabeth, PRO, KB}, membranes – (Crown side); Stubbs, *Gaping gulf*, sigs. D, Fv–Fv. Additional passages cited in the trial include sigs. Av, E, Fv–F. """ PRO, SP}}, fos. –. ""#
-
-Walsingham to the earl of Shrewsbury, July , Edmund Lodge, ed., *Illustrations of British history, biography and manners* ( vols., London, ), , pp. –. ""\$
-
-PRO, SP}}, fos. –.
-
-V
-
-As the initiative of a politically conscious, committed Protestant, rather than a court directive, *A gaping gulf* suggests the existence of a lively public sphere, interacting with the court but not subject to it. If it is accepted that Stubbs was not supplied with information from the court, then the knowledge he displayed of, for instance, French politics also suggests that the circulation of news and information was not dependent on the existence of newsletters and that, among articulate Elizabethans, its spread was more fully realized than extant evidence might suggest. Further, it also seems that the public sphere was more diverse and varied than previously thought: the three texts were not consciously produced to form a co-ordinated debate; they were driven by different motivations, drew on different traditions, and, in the case of Sidney's letter, written at some remove from *A gaping gulf* and *The shepheardes calendar*.""% Finally, the role of the public sphere could be a matter of conflict between men like Stubbs and Elizabeth – Stubbs saw it as a legitimate forum for political debate and advice; Elizabeth did not – partly because concepts of counsel conflicted on issues like the role of counsel and the status of counsellors.
-
-But *A gaping gulf* raises as many questions as it answers. How typical was Stubbs, either in his ideas on counsel, his perception of events, or the way he articulated them ? How important was debate in print to the emergent public sphere compared to other means of articulation (for example, plays, ballads, alehouse gossip) ? It is conceivable that Stubbs was (informally) supplied with memoranda by his friends Hickes and Skinner, though equally he could have learned of the substance of debate at court through the ordinary chatter among his friends. How do these networks of communication help us understand the circulation of news and the emergence of a public sphere ? We are already aware of the role of traders, travellers, and others in spreading news and rumours into the provinces; to what extent might an exploration of informal networks of friends, colleagues, and acquaintances enable us to draw together debates among articulate Londoners and, say, servants in Essex ?""& And to what extent can some of the blame for the expansion of counsel offered by subjects be laid at Elizabeth's own door ? Stubbs appeared genuinely surprised that he had misjudged Elizabeth's openness to counsel, offered by a selfconfessed loving and loyal subject for her own safety and benefit. How much of his mistake was due to Elizabeth's often, but perhaps rhetorical, courting of 'popularity' ? Did it lull her subjects into a false sense of openness ?
-
-<sup>&</sup>quot;"% Byrom's reconstruction of Singleton's printing activity in suggests *The shepheardes calendar* may have been issued shortly after the publication of *A gaping gulf*. Byrom, 'Hugh Singleton', pp. –; Duncan-Jones and van Dorsten, *Miscellaneous prose*, pp. –. ""&
-
-Fox, 'Rumour, news', passim.

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data/marker_output/W2021094421/W2021094421.md

@@ -1,435 +0,0 @@
-# Family Galleries: Women and Art in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
-
-Rosemary O'Day
-
-**cassandra willoughby brydges,** first Duchess of Chandos (1670–1735), was an unusual woman. She was married to one of the great patrons and art collectors of the eighteenth century, James Brydges, first Duke of Chandos, and she was herself an artist. She also left behind a remarkable variety of personal papers ranging from diaries and letters to historical writings and travel journals.1 One of the tasks before the historian must be to determine the extent and nature of what sets her apart from other elite women of the period. Is it the survival of a rich archive or the nature of her activity? Her papers, which make clear that her artistic work was amateur but expert, give rise to a number of questions concerning elite women and art. When were "ordinary" English girls taught to draw and paint? What is known of women as practitioners of the visual arts during the period 1500–1800? Did their involvement in these arts, 1670–1820, discussed in a number of recent studies, really represent a break with the recent past? Was there a sharp divide between women who painted for the "public" and women who painted and drew in "private"? What and why did early modern women draw and paint? To what uses were their artistic works put? Here I have approached these questions from the perspective of a social and family historian, not an art historian, although I hope that this article will make a valuable contribution to several disciplines and discussions.
-
-I wish to acknowledge Elizabeth Mitchell of the University of California at Santa Barbara, Yvonne Alton of the Open University, Judy Hayden of the University of Tampa, Amy Froide of the University of Maryland Baltimore County, Laetitia Yeandle of the Folger Shakespeare Library, and Mary Robertson of the Huntington Library for their valuable assistance in the preparation of this article.
-
-1. Cassandra Willoughby, who hailed from an old but not well-off Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire gentry family, married James Brydges, the first duke, at the age of forty-three. See Rosemary O'Day, *Women's Agency in Early Modern Britain and the North American Colonies*(London, 2007), and *Cassandra Brydges (1670–1735), First Duchess of Chandos* (Woodbridge, U.K., 2007). Also see Susan Jenkins, "The Patronage and Collecting of James Brydges, 1st Duke of Chandos (1674–1744)" (University of Bristol, Ph.D. thesis, 2001). Henceforward, the city of publication is London unless otherwise indicated.
-
-huntington library quarterly | vol. 71, no. 2 323
-
-Pp. 323–349. ©2008 by Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. issn 0018-7895 | e-issn 1544-399x. All rights reserved. For permission to photocopy or reproduce article content, consult the University of California Press Rights and Permissions website, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/hlq.2008.71.2.323.
-
-Historians have generally sought to place women artists in the context of male "professional art," and consequently have often concluded that there were few women artists in England prior to the eighteenth century, especially ones who painted for a public audience. They have paid little attention to female "amateur" painters (if indeed there were any), simply viewing those who painted commercially as exceptional. The examples they have drawn from the seventeenth century were unusual women, often those who hailed from families or workshops of artists or from unconventional backgrounds. Examples include Joan Palmer Carlisle (1606–1679), daughter of William Palmer, an official in the royal parks, regarded as probably the first female English portrait painter, who attracted the praise of contemporary male artists of the first rank, including Van Dyck, and royal patrons; and Mary Beale (1633–ca. 1697), who supported her family by portrait painting, largely for a fashionable and clerical clientele.2The Beales moved in the circles of the early Royal Society and were also close friends of Sir Peter Lely, who loaned Mary paintings to copy and was a great admirer of her work.3
-
-Several female "public" painters belonged to immigrant families. Maria Verelst (1680–1744) and Adriana Verelst (see n. 126, below) were probably both members of the Verelst family of portrait painters. Artemesia Gentileschi (1593–1653) and Angelica Kauffman (1741–1807) were also foreigners who made a living and a reputation from painting.
-
-By the seventeenth century there are also a few references to women of the middling sort who engaged in painting for public viewing. Their work seems frequently to have fallen into that category that today might be called interior design or decorating. A firm of painters, for example, employed to decorate the king's house at Theobalds, was headed by Widow Stanhopp (ca. 1625–26). Other women produced religious works for churches: Widow Margaret Pearce (ca. 1670–1680), who probably belonged to a family of artists, painted an altarpiece at St. Bartholomew Exchange that contained the image of the Ten Commandments and the figures of Aaron and Moses; an altarpiece at St. Michael Bassishaw was painted by Mary Grimes (ca. 1679).4
-
-2. Anne Crawford et al., eds., *The Europa Biographical Dictionary of British Women* (1983), 78. C. H. Collins Baker and W. G. Constable, in *English Painting of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries* (Paris*,* 1930), made it clear that portrait painting by English men predated Carlisle (Carlisle's painting of the stag hunt belongs to the Lamport Hall Trust). Sarah Broman and Anne Killigrew were also noteworthy. Anne died at age twenty-five but was already an accomplished portraitist.
-
-3. Bod[leian] Lib[rary], MS. Rawlinson 8o 572, Charles Beale Sr.'s diary entries for 1676/7 in William Lilly's "Almanack"; see also Charles Beale's pocketbook for 1680/1, National Gallery, MS. 9535, and Tabitha Barber, "Introduction," in David Dewing, ed., *Mary Beale (1632/3–1699): Portrait of a Seventeenth-Century Painter, Her Family, and Studio* (1999). The fashion for portraits of both upper and lower clergy and their wives certainly predated the Beales. See, for example, the portrait of Immanuel Bourne (1621), rescued from Ashover Rectory, Derbyshire, and a later one (?1670s) of his wife, Jemima, both in the Ashover Collection in Derby Public Library. Frances Reynolds (1729–1807), younger sister of Joshua Reynolds, provides a further example of a tradition of painting within a family —although, as Germaine Greer explains, she was scarcely encouraged by her brother. Her portrait of Hannah More is owned by the Bristol Art Gallery. See Germaine Greer, *The Obstacle Race: The Fortunes of Women Painters and Their Work* (New York, 1979), 30–32.
-
-4. See Anne Laurence, *Women in England, 1500–1760: A Social History* (New York, 1994), 158. Elizabeth Pickering (1642–1728) painted altarpieces in parish churches near Oundle, Northamptonshire; Greer, *Obstacle Race*, 280–91.
-
-Limning—that is, miniature painting—also provided employment for several women: Susannah Penelope Rose, the daughter of Richard Gibson, drawing master to the princesses Mary and Anne, was an accomplished miniaturist. She may have been taught by Samuel Cooper, and by the 1690s she was given commissions, albeit unpaid ones.5 Mrs. Cawardine (ca. 1730–ca. 1800) also took commissions for limning. Maria (Hadfield) Cosway (1759/60–1838) was a successful miniaturist who worked alongside her husband. There were also some noted female calligraphers, such as Esther Inglis (1571–1624)6 and Susanna Perwich (d. 1661), and calligraphy had an accepted association with miniature painting.7 The inference is clear: women painters chiefly emanated from "artistic" circles, and elite women, if they drew or painted at all, did not paint or draw for a public audience.
-
-Art historians, for their part, have tended to dismiss female interest in art as amateur, practical, and non-intellectual. Iain Pears, for example, quotes Mary Astell's dismissal of art as a demonstration of "the mindless occupations which kept women from real learning." Although Pears cites the example of Lady Lempster, who penned a biography of Van Dyck, he sees her as exceptional in displaying "intellectual" interest in art, and he insists that "the appreciation of the arts was increasingly considered to be a masculine preserve" from 1680 to 1769. The Duchess of Portland and Lady Betty Germaine serve, as it were, to prove the rule that women were incapable of appreciating art.8 Pears considers virtually no evidence to the contrary, concentrating on data from printed books rather than manuscripts or published correspondence.
-
-There are, of course, scholars who have sought to challenge these assumptions about gender and the practice of art, and the underlying distinctions between public and private, amateur and professional, and intellectual and practical art. In *Learning to Draw* (2000) Ann Bermingham has offered illuminating discussions of the ways in which the practice of art became gendered. Some arts, and particularly those beloved by women, became categorized as "crafts," and works produced by these means were not considered part of the canon. Certain activities, notably flower painting, were effectively excluded from the academy, at least partly because they were seen as "feminine." The "feminization" of drawing, however, is depicted as a *late* eighteenth- and nineteenth-century phenomenon in Bermingham's study. Examining earlier (and especially manuscript and printed primary) sources may make it possible to push these boundaries further into the past.
-
-5. Mary and Anne were later Queen Mary II and Queen Anne. See Carol Gibson-Wood, "Susanna and Her Elders: John Evelyn's Artistic Daughter," in Frances Harris and Michael Hunter, eds., *John Evelyn and His Milieu* (2003), 245–46.
-
-6. See A. H. Scott-Elliot and E. Yeo, "Calligraphic Manuscripts of Esther Inglis (1571–1624): A Catalogue," in *The Papers of the Bibliographic Society of America* 84 (1990): 11–63.
-
-7. Limning, miniature painting, was originally associated with illuminated manuscripts. An excellent illustration of the close relationship between calligraphy and limning is provided by Huntington Library MS. (hereafter HEH), STT Literature and Religion Box 1, Religious Folder, Item 13. The six-line verse includes the line, "By art the hand each severall work is tought." It is beautifully penned, framed with a decoration resembling peacock feathers and signed "Francis Temple."
-
-8. See Iain Pears, *The Discovery of Painting: The Growth of Interest in the Arts in England, 1680–1768* (1988), 186–87—the only pages he devotes to the discussion of female interest in art; see also p. 3.
-
-The quality as well as the quantity of available evidence is a major issue, and some historians have given credence to anecdotal and often retrospective references to art by women. In what follows, I rely as much as possible on primary sources, including manuscripts and printed original documents and correspondence. For the moment, gathering such evidence as survives seems a necessary first step to discovering what part art, and especially portraiture, played in the lives of early modern women.
-
-It certainly appears that painting and drawing played little or no recognized part as *separate* skills in English women's (or in men's) general education prior to the later seventeenth century. The creative arts for women were apparently represented by music and by embroidery and other needlework.9 Girls with intellectual pretensions, such as Lady Jane Grey, were not taught specifically to draw and paint, nor were elite young women who fully participated in fashionable life at Court. For instance, Lady Arbella Stuart in the late Elizabethan era was taught embroidery, singing, and dancing, and to play the lute and viol, but the evidence does not mention drawing or painting.10 Specific references to the instruction of women in drawing and painting seem to be absent from the relevant fifteenth- and sixteenth-century correspondence. In the late sixteenth century a girls' boarding school intended for daughters of the elite could still advertise its curriculum and rates thus:
-
-. . . sixteen pounds a year a piece, for diet, lodging, washing, and teaching them to work, reading, writing and dancing, this cometh unto £32 a year. But for music you must pay for besides according as you will have them learn. She hath teachers for viol, singing, virginals and lute.11
-
-Prospectuses and advertisements for girls' schools do not specifically mention drawing and painting until the third quarter of the eighteenth century. Provincial schools probably lagged behind those in London.12
-
-The teaching of drawing in the English Renaissance was closely associated with the teaching of writing,13 however, so we should not be surprised that it was not singled out in such advertisements. Nor can we conclude from accounts of what girls were
-
-9. Susan Frye, "Sewing Connections: Elizabeth Tudor, Mary Stuart, Elizabeth Talbot, and Seventeenth-Century Anonymous Needleworkers," in Susan Frye and Karen Robertson, eds., *Maids and Mistresses, Cousins and Queens: Women's Alliances in Early Modern England* (New York and Oxford, 1999), 165–82.
-
-10. Sarah Gristwood, *Arbella: England's Lost Queen,* paperback ed. (2004), 73, 79–81. On the education of Lady Mary (Sidney) Wroth ( ca. 1586/7–ca. 1651–53), see *Historical Manuscripts Commission Report on the Manuscripts of Lord de L'Isle and Dudley, preserved at Penshurst Place*, 6 vols. (1925–66), 2:176; Rowland Whyte to Robert Sidney. At Hardwick Hall cards and board games, plays, music making, orchestral performances, and dances were frequent pastimes, but not painting and drawing despite Bess of Hardwick's family portrait gallery; see Gristwood, *Arbella,* 121–22.
-
-11. "To work" meant to embroider, stitch, and, possibly, weave. F[olger]S[hakespeare]L[ibrary], Le.644: Anne Higginson to Lady Ferrers at Tamworth Castle, 13 May ?1590s (I have modernized the spelling). I owe the dating of this letter to paleography expert Laetitia Yeandle.
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-12. For an example, see Derek Robson, *Some Aspects of Education in Cheshire in the Eighteenth Century* (Manchester, 1951), 198–99, 203–5.
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-13. Juliet Fleming, *Graffiti and the Writing Arts of Early Modern England* (2001), passim.
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-taught at home that drawing was not being taught to them at all. It is probable that youngsters of both sexes who learned to write were taught some of the elements of drawing, but that it was regarded as a "lower" subject by the grammar schools and universities. Henry Peacham described how "from a child I have been addicted to the practice [of drawing]; yet . . . I have been cruelly beaten by ill and ignorant schoolmasters, when I have been taking, in white and black, the countenance of some one or other (which I could do at thirteen or fourteen years of age)"—and especially when this activity was at the expense of his learning Latin and Greek.14 If drawing was taught in school it was apparently as a skill to be used in the service of other subjects.
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-Girls were probably taught to draw more readily than boys because they were not restricted by the classical curriculum, and they then used this skill in the service of patterns for samplers, embroidery, and tapestry making.15 In sixteenth-century Wiltshire, Lady Grace Sherington was brought up to design her own needlework patterns, and some of these could be very elaborate.16 Bess of Hardwick's own appliqué design of the classical story of Penelope, created in the 1570s, suggests Bess's personal involvement in the narrative.17The fashion for turning women's embroideries into "works of art" continued. Eighteenth-century evidence suggests that this was an ongoing practice rather than a new development—despite Walpole's assertion that "Miss Gray [later wife of Philip Lloyd, Dean of Norwich] was the first who distinguished herself by so bold an emulation of painting." Her needlework copy of one of Van Dyck's paintings of three figures (which commanded a price of £300) was viewed, among many other needlework "paintings," by Horace Walpole at Earl Spencer's house at Wimbledon. The wife of the miniaturist Thomas Worlidge became famous, in the contemporary news and periodical press, for her landscapes in embroidery. Walpole commented that Lady Caroline Conway "has not only surpassed several good pictures that she has copied, but works with such rapidity and intelligence, that it is almost more curious to see her pictures in their progress than after they are finished." He thought that her "old woman spinning, whole length, from Velasco [?Velasquez] [had] greater force than the originals."18
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-Such work required advanced, if conventional, copying skills on the part of the needlewomen. Various books of designs and illustrations survive that bear testimony to their intended audience "for the imitation of young ladies either in drawing or in needlework." In 1810, Rudolph Ackerman made the connection between needlework and drawing explicit: "drawing and fancy work of endless variety have been raised on the ruins of that heavy, unhealthy, and stupifying occupation, needlework."19 Gildon's
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-14. Henry Peacham, *The Compleat Gentleman* . . . *with the Art of Limning* (1634), 127.
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-15. Dorothy Gardiner, *English Girlhood at School*(Oxford, 1929), 261–62. See Susan Lambert, *Pattern and Design: Designs for the Decorative Arts, 1480–1980* (1983).
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-16. Dorothy M. Meads, ed., *Diary of Lady Margaret Hoby* (1930), introduction; see also Rosika Parker, *The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (*1984), 96–97.
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-17. See Frye, "Sewing Connections," 173–74.
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-18. Horace Walpole, *Anecdotes of Painting,* ed. James Dallaway and Ralph N. Wornum, 3 vols. (1862), 3:719–20.
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-19. Rudolph Ackerman, "Observations on Fancy Work, as affording an agreeable occupation for ladies," in *Repository of the Arts, Literature, and Commerce* (March 1810), 192.
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-much earlier poetic tribute to the Duchess of Chandos ("Now with her readie needle paints the lawn / Where various figures are so finely drawn") closely links the arts of painting and embroidery, and seems to indicate that Cassandra executed a needlework "painting" of the gardens at Cannons.20
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-It is dangerous to deduce from silence that ladies either did or did not draw their own embroidery designs throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Some ladies purchased from print shops designs that had already been printed onto cloth the seventeenth-century equivalent of painting by numbers. As noted above, such designs were indeed likely to be copies. Pattern books were frequently handed down within families.21 Bess of Hardwick, for example, and her friend Mary Stuart (Queen of Scots) generally drew their designs from books of patterns that Mary owned, Gesner's *Icones Animalium* and Mattioli's *Herbal.* At other times Bess employed a man living in her household to draw the designs. Talent and inclination of course played their part: both Mary and Bess did, on occasion, indulge their own creativity. Mary's embroidery, "A catte" (after Gesner; now at Holyrood Palace), showed a personified cat, meant to resemble Elizabeth I, closely watching a mouse that was mindful of Mary. A later embroiderer emphasized the point even more bluntly by giving the cat red hair and a crown. Another idiosyncratic small embroidery by the Queen of Scots apparently shows one of Mary's little dogs. In one of the tapestries at Hardwick worked by Queen Mary, the head of Zenobia, warrior queen of ancient Syria, appears to be a portrait of Bess herself.22
-
-**Female Practitioners from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries** Studies of English women have not revealed any specific examples of well-born girls, before the mid-seventeenth century, engaged in drawing or painting on what has been defined as a high level.23There are a few suggestions that artistic pursuits were already popular in elite circles by the 1620s, when the Painter-Stainers' Company in London (to which professional artists were required to belong) complained of increasing numbers of men and women who, without its permission, drew "and counterfeited the effigies of great and noble personages."24 During the seventeenth century, however, particularly after the Restoration, a "new" activity apparently attracted the daughters of the aristocracy and the professional classes, or at least such a change was remarked upon. If we delve beneath the thin layer of painting for "public consumption" as recently defined by historians concerned with the public/private divide, we can see that
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-20. Charles Gildon, "Cannons, or The Vision" (1718).
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-21. See Frye, "Sewing Connections," 177–78, 174, and Parker, *Subversive Stitch*, passim, esp. figure 51. Richard Shorleyker's *Scholehouse of the Needle* (1624) was still being used as a source for sampler figures in the late 1690s.
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-22. David Durant, *Bess of Hardwick: Portrait of an Elizabethan Dynast*(reprint ed*.,* 2002), 64–65, 66; Mary S. Lovell, *Bess of Hardwick: First Lady of Chatsworth* (2005), passim, and 221.
-
-23. See Barbara J. Harris, *English Aristocratic Women 1450–1550* (Oxford, 2002), 32–39, Sara Mendelson and Patricia Crawford, *Women in Early Modern England* (Oxford, 1998), Anne Laurence, *Women in England 1500–1760: A Social History* (2002), 158–60.
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-24. Cited in Gardiner, *English Girlhood,* 261.
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-elite and even some middling-sort women from the 1670s to the 1820s were *expected* to be able to sketch, draw, and paint. If they could not, they seem to have felt deprived. When Mary Fox-Strangeways Talbot came to Penrice as a bride, she found awaiting her "two of the nicest little painted work tables, and the most compleat paint-box with water colours and body colours, crayons and colours in bottles, saucers and pallats," and these seemed both the most delightful and the most appropriate gift. Later, one of her activities with her children was grinding powders and making paints.25
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-Almost every archive that documents the lives of such women in any detail in the period 1670–1820 yields information about their artistic endeavors in these areas painting, drawing, and sketching—of the visual arts. Painting in particular is highlighted. An educated gentlewoman prided herself on accomplishments in these areas, especially in the eighteenth century, it is true, but also in the seventeenth. There are a number of examples showing the continuity of this tradition among young women from a variety of elite backgrounds. Lord Hatton's daughter Alice had a drawing mistress in the 1690s,26 although women were usually tutored by men. Alexander Browne taught several ladies, including Mrs. Elizabeth Pepys, to draw. Pepys noted her progress in limning and praised one of her paintings as "mighty finely done." Browne dedicated his book to a pupil, the Duchess of Monmouth.27 Mary Evelyn made a miniature of Raphael's *Entombment of Christ,* which she was permitted to present to Charles II. In 1701 old John Evelyn showed the visiting Yorkshire antiquary Ralph Thoresby drawings, etchings, miniatures, and other oil paintings made by his wife, Mary, and by their daughter Susanna (b. 1669). Susanna may have attended a drawing master on a trip to London in 1685/6 and was almost certainly taught by a professional at some time thereafter. She may have been taught to paint in oils by one of the artists who made portraits of her family, and taught to paint miniatures by Susannah Rose. She was encouraged by her parents in her art and, on her father's advice, attended a picture auction in Tunbridge Wells in 1689.28 She specialized in portraits but also worked in still-life and painted biblical subjects. As most amateur artists did, she chiefly copied the works of other painters, and her copies either adorned her home or were given to relatives and friends. In 1694 she copied, on her father's advice, Matthew Dixon's portrait of Evelyn's friend Margaret Godolphin. Then she progressed to making several copies of a painting of Robert Boyle.29 Twice-married Mary Waller More (fl. 1670s) made no fewer than nine copies of Holbein's portrait of Thomas Cromwell (one of which she donated to the Bodleian Library in 1674 under the misapprehension that it
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-25. Mary Talbot to Harriet Strangeways, early 1794; cited in Joanna Martin, *Wives and Daughters: Women and Children in the Georgian Country House* (2004), 232. I am grateful to Laetitia Yeandle for information pertaining to "recipes" for colors, contained in many early modern English recipe books. 26. Gardiner, *English Girlhood,* 261.
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-27. See Alexander Browne, *Ars pictoria: or an academy treating of drawing, painting, limning and etching, to which are added thirty copper plates* (1669). See Greer, *Obstacle Race*, on Elizabeth Pepys as the first amateur lady water-colorist (p. 288).
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-28. Cf. Pears, who maintains that men were contemptuous of women in the auction houses (*Discovery of Painting*, 187).
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-29. Gibson-Wood, "Susanna," 233–54, esp. 242–44.
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-represented Thomas More). A portrait of the historian John Stow at St. Andrew's Under shaft, her parish church, has also been attributed to More. It was also noted that "in the family are her and her husband's portraits by herself." It appears that a sketch of her son, Richard Waller, accompanying his manuscript translation of *The Aeneid* could be by Mary.30 Lady Anne Killigrew painted a self-portrait circa 1686 and several other portraits of royalty (notably James II) and courtiers.31 Lady Dorothy (Savile) Boyle, Countess of Burlington, painted several family portraits in oils, the best being that of her daughter Charlotte (ca. 1740–1745), but she was also an accomplished caricaturist, much admired by Alexander Pope.32 Young women of the upper and professional classes, furthermore, had the necessary leisure to devote to achieving a high standard.
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-In the decades 1720–40, Mary Delany's entire circle appear to have had instruction in drawing of one kind or another, and she herself received instruction from Hogarth. By the 1750s she was showing her work not only to her closest friends but also to others: "Tomorrow morning the Duchess of Leeds brings Lady Vanbrugh to see my pictures."33 Cozens, exponent of "blot" landscapes, taught Mary, Countess of Harcourt (d. 1833), in the 1780s. She exhibited paintings in the Royal Academy in 1785 and 1786, some of which have been mistaken for Cozens's own.34 When George Stubbs was selected to paint the Wedgwood family portrait in 1779 he taught the several children (Sukey [1765–1817], Sarah, Kitty, Sally, Jos, Tom, and John) to paint and gave them lessons in perspective.35 Paul Sandby (1725/31–1809) was a popular drawing master who specialized in landscapes and topography: he probably tutored Lady Frances Scott, and in about 1780 he depicted her in riding costume, sketching a scene outdoors with the help of a camera obscura.36Arthur Pond was another artist who helped make ends meet by instructing the daughters of wealthy men.37 Joanna Martin has noted the
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-30. Horace Walpole*, Anecdotes of Painting*, 3:622–23; cited in Margaret Ezell, *The Patriarch's Wife: Literary Evidence and the History of the Family* (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987), 145–46. B[ritish]L[ibrary], Add. MS. 27347; also cited by Ezell (p. 148).
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-31. For a reproduction of the self-portrait, see Mary Prior, *Women in English Society, 1500–1800* (1985), plate 18. The self-portrait is in the collection of the Earl of Berkeley; *Women's Art Show*, *1550–1970*, exhibition catalogue, Nottingham Castle Museum, 1982.
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-32. See M. de Novellis, *Pallas Unveiled: The Life and Art of Lady Dorothy Savile, Countess of Burlington*, exhibition catalogue, Orleans House Gallery, Twickenham (1999).
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-33. Mary Delany, *Autobiography and Correspondence*, 3 vols. (1861), 3:478–80; Mrs. Delany to Mrs. Dewes from Spring Gardens, 3 February 1757/8.
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-34. Kim Sloan, in "The Teaching of Non-professional Artists in Eighteenth-Century England" (University of London, Ph.D. thesis, 1986), lists all of Cozens's pupils (pp. 329–56).
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-35. Edna Healey, *Emma Darwin: The Inspirational Wife of a Genius* (2001), 26–27. All also had the opportunity of lessons from Joseph Wright of Derby (p. 24). See also Alice Fairfax-Lucy, ed., *Mistress of Charlecote: The Memoirs of Mary Elizabeth Lucy,* paperback ed*.* (1985), on Mary Elizabeth Williams, who describes herself as a teenager in the 1810s who was "passionately fond of music and drawing" (p. 18).
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-36. Paul Sandby, *Lady Frances Scott and Lady Elliot,* ca. 1780*,* is illustrated in Robert Irwin, *The Art of Paul Sandby* (New Haven, Conn., 1985); see Bermingham, *Learning to Draw,* 81–83, where Sandby is said to have been sixteen in 1747; Harold Osborne, in *The Oxford Companion to Art* (Oxford, 1970), lists Sandby's date of birth as 1725/6 (p. 1034).
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-37. L. W. Lippincott, *Selling Art in Georgian London: The Rise of Arthur Pond (*1983), 38–40.
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-artistic endeavors of the Talbot daughters in the late eighteenth century. In 1794 their drawing master was paid £5.19s.6d for his services.38 At approximately the same time Lord Ilchester's younger daughters were said to be progressing well in drawing. Harriet Strangeways was taught drawing in black-and-white crayons at her Weymouth boarding school in the 1790s.39 In 1813 Susan O'Brien, visiting Medbury with the new Lady Ilchester and their nieces, praised the drawing room there as "like an academy of arts not trumpery arts of box-making and cutting paper, but painting and music to please the most knowing connoisseurs."40 Louise Gurney (ca. 1783–1836), younger daughter of a well-to-do Norfolk Quaker family, was receiving drawing lessons in 1798.41 Jos Wedgwood singled out his daughter Charlotte (1797–1862), who showed artistic flair, for special tuition in painting from Copley Fielding.42 In 1827 Charlotte, encouraged by her brother Harry, put her drawings and paintings up for sale at a bazaar in aid of Greek refugees. Heartened by its success she repeated the sale in support of a fever ward at the local infirmary. Harry commented, "Charlotte's drawings came to great honour. A gentleman paid two pounds for them."43
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-Women might learn to draw and paint in town, but when they retired to the countryside, drawing and painting were apparently accepted as a more central part of their repertoire of activities. Margaret Harley contrasted in 1738 her life in London and in the provinces:
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-But you are sensible what a hurry one lives in there [London] & particularly after being confined some months that is I mean from publick diversions How much one is engaged in them Operas Park assemblies Vaux Hall . . . My amusements are all of the rural kind working [embroidering] spinning knotting drawing reading writing walking & picking herbs to put in an herbal.44
-
-### **Why Did Elite Women Paint and Draw?**
-
-It is unsurprising that drawing and painting became fashionable, given the popularity of collecting paintings among the upper and middle classes from the mid-seventeenth century onward.45That drawing, sketching, and painting were apparently an accepted part of a young woman's repertoire probably also owes a good deal to the emergence of several elite "crazes": for family history, genealogy, and for likenesses of living family
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-38. Evidence of the skill they developed is provided by charming water-colors, ca. 1815; see Martin, *Wives and Daughters,* 221.
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-39. Harriet Strangeways to Mary Strangeways, 12 April 1791; cited ibid., 232.
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-40. BL, Add. MS. 51359; Susan O'Brien's Journal, 19 January 1813.
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-41. Louisa Gurney's Journals, Norfolk Record Office, MS. 1.12.66: II:1797–1799; cited in Bermingham, *Learning to Draw,* 197.
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-42. Healey, *Emma Darwin,* 68. I owe this reference, and others from the same book, to Yvonne Alton.
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-43. Cited ibid., 111.
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-44. HEH, MO 176, Duchess of Portland to Elizabeth (Robinson) Montagu, 30 June 1738.
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-45. Pears, *Discovery of Painting*, esp. 181–206.
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-members;46 for collecting, classifying, and recording;47 and for touring and topography.48 Mary Delany's descriptions of her delight in many types of collecting suggest that the social aspect of such activities was important; in a letter written from Ireland in 1732 she told her sister of their daily joys: gathering shells (while one of them sings), taking the shells to the grotto, working in the grotto, "shewing the elegancy of your fancy, praising your companion's works, and desiring approbation for what you have finished."49 Although there were devotees of both sexes, women seem to have given more time and attention to these activities and to the artistic expression allied to them. Perhaps this was because women were freed from the tight bands of a formal and classical education, and also because these activities were linked to leisure and the domestic. Women were seen as having particular responsibilities toward the family, including the education of the young and the creation of a congenial home.
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-What was the link between the craze for collecting—and recording the objects collected—and women's artistic expression? Let us take, for example, botany and medicine. Women had long been associated with flower painting and drawing. Sir Peter Lely's painting of the Capel sisters, for example, shows the Countess of Carnarvon with a sketch of a flower, which reflects the vogue for flower painting linked to the popularity of Dutch styles from the late seventeenth century. Flower painting, from the mideighteenth century on, was clearly aimed at a feminine audience.50 Yet it seems apparent that women wanted to sketch and paint flowers not only for decorative purposes but also for more intellectual ones, as Bermingham suggests. Charles Darwin was encouraged to look carefully at flowers by his mother, and one of his earliest memories was of her showing him the stamens of a flower.51 In 1797, Louise Gurney, age fifteen, demonstrated her keen interest in botany, which provided her with an outlet for artistic expression.52 In 1796 Priscilla Wakefield promoted the study of botany as a subject for women in her *An Introduction to Botany,* an epistolary work illustrated by plates showing plants in Linnean dissection.53 Mary Gartside (fl. 1781–1808), who taught drawing to young ladies, provides another example of a young woman
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-46. See O'Day, *Women's Agency*, 406–7.
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-47. In Cassandra's drawing room at Cannons was a "most magnificent large sideboard table inlaid with variety of curious Italian stones, so beautifully disposed as to exhibit birds, fruit, flowers, insects and supported by a frame elegantly enriched"; catalogue of auction at Cannons, 1747; Alatheia Howard, Countess of Arundel (d. 1654) and her husband had agents who scoured Europe for objects for the museum that was their house. The Duchess of Somerset had a collection of porcelain.
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-48. See S[hakespeare]B[irth]P[lace]T[rust]R[ecord]O[ffice], DR 18/20/21/1: Cassandra Willoughby Brydges, "An account of the journeys I have taken & where I have been since March 1695"; a fragmentary account of journeys in 1692 and 1693 is preserved in HEH, STB Box 2, loose sheets; see also Esther Moir, *The Discovery of Britain: The English Tourists* (1964). To these crazes we might also add those for gardening and grotto making, both of which gave scope for a lady's talents for design and drawing. Anne Laurence makes a convincing case for this in *Women in England*, 157–58.
-
-49.Delany, *Autobiography*, 1:32; Mary to Anne Granville from Killala, September 1732 . 50. Margaret Whinney and Oliver Millar, *English Art, 1625–1714* (Oxford, 1957), 281 (cited in
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-Bermingham, *Learning to Draw,* 203; see also 202–4).
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-51. Healey, *Emma Darwin,* 42.
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-52. Louise Gurney's Journal, 9 July 1797; cited in Bermingham, *Learning to Draw*, 197.
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-53. See also John Lindley, *Ladies' Botany* (1834), and Jane Loudon, *Botany for Ladies* (1842).
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-who "pursued flower painting as a route to something else—in this case, scientific knowledge [optics] as well as a professional artistic career." Her manual on *Ornamental Groups, descriptive of flowers, birds, shells, fruit, insects &c* (1808) both demonstrates the fashionable interests of her pupils and her own determination to teach them to draw properly before they began to paint.54
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-Botany involved flower collection, pressing, and copying, and it was often in the service of medicine. There are many examples of women's responsibilities for the administration of medicine, which involved botanically derived remedies, in early modern households. Even though John Evelyn began a collection of recipes, or receipts, for example, this responsibility eventually passed to his wife, Mary, who by his own admission became an expert.55 It was some time, however, before women who collected plants and knew their medicinal or nutritional value saw fit to provide illustrations of them as a guide. It is hard to resist the argument that this development was closely linked to the increasing popularity of printing and engraving. Elizabeth Blackwell (ca. 1730s) supported her family with illustrations of plants supplied her by Mr. Rand, curator of the Chelsea Physick Garden. In 1737 her two-volume *Curious Herbal* appeared, a work of both botany and medicine that united these two female interests with drawing, engraving, and coloring. Mary Delany provides another example—her reputation was such that she was commissioned by Kew Gardens and the Chelsea Physic Garden to record new specimens in paper collage or "mosaick." Other forms of collection were also in vogue. Mary Elizabeth Williams, despite the absence of her "pocketbook" for that year, recalled of 1820, "I became so fond of drawing that year and spent a great deal of time drawing and painting from nature on rice paper every butterfly that could be caught—and they were legion."56
-
-Women who, like Cassandra Brydges, occupied themselves with paper cutting, shell decoration, box making, and other handicrafts,57 may have found a deeper satisfaction in drawing and painting."I am very glad you have taken a fancy to drawing, you
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-54. See Bermingham, *Learning to Draw,* 217–24, quotation at 217.
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-55. Frances Harris, "Living in the Neighbourhood of Science," in L. Hunter and S. Hutton, eds., *Women, Science, and Medicine, 1500–1700: Mothers and Sisters of the Royal Society* (Stroud, U.K., 1997), 203–4.
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-56. Fairfax-Lucy, ed., *Mistress of Charlecote,* 26.
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-57. See SBPTRO, DR 18/20/21/2, Letters of Cassandra Willoughby before her marriage. In 1725 Cassandra displayed in her closet "a landskip in cutt paper" by herself; see HEH, ST 83, Inventory of Cannons, 19 June 1725. See also O'Day, *Cassandra Brydges,* Letter 208, p. 195. Mary Delany, for example, made "shell work, feather work, silhouettes, designed furniture, spun wool . . . and invented paper collage," according to Janet Todd; see *A Dictionary of American and British Women Writers, 1660–1800* (1984), 101. Mary's group creation of a shell grotto in Ireland in the early 1730s found an echo in that made by Sarah, Duchess of Richmond (d. 1751), and her daughter at Goodwood, Sussex. A fine example can be viewed at Woburn Abbey. Mrs. Montagu also did feather pictures. Cassandra and James Brydges displayed in their shared bedroom in St. James's Square, *King Charles ye firsts head in feathers*, probably by the duchess. There were also two framed drawings of a bird and a rose "drawn with pencills"; see HEH, ST 83, Inventory of St. James's Square house, 1725. For "the business of amateur art," see Bermingham, *Learning to Draw,* 127–81, esp. 145–64, for a fascinating discussion of the place of such fancy work within this context. Laurence sees these occupations as, while demanding, "time passers" (*Women in England,*148–49).
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-will find a great deal of entertainment in it," wrote Mary (Granville Pendarves) Delany to her younger sister Anne Granville in 1724. Mary dismissed the art of japanning as something that appealed to the eyes but did not increase the understanding.58 By the later eighteenth century, authors, publishers, and print makers were producing manuals of drawing and painting to appeal to a growing audience that included young gentlemen and ladies.59
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-## **Women Learning to Draw and Paint**
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-I have already mentioned the popularity of drawing masters, especially from the mideighteenth century onward. We know from other sources that drawing and painting were commonly taught to girls and boys, using copying techniques. John Aubrey (1626–1697) described his activities at age eight: "I then fell to drawing . . . and at nine to colours, having nobody to instruct me, copied pictures." "Professional" artists learned in the same way: Mary Beale learned by copying portraits by Van Dyck and Lely. In the 1760s Angelica Kauffman spent her time at the Florentine Accademia del Disegno copying masterpieces.60There are only occasional references to female artists using models for history paintings or to depict religious scenes.61 Elite women were fortunate in that their family galleries frequently contained Old Masters. Cassandra Brydges, for example, was apparently copying paintings by Titian and Raphael. In the picture room at Cannons in 1725, displayed alongside original paintings by Titian, Van Dyck, and Quentin Massys, was *King Charles the First at three different views by the Dutchess of Chandos*. In her own closet she hung at least two other copies, including one "feast of the sea gods after Rottenhamber and Brugell."62 Another example of learning by copying Old Masters is provided by Elizabeth Robinson, later Montagu, who confided to her bosom friend Margaret Harley that her "papa thinks he has found a remedy for [her isolation in the country life], by teaching me to draw." He had her copy "old men's heads," such as that of St. John the Baptist on a charger. Elizabeth, by her own admission, was not a very apt pupil. So despairing was she of making her portraits resemble the originals that "I threw away my pencil." She added humorously, "I have heard of some who have been famous landscape painters, others who have been
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-58. Delany, *Autobiography*, 1:103. On the other hand, Delany saw shell collection as a serious pursuit on a par with botany; see 1:484–86 (1734), where she regrets the stupidity of mankind for its view that shells are aesthetically pleasing but nothing more. I am grateful to Amy Froide for drawing these Delany references to my attention.
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-59. There had been such manuals in English since the sixteenth century.
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-60. On Aubrey, see Foster Watson, *Beginnings of the Teaching of Modern Subjects in England* (1909), passim, for a general account that includes this quotation. See Collins Baker and Constable, *English Painting of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries*, 57, and Angelica Goodden, *Miss Angel: The Art and World of Angelica Kauffman, Eighteenth-Century Icon* (2006), 38–39.
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-61. In Charles Beale's pocketbook for 1671–72 is listed Mary's painting of "a Magdalen painted from Moll Trioche, a young woman who died 1672"; Walpole, *Anecdotes*, 3:541.
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-62. See HEH, ST 83, Inventory of Cannons, 19 June 1725. Cassandra's copy of Van Dyck's famous tripartite portrait was apparently the only one to be displayed in an overtly "public room" in the great house. The other copy in her closet was a madonna "after Andreo Delsarto." It seems probable that the duke also counted as part of his household at Cannons a resident artist—Richardson (see also n. 91, below).
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-famous battle painters; but I take myself to have been the best hospital painter, for I never drew a figure that was not lame or blind."63 Her comments provide a sharp reminder of the role that natural talent played in determining whether a young gentlewoman took seriously to painting and drawng. In 1731 Mary Pendarves jokingly compared her own expertise with that of her sister Anne Granville, claiming that revealing the tips she had received from Hogarth would allow Anne to outstrip her, "for you excel me now, and when I have delivered-up my arms you will vanquish me quite."64 Louisa Gurney was irritated by the superior drawing abilities of her older sister Richenda.65
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-The next stage was to progress to drawing and painting from nature, and Cassandra successfully made the transition, although not all did.66 It is hard to believe that a young girl initially (if briefly) tutored by John Ray, and with her father Francis Willoughby's example and his huge collection of natural history specimens about her, would not have been taught to draw what she saw from a very early age.67 She and her brother brought their father's neglected natural history collection from Middleton to Wollaton, repaired the specimens, and organized and labeled them. Francis Willoughby, as a member of the Royal Society, had been committed to the necessity for accurate observation, something his daughter appreciated. She waxed lyrical about his fine line-drawings of birds, which formed the basis of the engravings of the published *Ornithologia*. Paintings by her in her closet at Cannons in 1725 included a still-life, a landscape of a "sea port," a painting of flowers, a painting of birds, and summer and winter scenes.68As we shall see, she also depicted various houses.
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-Accurate observation in drawing and shading permitted contemporary women to create artistic masterpieces even of their elaborate gowns. In 1740 Elizabeth Montagu created an apron for which she needed accurately drawn and embroidered flowers of several kinds, which were to be supplied by her art tutor, her friends, and her family.69 A month later Elizabeth explained her ambitions for the garment and described the artistic processes involved and the way in which she drew upon her associates' varied talents:
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-I expect to see it the finest thing in the way of work that ever was done My father is an excellent instructor, & your ladyship an admirable performer, I shall fall much short of you both in design & execution but the state of
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-63. Matthew Montagu, ed., *The Letters of Mrs Elizabeth Montagu* (1809); to Lady Margaret Cavendish Harley, Duchess of Portland, 3 November 1734; 21 June ?1736.
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-64. Delany, *Autobiography*, 1:283–84; see also Fairfax-Lucy, ed., *Mistress of Charlecote*, 23, for a later example.
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-65. See Bermingham, *Learning to Draw,* 199.
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-66. Ibid., 185; Bermingham makes it clear that "in academic practice, copying from the antique preceded drawing from life." Consider also the example of Mary and Henry Strangeways, above in the text.
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-67. A. C.Wood, ed., *History of the Willoughby Family* (Eton, U.K., 1958), 104, 107.
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-68. HEH, ST 83, Inventory of Cannons, 19 June 1725. Some of these could be copies of other paintings but, in an inventory, which generally gives such details, these were simply described as being "by the Dutches of Chandos."
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-69. HEH, MO 5535, Elizabeth Robinson Montagu to Sarah (Robinson) Scott, 29 July 1740.
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-my affairs I will lay before that you may help & advise me. Mrs Pendarves has sent me a pretty pattern enough in black & white only outlines. It consists of auriculas anemonies a poppy roses & buds orange flowers & lillies of the vally. *To help me in shading she lent me the prints of the flow*ers *which my Pappa said would be admirable directions if they were coloured but I have only in black & white* [emphasis added]. Now what I should be infinitely obliged to my father & you for would be to get me a pattern done by Mr Hately of auriculas in abundance Convalvalews (that is the blew flower we work in the print in the facing) the lilies you mention, poppies, & tulips (of which I have painted ones very fine) as likewise convalvalews in a picture, lilies I would have too & narcissus's & any thing else to make out the pattern which tho I would not chuse a full one, the Dutchess has a great mind for an apron & as I am obliged to work very often I had much rather be imploy'd for her than any one. Mr Achard draws very well & understands shading particularly his advice I shall always have, & Mrs Pendarves intends to come to us in six weeks time or two months & stays with us till January. The Dutchess would have me work upon a black ground because it wont dirty but if my Pappa thinks any other ground prettier I will chuse it. He would oblige her Grace extreamly who depends much upon his fancy if he would order it according to his taste . . . I never work but when I am in company & then such is the diligence of this family every body works too.70
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-That women viewed their fashions as art seems probable. Both Montagu and Delany made frequent, detailed references to evening dresses, and Montagu observed with approval that the flowers with which they were embellished accurately replicated nature. The Duchess of Portland's "cloaths were embroidery upon white cattin, vine leaves & convalvalews & rose buds as well shaded as it was possible." Elizabeth's sister Sarah similarly strove for accuracy: "if I had had time I would have darken'd some of the seeds in the anemonys which wou'd have covered them a little particularly the back one."71
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-Cassandra's portraits of family members were apparently given away as gifts, much as today we might distribute copies of photographs. Demand for such gifts appears to go back at least into the middle years of the seventeenth century: John Finch responded in 1653 to a request from his sister Anne, Lady Conway, "I thank you dearest for your affection in desiring my picture." He promised to have one made in Venice, but "the price will be your own picture in exchange," for at present he only has her "garter and hair" to comfort him. He later wrote in a letter, "Your picture will be the most acceptable thing can come from England by a messenger," but adds that he can-
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-70. HEH, MO 5544, Montagu to Scott, 27 August 1740.
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-71. HEH, MO 5601, Montagu to Scott, 5 February 1740/1; MO 5165, Scott to Montagu, 13 February 1740/1. Better known are embroideries from "nature" on drapes, such as the cockatoos on the bed hangings of Mary Blount, Duchess of Norfolk; see Rosemary Baird, *Mistress of the House: Great Ladies and Grand Houses* (2004), photograph between pp. 112 and 113.
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-not find a miniaturist to paint his own likeness. Her mentor, Henry More, accepted a portrait of her in 1657, noting "the often repeated pleasure I shall take in looking upon it when I have it."72 Mary Beale probably learned her skill alongside her father, Rev. John Cradock, in an amateur circle of artists in Bury St. Edmunds, and she went on to perfect her art in the period before 1670 by painting portraits of family and friends and giving them away as gifts.73 Margaret (Smith), Countess of Lucan (d. 1814), copied a portrait of Catherine Hyde, Duchess of Queensberry, that was exhibited in the Portland Collection.74 It is thought that an unsigned portrait of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu displayed at Welbeck Abbey in the 1750s had found its way there as a gift from the Duchess of Portland, who was a close friend of Mary's daughter, Lady Bute.75The act of giving away a portrait drew the recipient into the close circle of someone such as the first Duchess of Chandos.76
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-Many of Cassandra's paintings were apparently portraits from life, and until just before her death she was still taking the likenesses of family members.77 We know that she sent her sister-in-law Emma Chamberlayne portraits of Henry and Emma Barnard (their mutual maternal grandparents)78 and of Catherine (Brydges) Bourchier: "In the box was . . . Sir Henry & Lady Barnard's pictures & one dead colloured which I drue from my sister Bourchier before she dyed."79 In her dressing room at the house in St. James's Square in London, she displayed portraits of her husband, of her brother Lord Middleton, of Lord Middleton's two sons, and "severall family pieces."80 Such portraits appear to have served the same purpose as the family photograph album does today, as a record and a reminder of the physical appearance of friends and family. When thirteen-year-old James Brydges, Marquis of Carnarvon, wrote an essay on
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-72. BL, Add. MS. 23,215, fol. 18, John Finch to Anne Conway, February 1652/3; see Sarah Hutton and Marjorie Hope Nicolson, eds., *The Conway Letters* (Oxford, 1992), 71–72. Conway apparently sat for a miniature portrait that was sent to her brother. Samuel Van Hoogstraten may have been responsible for surviving matching portraits of brother and sister. See also BL, Add. MS., 23,215, fol. 15, John Finch to Anne Conway, ca. 1652/3; and BL, Add. MS., 23,216, fol.252, Henry More to Anne Conway, 11 May 1657. It seems that unmarried ladies would give their portraits only to young men they considered to be appropriate suitors; see Delany, *Autobiography*, 1:133: "At last he [Lord Baltimore] begged me to give him my picture in miniature to take abroad with him. I told him it could not be, that though I had a great opinion of his honor, I did not think it right, and hoped he would not be offended at my refusing it."
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-73. Dewing, ed., *Mary Beale,* 1; on the basis of extracts from Charles Beale's pocketbooks for 1661 and 1671/2.
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-74. John Kerslake, *Early Georgian Portraits*(1977), 224.
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-75. *The Yale Edition of Walpole's Correspondence,* ed. W. S. Lewis et al., vol. 35 (New Haven, Conn., 1973), 271.
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-76. There are other examples of women giving portraits to friends. See, for example, HEH, HM6660 Suffolk Papers, letter from Thomas Killigrew to Henrietta Hobart Howard, Countess of Suffolk, ca. 1715: "pray let me know madam where the painter lives that drew the picture you gave of yr self to Mrs [Mary] Bellenden."
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-77. Cf. George Romney, *Caroline, Viscountess Clifton, and Lady Elizabeth Spencer* (1794; now at the Huntington), which shows Caroline sketching her sister from life, after first copying a statue for practice.
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-78. Perhaps, but not necessarily, executed by herself.
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-79. O'Day, *Cassandra*, Letter 437, p. 323; to Sister Chamberlayne, 8 July 1735. "Dead colouring" was the first layer of a painting.
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-80. HEH, ST 83, Inventory of St. James's Square, 1725.
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-Cannons in 1745, he noted that in a "little closet belonging to the dutchess . . . most of the pictures are of the late Dutchesses painting one is Mrs Vincent late of Chelsea that was:81 & the late Bp Robinson's lady,"82 who were her close friends and relatives. As noted above, the duke had multiple copies made of the family portrait of himself, his sons, and their stepmother, Cassandra.83This seems consistent with what is known of the market for portraits in the post-Restoration period. One of the most pronounced features of Mary Beale's business was the seemingly insatiable demand by her clientele for copies of portraits, many of them originally executed by Lely. Mary often rendered these copies as half-length portraits or as miniatures. She noted, "Lady Lowther's face coppied for Mris Robson at the third painting." The large number of Lowther portraits, many of them copies, suggests that most were intended for third parties.84 Some at least of the Duke of Chandos's copies were also designed for distribution. Such portrait collections were of a different kind from paintings by Old Masters, such as those owned by the duke himself. With family portraits the emphasis was on the likeness as well as the aesthetic appeal of the painting,85 and their monetary value was regarded as relatively trivial. This is clearly illustrated by Cassandra's gifts to her friend Mrs. [Lisle] Dunbar of Antigua and to her cousin and close friend, Mrs. Brydges of Avington, Hampshire. In the accompanying letter she wrote: "we return you our humble thanks, & hope you will give us leave to find out something in return for these civilities you have shewn us, more valuable than the pictures you desire & which shall be sent you soon."86 Nevertheless, the duchess could be hypercritical of images of herself and showed dissatisfaction with most of the recent portraits (apparently made by others)
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-81. See also HEH, ST 83, Inventory of Cannons, 19 June 1725, on this portrait by the duchess, which hung in her closet. Mrs. Rebecca Vincent was Cassandra's cousin.
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-82. HEH, James Brydges, Marquis of Carnarvon, essay on Cannons, ca. 1745. This portrait is perhaps the "Mrs Robinson in miniature by the Dutchess of Chandos" mentioned as hanging in the duchess's closet in HEH, ST 83. The portrait was of Cassandra's close friend and cousin Emma (Charlton Cornwallis) Robinson, who was the widow of Thomas Cornwallis (1670–1703) and of Bishop John Robinson (d. 1723). She died on 26 January 1748.
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-83. This seems to be the Brydges family portrait held by the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. It was once thought to be a portrait of James Brydges and his first wife, Mary, with their sons, but the timing and a further letter, which indicates that Brydges had copies made of this family portrait by "Mr Lence" in autumn 1713 when he was married to Cassandra, suggest that this portrayed Brydges, Cassandra, and Brydges's two sons by his first wife. By December 1713 Kneller was painting Lady Child, Cassandra's mother. See HEH, ST 57, vol. 9, p. 281, 7 December 1713, to Sir Godfrey Kneller. A similar practice, commissioning multiple copies of portraits for distribution in the family of Caroline Lennox Fox, is noted in Baird,*Great Ladies and Grand Houses*, 122–23.
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-84. Bodl. Lib., MS. Rawlinson, 8o 572, 31 July 1677; in June and July 1677 no fewer than six portraits of Lady Lowther (two of them "heads") were being painted; simultaneously, half-length portraits and several "heads" of "Old Lady Lowther" and "Old Sir John Lowther" were underway. Some of these were specified as copies.
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-85. Even a thirteen-year-old boy could discriminate between an "excellent" piece of portrait painting and a poor likeness; see HEH, James Brydges's description of Cannons in 1745: "a picture of my Lady Dutchess painting my Lords picture it is a fine peice but not like."
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-86. O'Day, *Cassandra,* Letter 197, p. 190; to Mrs. Dunbar at Antigua, 27 March 27 1724/5. Cf. Raymond A. Anselment, *The Remembrances of Elizabeth Freke, 1671–1714,* Camden Society, 5th ser., vol. 18 (Cambridge, 2001): "these three [family portraits] given me by my deere sister Norton. E. Freke" (p. 183).
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-and copies of them. The wording of the letter is open to several contradictory interpretations. Had the duchess made the copies or not?
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-I wish the pictures which you desired were better worth your acceptance. That of my Lord is copyed from one which we think the best of any done for him, & for myself I should very willingly have sate for an originall could I have been pleased with any lately drawn for me, but finding I make a much worse picture now than I would willingly send to a strange country, have rather chose to make the best I could of my self, & sent you the copy of a picture drawn for me many years agoe. I fear the pictures so newly painted may grow yellow with being kept close from the air during their voyage but hope they will soon after recover their complections by having as much air as you can give them. I wish they may please you.87
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-Whatever Cassandra's opinion of her own work was, others valued it considerably. Charles Gildon fixed upon her artistic skills in his poem of 1718:
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-> Now from her pencil the mute poesie flows, And on the canvas some bright wonder glows; Raphael and Titian there together shine, For colour this, and that for great design. Now with her readie needle paints the lawn, Where various figures are so finely drawn. Now with her fingers plies the gentle loom, Then with her works adorns each spacious room. A muse herself, the muses she'll defend, And to their cause her glad assistance lend.88
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-Allowing for poetic license and the exaggeration expected from someone seeking patronage, it is nevertheless interesting that Gildon chose to comment on her skill (when she was still Marchioness of Carnarvon) with pencil, brush, embroidery thread, and tapestry needle. The duke again singled out this aspect of his wife's many accomplishments in 1719, commissioning from the artist Van der Myne a double portrait of himself and Cassandra in which she is drawing the euke's portrait as he poses in classical Roman attire. This portrait was still displayed at Cannons when her successor, Duchess Lydia, lived there.89 Walpole, after a visit to Cannons almost ten years after Cassandra's death, wrote of her fame as an artist: "His [the duke's] late lady was a great painter: there is an admirable picture of her, drawing the duke's portrait, by one Vandermine. He is in a Roman habit."90 There was little that was private about Cassandra's art.
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-87. O'Day, *Cassandra,* Letter 208, pp. 195–96; to Mrs Dunbar at Antigua, 9 September 1725.
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-89. HEH, James Brydges, Marquis of Carnarvon, description of Cannons in 1745.
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-90.*Walpole's Correspondence*, vol. 30 (Oxford, 1961), 61. The painting was also viewed by the artist John Van Gool in the early 1750s; see J. Van Gool, *Nieuwe Schonburg der Nederlantsche Kunstschilders en schilderessen* (1751), 41–42, 44–45; cited in P. Toynbee, ed., *Letters of Horace Walpole* (1903–25)
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-<sup>88.</sup> Gildon, "Cannons, or The Vision."
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-Very occasionally we are treated to Cassandra's opinions of portraits she has been sent by relatives, opinions that may provide clues to her attitude to her own art: "my Lord & I had the pleasure to find at our house [in London] . . . the most agreeable present which you & my cousin Brydges have made us of your pictures. His I think by much the best I ever saw of Richardson's91 painting & your's we reckon very like but wish it had been a better likeness. Both my Lord & self are at a loss how to express our selves thankfull enough for so valuable a present, but are very sure if you could know how much we esteem them you would not think them ill bestowed." Cassandra noted the aesthetic value of the painting but questioned its accuracy. Here, there seem to be echoes of the influence of Fellows of the Royal Society, who proclaimed the superiority of painting from life.92
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-Charles Beale, a member of the Royal Society, praised most those portraits by his wife, Mary, that were superior "both for painting and likenes." She herself thought that "flattery and dissimulation is a kind of mock friendship" and certainly portrayed her husband "warts and all."93 To some degree this echoes the views of Mary Delany, who made it clear that, above all, a portrait should be "like": "I have released Lady Sunderland from her promise of giving me her picture by Zinck, to have it done by Hogarth. I think he takes a much greater likeness, and that is what I shall value my friend's picture for, more than for the excellence of the painting." Of a crayon drawing of her sister Anne, she lamented, "I have a picture too, but alas! a feint, feint resemblance! I am always vexed as well as pleased when I look at it, for it certainly is a bad likeness, and not well painted; you are much better drawn in a place where the air cannot fade you, and where justice is done you without flattery; there are not only the outlines and the air of the countenance, the life and sweetness of the eyes, but that sensible penetrating look that fairly shows how well the form is animated."94
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-The ability to draw and paint "landskips" was also regarded as important, but like the family portrait it was considered an expression of the individual's experience.95 Such landscapes may have been seen largely as a pictorial record of the houses the elite
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-supplement 3 (Oxford, 1925), 365 n. 17. This picture (by now cut to show just the Duke of Chandos) was donated to the British Museum in 1762 by James Farqharson, formerly Chandos's secretary. Its cleaning in 1975 revealed the duchess's easel, paints, and foot. For further discussion, see John Kerslake, *Early Georgian Portraits*, 36, and J. Kerslake, "The Duke of Chandos' Missing Duchess," *National Trust Studies*(1981).
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-91. Jonathan Richardson (1665–1745) was the leading portrait painter of his day, after the deaths of Godfrey Kneller and Michael Dahl.
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-92. See Abraham Cowley's famous "Prefatory Verses" to Sprat's *History of the Royal Society*:*"*He before his sight must place / The natural and living face / The real object must command / Each judgement of his eye, and motion of his hand."
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-93. Charles Beale's Notebook, 1680/1, National Gallery, 17 October 1681; Mary Beale, "Discourse on Friendship," BL, Harley MS. 6828; Dewing, ed., *Mary Beale,* passim.
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-94. Delany, *Autobiography,* 1*:*283, 280; in HEH, MO 1007, Elizabeth Montagu contrasted the arts of painting and poetry—opining that whereas painting relies on accurate representation, "One of the great qualities of a poet is invention & I suppose you chose such a subject on purpose to give scope to your imagination to show what you did not find you could make."
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-95. The *View of Windsor* painted in 1723 by Lady Diana Spencer (1710–1735), later Duchess of Bedford, provides a good example; see Greer, *Obstacle Race*, 286.
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-occupied or visited and the places they took in on their tours at home and abroad.96 It was certainly accepted that women as well as men should make such tours and should prepare for them by studying guidebooks, travel journals, and, in some cases, illustrated works of ancient history.97 Mary Delany kept a sketchbook of her travels around Ireland in the early 1730s.98Whether making such a record should be regarded as a peculiarly feminine accomplishment is moot: John Locke had noted that drawing should be studied "as a thing very useful for a gentleman on several occasions and especially if he travel."99 In the 1790s Elizabeth Howard Manners, Duchess of Rutland, was encouraged to illustrate her husband's diaries, which were later published. During tours abroad she developed a keen interest in architecture. It seems that her sketches of a tour in 1819 were "finished" by a Mr. Holworthy, a professional water-colorist.100 In the early 1800s the Hicks Beach daughters painted landscapes, and both Mary Fox-Strangeways Talbot and her brother Henry expressed frustration about their inability to capture the scene at places they visited.101 There are several references in the Wedgwood papers to Charlotte Wedgwood's drawings documenting her travels: in 1822, when she was twenty-five, Charlotte made a "pretty little drawing" of Rievaulx Abbey and on a grand tour that the family took in 1825 she made a point of painting the landscapes they viewed.102
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-Sometimes, however, this ability to observe and record from nature was employed to commemorate the unusual. Mary Delany, unexpectedly encountering an old man's cottage near Creswell Craggs in 1756, wrote that she "was too much entertained with the scene to lose sight of it one moment, and . . . took an imperfect sketch of one part." Landscape also offered Mary opportunities to develop her imagination: "I have now in hand two frames of shells, . . . for two drawings I have done for the Duchess; one a copy of one of my Cornbury views, the other a fancy by way of companion."103
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-Evidence that Cassandra painted landscapes is by no means unusual, compared with that available for some other women of the period. It is the *survival* of landscapes done before 1750 by women that is rare. One of Cassandra's drawings, of Thoresby Hall, Nottinghamshire, however, does survive.104 It is undated but is probably an
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-96. See Norfolk Record Office, MSS. 6184 and 6256, containing twenty-four pencil sketches by Richenda Gurney Cunningham done in the 1840s.
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-97. See Healey, *Emma Darwin,* 81ff, on the Wedgwood grand tour to Paris, Geneva, Naples, Venice, Florence, and Rome for approximately six months in 1825.
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-98. Delany, *Autobiography*, 1:480.
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-99. See Watson, *Teaching of Modern Subjects,*146.
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-100. John Henry Manners, fifth Duke of Rutland, *Travels in Great Britain with engravings from the drawings of the Duchess of Rutland: Journal of a Tour around the southern coasts of England* (1805); and Manners, *A Tour through part of Belgium, and the Rhennish provinces (with plates from sketches by E. Manners, Duchess of Rutland); Correspondence of the Duchess of Rutland and Sir Frederick Trench,* vol. 1, 15 December 1821.
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-101. Martin, *Wives and Daughters,* 232–33.
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-102. Healey, *Emma Darwin,* 76, 81.
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-103. Delany, *Autobiography,* 3:441–42, 473–74; Delany to Mrs. Dewes from Bulstrode, 29 December 1757.
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-104. HEH, STB Box 1 (2), 45. Thoresby was close to Cassandra's former home, Wollaton Hall, Nottingham. Thoresby was owned by Evelyn Pierrepoint, Duke of Kingston-upon-Hull.
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-early effort. That she made other drawings of places that were important to her (and perhaps collected similar drawings and paintings executed by others) seems probable. Her mother, Emma Child, added to notes for her final will, in shaky hand, the words: "The picture of Wollaton is Lady Dutchesses own pikture which I desire she may have. Em. Child."105That Cassandra created pictures specially to ornament Wollaton seems likely. Some of these were copies of existing paintings, perhaps by well-known artists. Her comments suggest a prolific output, but she was self-critical:
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-Many of the pictures which I drew myself are only fit for the fire. That of my brother & which I copyed from Lady Middleton's picture, if I should ever see Wollaton again & be able to mend (together with a picture which I dead coulour'd for the closet chimney), I would try to paint again that I might make that better, & then perhaps I should desire to have them & some others of the pictures, my self. Till then I must wish they were better & that they together with the linen china, japan boxes, &c were worth your acceptance or fit for your Lady's use.106
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-Art historians have noted the growth of interest in the arts in England in the later Stuart and early Georgian periods. It is time to recognize that Mary Astell's attitude was not representative, and that an aptitude for drawing and painting was not regarded by either men or women as a merely "social" attribute. A woman who could draw the family "pile," create clothing and furnishings resplendent with realistic flowers and foliage, make copies of family portraits or even draw and paint them from life had skills that were highly valuable to the family. She was the equivalent of the modern family camera.
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-# **Women Artists, Connoisseurs, and the Family**
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-Some of the evidence, much of it belonging to the early eighteenth century, suggests that portraits were used to cement friendships. Women best known for their other literary and artistic activities—Mary Delany, Anne Granville, Elizabeth Robinson Montagu, Mary Wortley Montagu, Mary Bellenden, Margaret Cavendish Harley, Judith Tichborne, and Lady Sunderland among them—are known to have exchanged portraits and to have treasured them.
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-Possessing and displaying portraits of family and friends emphasized publicly the connection with the person depicted. The effect upon Horace Walpole caused by the decorative scheme of Welbeck Abbey was as the owner desired: "It is impossible to describe the bales of Cavendishes, Harleys, Holleses, Veres and Ogles . . . all their
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-105. N[ottingham]U[niversity]L[ibrary], Middleton Papers, Mi Av 143/18/6. Also cited in Dorothy Johnston, "Emma Child, nee Barnard, formerly Willoughby (1644–1725): Records of the Life of a Gentlewoman," in John Beckett, ed., *Nottinghamshire Past: Essays in Honour of Adrian Henstock* (Cardiff, 2003), 75.
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-106. O'Day, *Cassandra,* Letter 161, pp. 166–68; to my nephew [Francis] Willoughby, 14 November 1723. Lady Middleton's portrait is possibly that by Sir Godfrey Kneller. "Japan boxes" were japanned.
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-his tories transcribed; all their arms, crests, devices, sculpted on chimneys."107 Portraits hung in such places were often produced by "professional" artists, prominent or not so prominent. Elizabeth Montagu, dressed as Anne Boleyn, sat for Zincke, as did Margaret Harley and Mary Pendarves.108 A surprising number of Willoughby/Child/Brydges portraits have survived, including those of Lady Emma Child, and Elizabeth [Rothwell] Willoughby, her daughter-in-law; of the More Molyneux at Loseley; and of Cassandra and James Brydges and their children, John and Henry. Many were by important male portraitists of the day: Dahl, Richardson, Kneller. Preserving and improving this family gallery was an ongoing commitment. James Brydges had had his first wife sit for her portrait.109 We have noted above the flurry of such activity when Cassandra became James Brydges's wife. The portrait of Emma Child's deceased husband, also named Francis, was the subject of a letter from his devoted sister, Lettice Wendy, in 1676. Emma Child spent £3.3s. for alterations to Adriana Verelst's portrait of Sir Francis Willoughby sometime between 1717 and Emma's death in 1725. On 23 July 1725 George Schubert presented her with a bill "for work and material to inlarge Sir Frances Willoughby Pikture."110 Cassandra's stepgrandson, James, Marquis of Carnarvon (later third Duke of Chandos) appears to have had Mary (Lake) Brydges's full-length portrait carefully restored in the 1750s and also to have commissioned a new portrait of her using a copy of Dahl's head-and-shoulders portrait.111 Cassandra herself executed at least some of the copying of family portraits and new (and more intimate) family portraits. Cassandra's obsession with her father's family extended to her production of a two-volume history of the Willoughby family based on original research.112 Her portraits of family members and her gifts of such portraits echoed this interest.
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-The word "publicly" is used advisedly. "Private" galleries made a statement about a family in a very public way. The aristocracy and gentry adorned their houses from the sixteenth century onward with portrait galleries commemorating their ancestors and trumpeting their current connections. Bess of Hardwick's gallery was intended "to celebrate her family." Most of its seventy-six pictures were portraits, twenty-six of them depicting her relatives; the majority of the rest were of
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-107. *Walpole's Correspondence*, Walpole to Bentley, August 1756, 35:270–71.
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-108. HEH, MO 5526, Elizabeth Robinson Montagu to Sarah (Robinson) Scott; MO 744, Anne Donnellan to Elizabeth (Robinson) Montagu, 9 April 1740. There was a marked fashion for posing as historical or exotic figures in costume. In the 1680s Cassandra and her family had played a variety of charades, dressing in the inherited costumes of their ancestors in order to imitate the family portraits; see Wood, *Willoughby Family*, 135–38.
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-109. Michael Dahl (1656–1743) was a Swedish portrait painter who settled in England in 1688 and became fashionable. Sir Godfrey Kneller (1646–1723) was a German-born painter who settled in London in 1676 and was appointed court painter. He was knighted in 1691 and in 1715 George III made him a baronet. The portrait of Brydges's first wife was by Dahl; HEH, ST 26, Thurs: 19 [August 1697]: "about 6: I went to Mr Doll's, to look after my wife's picture." For Richardson, see n. 91.
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-110. NUL, Middleton Papers, Mi Av 143/36/22, Lettice Wendy to Emma Willoughby at Middleton, 18 March [1676]; 141; NUL, Middleton Papers, Mi Av 143/19/19; NUL, Middleton Papers, Mi Av 143/23/1–39. On Verelst, see n. 126.
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-111. See HEH, STB Financial Box 11 (25d), 21 March 1754.
-
-112. See O'Day, *Women's Agency*, 406–7*.*
-
-monarchs.113 Walpole described Lady Betty Germaine's house at Drayton, Northamptonshire, as "covered with portraits."114A woman of lesser means, Elizabeth Freke, had on display in her parlor "1 picture of my deer fathers, given me by my deer sister Norton" and in the dining room "1 long pictture of my deere sister Norton 1 long picture of my deere neece Gettings, her only daughter, 1 monument picture of hers, . . . 1 long picture of my wretched selfe."115 The fashion for portraiture enveloped both men and women, and anyone with pretensions to distinguished lineage.
-
-The "family rooms" found in stately homes were in fact family portrait galleries.116Attention has recently been drawn to the value of portraits as "documents designed to chronicle specific details of lives, ally sitters with certain social groups, emphasize virtues intended to prompt admiration and record an individual's place in the history of a family, institution or nation." Portrait commissions often coincided with a marriage or a birth or an inheritance entered into.117 At Boughton, in Northamptonshire, a gallery was created that consisted of modern full-length portraits of imaginary ancestors in the supposed dress of their times.118 Family portraits were important to aristocratic families. Louise de Keroualle surrounded herself in exile in France with them.119 In about 1760, Caroline Lennox Fox created a picture gallery at Holland House to exhibit portraits of her and her husband's families. To the south of this gallery were portraits of Caroline's royal ancestor, Charles II, and his mistress Louise de Keroualle and portraits by Kneller of their son the first Duke of Richmond and his duchess; of Caroline's parents, the second Duke and his Duchess, and so on. Portraits of Caroline and her siblings by Allan Ramsay and those by Sir Joshua Reynolds of Henry and Caroline, their son Stephen, "Ste," Mary, Duchess of Richmond, and Caroline's brother George Lennox were likewise displayed. But it was Reynolds's group portrait of Lady Sarah Lennox, Lady Susan Fox-Strangeways, and Charles James Fox at Holland House and a full-length one of Lady Louisa that dominated the gallery. The effect was to accentuate the status of the present generations above that of their ancestors. Similarly, Henrietta Cavendish Holles, Countess of Oxford and Mortimer, remodeled Welbeck Abbey, Nottinghamshire, as a family seat for her descendants, and to accommodate "All the family paintings of the Cavendishes, Holles, Pierpoints, Harleys, etc. Noblemen, Ladys and gentlemen in any way related." She had spent her widowhood "in collecting and monumenting the portraits and
-
-113. Laurence, *Women in England,* 156.
-
-114. *Walpole's Correspondence,* Walpole to George Montagu, 23 July 1763, vol. 10 (Oxford, 1941), 89–90.
-
-115. Anselment, *Remembrances of Elizabeth Freke,* 178–83.
-
-116. See HEH, ST 83. Later homes, such as the Rothschild mansion at Waddesden, near Aylesbury, attest the continuation of this tradition into the 1890s and early twentieth century.
-
-117. Kate Retford, *The Art of Domestic Life: Family Portraiture in Eighteenth-Century England* (New Haven, Conn., and London, 2006), 6. The large number of Lowther portraits executed by Mary Beale in 1676/7 apparently followed the marriage between Sir John Lowther and Catherine Thynne. Examples of family galleries include not only the well-known but also the obscure: see, for instance, the collection retained in part of Blithfield Hall, Staffordshire, which contains sixteenth-century Bagot marriage portraits.
-
-118. BL, Add MS. 5834, fols. 41–63.
-
-119. Baird, *Great Ladies and Grand Houses,* 89.
-
-reliques of all the great families from which she descended, and which centred in her." Rosemary Baird rightly cites her as a prime example of the woman as "guardian of family history."120 Yet, if descent was important, family history nonetheless culminated in the present.
-
-Although it may well be true that portraits of this kind were not exhibited in public galleries, as presently understood, until the late nineteenth century,121 it is a mistake to believe that family portraiture was always for family consumption alone. Great houses were opened to the public more and more frequently in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,122 and together with their gardens could be viewed by the public on particular days and times. Cannons, in Cassandra's time, was no exception. The Duke of Chandos farmed out the right to show Cannons to his steward, James Farquarson, in one of his attempts to save money on the estate. He and Cassandra, meanwhile, spent more and more time at Shaw Hall, Berkshire. "When the steward is at home the house [Cannons] be shown to no person whatever without his leave and at other times that it be not shown to any but such as have the appearance of gentle people," ordered the duke. Moreover, the house was to be closed on Sundays. In the period 1690–1713 Cassandra was familiar with the great houses and gardens of the Beauforts at Badminton, of the Earls of Bath at Longleat, and of Lord Pembroke at Wilton, near Salisbury. She visited other houses in Yorkshire, Worcestershire, Monmouth, Wiltshire, Buckinghamshire, Northamptonshire, Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, and Bedfordshire.123 In 1756, Mary Delany recorded her delight in the family portrait gallery at Bolsover in Derbyshire.124 Elizabeth Seymour Smythson, Countess and then Duchess of Northumberland in her own right, traveled extensively from country house to country house and in her diary of the 1750s set out to describe all of them, from Castle Howard to Woburn Abbey and from Ragley Hall to Stowe.125 Elizabeth Montagu visited many houses and gardens in Berkshire and further afield, including Beaulieu, the Montagu home in Hampshire; Lord Lyttleton's new house at Hagley, Worcestershire; Garrick's villa at Hampton; and Alexander Pope's garden at Twickenham. In these public spaces the families were vaunted.
-
-We should not, however, overstate the case. It could well be that "amateur" portraits were treated differently from fashionable "professional" portrayals of family
-
-120. *Walpole's Correspondence*, Walpole to Bentley, August 1756, 35:270–71. "Monumenting" meant inscribing. See Baird,*Great Ladies and Grand Houses*, 60. Delany was aware of this function of family portrait collections, although she does not attribute this to any particular individual, whether male or female (*Autobiography*, 3:442–43).
-
-121. Bermingham, in *Learning to Draw,* argues that George Romney's *Caroline, Viscountess Clifton, and Lady Elizabeth Spencer* (1794) was commissioned by their father, the fourth Duke of Marlborough, for private consumption only because it was not exhibited to "the public" until the late nineteenth century (p. 185).
-
-122. See the comment about public exhibition of the embroidery paintings of Caroline Conway, formerly Countess of Aylesbury in Walpole, *Anecdotes of Painting*, 3:719–20.
-
-123. HEH, STB, Box 14 (55) Duke of Chandos to James Farquarson, 8 October 1731; and 18 November 1731. SBPTRO, DR 18/20/21/1; SBPTRO, DR 18/20/21/1.
-
-124. Delany, *Autobiography*, 3:442–43.
-
-125. James Greig, *The Diaries of a Duchess: Extracts from the Diaries of the First Duchess of Northumberland, 1716–1776* (1926); cited in Baird, *Great Ladies and Grand Houses,* 170.
-
-members. According to the 1725 inventories of the Duke and Duchess of Chandos's houses in Edgware (Cannons) and London (St. James's Square), the only one of the duchess's paintings on display in an obviously public space was her copy of Van Dyck's masterpiece, the portrait of Charles I. Generally, paintings attributed to her seem to have been confined to her private rooms and, possibly, to those of the duke. (In the inventory of their shared bedroom and closet at St. James's Square, for instance, portraits of the duke, still-lifes, paintings of flowers, and heads are unattributed and given no monetary value, and these were probably by the duchess.) The "family room" at Cannons certainly contained a large number of family portraits, but not one was attributed to Cassandra. Instead, there were individual portraits of the duke's four sisters, Elizabeth Dawson, Emma Chamberlayne, Mary Leigh, and Catherine Bourchier, by one of the duke's favorite portrait painters, Mrs. Verelst;126 Sir Peter Lely's portraits of Lady Rich, Sir Lancelot, and Lady Essex Lake, and Mr. Franklin; and Sir Godfrey Kneller's portrait of the duke and duchess, and their sons John and Henry.127 Cassandra and other women painted portraits of relatives, but it seems that in general their efforts were kept private and displayed in rooms open only to a chosen few guests—such as Walpole. Nonetheless, this display of family portraits before members of the family and friends was important, and straddled the so-called public/private divide.
-
-## **Conclusion**
-
-Cassandra Willoughby Brydges's artistic activities add to our knowledge of elite women's participation in the visual arts. We know something not only about the types of work she produced but also about why she drew or painted them, where they were displayed, and what she and her husband thought about them. Looking beyond her modest protestations, we can discern the value she believed her drawings and paintings would have for her brother and his family, and for other friends and relatives. We can place her efforts at portrait making in the context of her authorship of a family history, of her natal family's portrait collection, and of her marital family's use of portraits as gifts.
-
-Through the mid-seventeenth century it seems that drawing (not painting) was taught in at least some schools but simply as an adjunct of writing. It could have
-
-126. This is probably Maria Verelst (1680–1744), who was a daughter of Harman Verelst (1641/2–1699), portrait painter, a niece of Simon Verelst, famed for his flower paintings, sister of Cornelis Verelst (1667–1734) and aunt of William Verelst, an accomplished portraitist. Maria studied with both Harman and Simon and made a career for herself in England. Mrs. Verelst was also responsible for a painting of the Duke of Chandos in the dressing room, of the duke and duchess in the chamber, portraits of the Chandos sons, John and Henry, and of Lord Castlemain's two children (the Duchess of Chandos's nephews), a portrait of Lady Castlemain, and a small "landskip" in another dressing room. At the London house in the "salon" were a full-length portrait of the duchess and others of the duke's mother, Lady Chandos; of his father, Lord Chandos, and three other portraits; in the duke's "visiting room" was her portrait of the Duchess of Chandos. These were given a low value when compared to portraits by Lely and Kneller. However, the portraitist could have been Adriana Verelst. It seems reasonable to suppose that Adriana belonged to the same family, although I have found no trace of her in modern art histories. She appears to have married into Cassandra Willoughby's mother's family, and this may explain why she was selected to paint a portrait for Emma Child.
-
-127. HEH, ST 83.
-
-been taught more informally at home; there were certainly manuals available in English. It is probable that girls as well as boys received some elementary instruction in it. A few women, especially wives or daughters of artists, specialized in painting or limning for a living. In general, girls might, in the course of their embroidery and tapestry work, create and work designs and drawings. If they did, then something happened in the mid-to-late seventeenth century to distinguish painting and drawing from the creation of such designs.
-
-A change appears to have occurred during the so-called Century of Revolution, so that by the late seventeenth century elite women in general were *expected* to be proficient in drawing and painting, as skills apart from their application in practical or domestic activities. This seems to echo a new emphasis upon drawing as a useful skill for both men and women from the 1640s onward. Women achieved proficiency through copying masterpieces and through constant practice, which included the ubiquitous self-portraits, although some had the benefit of instruction from drawing or painting masters and access to printed manuals. They, like Cassandra Willoughby Brydges, Mary Granville Pendarves Delany, Elizabeth Robinson Montagu, Mary Cradock Beale, and Susanna Evelyn, had the great advantage of being in the neighborhood of great art. They had been trained to see and to record, and several came under the influence of the Royal Society, with its emphasis on accurate observation and record keeping. Some painted self-portraits and often, apparently, to a high standard. It is unfortunate that identified examples of their art, and especially their portraiture, do not in general survive.128 They discussed their painting and drawing (and other creative activities) among themselves.129 A letter from Cassandra to her friend in Antigua in 1725 indicates the opportunities for new creative ventures opened up by contact with the colonies and plantations of the New World.130They also shared an appreciation of the artistic endeavors of others—from great masters to copyists—and enjoyed possessing and exhibiting works by other artists. Mary Delany (who had watched Hogarth paint and who had conversed with him about his technique) wrote: "I cannot say I
-
-128. Consider the small percentage of Mary Beale's extensive portfolio that survived, and also the fact that some contemporarily well-known artists, such as Sarah Broman, are apparently entirely unrepresented. Germaine Greer, noting the popularity of pastel drawing among women, surmises that few examples of such art survived because of the fragility of the items themselves and the fact that fixatives were in their infancy; see Greer, *Obstacle Race*, 285–86. The transience of so many "works" of art executed by women may also be explained by Juliet Fleming's argument that writing was often executed on a whitewashed wall. This finds an interesting echo in the example of Frances Reynolds and other siblings of Joshua Reynolds who practiced their drawings on a whitewashed wall in their home. See Fleming, *Graffiti and the Writing Arts*, passim, and Greer, *Obstacle Race*, 30–31.
-
-129. Henrietta (Hyde) Scott (d. 1730), of whom Jonathan Swift wrote in 1713, "I did not like her, she paints too much," was welcome at the Chandos's dinner table at Cannons in the 1720s. Mary Delany frequently discussed such matters with friends and with her sister Ann Granville in the 1720s and 1730s; *Autobiography and Correspondence,* vol. 1. Elizabeth Robinson's letters contain similar discussions with friends and family in the 1730s and 1740s.
-
-130. O'Day, *Cassandra,* Letter 208, pp. 195–96; to Mrs. Dunbar, 9 September 1725; this point is underscored in HEH, MO 264, Elizabeth (Robinson) Montagu to the Duchess of Portland, 3 December 1736, where Elizabeth reports asking her seafaring brother to bring back colorful parrot feathers from the East Indies for the duchess.
-
-like Mr Lafountain's painting, he does not understand the drawing part so well as he ought; but I am grown passionately fond of Hogarth's painting, there is more sense in it than any I have seen."131 We know that by the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, part of the London and spa seasons for both men and women consisted of visiting galleries and exhibitions. In the 1770s Sukey Wedgwood (Charles Darwin's mother) attended school in Chelsea and was taken by Thomas Bentley to plays, concerts, and art galleries.The water-colorist Copley Fielding attracted both female viewers and students by staging an exhibition in 1830. Tours abroad included visits to both major and minor collections.132 Women showed off their own works of art to one another. The artistic prowess of women themselves was generally regarded with pride by their spouses and/or parents. Although drawing and painting were apparently regarded by some as acceptable pastimes for bored young women, their skill was also self-consciously put to good use by themselves and their kin in the service of family and house.
-
-The division between amateur and professional, often assumed by historians of this period, is artificial. Some women artists were regarded as experts, even though they certainly did not produce art for a living. The example of Mary Beale (who slipped so easily from "amateur" to "professional") underscores this point. Similarly, a separation between public and private is difficult to sustain. Women produced portraits and landscapes for many purposes: as gifts that bound others to them with ties of affection or patronage; as decoration for the spaces they occupied; as a record of people they loved or places they remembered fondly; as memorials for their dead; as items to be sold for charity. These female aristocratic artists evidently produced and displayed their work in the context of family and connection. However, the sparse evidence suggests that they did not display their own efforts in parts of their houses that were regularly opened to the wider public or necessarily seen by large numbers of social visitors. Nevertheless, their practical acquaintance with the great masters and with the world of the auction house did enable them to participate in the conversation of their menfolk and excited the interest of their fathers, husbands, and brothers. Their own artistic prowess might, as in Cassandra's case, have become part of their "fame" that was blazed abroad.
-
-We may today treat galleries of family portraits with something approaching boredom, and the "private" efforts and "public" commissions they contained chiefly as examples of changing fashions and styles of portraiture. But we should recognize their importance in helping to define concepts of family and self for commissioners, sitters, and owners alike, and the role of women in producing, collecting, and displaying them.
-
-#### the open university
-
-131. See Delany's comments on Hogarth's superior skills in her *Autobiography,* 1:283; see also Susanna "Sukey" Wedgwood's visit in the 1780s to see Joseph Wright of Derby's paintings and her intelligent comments about them to her father Josiah (Healey, *Emma Darwin,* 29).
-
-132. Healey, *Emma,* 24, 115. See pp. 83–87 on the response of the Wedgwood daughters to various artists and works of art.
-
-#### abstract
-
-Historians have assumed that women in England, prior to the later eighteenth century, did not engage in serious artistic activity, unless they hailed from the families of male artists. Rosemary O'Day uses the prism provided by the papers of Cassandra Willoughby Brydges (1670–1735), who was herself an artist, to determine whether this was indeed the case. Drawing upon a variety of original sources and interdisciplinary perspectives, she explains that art, and particularly portraiture, for many elite women and certainly for Cassandra, was put to many social uses within both domestic and more public spheres. O'Day thus implicitly questions the polarities of amateur and professional, and of public and private art. Keywords: Cassandra Willoughby Brydges, Mary Delany, Elizabeth Robinson Montagu, "public consumption" and female artists 1670–1820, female artists in relation to touring and topography as well as collecting, classifying, and recording

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data/marker_output/W2024149543/W2024149543.md

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-![](_page_0_Picture_0.jpeg)
-
-## MIT Open Access Articles
-
-## *Picturing Animals in Britain 1750-1850*
-
-The MIT Faculty has made this article openly available. *[Please](https://libraries.mit.edu/forms/dspace-oa-articles.html) share* how this access benefits you. Your story matters.
-
-**Citation:** Ritvo, Harriet. "Picturing Animals in Britain 1750–1850." Annals of Science 68.2 (2011): 286-288.
-
-**As Published:** http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790902898383
-
-**Publisher:** Taylor & Francis
-
-**Persistent URL:** <http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/72038>
-
-**Version:** Author's final manuscript: final author's manuscript post peer review, without publisher's formatting or copy editing
-
-**Terms of use:** Creative Commons [Attribution-Noncommercial-Share](http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/) Alike 3.0
-
-![](_page_0_Picture_10.jpeg)
-
-D. DONALD. *Picturing Animals in Britain 1750-1850.* New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 2007. ix + 377 pp. 277 plts. \$65.00; £40.00. ISBN 9780300126792.
-
-We are proverbially admonished not to judge a book by its cover, but the cover of Diana Donald's Painting Animals in Britain says a lot about what is inside. Like the rest of this overview of the representation of animals in the visual culture of eighteenth and nineteenth-century Britain it is physically magnificent. Inside, the pages are large and the paper is glossy; the numerous illustrations are reproduced with precise detail and (often) in stunning color. Of the images that receive such lavish treatment, most were expensive products when they were created—for example, oil painting or plates designed for connoisseurs of natural history—but not all; the book includes some striking color images of mass-produced cartoons and prints. And this diversity of intended audience is one of Donald's main points. She has drawn her black-and-white illustrations from the widest possible range of available visual media, from the cheapest ephemera to paintings acknowledged as masterpieces in their own time and (sometimes) afterwards.
-
-Beautiful as it is, *Picturing Animals in Britain 1750-1850* is no mere coffee table book. Donald has judiciously selected the illustrations to support her assertion that, during the period she discusses, animals were a ubiquitous feature of British culture, and, further, that their visual representation reflected the "fractured consciousness" (vii) that informed human attitudes toward and treatment of them. Her demonstration begins on the cover, which features a detail from one of Edwin Landseer's paintings of Isaac Van Amburgh, an American wild animal tamer who thrilled London theater audiences with his control of big cats. (Queen Victoria commissioned one of the paintings; the Duke of Wellington the other.) The cover image focuses on the recumbent Van Amburgh, resting
-
-Ritvo 2
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-his head on the flank of a lion and his hand on the head of a tiger who snarls but does not bite. A leopard gazes up at him with doglike adoration—or perhaps with longing at the lamb who snuggles (in affection or terror?) against his chest. The whole tableau occurs behind bars, and the entire painting also includes the admiring audience that has gathered safely on the other side of them. The painting is obviously about human control of other animals, and, probably, about British control of the African and Asian homelands of Van Amburgh's cats. But Landseer does not present the exercise of power as simple; in the understanding of the human and non-human actors in the scene, as well as in that of the observer, it is mixed with acquiescence, admiration, and affection. Further, although the scene recalls popular "happy family" displays, in which diminutive natural enemies (for example, cats and mice) calmly coexisted, Van Amburgh appears to share some of the lamb's uncertainty about the intentions of the felines.
-
-Instead of offering a chronological survey, Donald divides her study into four thematic sections, each of which consists of two chapters. The first section focuses on natural history illustration, with special attention to the visual representation of the struggle for existence, and to the relationship between theology and natural history. The second section deals with attempts to understand animal consciousness, most elaborately that of dogs, the domesticated animals whose lives were most closely intertwined with those of people. The third section considers human domination of both wild and domesticated animals, and the fourth considers elite hunting culture (mostly, but not entirely, foxhunting culture) and its critics.
-
-Donald's anchors her discussion of each topic in close analyses of a few images, which are often familiar and (therefore?) predictable or ineluctable. For example, her
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-2
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-Ritvo 3
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-Prologue features Joseph Wright's "An Experiment on a Bird in the Air Pump" and William Hogarth's "Four Stages of Cruelty"; her chapter about the mental lives of dogs focuses on Landseer's canine portraits; and George Stubbs figures prominently in her account of the experience of British horses. Her discussions of these images (as well as of images less well known) illuminatingly ground close readings in historical context, drawing on literature, religion, science, and popular culture of its time. The very diversity of these sources often highlights the tension between conflicting attitudes toward animals that is the book's main theme. Thus, although her chapter on horses begins with Stubbs' handsome portrait of "Whistlejacket," along with other representations of elite horses, Donald quickly reminds the reader that most British horses endured much harsher existences. Indeed, as Anna Sewell showed in Black Beauty, even horses who seemed destined for a relatively pampered life might finish on the streets and at the knackers'. This thread becomes increasingly pronounced in the course of the chapter. Donald concludes it with an extended consideration of the role played by depictions of cruelty in the humane movement, which became increasing popular and influential in the course of the nineteenth century.
-
-The role of animals in modern British history has received a fair amount of scholarly attention in recent decades, and the general outlines of Donald's account will not surprise anyone who is familiar with this body of work. But her insightful attention to contemporary imagery valuably enhances received understandings. Historians may wonder about her decision to focus on the century that began in 1750. Donald might agree that this periodization seems arbitrary since, despite her title, her discussion ranges freely both earlier and later. More problematic is her occasional tendency to treat the
-
-3
-
-Ritvo 4
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-period as a homogeneous unit, rather than acknowledging that human relations with other animals changed from decade to decade, along with theological convictions, scientific understandings, and most other aspects of the culture that shaped the lives of both her human and her non-human subjects.
-
-This is not to say that Donald is unaware of changing attitudes, or of their uneasy relationship to attitudes that persist. The tension between admiration, sympathy, and compassion on the one hand, and exploitation, cruelty, and domination on the other, unifies her entire discussion. As she notes intermittently, although consideration for animals increased in Britain throughout the period she discusses, and has continued to increase subsequently, this trend has by no means resulted in the elimination of animal suffering at the hands of humans. Although she begins her final chapter with an optimistic reference to the near-present—the 2005 ban on hunting—which she uncharacteristically suggests was an inevitable result of "change not only in attitudes to animals, but also in notions of the proper role of the state in defining and preventing cruelty towards them" (273), she concludes with a more sobering and realistic assessment of "the strangely divided consciousness of human beings in their attitudes to animals" (305).

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-# Edinburgh Research Explorer
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-## **History as Form: Architecture and Liberal Anglican Thought in the Writings of E. A. Freeman**
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-Bremner, A & Conlin, J 2011, 'History as Form: Architecture and Liberal Anglican Thought in the Writings of E. A. Freeman', Modern Intellectual History, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 299-326. <https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479244311000205>
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-### **HISTORY AS FORM: ARCHITECTURE AND LIBERAL ANGLICAN THOUGHT IN THE WRITINGS OF E. A. FREEMAN**
-
-G. A. BREMNER and JONATHAN CONLIN
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-Modern Intellectual History / Volume 8 / Issue 02 / August 2011, pp 299 326 DOI: 10.1017/S1479244311000205, Published online: 28 July 2011
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-G. A. BREMNER and JONATHAN CONLIN (2011). HISTORY AS FORM: ARCHITECTURE AND LIBERAL ANGLICAN THOUGHT IN THE WRITINGS OF E. A. FREEMAN. Modern Intellectual History, 8, pp 299326 doi:10.1017/ S1479244311000205
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-# history as form: architecture and liberal anglican thought in the writings of e. a. freeman∗
-
-### g. a. bremner and jonathan conlin
-
-G. A. Bremner: Department of Architecture, University of Edinburgh Email: alex.bremner@ed.ac.uk Jonathan Conlin: School of Humanities (History), University of Southampton Email: J.Conlin@soton.ac.uk
-
-*Traditionally viewed as one of the leading lights of Whig history in the High Victorian period, Edward Augustus Freeman (1823–1892) is best known for his* History of the Norman Conquest *(1865–1876). For all his reputation for scholarly pedantry, Freeman had wide-ranging interests, including architecture. His first book,*A History of Architecture *(1849), was both unique and controversial: unique in being the first history of world architecture in English, and controversial because its "philosophical" method differed so markedly from the two most common understandings of architecture in his own time (antiquarianism and ecclesiology). A closer look at Freeman's intellectual pedigree reveals links through Thomas Arnold to German idealist models of universal history. These links lead Freeman to open up a wider perspective on history by developing an understanding of the past based on an analysis of material culture. Architecture offered a window onto the "hidden law" by which human culture evolved. To study Freeman's historical writing on architecture is to gain a new insight into the development of the Liberal Anglican mind and its concern for a divinely ordained pattern in world history.*
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-We can trace in the arts and literature of a nation the mysterious symbolism of its inner mind, the unconscious expression of its position and tone of thought, according to the same hidden law which has caused those very diversities of which these works become the visible and tangible expression.<sup>1</sup>
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-Today the Victorian historian Edward Augustus Freeman (1823–92) is best known for his *History of the Norman Conquest, Its Causes and Results*
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-<sup>∗</sup> The authors would like to thank Peter Mandler and the anonymous*MIH*reviewers for their comments on an earlier draft of this piece. Jonathan Conlin gratefully acknowledges the University of Southampton and in particular the Leverhulme Trust for funding research for this essay, as part of the latter's Early Career Fellowship scheme.
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-<sup>1</sup> Edward A. Freeman, *A History of Architecture* (London, 1849), 13.
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-(1865–1876)—an opus, like its author, noted for being long-winded, pedantic and somewhat eccentric.<sup>2</sup> Freeman's role as the self-appointed gatekeeper of rigorous, "scientific" history was rewarded in 1884, when his long-held dream of an Oxford professorship was finally realized. Opinionated as well as cantankerous, Freeman combined traditional heady scholarship with enthusiastic participation in contemporary debates concerning politics and empire. "History is past politics; politics is present history" is perhaps his most memorable quip. As a scholar, Freeman is often seen as taking his place alongside J. R. Seeley, William Stubbs, and J. R. Green in the rise of the Whig tradition of academic history.<sup>3</sup> Supposedly un-Whiggish aspects of his historical method—most notably his racialism have either been ignored or downplayed as the personal eccentricities of a "Teutomaniac".<sup>4</sup>
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-More than two decades before the publication of his *Norman Conquest*, Freeman had already established himself in Oxford as an authority on architecture, having been an active member of the Oxford Society for Promoting the Study of Gothic Architecture. In this capacity he encouraged cooperation as well as a certain amount of frank dialogue between the Oxford society and its Cambridge counterpart, the Cambridge Camden Society (CCS, later the Ecclesiological Society). This led to his being commissioned to prepare a history of world architecture for Burns's Select Library, which appeared eventually with the publisher Joseph Masters as *A History of Architecture* in 1849. 5
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-<sup>4</sup> Burrow, *A Liberal Descent*; and, more recently, Peter Mandler, *The English National Character: The History of an Idea from Edmund Burke to Tony Blair* (New Haven, 2006). For one exception, see C. J. W. Parker, "The Failure of Liberal Racialism: The Racial Ideas of E. A. Freeman", *Historical Journal* 24/4 (1981), 825–46. The "Teutomaniac" label was coined by Matthew Arnold.
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-<sup>2</sup> As J. W. Burrow noted in his introduction to the abridged version of the *History*: "It would be absurd to deny that he can be crude, distasteful, silly, and even sheerly comic *...* Yet it is hard not to enjoy the cheerfully robust way in which Freeman enjoys his own prejudices, the genial unselfconsciousness and vigor and the slightly absurd combativeness." See editor's introduction to E. A. Freeman, *The History of the Norman Conquest*, ed. and abridged by J. W. Burrow (Chicago, 1974), xxv.
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-<sup>3</sup> Above all J. W. Burrow, *A Liberal Descent: Victorian Historians and the English Past* (Cambridge, 1981). See also Philippa Levine, *The Amateur and the Professional: Antiquarians, Historians and Archaeologists in Victorian England, 1838–1886–*(Cambridge, 1986); and Peter R. H. Slee, *Learning and a Liberal Education: The Study of Modern History in the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge and Manchester, 1800–1914* (Manchester, 1986).
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-<sup>5</sup> The change in publisher was motivated by James Burns's objections as a Roman Catholic to "a good many expressions here and there" in Freeman's manuscript of the *History*. Although the precise passages to which Burns objected are not identifiable it is clear that Burns already felt that "the High Ch[urch] Anglicans" had such animus towards him that it would be unwise to publish Freeman's work. James Burns to Freeman, 14 March
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-What makes Freeman worthy of study as an architectural writer is his understanding of architecture as a historical phenomenon whose institutional and aesthetic characteristics were shaped by "natural" processes of development. Central to this understanding was the idea of race. For Freeman, race acted as the underlying factor linking the natural, inborn intellectual aptitudes of a given people with their supposed artistic achievement. In taking this view, Freeman differed markedly from his contemporaries, divided on the one hand by attitudes to archaeological enquiry, represented by well-known antiquaries such as John Sell Cotman, John Britton, Thomas Rickman and Robert Willis, and on the other by the dogmatism of Tractarian fellow-travellers such as the CCS. In this context Freeman's *History of Architecture* represented a radical new perspective on architecture (at least in the English-speaking world). By marrying the comparative method in philology, politics, and history with the study of buildings, Freeman was able to arrive at an understanding of architecture that foreshadowed methods of interpretation based on anthropology and social science—methods more readily associated with scholarship in the twentieth century. John Ruskin's *Seven Lamps of Architecture*, although appearing in the same year as Freeman's *History*, presented architecture in a wholly different light, emphasizing the moral rather than historical nature of building. Unlike Ruskin, Freeman's aim was to codify architecture as a mode of analysis that would both reveal and substantiate the wider currents and patterns of human history. "The architectural monuments of every nation," Freeman asserts in the opening pages of his *History*, "cannot fail to throw light upon its history, institutions, and modes of thought".<sup>6</sup> As far as Freeman was concerned, there was no merit in the study of architecture for architecture's sake; only architecture seen as evidence of something greater than its formal (i.e. stylistic) mutability—that is, as the "expression" of the character of man and his relative levels of cultural and spiritual attainment—was worthy of the historian's consideration.<sup>7</sup>
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-Race was doubly important to Freeman because it provided an alternative to the Whig idea that history was about mankind's march towards "civilization", a story of progress towards religious toleration, the nation state, and parliamentary
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-<sup>1848</sup>. John Rylands Library, University of Manchester (hereafter JRL), FA1/1/10. For other correspondence on this issue see FA1/1/9–12 (Burns) and FA1/1/72–3 (Masters).
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-<sup>6</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 10.
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-<sup>7</sup> In this his writing and its antagonism towards the archaeological tendency in architecture is reminiscent of Heinrich Hubsch and the "archaeology" versus "history" debate played ¨ out among German historians in the 1820s. Indeed, so close does Freeman's thinking on architecture come to Hubsch at times that one is left wondering if he did not know it. ¨ For Hubsch and the architectural debate in Germany see Barry Bergdoll, "Archaeology vs. ¨ History: Heinrich Hubsch's Critique of Neoclassicism and the Beginnings of Historicism ¨ in German Architectural Theory," *Oxford Art Journal* 5/2 (1983), 3–12.
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-democracy. Like his teacher at Oxford, the famous headmaster and Regius Professor of History, the Reverend Thomas Arnold (1795–1842), Freeman believed in the "unity of history"—the past understood as one, grand, unfolding drama in which various ethnic groups struggled in time to preserve and define their character and institutions within a divine order. Freeman believed that the rise and expression of Aryan culture was revealed through a series of conflicts with outside and opposing racial forces, such as "the Asiatic". Only by addressing such conflicts could the study of architecture be restored to its "proper position as a branch of mental philosophy".<sup>8</sup>
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-Arnold's influence on Freeman in this regard was considerable. Attending his inaugural lectures on modern history at Oxford in 1841–2, Freeman later described Arnold as "that great teacher of historic truth" from whom he "first learned what history is and how it should be studied".<sup>9</sup> Arnold's underlying notion of "unity" is one that stayed with Freeman for the remainder of his life, forming the basis of his own approach to historical scholarship. In this respect, Freeman may be considered the intellectual progeny of Arnold. His *History of Architecture* is clearly haunted by Arnold's presence, thus making it a species of what Duncan Forbes has termed "Liberal Anglican" history.<sup>10</sup> It is precisely this "idea" of history as defined by Forbes—this new *Weltanschauung*, inspired as it was by the anti-Rationalist "Germano-Coleridgean" tradition as filtered through Arnold—that influenced Freeman so profoundly and which opens a window onto his conception of architecture as a mode of historical analysis.
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-It is important to note, however, that Freeman was no blind disciple of Arnold. They may have shared a general idealist view of history, but they deviated on other points. Where Arnold believed the arts to be of only subsidiary importance to history, Freeman viewed them as essential to grasping its "pervading principles". The two men also differed on matters of theology and church organization. While Arnold abhorred Tractarianism, Freeman's aesthetic sensibilities naturally drew him to it. To be sure, Freeman was not seduced by the teachings of the Oxford reformers as many of his contemporaries were, but Tractarianism did alter and subsequently inform his understanding of the arts, especially architecture.<sup>11</sup> This is where Freeman departed from Arnold's purely "liberal" perspective. For
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-<sup>8</sup> Freeman, *A History of Architecture*, xi–xix. The label "philosophical architecturalist" was applied to Freeman by Beresford Hope. See Hope to Freeman, 17 Feb. 1853. JRL, FA1/1/50a.
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-<sup>9</sup> W. R. W. Stephens, *Life and Letters of Edward Augustus Freeman*, 2 vols. (London, 1895), 1: 66.
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-<sup>10</sup> Duncan Forbes, *The Liberal Anglican Idea of History* (Cambridge, 1952).
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-<sup>11</sup> Stephens notes that the tone of Freeman's college (Trinity) was influenced significantly by Newman, Isaac Williams and Samuel Whyte. Freeman became especially intimate with Whyte. See Stephens, *Life*, 1: 43–4.
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-Freeman, Arnold's philosophical understanding of history and the "spirit" of Tractarianism were not necessarily incompatible. Both stemmed from certain Romantic impulses, and both contained aspects of "development" (in particular spiritual development) that Freeman was able to reconcile and synthesize in his own mind—the one concerning the "hidden laws" of human genius, the other its externalization.<sup>12</sup> This allowed Freeman to see the world in a slightly different way to that of his master, but one no less spiritually determined, formulating what was less a history of past architecture than an architectural history of the past. This essay will consider the extent to which Freeman's approach to the understanding of architecture may be appreciated as a species of Liberal Anglican thought; or, put another way, how our interpretation of "Liberal Anglicanism" can (indeed should) be extended to include Freeman's writing on architecture.
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-### i
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-Before addressing the *History of Architecture*in detail it is important to appreciate the extent to which the project emerged from a set of debates that preoccupied Freeman and Oxford in the 1840s. Freeman came up to Trinity College in 1841, becoming a fellow after taking his degree. In 1844 he proposed to Eleanor Gutch. The pair wed in 1845, settling in Littlemore, a small village near Oxford where Freeman would write his *History*. Personal correspondence and unpublished poetry preserved among Freeman's papers at the John Rylands Library enable us to form a fuller picture of Freeman's search for a vocation in the 1840s than that presented by his nineteenth-century biographer, W. R. W. Stephens.
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-Even before he came up to Oxford, Freeman had been exploring the liturgical and historical traditions of Anglicanism in a Tractarian spirit, in correspondence with the Reverend Henry Thompson (1797–1878), author and curate of Wrington, Somerset. The pair first made contact in 1839, and Thompson became something of a mentor to the young Freeman. Thompson held that the Tractarians' views were "in the main *...* the views that have been ever entertained by all well-read Churchmen". "It was high time", Thompson believed, "to recal [*sic*] the wandering church to the settled principles of primitive and catholick Christianity—now called 'Puseyism', forsooth—it might as well be called Hookerism or Jewelism".<sup>13</sup>
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-<sup>12</sup> Forbes is unwilling to make any connection between the Liberal Anglican tradition and Tractarianism; however, Romanticism affected both. See Stephen Prickett, *Romanticism and Religion: The Tradition of Coleridge and Wordsworth in the Victorian Church* (Cambridge, 1976). See also Owen Chadwick, *The Victorian Church*, 2 vols. (London, 1966), 1: 174.
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-<sup>13</sup> Henry Thompson to Freeman, 2 Sept. 1839. JRL, FA1/7/733. A partial transcript is in Stephens, *Life*, 1: 24.
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-The Tractarians had indeed been claiming sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Anglican divines such as Richard Hooker (author of *Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity*) and John Jewel in support of their dogma. As Peter Nockles has argued, the strain of manipulating selective quotations to propagate the "myth of a unique Anglicanism" put terrible strain on Newman, who was complaining as early as 1836 that "Anglicanism" (i.e. Anglicanism as a discrete doctrinal corpus) was nothing but a "paper theory".<sup>14</sup> Thompson felt no strain, however, and his views on the seventeenth-century Nonjurors and the sacral role of the King as supreme head of the church closely match those of "Old High Churchmen".<sup>15</sup>
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-Thus when Freeman arrived at Oxford in 1841 he was already an Anglo-Catholic. In his personal habits at Trinity he and his friends attended chapel twice a day and abstained from dinner on Wednesdays and Fridays, although they also abstained from the mortifications practised by others of the same persuasion. In the climate of the 1840s Freeman's behaviour would not have been viewed as peculiar, but it would certainly have put him in the "at-risk" category. In early 1846 his close friend Samuel Wayte saw Freeman's attitude to his church as having strong similarities to that of the high-minded Richard Hurrell Froude (1803–36), Tractarian firebrand and one-time fellow at Oriel College.<sup>16</sup> Around the same time, Eleanor was worried that her fiance was spending so much time ´ with Wayte and other friends with "a leaning towards Rome".<sup>17</sup>
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-Among Freeman's papers in the Rylands Library is a bound manuscript collection of his poems from 1840 to 1844. Thanks to Henry Thompson, several of them were subsequently published.<sup>18</sup> Thompson published translations of two of Schiller's plays in 1845, and doubtless encouraged Freeman's taste for sorrowful yet self-righteous admiration for the Middle Ages, expressed in a style redolent of the *Kunstfr¨ommigkeit* ("art-piety") of German Romantics such as Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder. Much like Froude's poetry, Freeman's ballads are steeped in nostalgia for a blissful medieval age of cathedrals, crusading knights and blushing maidens, when all altars were well garnished and all lances well lubricated with "paynim gore".
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-"A Rime of Old Things and New" (1842) is characteristic. After a rousing description of a battle during the crusades, in which "The Teuton's deathful
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-<sup>14</sup> Peter Benedict Nockles, *The Oxford Movement in Context: Anglican High Churchmanship, 1760–1857* (Cambridge, 1994), 129, 130–33.
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-<sup>15</sup> For his reaction to the controversies surrounding the appointment of Bishop Hampden of Worcester and H. G. Ward see Henry Thompson to Freeman, 29 Nov. 1847 and 1 May 1848. JRL, FA1/7/752 and 755.
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-<sup>16</sup> Stephens, *Life*, 1: 72.
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-<sup>17</sup> Freeman to Eleanor Gutch, 1 Feb. 1846. Stephens, *Life*, 1: 87.
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-<sup>18</sup> In the anthologies he edited: *Poems Legendary and Historical* and *Original Ballads by Living Authors* (both 1850).
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-frown" glares "from double panoply of arms and prayers", Freeman turns wistfully to his own times:
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-O for the gold:decked shrines of other days, Chalice, and cross, and taper's mystick blaze, And windows pouring from their painted height Through saints of old their dim and trembling light, The clustered shafts, the arches spiring high, Each sculptured marvel pointing to the sky, The boundless temple's awe, as far and wide, Aisle, chapel, transept, rear their Gothick pride; The daily Host on each dread Altar laid, The seven:fold orison to Jesus paid. *...*
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-Where is thine Altar, where thy carved skreen? ¨ I see but relicks of what once hath been. The spoiler's hand hath seized what erst was thine, And deems it loss to deck thine holy shrine.<sup>19</sup>
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-Such verse's sacramentalism, liturgical appetites, and critique of latter-day "restorers" shows strong ecclesiological sympathies. Although he claimed to have abandoned such plans by May 1846, for several years Freeman considered taking up architecture as a profession, and may have prepared designs for a chapel at Wantage.
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-The poems also show Freeman's interest in the Norman Conquest, several years before his 1846 Oxford prize essay on the subject. Though it did not win, this essay, entitled "The Effects of the Conquest of England by the Normans", was a source of considerable pride to Freeman, and researching it played a crucial role in its author's decision to abandon ideas of a career in either the church or architecture. It sought to demonstrate "in what sense England has ever [i.e. always] retained independence", how "her successive conquests" by "strangers" were "territorial" rather than "political" ones.<sup>20</sup> Freeman begins his essay with what seems to be a fairly typical "Norman yoke" interpretation of the Conquest: the "native English" degraded into "an inferior and vanquished race" by Norman lords, who import an oppressive feudal system, stamping out any spark of ancient Saxon liberties. But he then resolves this violent picture of total annihilation into a peaceful scene of total assimilation of two races which are really no "strangers" at all. By reuniting these two Teuton races and their political systems, "the overthrow of the English led to the greatness of England".<sup>21</sup>
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-<sup>19</sup> Freeman, "A Rime of Old Things and New". JRL, FA3/3/2.
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-<sup>20</sup> Freeman, "The Effects of the Conquest of England by the Normans", f. 1. JRL, FA3/3/4.
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-<sup>21</sup> Freeman, "Effects of Conquest", f. 46. JRL, FA3/3/4.
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-As mentioned, Freeman attended Arnold's inaugural lecture series as an undergraduate in 1841–2, and both his unpublished essay and his 1849 pamphlet entitled *Thoughts on the Study of History* make his debt to Arnold clear. In his inaugural, Arnold made a distinction between the traditional understanding of history as an exercise in memorizing battles, which he called the "external" part of history, and the "inner life of a nation", centred around each nation's "main object": the "setting forth of God's glory by doing His appointed work".<sup>22</sup> "Modern history" began with the collapse of the Roman Empire, and was modern precisely because it was in the Teutonic invasions that our story, that of "our blood, our language", began.<sup>23</sup>
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-Although there had been no mixture of blood, the Teutons had nonetheless picked up the torch of civilization from the Romans; in a sense "the German race" was the fertile soil in which the Roman civilizational "seed" had germinated.<sup>24</sup> While the Teutonic races had thrived, other races had fallen out of God's Providential race due to "exhaustion", leaving "us" with no "soil" in which to deposit our seed. We were God's "last reserve"; our isolation was itself a sign of the "end times". Modern history, Arnold concluded, bore "marks of the fulness of time, as if there would be no future history beyond it".<sup>25</sup>
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-Through his working knowledge of German, Arnold had been exposed to the *Altertumswissenschaft* method of historical analysis by 1825, in particular the writings of Barthold Georg Niebuhr (1776–1831), a Danish bureaucrat in Prussian service who distinguished himself in retirement as a historian of ancient Rome. Arnold taught himself German specifically to read Niebuhr's *R¨omische Geschichte* (1811–32). His efforts did not go unrewarded. The work was a complete revelation, opening up a whole new "intellectual world" and laying "wide before my eyes the extent of my own ignorance".<sup>26</sup> Niebuhr preferred to study Roman songs rather than legal or constitutional documents. For him it was language which evolved, not the constitution or constitutional principles. Poetry contained the *Saft und Kraft* (essence and strength) of a people's lived experience, and the historian's duty was to immerse himself in it totally, to forget his own time entirely.<sup>27</sup> Niebuhr was adept at making analogies across the centuries with the histories of other
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-<sup>22</sup> Thomas Arnold, *Introductory Lectures on Modern History, Delivered in Lent Term, 1842*, 2nd edn (London, 1843), 13.
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-<sup>23</sup> Ibid., 24.
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-<sup>24</sup> Ibid., 26 (Germanic race), 29 (seed).
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-<sup>25</sup> Ibid., 28.
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-<sup>26</sup> Arnold quoted in Arthur Stanley, *The Life and Correspondence of Thomas Arnold, D.D.* (London, 1844), 43.
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-<sup>27</sup> Peter H. Reill, "Barthold Georg Niebuhr and the Enlightenment Tradition", *German Studies Review* 3/1 (Feb. 1990), 9–26, 16. Reill translates *Saft* as "flavour", when "essence" seems more apposite.
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-nations, including English history, though he drew the line at supposedly static non-European civilizations that had no history at all.<sup>28</sup> It was the social evolution of nations that determined their particular character and gave their achievements meaning. Thus, following Niebuhr's lead, Arnold was able to present the idea of modern history in his Oxford lectures as one of process; that is, the rise, fall and assimilation of distinct cultural configurations. The ebb and flow of these patterns over time, along with their interconnectedness, is what gave history its apparent "unity".
-
-Arnold and Niebuhr offered Freeman a way around the nostalgia that dogged "A Rime of Old Things and New" by means of historical analogy. For Arnold the analogy between the Spartans in Laconia and the Normans in England collapsed into identity: the Spartans *were* Normans, the Normans Spartans.<sup>29</sup> Such superimpositions enabled us to do more than reconstruct the past in telling it; we could experience it on a level denied those actually present at the original event. Thus Freeman writes in his *Thoughts on the Study of History* that we are "more truly present" at Hastings than those who actually fought there.<sup>30</sup>
-
-Alongside Arnold we should also consider John Henry Newman as an influence on Freeman's historical thought, and in particular Newman's concept of the "development of doctrine". Newman first advanced the concept in a sermon at St Mary's in February 1843, later expanded into the book-length *Essay on the Development of Doctrine* (1845). The manuscript of the *Essay* was completed shortly before Newman's conversion on 9 October, and appeared shortly afterwards. Although Owen Chadwick has drawn up a pedigree for "development" that goes back through German Liberal Catholics, he argues that Newman picked up the concept from W. G. Ward.<sup>31</sup> Newman spoke of doctrine in quasi-architectural terms, as a "large fabric of divinity *...* irregular in structure". For all the apparent irregularity in its course, Newman insisted that doctrine "evolved" in the minds of Christians. Though the "common origin" that ultimately connected its manifold forms was always perceptible, "development" also involved reacting to alien or mutant strains of doctrine. Even heresy could function as a spur to "fresh forms" and "farther developments".<sup>32</sup> The book proposed a series of seven tests by which true developments could be distinguished
-
-<sup>28</sup> Barthold C. Witte, *Der preussischer Tacitus: Aufstieg, Ruhm und Ende des Historikers Barthold Georg Niebuhr, 1776–1831* (Dusseldorf, ¨ 1979), 192.
-
-<sup>29</sup> E. A. Freeman, *Thoughts on the Study of History with Reference to the Proposed Changes in the Public Examinations* (Oxford, 1849), 35.
-
-<sup>30</sup> Ibid., 8.
-
-<sup>31</sup> Owen Chadwick, *From Bossuet to Newman: The Idea of Doctrinal Development* (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), 116, 119.
-
-<sup>32</sup> J. H. Newman, *Fifteen Sermons Preached before the University of Oxford, between A.D. 1826 and 1843* (London, 1872), 317.
-
-from false. As Chadwick has noted, the book met with confused embarrassment from Rome as well as from leading English Roman Catholics. Even today it is often misconstrued as justifying any and all innovations in doctrine, a misreading common among Anglican critics of Newman at the time (such as J. B. Mozley).
-
-It must be admitted that Freeman's published writings do not acknowledge a debt to Newman as they do to Arnold. The ructions caused by Newman's conversion may have made it unwise to do so. Yet, as David Brownlee has noted, Newman's concept of the development of Christian doctrine must have seemed pregnant with explanatory potential for Freeman.<sup>33</sup> Newman's book was a heroic attempt to find a *via media* between Anglican claims to embody the "primitive church" and Roman Catholic acceptance of Marian and other doctrines not supported by the letter of "primitive revelation". After Newman's conversion Thompson wrote to Freeman in terms that suggest that both were familiar enough with the idea:
-
-It is my great comfort that Newman and his followers have not "developed" Church principles into Romanism, but have been obliged to abandon Church principles in order to be Romanists. The Development Theory places Romanism in bold and avowed opposition to Catholicism *...* Rome cannot stand upon antiquity.<sup>34</sup>
-
-Unfortunately we do not have Freeman's reply to this letter. A closer discussion of Freeman's *History* suggests that he did not join Thompson and Mozley in dismissing "The Development Theory", but—like William Ewart Gladstone saw it as a spur to his own thought on "development".<sup>35</sup>
-
-### ii
-
-Just as Arnold had encouraged the student of history to immerse himself in the literature of a given period so that he might appreciate better its "prevailing tone of opinion and feeling," so too, he believed, should the student "enquire into the state of art, whether in painting, sculpture or architecture".<sup>36</sup> This advice not only confirmed Freeman's instinctive prejudice for the true value of architecture
-
-<sup>33</sup> David Brownlee mentions the influence of Newman in Freeman's thinking on architecture but does not mention Arnold. See David B. Brownlee, "The First High Victorians: British Architectural Theory in the 1840s," *Architectura* 15/1 (1985), 35–7.
-
-<sup>34</sup> Henry Thompson to Freeman, St Stephen's Day (26Dec.)1845. JRL, FA1/7/749, underlining in original.
-
-<sup>35</sup> See Jonathan Conlin, "Gladstone and the Debate on Evolution", in David Bebbington, Roger Swift and Ruth Windscheffel, eds., *Gladstone: Bicentennial Essays* (Aldershot, forthcoming).
-
-<sup>36</sup> Arnold quoted in Forbes, *Liberal Anglican Idea*, 130.
-
-as historical evidence, but also justified his close study of it.<sup>37</sup> By Hilary Term of his first year at Oxford (1841–2) Freeman had already become an active member of the recently established Oxford Society for Promoting the Study of Gothic Architecture (commonly known as the Oxford Architectural Society, OAS).<sup>38</sup> In the years that followed he would spend a considerable amount of time discussing architecture with his friends and going on excursions to historic sites in and around Oxfordshire, Northamptonshire and Leicestershire.<sup>39</sup> These activities fed directly into his association with the society. He regularly gave lectures at its meetings and frequently contributed pieces to its journal, the *Rules and Proceedings*. 40
-
-Founded in February 1839, the OAS was, in spirit at least, an outgrowth of the Oxford Movement. Many of its founding members were keen Tractarians who could see that architecture was essential to the full and thoroughgoing process of Anglican renewal.<sup>41</sup> The society's remit was not merely the study of medieval architecture for its own sake—as meritorious as this was—but the promotion of a particular understanding of Gothic architecture that would lead to an appreciation of its "true" catholic and Christian principles. The activities and publications of the OAS quickly generated interest within Oxford and beyond, with its membership reaching over four hundred by the time Freeman became secretary in 1845, including a number of prominent clergymen and architects.
-
-The general interest in medieval architecture and its revival in England at the time owed much to the agitations of the indefatigable A. W. N. Pugin (1812–52). However, as Pugin was a Roman Catholic, the enthusiasm he had whipped up in favour of the Gothic required a legitimate Anglican voice if it was to avoid
-
-<sup>37</sup> Freeman had always said that Arnold's "true" method "ought to be the centre and life of all our historic studies; the truth of the unity of history". Stephens, *Life*, 1: 66. It is possible that Freeman was also influenced in his "philosophical" approach to the understanding of architecture by the Rev. William Sewell, Dean of Exeter College (later president of the OAS). A staunch Tractarian, Sewell was among the first in the OAS to outline a theory concerning the principles and symbolic meaning of Gothic architecture along philosophical lines. See *Rules and Proceedings of the Oxford Society for Promoting the Study of Gothic Architecture* (June 1840), 44.
-
-<sup>38</sup> Freeman came up to Oxford in Michaelmas Term 1841 and joined the society in March 1842. He was twice secretary of the OAS, 1845 and 1846–7; librarian from 1847; and, in later life, president from 1886–91.
-
-<sup>39</sup> Stephens, *Life*, 1: 51.
-
-<sup>40</sup> For an in-depth account of Freeman's association with the OAS see Christine Dade-Robertson, "Edward Augustus Freeman and the University Architectural Societies", *Oxoniensia* 71 (2006), 151–73.
-
-<sup>41</sup> For the connection between the OSPSGA and the Oxford Movement see S. L. Ollard, "The Oxford Architectural and Historical Society and the Oxford Movement", *Oxoniensia* 5 (1940), 146–60.
-
-being condemned as mere "Popery".<sup>42</sup> This was in part the aim of the OAS. Although James F. White has observed that the society was not particularly concerned with modern church building, it nevertheless sympathized with this cause.<sup>43</sup> In fact, as Freeman's diary reveals, the formation of the Brotherhood of St Mary—an obscure offshoot of the OAS comprising society members that was established in Freeman's rooms in 1844—considered its basic aim to be the study of "ecclesiastical art upon true and Catholic principles".<sup>44</sup> Such thinking infused and influenced the outlook of the OAS in various ways.<sup>45</sup>
-
-The OAS was not alone in advancing the cause of Gothic architecture. There was, of course, the Cambridge Camden (later Ecclesiological) Society. The CCS was formed shortly after the OAS in May 1839, and is now more widely recognized for its contribution to the practice and development of modern Anglican church design and restoration in the nineteenth century. Like the OAS, the CCS was inspired by the Oxford Movement and its reforming zeal. More so than the OAS, however, the CCS was the practical arm of Tractarianism.<sup>46</sup> It soon assembled a coterie of designers that would became a veritable who's who of Victorian church architecture, including G. G. Scott, William Butterfield, G. E. Street, G. F. Bodley and William White.<sup>47</sup>
-
-Following Pugin's lead, the CCS insisted upon a far more archaeologically accurate approach to the revival of Gothic architecture. They felt that much of what passed for modern church architecture in England (whether classical or Gothic) was nothing more than an insipid and fraudulent sham. They described their approach as ecclesiology, or the "science" of church design and restoration, and promoted it with vigour in the pages of their principal publication, the *Ecclesiologist*. For a number of years the CCS determined upon a version of late
-
-<sup>44</sup> As stated in Stephens, *Life*, 1: 58.
-
-- <sup>46</sup> The CCS saw its remit as covering "Church Building at home and in the Colonies; Church Restoration in England and abroad; the theory and practice of ecclesiological architecture; the investigation of Church Antiquities; the connection of Architecture with Ritual; the science of Symbolism; the principles of Church Arrangement; Church Musick and all the Decorative Arts", *Ecclesiologist*, n.s. 1/1 (1845), 1.
-- <sup>47</sup> For the history and wider influence of the CCS see Christopher Webster and John Elliott, eds., *"A Church as It Should Be": The Cambridge Camden Society and Its Influence* (Stamford, 2000). See also White, *The Cambridge Movement*.
-
-<sup>42</sup> John Ruskin had also played a crucial role in extricating the revival of medieval architecture from the idea of Roman Catholicism by taking it beyond a question of religion and transforming it into one of morality. See Michael Brook, *John Ruskin and Victorian Architecture* (London, 1987), 33–60.
-
-<sup>43</sup> James F. White, *The Cambridge Movement: The Ecclesiologists and the Gothic Revival* (Cambridge, 1979), 42–3.
-
-<sup>45</sup> Ollard, "The Oxford Architectural and Historical Society", 149. See also W. A. Pantin, "The Oxford Architectural and Historical Society, 1839–1939", *Oxoniensia* 4 (1939), 162–94.
-
-thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century English Gothic, or "Middle Pointed," as the only sound and therefore acceptable model for modern church architecture.<sup>48</sup> Anything prior to this date was considered too primitive, while anything much after it (especially Perpendicular) was perceived as whimsical and therefore debased.<sup>49</sup>
-
-Freeman, who was a corresponding member of the CCS, had always railed against this narrow and restricted assessment of Gothic architecture. Although he too accepted medieval architecture as the only proper basis for modern church design, his own preferences regarding style occupied both ends of the CCS spectrum: Romanesque and Perpendicular. To Freeman, the true value of medieval architecture lay not in any one fixed or arbitrary point of "perfection" but, as with the comparative method, in the process of its development as a distinct cultural form. It was primarily this insight that enabled him to appreciate the whole of medieval architecture—what in essence was a continuous working out of the Teutonic spirit—in a way that the CCS could not.
-
-Freeman first tested this idea in a paper he delivered at a meeting of the OAS in March 1843 entitled "On the Progressive Development of the Several Styles of Architecture, and the Connection of Each with the Spirit of the Age in Which It Arose".<sup>50</sup> In this paper Freeman laid down the same thesis he would later develop in his *History*. As the paper's title suggests, his basic point was that architecture should be understood, and therefore appreciated, as a logical outgrowth or manifestation of the culture in which it was produced. This interpretation of architecture clearly exhibited the influence of Arnold, in particular his call to seek out the "tone of opinion and feeling" of a people through examination of its various forms of expression. Freeman's first attempt at relating this concept to architecture, however, fell on deaf ears. It was not until two years later, in November 1845, that he was able to restate his thesis in a lecture entitled "Development of Roman and Gothick Architecture, and Their Moral and Symbolical Teaching"—the title this time reflecting what had come to be expected of ecclesiological discourse, with key words such "moral" and "symbol". In this lecture Freeman was at pains to stress the underlying meaning of architecture (what he called its "philosophical principles") rather than its aesthetic or "outward beauties". "If Architecture, the first of arts, if Ecclesiastical Architecture, its noblest
-
-<sup>48</sup> See, for example, *Ecclesiologist* 1/6 and 1/7 (April 1842), 96–7.
-
-<sup>49</sup> By the late 1840s the CCS had relaxed its attitude on this point and was willing to look farther afield for inspiration, especially to continental Europe. One of the major turning points in this regard was the publication in 1848 of Benjamin Webb's *Sketches of Continental Ecclesiology*. For Webb see J. Mordaunt Crook, "Benjamin Webb (1819–85) and Victorian Ecclesiology", in R. N. Swanson, ed., *The Church Retrospective* (Melton, 1997), 423–55.
-
-<sup>50</sup> *Rules and Proceedings* (March 1843), 11–12.
-
-form, be something more than a stock of details for antiquarian research, or of picturesque effects for the pencil, or of mere aestheticks in any shape", he insisted,
-
-we must look on its successive changes not as the result of mere chance, or of the caprice or taste of individual architects, but as the developments of some great philosophical and moral principles, intimately connected with the spirit and feelings of the successive ages in which they arose; and not merely as arising from them, but as being best suited for them, best calculated, each in its own day, to produce that moral effect which is the end of all art *...* and, if art be moral, if Architecture be the chief of arts, thus to narrow and limit its teaching, shews as little perception of its inward depth of meaning, as of its merely outward beauties.<sup>51</sup>
-
-In emphasizing "inward" content (a concept akin to Arnold's "inner life") over outward form, Freeman was extending a challenge to the doctrinaire position of the Cambridge Camden Society. He was criticizing not only its insistence on Middle-Pointed as the only style worthy of admiration (and imitation), but also its endorsement of the recent translation by John Mason Neale and Benjamin Webb of the thirteenth-century treatise on church symbolism by William Durandus, the *Rationale Divinorum Officiorum*. <sup>52</sup> Freeman believed the *Rationale* to be totally subjective and therefore groundless either as a record of the true meaning of medieval architecture or as an aid to modern design. To focus on the arbitrary and "over-minute allegorizing" of Durandus was, in Freeman's mind, to miss the wood for the trees. The real meaning of architecture lay not in "mere detail" on the surfaces of buildings but in "proto-symbolism".
-
-Proto-symbolism was fundamental to Feeman's understanding of architecture. It represented an elemental, first-order symbolism evident only in the underlying mass and formal character of a building—what he later referred to in his *History* as the "grand features of outline and composition".<sup>53</sup> This particular understanding of architecture demonstrated Freeman's distaste for the fetishization of extraneous symbolism to which many of his Anglo-Catholic colleagues were increasingly drawn. Like his initial interpretation of the Norman Conquest, Freeman's insistence on proto-symbolism was essentially idealist. It displays the hallmarks of a Liberal Anglican reading of the past that presupposes the true meaning of phenomena to be comprehensible only in the context of historical development. To Freeman, proto-symbolism was more significant than "aesthetick" symbolism precisely because it was a method of analysis that revealed
-
-<sup>51</sup> E. A. Freeman, "Development of Roman and Gothick Architecture, and Their Moral and Symbolical Teaching," *Rules and Proceedings* (Nov. 1845), 24.
-
-<sup>52</sup> John Mason Neale and Benjamin Webb, *The Symbolism of Churches and Church Ornaments: A Translation of the First Book of the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, written by William Durandus ...* (Leeds, 1843).
-
-<sup>53</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 8.
-
-in architecture the fundamental organizing principles of society. It had practical benefits too, for it was from this type of symbolism that the most immediate moral "lessons" might be gleaned, both historical and spiritual. Again, this appeal to the moral and spiritual capacity of history reveals the teaching of Arnold. "Romanesque Architecture has to convey the great lesson that the Church is everlasting on earth," explains Freeman,
-
-that neither the storms of persecution, nor the subtler snares of internal corruption, can avail to overthrow her; that she is firm and immovable from her foundations. This is expressed by giving the building a character of physical firmness and immovability; huge, unbroken walls, massive columns, heavy arches, all combine to produce this effect.<sup>54</sup>
-
-Unlike the previous occasion that Freeman presented his theory, this time the CCS sat up and listened. This no doubt had much to do with the fact that he had charged them with a particular "narrowness of conception". So incensed were the CCS by Freeman's jibe, and so desirous to repudiate it, that they attacked him for several months in the pages of the *Ecclesiologist*, printing an especially long-winded and devastating critique of his theories in the June edition of 1846. 55 Unwilling, or perhaps unable, to appreciate Freeman's ideas, the CCS countered his criticism by suggesting that proto-symbolism was no less arbitrary, describing it as nothing more than a "curious metaphysical process" applied *ab externo*. 56
-
-Freeman and the CCS were not entirely at odds, however. A careful examination of their respective positions on symbolism reveals that neither completely dismissed the ideas of the other, only that they placed their emphases differently. For example, in its critique of Freeman, the CCS conceded that all true Christian architecture was a "compacture" of proto-symbolism and aesthetic symbolism, or what it called the "symbolism of Catholic dogma and practice". It was just that the latter of these two (according to the *Ecclesiologist*) was more significant because it offered access to the specific and peculiar nature of Christian architecture.<sup>57</sup> Despite this apparent divergence of opinion, both Freeman and the CCS were moving firmly in the direction of a developmental theory by 1846.
-
-Freeman, it must be said, had been grappling with ideas of development in architecture long before Neale, Webb and the CCS. One factor that may have hastened their apparent convergence over the matter was the intervention of the then chairman of the CCS (by now the Ecclesiological Society), A. J. B. Beresford Hope (1820–87).<sup>58</sup> Hope had established an acquaintance with
-
-<sup>54</sup> "Mr. E. A. Freeman's Reply to the Ecclesiologist," *Ecclesiologist* 2/11 (May 1846), 181.
-
-<sup>55</sup> *Ecclesiologist*, n.s. 5 (1846), 53–5, 177–86, 217–49.
-
-<sup>56</sup> *Ecclesiologist*, n.s. 5 (1846), 220.
-
-<sup>57</sup> *Ecclesiologist*, n.s. 5 (1846), 220–22.
-
-<sup>58</sup> Beresford Hope was one of the earliest and most active members of the CCS. He was the youngest son of the noted antiquary and collector Thomas Hope (1769–1831), and
-
-Freeman in September 1845, and the correspondence between the two reveals a far more friendly and respectful relationship than that conveyed in the pages of the *Ecclesiologist*. In reaching out to Freeman and the OAS in this way, Hope was admitting Freeman's desire to have his theories acknowledged and respected by the increasingly influential CCS, while garnering support for the Camdenians' reformed attitude towards modern church design.<sup>59</sup>
-
-If Freeman's theory of development was concerned with the historical interpretation of architecture, then Beresford Hope's was associated more with contemporary design. Hope believed that modern British architecture had reached an impasse by the 1840s. It no longer appeared to bear the stamp of artistic progress, languishing as it was in a quagmire of recycled historic styles. It lacked the essential *animus* recognizable in past architectural epochs, whether medieval or classical. To counter this predicament Beresford Hope began encouraging British architects to create a new, "developed" style of architecture by synthesizing a wide range of forms and materials, not just from within Britain but from around the world.<sup>60</sup>
-
-Hope may have aimed squarely at the problem of contemporary architectural design but his ideas nevertheless contained an air of that "philosophical" principle characteristic of Freeman's theories. As David Brownlee and Michael Hall have observed, it is indeed likely that Beresford Hope acquired this penchant for the notion of development from Freeman.<sup>61</sup> But, again, such ideas were already in circulation more generally by 1846. This makes it difficult to pin Beresford Hope
-
-someone who had already amassed a considerable knowledge of architecture by the time he joined the CCS in 1840. See H. W. Law and I. Law, *The Book of the Beresford Hopes* (London, 1925).
-
-<sup>59</sup> See JRL, FA1/1/38a–46 and 61a–66.
-
-<sup>60</sup> This process was imagined as a sort of cross-fertilization of stylistic pedigrees. The caveat, however, was that Gothic—preferably English Middle-Pointed Gothic—would remain the foundation style, or "main ingredient," as Beresford Hope described it, onto which the foreign elements would be grafted. J. Mordaunt Crook has described Beresford Hope's idea as "progressive eclecticism". See "Progressive Eclecticism: The Case of Beresford Hope", in J. Mordaunt Crook, *The Architect's Secret: Victorian Critics and the Image of Gravity* (London, 2003), 85–120.
-
-<sup>61</sup> Brownlee, "The First High Victorians," 42–3; Michael Hall, "'Our Own': Thomas Hope, A. J. B. Beresford Hope and the Creation of the High Victorian Style", *Studies in Victorian Architecture and Design* 1 (2008), 68. One can see this "doctrine" beginning to characterize Beresford Hope's writing in two articles that appeared shortly after his first meeting with Freeman. See A. J. B. Beresford Hope, "Past and Future Developments of Architecture," *Ecclesiologist*5(Feb. 1846),52; Anon. (A. J. Beresford Hope), *Saturday Review*, 29 Jan. 1856, 236.
-
-and the CCS's change of heart down to any one source.<sup>62</sup> There had not only been Robert Chambers's *Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation* (1844) and Newman's *Essay*, but also Charles Lyell's *Principles of Geology* (1830–33). Indeed, as Beresford Hope had indicated to Freeman in March 1846, the Ecclesiological Society was now "impressed with the feeling that Christian architecture must be developed to suit present exigencies".<sup>63</sup> The idea of development was now exerting its influence with full force in the world of British architecture, and Freeman must have felt that the time was right to apply his method in a more extended and substantial manner.
-
-### iii
-
-"The term style is one in itself not very easy to define", Freeman writes in the introduction to his *History*, "and its use in architecture is more especially vague, as it serves to denote alike the most comprehensive and the most minute divisions under which architectural works may be arranged". He outlines three different ways of conceiving "style": as an antiquarian term serving to locate a building in a certain age and country; as a way of arranging buildings according to "some easily recognized circumstance of construction or detail"; and finally as exemplifying "some pervading principle, of which details are merely more or less perfectly developed instances". These three means of deploying style represented an "ascending scale", with the last being "the highest and most scientific".<sup>64</sup> By "style" Freeman means all by which we recognize architecture as a cultural artefact: form and construction, as well as decor (i.e. "detail").
-
-Like its author, *A History of Architecture* is caught between a desire to classify specific buildings by country or construction (deploying "style" in the first and second of the three senses of the term) and a fascination with tracing the process by which a "pervading principle" ("style" in the third sense) manifests itself in buildings spread across time and space. On the one hand, isolation, purity and stasis were necessary to identify the characteristics of a specific style, to make fine distinctions; on the other, juxtaposition, assimilation and change (what Freeman called "transition") were constantly blurring those distinctions. Freeman is pulled
-
-<sup>62</sup> Michael Hall, "What Do Victorian Churches Mean? Symbolism and Sacramentalism in Anglican Church Architecture, 1850–1870", *Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians* 59/1 (March 2000), 81–3.
-
-<sup>63</sup> Hope to Freeman, 31 March 1846. JRL, FA1/1/38a. The real turning point for the Ecclesiological Society on the matter of "development" was George Edmund Street's keynote address in 1852, "The True Principles of Architecture, and the Possibility of Development", *Ecclesiologist* 10/55 (Aug. 1852), 247–62.
-
-<sup>64</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 17–18.
-
-both ways: the theorist speaks of styles as pure, fixed forms; the historian prefers to speak of styles as "streams" that divide and recombine, "sometimes remaining parallel and distinct, sometimes converging and commingling".<sup>65</sup>
-
-This understanding of architecture has interesting parallels with the insights and concepts of natural science. The Liberal Anglicans recognized analogies between evolution in the natural world and the developmental processes of history, even if they understood them as distinct phenomena.<sup>66</sup> Architects and antiquaries, too, had established theoretical and methodological connections between architecture and natural science by the 1840s.<sup>67</sup> Indeed, if we were to use the scientific vernacular of Freeman's own day, then we might say that he was both a Cuvierite and a transmutationist. In a similar vein to the French comparative anatomist Georges Cuvier (1769–1832), Freeman positions style as a fixed, eternal archetype, understood as principles of construction. Where Cuvier classifies life into rough categories according to whether it has a shell (Mollusca), a radial form (Radiata) or a spinal chord (Chordata), Freeman classifies buildings by whether they are constructed around caves, entablatures or arches. He does, in fact, use the word "type" interchangeably with "style". Thus, for Freeman, resemblances between the buildings of widely scattered peoples are not indications that those peoples were of one race or even influenced each other. This is because "architecture is in most countries a plant of indigenous birth, and has everywhere passed through the same, or at least analogous, stages".<sup>68</sup> Thus the similarities between Indian and Egyptian architecture reflect an "analogous origin", not imitation of one by the other.<sup>69</sup> As one works one's way through the *History* from Incas and Aztecs through Greeks and Romans to the heights of Gothic, Freeman becomes more and more transmutationist; so much so that one begins to suspect that as far as its author is concerned *all* architecture is under "development", and the greatest architecture is "in a state of almost incessant flux".<sup>70</sup> All styles are "transitional styles, periods of progress from one principle to another". Freeman's enthusiasm for them is clear:
-
-<sup>65</sup> Ibid., 164.
-
-<sup>66</sup> Forbes, *Liberal Anglican Idea*, 145.
-
-<sup>67</sup> See Carla Yanni, "On Nature and Nomenclature: William Whewell and the Production of Architectural Knowledge in Early Victorian Britain," *Architectural History* 40 (1997), 204–21.
-
-<sup>68</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 47. It was not uncommon for Freeman to use biological metaphors such as this in his writing on architecture. For example, in comparing English Perpendicular with French Flamboyant in his 1845 essay "Development of Roman and Gothick Architecture", 30, he observed that they did not differ essentially, but "only as species from species".
-
-<sup>69</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 52.
-
-<sup>70</sup> Ibid., 12.
-
-The forms produced by these transitional periods are generally, in an aesthetical point of view, the most unsatisfactory of all *...* But in an investigation of the history of art no periods are so replete with interest; every stage, every minute detail, illustrates the combat of antagonist principles; the struggles of the decaying style, receding step by step from the scene of its ancient sovereignty; the sure though slow inroads of its successor, first grasping the main features of construction, then gradually bringing within its power the details of shaft, and capital, and moulding, till all are fused into a perfect whole; are at once a subject of most curious inquiry, and one tending to point out more strongly than any other part of their history, the real animating principles of successive styles, and to supply also a valuable commentary on the two great rival principles in the human mind itself.<sup>71</sup>
-
-With the benefit of hindsight the historian is able to perfect or complete the "transitional" style in his own imagination.<sup>72</sup>
-
-The *History* is divided into two books. The first is devoted to "Architecture of the Entablature" and begins by considering the ancient civilizations of Central and South America as well as India and Persia, whose architecture is seen as beyond or below discussion, due to insufficient evidence or "fixed depravity of taste".<sup>73</sup> James Burns's original commission had been for a "'manual of architecture' *...* a well filled duodecimo vol[ume] of about 400 pages—which should embrace architecture generally, from the earliest ages and embrace every form of the art secular as well as ecclesiastical".<sup>74</sup> In his introduction Freeman is candid enough to admit that he had to "get up" large parts of Book One in order to fill this brief, something he found "a wearisome task".<sup>75</sup> He steers clear of historiographical minefields such as the debate over the degree of influence Indian and Egyptian architecture had on each other, and only espies his first "style" when he comes to the latter.
-
-Already we get a fuller sense of how Freeman defines "style" (which does seem here to overlap significantly with "type"): it must express "an idea", protected by "laws of taste" and consistent expression from becoming "mere fancy". This is the moral imperative of Freeman's method making itself felt. Egyptian architecture is in "an excavated style", its buildings and their elements, such as their columns, with their "reverse diminution", are all related to the cave "type". Thus the use of bracket capitals betrays "the idea of original cohesion between the support and the mass supported", whereas "in a constructed style" such additional weights on
-
-<sup>71</sup> Ibid., 16.
-
-<sup>72</sup> Ibid., 163.
-
-<sup>73</sup> Ibid., 48.
-
-<sup>74</sup> James Burns to Freeman, 7 Dec. 1846. JRL, FA1/1/8.
-
-<sup>75</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, viii.
-
-the pillar are avoided, so as not to compromise the "appearance of security".<sup>76</sup> Although this "particular origin" of a style in a type of construction could never be entirely obscured, "the fact of a style having one particular origin" did not prevent a certain amount of borrowing.<sup>77</sup>
-
-Freeman thus begins by discussing style as a principle of construction, or perhaps a building "type". Unfortunately this suggests that Greek and Egyptian architecture on the one hand and Roman and Gothic on the other are in some way related. Freeman the Christian racialist refuses to accept this, and devotes several pages to proving that "there does not appear to be any resemblance between the two styles [Greek and Egyptian], beyond that which cannot fail to exist between any two which employ the same construction". Such resemblances that do exist are "details"—which, as already noted above, are of little interest to Freeman. Fundamental differences in religion and temperament were key to this interpretation. He also employs climate theory to widen the gap—a vestige of the Niebuhrian method as translated through Arnold.<sup>78</sup> For Freeman, it is ultimately the higher "national character" and greater "national originality" which distinguishes the Greeks.<sup>79</sup>
-
-Although he clearly admires Greek architecture, it is already clear from the second part of Book One that the agenda of the *History* is to propose that Gothic is "the most perfect form which the art [of architecture] can assume".<sup>80</sup> If such a suggestion in itself was by no means controversial by 1849, the method by which he arrived at it certainly was. As with his preliminary essays on the topic of medieval architecture discussed above, Freeman was not only seeking to readjust the relative worth assigned each style in architectural history, but also proposing an entirely new system of assessing that worth. It is this approach that distinguishes Freeman from his contemporaries. Part of the problem, of course, was the Renaissance. In a passage reminiscent of Pugin, Freeman insists that the pedantries by which "generation after generation of paganizers" had characterized buildings by orders (Doric, Ionic, Corinthian) was reductive, imposing "unnatural shackles" of "artificial bondage". Freeman's squirming over suspected Egyptian influences shows the strain of treating style in abstract aesthetic terms.
-
-<sup>76</sup> Ibid., 79.
-
-<sup>77</sup> "An architecture then, which borrowed its principal forms, and above all, its general effect and character, from the one source, might, in the gradual progress of its development, derive both ornamental and constructive features from the other." Ibid., 60.
-
-<sup>78</sup> For example, see Arnold, *Introductory Lectures*, 157–67; Reill, "Barthold Georg Niebuhr", 21. Thomas Hope, whom Freeman praises in his *History*, also associated the causes of architectural formation with climate and geography. Thomas Hope, *An Historical Essay on Architecture* (London, 1835).
-
-<sup>79</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 98 (details), 99 (nationality).
-
-<sup>80</sup> Ibid., 27.
-
-It is at this point that the transmutationist and, to some extent, the racialist and ecclesiologist begin to make their presence felt. Architecture, Freeman concedes, responds to a universal human need. Each style (qua building "type") is theoretically equal, with the same potential to incarnate "ideas", to achieve "perfection". Seen as "the legitimate adorning of a certain construction", however, a style may be "perfect" and yet not be "either mechanically, aesthetically, or morally, the best that has been produced".<sup>81</sup> Whether certain "ideas" are expressed or not depends on who is thinking them, and some races seem to be better at thinking than others, their intellectual muscles toned by true faith. Differences of race, faith, and national character are thus superimposed on Freeman's neat classification of "architecture of the entablature" and "of the arch". Thanks to their influence, "all styles are not of the same merit, all do not equally contain a principle of life, all are not equally the expression of an idea".<sup>82</sup> That Gothic reached "real perfection" as a style was due to its elements having been seized by the "plastic hand of the Northman".<sup>83</sup>
-
-As already noted above, Freeman is aware of our tendency to view style as something alive ("something really existing *...* like a tree"), and in a certain context he is prepared to admit that this concept is useful, in so far as it makes a narrative and a certain sort of architectural knowledge possible. But that knowledge is ultimately antiquarian, not philosophical or scientific. A style may be alive, but its life is not its own; its life is literally inspired or breathed into it by race, and its degree of development is determined by the degree of intellect, nationality and faith exhibited by that race. Thus the introductory chapter on "division of styles in architecture" shows a tension between the classificatory task Freeman feels he has been set and the higher task he feels calling him, between constructing "a general arrangement of styles of architecture" and what he sees as that "deep and philosophical investigation into architecture", which takes the two styles of Greek and Gothic as its focus, "and of the two, Gothic, as the expression of the deeper and nobler idea, even more so than its rival".<sup>84</sup> Whenever the "arrangement of styles in architecture" places the styles of different races in a potentially embarrassing juxtaposition (the Romans and the Teutons, for example), Freeman's "scientific" racialism asserts itself. "Wherever the two races are brought into contact with each other", Freeman writes, "the stern and hard virtues of the Northern conquerors bespeak a far higher standard, physical,
-
-- <sup>83</sup> Ibid., 150.
-- <sup>84</sup> Ibid., 19.
-
-<sup>81</sup> Ibid., 254.
-
-<sup>82</sup> Ibid., 18.
-
-intellectual, and moral, than the worn out and enervated system of Rome could supply".<sup>85</sup>
-
-Here style is seen to have a certain equivalency with language. Drawing on Niebuhrian philologic methodology, architectural style, like language, is interpreted by Freeman as an elemental form of cultural expression, one that is understood to embody the unique experiences and character of a people. If, for Niebuhr, words, metaphors and grammar were related to a definite historical context, then so too for Freeman were the "tall shaft, and the soaring arch, and the vault". However, it was not the mere presence of these elements that mattered, but the underlying "spirit" or principle that enabled their coming together in a unique and coherent form.<sup>86</sup> Again, this was the genius of the Teuton.
-
-The idea that a "germ" of civilization could be passed across racial divides underpinned the "unity of history", the scheme by which Arnold saw certain ideals as having been passed from Greek to Roman and then from Roman to Teuton. As with Arnold, in Freeman's case this transfer will only work if the race in question offers a fertile "soil". In Book Two Freeman turns to consider "the architecture of the arch", and starts with Romanesque, which might be called the quintessential transitional style. In Freeman's day it was common to deny that it was a style at all: it was seen either as "corrupted" Roman or as "imperfect" Gothic. This, as Freeman notes, enabled both the ecclesiologist and "the despiser of Gothic" alike to revile it: it "is looked on not as a distinct style, but as an imperfect form of Gothic, containing the same elements, but in a rude and undeveloped form".<sup>87</sup> Freeman insisted that Romanesque was "a distinct form of Christian architecture", albeit one only perceptible to those able to think beyond archetypes, able to see a style in transition, to judge "without reference to a fixed standard either of Grecian or Gothic excellence".<sup>88</sup> Freeman is able to perceive the Romanesque as emerging from a "germ" passed to the Teuton by the Romans along with the Christian faith. In both cases the Romans pass on this "germ" without even having been able to propagate it themselves, due to the "exclusively heathen" nature of their achievements.<sup>89</sup> This is an instance of Freeman's protosymbolist concept at work. For the Roman Empire, Christianity "was but the
-
-<sup>85</sup> Ibid., 150.
-
-<sup>86</sup> Freeman describes the Romanesque and Gothic styles as "the architectural language of our own race and religion". *History of Architecture*, 8.
-
-<sup>87</sup> Ibid., 259–60.
-
-<sup>88</sup> Ibid., 261.
-
-<sup>89</sup> There are certain limits imposed, therefore, on translation or "transition" between styles. Here Freeman states that the "Saracens" borrow elements from Gothic, only to produce "a sort of dead Gothic". "We shall see however", he continues, "that many of these dead forms were grasped by the Teutonic architects, and by them endued with true life and vigour". Ibid., 27.
-
-precursor of its fall"—to the Teutons it brought new strength.<sup>90</sup> Thus it was possible to see Romanesque both as a distinct style and as one borrowed from the Romans, even while claiming that in Roman hands it had not in fact been a style at all.<sup>91</sup>
-
-Transition is not, therefore, the result of "a direct and formal imitation", but requires a catalyst: "some great mechanical discovery, some mighty revolution in politics or religion, some complete revulsion in taste and feeling".<sup>92</sup> It is unclear whether this trigger comes, as it were, from "outside" or "inside" architecture. In a passage from Book One where Freeman is insisting that the Greek style did not emerge from the Egyptian, he argues that "to suppose such an opposite style [i.e. Greek] to have grown up out of a direct and formal imitation, without any great innovation, like the arch, to revolutionize the whole, is contrary to all possibility".<sup>93</sup> Thus a borrowed element of construction could be combined with traditional decoration in the established style, marking the beginning of a phase of transition which would itself give birth to a new style, to a "third form" that matched neither the form of the borrower nor the borrowed form. Freeman introduces this quasi-evolutionary process in his introduction, acknowledging a debt to Thomas Hope's *Historical Essay* and noting its similarities with that "progression by antagonism" which Lord Lindsay had advanced in his 1846 *Sketches of Christian Art.*<sup>94</sup>
-
-Again, as in the case of his preliminary essays, the "truth" of this higher, proto-symbolist understanding of style as a question of principles more or less perfectly developed was noumenal, almost quasi-religious, based on "evidence of things not seen".<sup>95</sup> At times in the *History* it can seem quite literally to melt into air, for all the characteristic mixture of breeziness and bluntness with which Freeman presents it. "Any one but an archaeologian knows that there is an indescribable something about buildings", he writes, "as about everything else, call it air, character, what you please, which stamps their style and date better than all the technicalities from one end of the Glossary to the other".<sup>96</sup> But how could one capture this "air", how could would-be imitators capture a style and keep it alive?
-
-<sup>90</sup> Ibid., 147.
-
-<sup>91</sup> Ibid., 148.
-
-<sup>92</sup> Ibid., 16.
-
-<sup>93</sup> Ibid., 99.
-
-<sup>94</sup> Freeman incorrectly refers to *Sketches* as "Letters on Christian Art". See *History of Architecture*, xviii (Lindsay), 15 (Hope and "third form"). For Lindsay see Conlin, "Gladstone and Christian Art".
-
-<sup>95</sup> Hebrews 11:1.
-
-<sup>96</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 207–8.
-
-### iv
-
-Although Freeman would never be as influential as the Ecclesiologists, it is a mistake to think that he had no impact on the world of British architecture. Through his involvement with the OAS, and the publication of his *History*, Freeman's ideas percolated into contemporary thinking on architecture, particularly theories concerning the Gothic Revival. One such admirer was George Gilbert Scott (1811–78), a young designer who was soon to become one of Britain's premier architects. On 3 October 1849 Scott wrote to Freeman to congratulate him on his *History*, though he did suspect that it would "puzzle" the editor of the *Builder*, "it being so different from the common view". Scott was rather unenthusiastically preparing a paper for the following Tuesday's OAS meeting on the subject of his own restoration work at St Peter's, Northampton. His restoration there had been strongly criticized: as he wrote to Freeman, "they have nailed me to it". Apart from agreeing that he was wrong, however, Scott could see little sign of any consensus on how the balance between imitation and archaeology should be struck.<sup>97</sup> For his part Freeman had insisted in his *History* that the question whether Romanesque was a "perfect or an imperfect style" had no place in "theories as to the preservation or destruction of ancient buildings".<sup>98</sup>
-
-Restoration was not the only area of contention in British architecture over which Freeman and Scott ruminated; the rise of "secular Gothic" was another. As both were enthusiasts for the Gothic style, it is hardly surprising that their views on this matter coincided. To be sure, Freeman had argued for the revival of Gothic forms primarily with respect to religious buildings, but he was also aware of the potential it offered the secular domain. After all, a Christian nation ought to build in a Christian style, no matter what the occasion. But for Scott the synergies went further. Through exposure to Freeman and his ideas, it seems that Scott developed an appreciation for both the "philosophy" of architecture and racialist theory. Traces of both are evident in Scott's own writing, especially in *A Plea for the Faithful Restoration of Our Ancient Churches* (1850) and *Remarks on Secular and Domestic Architecture* (1857), where he can be found justifying Gothic architecture in terms that are palpably Freemanesque. For instance, in *Remarks*, Scott defends "our Gothic Renaissance" against what he considers to be the invidious "revived Roman", observing that the
-
-Classicists fought hard against it, but—their own architecture being a Renaissance, and that of the style of a foreign land and of an old world—they failed to enunciate any philosophical argument against the revival of the native architecture of our own country and our own family of nations.
-
-<sup>97</sup> Scott to Freeman, 3 and 9 Oct. 1849. JRL, FA1/1/93a (quote), 94a.
-
-<sup>98</sup> Freeman, *History of Architecture*, 254.
-
-"[O]ur aim must be a style of our own," he adds, "the indigenous style of our race must be our *point de depart*".<sup>99</sup> Although these passages also exhibit the influence of Beresford Hope, to whom Scott dedicated *Remarks*, the association he makes between race, nation and architecture also reveals the impact of Freeman.<sup>100</sup>
-
-Freeman's views on secular Gothic were to be put to the test in a way that he could scarcely have predicted. It was Scott who called upon him for moral and intellectual support during his ill-fated encounter with Lord Palmerston over the design of the new Government Offices in 1859–60. In this altercation Scott was forced to substitute his original Gothic Revival design for a classical one, owing to Palmerston's personal dislike of Gothic. Although Freeman's interjection came too late for Scott, the debate over style that gripped this project was both fierce and protracted, representing one of the most far-reaching and divisive debates in the history of British architecture. The terms of this debate (known as the "Battle of the Styles") were grist to the mill for Freeman, and one suspects that he had been looking for an excuse to wade in. In fact, the association between architecture and identity that had largely characterized this debate chimed perfectly with many of the arguments that he had made in his *History*. For a public building of such import, and one upon which the artistic merits of the British nation would be judged, "modern Gothic", as far as Freeman could see, was the only viable option.
-
-To this end he penned two articles in June 1859 in which he raised the stakes of the debate considerably.<sup>101</sup> These pieces gave Freeman the opportunity to reheat his Teutonic theory in what amounted to a heavy-handed appeal to nationalist sentiment.<sup>102</sup> He began rather cautiously by reiterating a number of well-worn prejudices concerning the cultural origins of Gothic architecture that had been present in revivalist theory since the 1820s, especially those developed by John
-
-<sup>99</sup> George Gilbert Scott, *Remarks on Secular and Domestic Architecture Present and Future*, 2nd edn (London, 1858), 262–3.
-
-<sup>100</sup> In *A Plea for the Faithful Restoration of Our Ancient Churches* (1850), 7, Scott describes Freeman's *History* as a "masterly outline". In writing to Freeman, he also described the *History* as "the most masterly outline of the whole subject I have ever met with". See G. G. Scott to Freeman, 3 Oct. 1849. JRL, FA1/1/93a. Scott's lectures before the Royal Academy in 1855 also displayed the influence of Freeman in the way they presented the genius of Gothic architecture in cultural and nationalist terms. See George Gilbert Scott, *Lectures on the Rise and Development of Mediaeval Architecture*, 2 vols. (London, 1878), 1: 5, 7, 17, 217–19, 275; 2: 292–3, 309, 315.
-
-<sup>101</sup> David Brownlee has noted that Scott himself had made extensive comments on the draft version of at least one of these articles (*National Review*, Jan. 1860) and assisted in having the other one (*The Times*, 19 Oct. 1859) published. See Brownlee, "That 'Regular Mongrel Affair': G. G. Scott's Design for the Government Offices", *Architectural History* 28 (1985), 181 n. 89.
-
-<sup>102</sup> *The Times*, 19 Oct. 1859, 10–11; *National Review* 10 (1860), 24–53.
-
-Henry Parker, William Sewell and the university architectural societies.<sup>103</sup> But then he struck out in the only way he knew how, arguing, as he had in the *History*, that Gothic architecture had grown out of a certain kind of racial temperament and was not only the outward expression of English identity but also a ready and palpable source of historical continuity. Freeman sought to win back the moral high ground for the Goths by lending their argument a wider and more scholarly profile. "We, as Teutons prefer to cleave to Teutonic architecture", he declared; "as Englishmen, we select by special preference its English variety *...* Gothic architecture is the architecture of the Teutonic race". Peddling the idea that the unity of history was not just a phenomenon observable in the development of English culture but also one that ought to characterize English architecture, he added, "The architecture of England arose alongside of her laws, her constitution, her language. They are all the work of that wonderful thirteenth century, which made England what she still is".<sup>104</sup>
-
-Unfortunately for both Freeman and Scott, Lord Palmerston did not have the same view. He forced Scott to change his original Gothic design for the Foreign Office to a classical one, threatening to dismiss him from the project unless he did so. Reluctantly, Scott presented a revised set of plans in April 1861. In July that year the House of Commons voted in favour of the revised plans, bringing an end to the saga and resulting in the building we see today.<sup>105</sup>
-
-With the Gothic cause on the retreat, Freeman retired from the fray. Although he remained active in the OAS, he would not enter into public debate over architecture in the same way again. He continued to write on architecture but in terms that were considerably less high-minded and compelling. Gone was the desire to transform the way architecture was perceived and understood, sapped perhaps by the apparent indifference he sensed among the wider architectural community to his ideas. Nevertheless, one is left wondering why he believed that
-
-<sup>103</sup> J. M. Frew, "Gothic Is English: John Carter and the Revival of the Gothic as England's National Style", *Art Bulletin* 64 (1982), 315–19; S. Bradley, "The Englishness of Gothic: Theories and Interpretations from William Gilpin to J. H. Parker", *Architectural History* 45 (2002), 325–46.
-
-<sup>104</sup> *National Review* 10 (1860), 24–53. Much of the "unity" argument presented in this piece by Freeman can also be found in a similar piece written around the same time titled "The Continuity of English History", which appeared in the *Edinburgh Review* for July 1860. See "The Continuity of English History", in E. A. Freeman, *Historical Essays*, first series, 5th edn (London, 1896), 40–52.
-
-<sup>105</sup> For further discussion of this episode in British architectural history see G. A. Bremner, "Nation and Empire in the Government Architecture of Mid-Victorian London: The Foreign and India Office Reconsidered", *Historical Journal* 48/3 (2005), 703–42; Ian Toplis, *The Foreign Office: An Architectural History* (London, 1987); M. H. Port, *Imperial London: Civil Government Building in London, 1851–1915* (New Haven and London, 1995).
-
-so abstract and academic a theory as his would receive widespread acclaim in the British architectural establishment. It seems clear that most British architects were not yet ready for architecture as a branch of "mental philosophy".
-
-### v
-
-Freeman wished his ideas had had a greater impact in the world of British architecture. He could see the huge influence that his rivals such as the CCS and John Ruskin had achieved, and maybe wondered what it was that prevented his own conclusions on symbolism and architectural nomenclature from being accepted more generally. Although Ruskin, Viollet le Duc and, later, William Morris followed Freeman in delivering architectural writing from the dry-as-dust antiquarian approach of the 1820s and 1830s, under their guidance the terms of debate shifted radically in the1850s and 1860s. No longer was symbolism a leading consideration. Architecture had become a means of diagnosing the moral and social ills of modern Britain, rather than embodying such abstract notions as the vitality of race. Indeed, Ruskin's *Seven Lamps of Architecture*, which appeared the same year as Freeman's *History*, made a direct appeal to the romantic, emotive, and somewhat pious inclinations of younger British architects. It, along with *The Stones of Venice* (1851–3), was a deeply engaging narrative that captured the imagination of a generation.<sup>106</sup>
-
-But it should be remembered that architects and architecture did not represent Freeman's ultimate objective. If architects read his *History* and took something from it, as had Scott, then all well and good. The context in which the ideas underpinning it were developed was 1840s Oxford, and the OAS was an organization established more for the benefit of historians and other like-minded enthusiasts than for architects. These tensions highlight just how different, fundamentally, Freeman's ideas were to those of Beresford Hope and the CCS. Despite areas of overlap, particularly on the point of development, it is clear that Freeman's notion of proto-symbolism was essentially anathema to the Camdenians whose agenda revolved around ecclesiastical symbolism and the liturgical diktats of modern church design.
-
-For Freeman, the study of architecture had a much higher and nobler aim. In reading his writings on the subject one gets the distinct impression that to study architecture for architecture's sake was limiting and tiresome, that architecture had a greater and more important story to tell about the history of man and
-
-<sup>106</sup> Indeed, in *Modern Painters* (vol. 3) Ruskin proudly confessed his ignorance of German philosophy. See Cornelius J. Baljon, "Interpreting Ruskin: The Argument of the Seven Lamps of Architecture and the Stones of Venice", *Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism* 55/4 (1997), 410.
-
-his achievements. The idealist streak that so characterized the Liberal Anglican mind revealed to Freeman a whole new understanding of built form and the way it might be interpreted as evidence of the developmental and unifying processes of history. In this respect, he was ahead of his mentor and master Arnold, and stands out from other nineteenth-century British writers on architecture, who have often been characterized as eschewing the theoretical pretensions of their Continental counterparts.
-
-Freeman is now all but forgotten to the world of architecture. His *History* may have been the first account of world architecture in the English language, but its conclusions can hardly be taken seriously. Nevertheless, to read Freeman's writings on architecture today is to rediscover the suppleness and wide-ranging grasp of the Liberal Anglican mind. At first glance Freeman may seem not to fit the Liberal Anglican mould. As a scholar he took the methodological tools developed by Arnold and adapted them to suit his own research agenda, opening up novel, if controversial, ways of viewing the past. But this application of the idealist method in its British guise does not make Freeman any less of a Liberal Anglican. Rather, it forces us to rethink the nature and extent of "Liberal Anglicanism" as an intellectual tradition. Can this tradition have been as limited or circumscribed as Duncan Forbes proposed? Freeman's development and articulation of it through his *History of Architecture* suggests not.
-
-Finally, it is only in relatively recent times that the philosophical turn (i.e. postmodern theory) has come to shape the practise and "reading" of architecture in Britain, particularly in educational establishments. Cultural and "philosophical" interpretations of architecture are now*de rigueur*. Though largely neglected by his contemporaries, all those who think and write about architecture today are in a sense heirs of Edward Augustus Freeman.

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data/marker_output/W2322640565/W2322640565.md

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-# **Airports as urban narratives. Towards a cultural history of global infrastructures**
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-Nathalie Roseau
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-# **To cite this version:**
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-Nathalie Roseau. Airports as urban narratives. Towards a cultural history of global infrastructures. Transfers, 2012, 2 (1), pp.32-54. ff10.3167/trans.2012.020104ff. ffhal-00734353ff
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-# **HAL Id: hal-00734353 <https://enpc.hal.science/hal-00734353v1>**
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-Submitted on 11 Nov 2021
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-**HAL** is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers.
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-L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire **HAL**, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.
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-![](_page_1_Picture_1.jpeg)
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-Version postprint de : Nathalie Roseau. **Airports as urban narratives. Towards a cultural history of global infrastructures**. *Transfers*, Berghahn Journals, 2012, 2 (1), pp.32- 54. ⟨10.3167/trans.2012.020104⟩.
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-# Airports as Urban Narratives Toward a Cultural History of the Global Infrastructures Nathalie Roseau *Université Paris Est, École des Ponts ParisTech*
-
-#### **Abstract**
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-This article focuses on the process of the design of airports and how in particular the urban context has shaped their specific histories. Far from being merely pure technical or functional equipment, they have been mirrors for contemporary expectations, just as they informed the modern urban imaginary. According to this perspective, an urban history of airports can be traced from the first aerodromes dedicated to large urban publics to the development of spectacular airports driven by the massive recent routinization of air transport so intricately bound up with globalization. Based on research on specific cases of the design and building of New York and Paris airports, this article aims to resist the temptations to dehistoricize the airport topic, and to introduce a narrative mode of thinking about these specific and concrete spaces.
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-## **Keywords**
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-aeromobility, airport, design, future, historicity, obsolescence, spatiality, urban imagery
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-#### **Introduction**
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-This paper focuses on the relations between the city fabric and the development of aerial mobility, and their particular interaction through the design and the building of material urban artifacts such as airport infrastructures. We know that travel modes in general have radically transformed spatiality.1 As well as triggering a metamorphosis of cities themselves, transport transforms perceptions of space and recasts our modes of representation. However, as Marc Bloch has stressed, "The invention is not everything. It also has to be accepted and taken up by society and this is where the technique itself ceases to be the only factor in controlling its own destiny."2 Bloch was outlining the permanent hybridization process along which technology and society interact, enlarging the key issue of causality in history as more complex and multiform. Since the 1960s, the "social construction of technology" has developed and expanded as a field of research, leading to the advent of Science and Technology Studies.3 For scholars examining the city, the turn to technology—and following more recently the turn to mobility4 —led to a renewal in urban studies, and an affirmation that the city fabric was the result of complex interactions between society and technology. Within this general frame, this paper focuses on the black box of the spatial fabric, investigating how aerial mobility has been domesticated by, even as it has transformed the urban environment. To detail this symbiotic relationship between urbanism and aerial mobility, the article will look in particular at how airports have been designed and built in relation to their urban context.5
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-# **Airport and the City: (Ir)resistible Temptations for Ahistoricity and Aspatiality?**
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-While they already boast eighty years of history and figure among cities' most emblematic buildings, airports paradoxically are often considered only in the immediacy of the present. A few books dedicated to airports have been published over the last fifteen years, some of them historically oriented, and most covering the global diffusion of airports,6 and celebrating them as flamboyant technical and architectural achievements. However, the current mainstream discourse most often figures the airport either in a futuristic perspective that includes both fear and fascination (as can be seen from the comments on the recent gigantic and spectacular projects in Asia or the United Arab Emirates, for example) or in a present perspective that analyzes with both criticism and perplexity the existing chaotic airport environment. This apparent amnesia of the historical thickness of the airport may be primarily explained by the fact that airports now represent perfectly legitimate research topics inasmuch as the rapid development of airport zones over the past few decades has raised key questions about the content, purpose and limits of the "urbanism of flows" and is closely bound up with globalization. The subject of fascination and bitter criticism in equal measure—they have even been described as urban, technical, or social dystopias—the airport is often used to illustrate the "space of flows" (Castells) or "global cities" (Sassen) paradigms. According to Saskia Sassen, contemporary airports also emphasize the intrinsic duality of the global city. As she aptly puts it, within this space "decision-makers without borders encounter workers without (working) papers."7 Manuel Castells raises another structural dialectic, using airports to enlighten his concept of "space of flows"—a fluid and virtual space
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-allowing us to be here and nowhere—which he confronts to what he calls the "space of places"—a visible and material form of the built environment conducive to the experience of a local place.8
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-Airports also have variously been termed "generic cities" or "nonplaces." The anthropologist Marc Augé has introduced this last term through the narrative of a road journey to and through Roissy, which according to him epitomizes the highly disembodied environment of the contemporary society.9 The architect Rem Koolhaas also opens his manifesto on the "generic city" with an airport reference that illuminates his reflections on Bigness and the large scales of architecture. However, Koolhaas does not seem to share the conclusions of Augé on the standardization of all contemporary designs, such as airports, high-speed railway stations or shopping centers; on the contrary, the architect sees in airports a new arena of differentiation: "Once manifestations of ultimate neutrality, airports now are among the most singular, characteristic elements of the Generic City, its strongest vehicle of differentiation."10
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-As we can see, airports have become, over the past twenty years, one of the subjects of predilection of researchers tasked with analyzing all things urban. As hybrids of the transnational and the local, of gigantism and microcosm, of intensity and dispersal, of ubiquity and immobility, of introversion and exteriority, of transcendence and failure, airports now seem to embody a sort of critical lesson whereby, like a distorting mirror, they reflect the crucial issues in our contemporary environment. But they also function as a sort of liminal area between the urban and the non-urban, as they appear to bring the thorniest urban issues to the fore without necessarily being accorded the noble status of prized urban spaces. Consequently, to the ahistoricity of airports' current representations, we may also add an "aspatiality" trend, doubtless resulting from this hybrid position, neither inside the city nor outside.
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-#### **Urban Narratives as a Way to Recontextualize Airport History**
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-Actually, airports' supposed ahistoricity and aspatiality may be accounted for by the fact that airports have very often been conceived of in relation to the future. This orientation has tended to prevent their framing in historical time and space. What must be emphasized is that there has always been an ongoing dialogue between cities and their airports, and that, instead of being merely pure functional or technical equipment, airports and their processes of construction have been formidable instruments for projecting *in vivo* urban fictions. They have been the focus of heightened and contradictory expectations, and have reflected utopian and critical projects back onto their host cities. Therefore, the urban condition of
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-the airport as a "future present," confers it with a particular historical character as its cultural construction can ultimately be understood in terms of a succession of projections of the future.11 Analyzing the history of airports through this retrospective of "past futures" narratives, we can outline their progressive stratification, and understand the way visions and designs aggregated, mutated, consolidated a palimpsest of images and discourses, and finally partly shaped the manner in which we view these places.
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-The airport also exhibits a natural extra-urban status, as it can also be regarded as a space that has sought to emancipate itself from its host city. While the numerous reasons for this "distancing" may appear obvious, this extraterritoriality is also the result of a permanent process of design and planning that has nearly always placed aerial infrastructure at the very edge of urban territory. However, this specific position on a constantly moving frontier does not necessarily designate the airport an anonymous non-place. Airports differ from one city to another; mere observation testifies to this fact. Moreover, spatial transformation processes highlight major disparities in airports undergoing construction, renovation or enlargement. Models' constant evolution is subject to local variants that shape their future. Within this frame, this article militates against seeing airports as simply evidence of the standardization wrought by globalization, and aims instead to relocalize airports in their specific cities' histories. To this end, viewing airports as urban narratives—a chronotope, Mikhail Bakhtin would say12—can be understood as a way to recontextualize the airports topic both in a temporal and spatial urban framing.
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-The specific case studies of New York and Paris illustrate my claims. These two cities have been emblematic in the history of aviation, as well as symbolic examples of the expanding and renewing modern metropolis. Spectacular exploits, heroism, grandiosity as well as catastrophe, characterize these two large cities and their airports, which have been alternately celebrated and stigmatized. However, though Paris and New York are specific situations, they are not atypical. One of the peculiarities of the history of aviation and the urban imaginary connected to it is internationalization (or transnationalization), even though national and local variation of broader visions remained. Based on an archival research on the process of design, building and public reception of the New York and Paris airports, informed by sources from airport professional representations, and from popular visual culture—cinema and illustrated press in particular—this paper tries to resist the temptations of globalizing the airport typology. Instead, it asserts each airport to be a specific construction with its own place in history. Enlightened by a few other illustrative references, the central examples of the New York and Paris airports allow us to see precisely how transnational visions are implemented locally, and how the processes of imagining and building airports are tied to specific urban narratives surrounding "aeromobility."13
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-## **Narrative 1: The Spectacle of Aeromobility**
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-In the early days of aviation, the business community did not immediately perceive the technical, military or strategic benefits or even the utility of air travel. As the historian Emmanuel Chadeau has written, the airplane was an "uncalled-for invention"14 and, unlike the automobile, its birth was followed by a relatively long period in which it struggled to break through the decisive threshold required before mass travel could take place.
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-The years between the actual invention of the airplane and its dissemination saw the organization of a number of public displays intended to give media coverage to the invention. 1909 marked a turning point in the history of these spectacular events, which involved thrills, spills, crashes, and the emergence of new heroes,15 all intended to inspire modern audiences and provide food for thought. Cities and their peripheries were generally the sites for these huge meetings, which were given maximum exposure in the mass media. Therefore, the manner in which the exploits were put on display reinforced the remarkable nature of what was on show.
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-In France, event organizers erected enormous race-course or circustype outdoor stands, usually with the full support of the local municipality. Juvisy Port Aviation was the first aerodrome settled in Paris Region; a large public air meeting opened there on May 23, 1909. Three months later, at the end of August, several hundred thousand spectators attended the *Semaine de l'Aviation de la Champagne* (Champagne Aviation Week) held at Bétheny near Reims. Enormous makeshift stands, opening on to large fields, had been erected in a few weeks, creating a new kind of distance between the spectators and the aviators. That September, in Paris, the first large aerial locomotion exhibition opened at the Grand Palais. Later the same month, it was New Yorkers' turn to be captivated by the series of flights made by Wilbur Wright to commemorate the 300th anniversary of the arrival of Henry Hudson to the harbor. On September 29, the aviator flew up the Hudson, over the assembled steamboat flotillas and around by the Statue of Liberty before returning towards Governors Island. The entire flight lasted only five minutes, but its impact was enormous. Excitement reached fever pitch as Wright's plane rounded the emblem of the City, just as the assembled masses feared that he would crash into it. One million people witnessed the exploit, watching from places where it was possible to see it: large parks, islands, quays and rooftops.16
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-![](_page_7_Picture_0.jpeg)
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-**Figure 1.** Last Wilbur Wright flight in New York, during the Hudson-Fulton celebrations, October 4, 1909.
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-*Courtesy of Special Collections and Archives, Wright State University.*
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-The illustrated press gave front-page coverage to the event in the mass circulation dailies. The New York papers that had planned to give precedence to military parades organized to commemorate the Port's tercentennial celebrations, quickly switched to Wright's remarkable aviation exploits.17 The Paris-based magazine *L'Illustration* also capitalized on the spectacular dimension of aerial meetings, publishing the extraordinary photographs snapped by Léon Gimpel at Bétheny from a dirigible. The photographer had audaciously captured both aviator and the watching crowd below in a single shot.18 Meanwhile, the early Pathé and Gaumont newsreels managed to capture the cinematographic dimension of the spectacle of flight. Indeed, such images constituted the most immediate and radical vector for spreading news of these exploits and the excitement generated by urban flights and virtuoso exploits across international borders, conferring the aerial stage with a status that was both understood and shared by all.
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-# **Narrative 2: The Metropolis of the Future**
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-The mechanical conquest of the air did not turn the airport into the only intermediary between aviation and the urban milieu. Of course, aerodromes (small airfields) sprouted up with the beginnings of aviation. Some were even imagined as part of a future "Aéropolis,"19 as coined in a project imagined in 1910 for a new aerodrome located four kilometers from the Paris fortifications, in Le Bourget! However, despite being sites
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-of incredible exploits in front of huge crowds, aerodromes or airfields— *Flugfelder* in Germany—were at this time simple fields equipped with a runway, a hangar, and a bar to welcome the pilots. The relatively ephemeral character of this early aerial infrastructure occasioned an international debate about the manner in which the city would be recast through this new form of emerging mobility. This debate was all the more exacerbated by the showcasing, through aerial meetings and the illustrated media coverage, of the switch from the impossible to the plausible. A shift was then taking place, in which the "aerial cities" depicted in the fantastic literature of Albert Robida, Herbert Wells and Jules Verne20 began to transmute in the plans of architects, urban planners and engineers.21
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-Such visions raised the possibility of a structural transformation of the urban milieu. As it inserted itself into the city fabric, the airplane inspired innovative explorations of new programs and extensions of the urban sphere in the third dimension. In 1910, the French architect-engineer Eugène Hénard imagined "Les Villes de l'Avenir" ("Cities of the Future").22 At a time when the last Parisian city walls were the subject of prospective developments, Hénard was reflecting on enlarging the capital. As this debate over "Greater Paris" was just beginning, Hénard, fully convinced of aeromobility as a future transport mode, imagined an urban universe where buildings would feature lift-garages containing cars and planes, the latter which he actually termed "aerial motor cars." Hénard built up his vision gradually, his city becoming nearly an aerialbased system. From the smallest to the grandest, the nature of aerial traffic was in relation to the respective functions of the successive peripheral extensions planned around the city centre. New, quasiimmaterial perimeters, dotted with lighthouse-style towers or with "aerial buoys," marked boundaries and helped orient the aviators. Roof terraces and landing peaks traced a new architecture of urban ridges.
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-In his vision of a concentric city, Eugène Hénard sought to organize the Paris metropolitan area along regional lines while the New York City architects harnessed air mobility to conceive of an "upper city" superimposed on the existing city and making the urban substratum denser still. Among them was Harvey Wiley Corbett, a professor at Columbia University and a partner in one of the major New York architectural firms, who very early proved to have a passionate interest in aviation. Facing increasing urban congestion in Manhattan, he studied, together with the renowned architectural draftsman Hugh Ferriss, rational solutions which sought to tackle hyperdensity. Sketched in 1925 by Paul, a New York-based artist, much appreciated by Corbett, a drawing of Manhattan entitled "How you may live and travel in the city of 1950," lent his reflections a new edge and developed this idea of superposed, autonomous spaces. In his proposed sketch, terrestrial mechanical systems, pneumatic tubes and electric trains were all pushed underground, while urban functions, housing, recreational areas, schools, offices, and restaurants were all superposed vertically above ground. Right at the top of the drawing, a roof platform looks down onto a skyscraper bearing the legend "Aircraft landing fields" and containing a group of airplanes ready for take-off.23
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-The First World War had allowed aviation more visibility, as it played an emerging role in the conflict.24 After the war, aviation was now set up as an industry and commercial transport. The first regular line between Paris and London was settled in 1919, carrying fewer than fifteen passengers. This specific situation of a visible transport, though still in its infancy, stimulated new urban visions as urban development grew more robust. In 1925, the Beaux Arts Institute of Design in New York launched an architectural competition among its students for the design of "An Aeroplane landing in a Metropolis" stressing "the necessity of finding a method of landing aeroplanes in a large city." The three winning projects were all by students from Corbett Studio, and were based exclusively on a direct relationship between air transport and the constitutive underlying metropolitan forms: "Airplane platform over a building," "Airplane landing over a bridge" and "Airplane landing over docks all placed the landing pad at the apex of
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-![](_page_9_Picture_2.jpeg)
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-**Figure 2.** Raymond P. Hughes, "Airplane landing over a bridge", 1925, winner of competition held by the New York Beaux Arts Institute of Design *An aeroplane landing in a Metropolis.*
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-Source: Drawings and archives, Avery Architectural And Fine Arts Library. Columbia University, New York.
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-the surrounding skyline, built atop or suspended over existing buildings.25 Here proposals did not invent totally new configurations, but rather, legitimated already incubated ideas, that Corbett and his colleagues Raymond Hood and Hugh Ferriss were exploring through their visionary projects and exhibitions on the *Metropolis of Tomorrow*. 26
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-Despite their marked differences in vision, images and articles produced and circulated in the 1920s depicted a future of airplanes without airports. From Eugène Hénard to Le Corbusier, from Harvey Corbett to Hugh Ferriss, from the Italian futurists to the Russian suprematists, architects were inventing new systems of aerial platforms to bring aircraft directly in and out of the alreadyexisting built environment of the city. In 1929, Francis Keally, who also worked with Corbett, published in the journal *American Architect* a vision entitled *Aerial City*, which imagined the city as an immense chessboard, punctuated by landing roofs or mooring masts.27 This first era of formal planning to bring airplanes into cities conceived new superimposed urban strata, such as highrise canopies or extensive suburban grids, recasting existing structures and tracing the contours of the city of the future.
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-# **Narrative 3: The Flagship Monument**
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-This prospective work conducted around the "aerial city" did not preclude reflections on the airport per se. A number of configurations co-existed that explored future mobility possibilities and related infrastructure. But these links were also to be all the more marked insofar as some of the "aerial city" visionaries, such as Hugh Ferriss, became key players in the design of certain major international airports.28 This formative period29 spawned a collection of plausible images, programs, and approaches that would guide future airport design.
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-There was a turn in the early 1930s, when the key actors in this burgeoning transport sector began focusing increasingly on creating the conditions for successful commercial aviation. Advocates of aeromobility needed to both impress and reassure a skeptical public, who remained fearful of the perils and discomfort of aerial transportation. Luckily, the advocates' wish to promote aerial infrastructure as a means of showcasing commercial aviation dovetailed with cities' desire to strut their state-ofthe art modernity, catapulting the airport issue to the top of the agenda even though air transport itself was still in its infancy.
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-The organization of architectural competitions represented a first step. In the U.S., a competition was organized in late 1929 by the Lehigh Portland Cement Company, which was very interested in the proposed infrastructures, including parkways feeding the future airports. The competition took on an international dimension: over 250 entries were received.30 And while all four winning projects broke with the idea of a structural overhaul of downtown areas, they all nevertheless incorporated a new territorial "gateway" to the city with the idea of an epicenter replete with attractive urban amenities and creature comforts. Located on the urban periphery, this conception of the airport prefigured the city's extension and marked it out both as a part of the city and its outer frontier. The airport as envisioned in these plans was often linked by rail or metro, and was surrounding by parks and urban amenities trade fairs, hotels, shops, aviation schools, sports grounds, and so on—which were all linked by a plaza.
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-Here, prevailing discourse harnessed abundant rhetoric and a host of urban references that reflected the imaginary aerial city. From its position on the outer city limits, the airport took on all of the city's attributes and extrapolated these within a peripheral space based around new models that simultaneously reflected the latest new ideas: distension—of the urban grid, building, or open space; consolidation of functions by superimposing or combining these within a single place; the emergence of a new eccentric centrality; being part of a system; and the definition of a strong identity.
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-Competitions and designs facilitated the transfer of a certain number of emerging ideas, but also acted as vectors for in situ experiments. Both the converging realties of a nascent mode of transport and increasingly important promotional objectives were reflected in a number of major urban events in the late 1930s that were to boost the development of the first international airports. As part of the celebrations to mark the 700th anniversary of Berlin as well as the newly installed Nazi regime, Tempelhof Airport was extensively rebuilt in 1937. The new airport featured a colossal terminal building with a roof terrace to welcome up to 80,000 spectators.31 In France, the International Exhibition of 1937 was the catalyst for the complete redesign of Paris' Le Bourget Airport by the Rome prize-winning architect Georges Labro. This project also featured a monumental air terminal building.32 Meanwhile, New York's new La Guardia Airport was inaugurated to coincide with the International Exhibition of 1939– 1940.33 As the flagships of capital cities and celebratory beacons placed at their gates, airports became linchpins of the modernization strategies of the great cities in the 1930s.
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-Obviously, the transition from the ideal to the real did not take place without numerous shifts in emphasis. Because airports had to break free of the symbolic "heart" of the city, in the meantime they tended to crystallize urban values within their new frontiers. However, the airport soon revealed numerous ambiguities, caught between a forward-looking and a commemorative perspective.34 The "monumentalization" of airports would appear to have replaced the reforming spirit that underpinned the images of the airplanecentric city with a grandstanding approach designed to project a city's power and pride.
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-r
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-![](_page_12_Picture_0.jpeg)
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-**Figure 3.** Le Bourget Terminal Building, Paris, 1937, View of the building and terrace from the runway.
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-Source : Aéroports, *Transports en Commun*, Éditions Albert Morancé , 1937, p 76
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-# **Narrative 4: The Urban Showcase**
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-The Second World War was a further watershed that pointed up both the emergence of a formidable aviation industry and the realization that aircraft also constituted a weapon of mass destruction. It also progressively ended the dream of individualized and Edenic air transport35 and signaled fairly clearly that the future lay in collective transport with more and more constraints attached. At the same time, there was a definitive shift from the ideal city recast around aerial mobility—the "aerial city"—to the quest for an airport figured as an urban alternative, the "airport city."
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-One of the key events of the immediate postwar period was the emergence of the Paris and New York airport authorities, frequently in the wake of bitter turf wars between existing actors. Founded in 1921, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey wrested in 1947 the
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-concessions to run the major New York airports from the New York and Newark municipalities.36 In France, the creation of *Aéroport de Paris* as an autonomous government-owned corporation (*établissement public autonome*) in 1945 was the brainchild of Alain Bozel, who had spent the war in London alongside General de Gaulle, as well as the outcome of a fierce struggle between the ministers of the provisional postwar government.37 The status and goals of the new Authority were intensively discussed, along with new airport concepts, within the frame of the quest for the *Redressement National*.
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-While this process of increasing institutional autonomy for airports was not as pronounced in Paris as in other major capitals,38 it still marked out airports' emergence as a world per se, particularly as they began to take up residence outside of the limits of the host city. From then, the emergence of airports outside of the city walls was to boost reflections on urban matters around what would soon be known as "air cities." With their outsize dimensions—as reflected in the numerous parallels drawn between the dimensions of projected airports and their host cities— airports became testing grounds for unbridled suburban experimentation as city boundaries experienced unprecedented growth.39 New York's new Idlewild Airport, fully operational from 1958, was known as *Terminal City*, the urban concept of which was designed by Hugh Ferriss and Wallace K. Harrison, Chief Urban Planner for the United Nations New York headquarters. Idlewild (renamed after slain President John F. Kennedy in 1963) was monument, showcase and event, all in one.40 Paris's Orly Sud megastructure, inaugurated by General De Gaulle in 1961 and designed by Henri Vicariot and Jean Prouvé, deployed a radically new glass structure
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-![](_page_13_Picture_2.jpeg)
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-**Figure 4.** Orly Sud, Paris, The airport *Megastructure*, 1963*. Courtesy of Aéroports de Paris.*
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-(particularly the curtain-walling of the building), as well as roof terraces, viewing areas and restaurants with panoramic views.41
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-What stands out most in this postwar period are the massive promotional campaigns that accompanied the opening of the major international airports. These campaigns sought to welcome a public largely comprising of daytrippers who came to see a new type of entertainment: the airport in movement. Now it was not just the planes but the airport as a whole that was getting media attention and being turned into a suburban attraction and a "must" on people's itineraries. Replete with cinemas, theatres, stores, leisure amenities (even Turkish baths!) and all the hallmarks of suburbia, these new complexes became a never-ending celebration of abundance and mobility that consolidated the entire airport-related "imaginary." They resembled the theme parks that had also sprung up during this era: the stars passed through them, journalists reported on them, tourists and locals enjoyed weekend "skyrides" through them, and they even served as sites for many an inauguration.42
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-## **Narrative 5: A Prototype for Uncertainty**
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-By the 1960s, cinematic references to airports, which marked them out as emblematic places in the popular imagination, were routine. Airportrelated fictions tended to explore the ambiguity of modernity (Jacques Tati, *Playtime*, 1967), the anticipatory dimension of the airport place (Chris Marker, *La Jetée*, 1962) or its catastrophic power (*Airport*, adapted from Arthur Hailey's 1968 novel43). Even if the public's penchant for Sunday trips out to Orly or JFK would not last very long, the reciprocal connection between the visual arts and modern airports remained powerful. The 1970s, when aviation entered the era of mass transport, witnessed the beginning of a chronic crisis in aviation and its infrastructures. The arrival of the Jet Age, growth in traffic, complex new procedures, oil price shocks, environmental degradation, and terrorism all undermined the model of the perfect showcase airport and made apparent the issue of uncertainty as a key component in the airport development equation. This was a turning point for the reflection on the fourth airport in New York,44 as the original Idlewild *Terminal City*, conceived as a closed diadem of unique flagship buildings, would prove to be difficult to reenact in a period of new and increasing political, structural, economic and traffic obstacles.
-
-The history of Paris' new Roissy Airport illustrates the problems airport authorities have faced and will face in building high-performance infrastructure in times of uncertainty. The first sketches of the new airport made in the mid-1960s were part of the ambitious plans conceived by Paul Delouvrier and his team to redevelop the entire Greater Paris region.45
-
-Roissy 1 terminal was designed by Paul Andreu using radically new architecture that drew on interacting flows, flexible spaces and a dynamic and global modus operandi for the entire building. But the goalposts rapidly shifted before the airport was even opened. Passenger traffic grew and larger jets hampered the desired free movement of aircraft around the Roissy 1 terminal. These functional considerations, combined with the new economic situation thrown up by the 1973 oil price shocks were to alter the original blueprint, which called for five more terminals identical to the existing Roissy 1 terminal.
-
-Consequently, the construction of the Roissy 2 terminals was subject to new considerations.46 The sequential pattern according to which this string of air terminals was built between 1982 and the present was a result of both the investment difficulties experienced by Aéroports de Paris
-
-![](_page_15_Picture_2.jpeg)
-
-**Figure 5.** Aerial view of Roissy Terminal 2, Paris, 2005. *Courtesy of Aéroports de Paris.*
-
-and uncertainty over the future of growth of air transport. The attempt to implement a phased airport building program even as the first air terminal was going up resulted in a segmented, incremental development strategy. Four modules of the terminal were built prior to the arrival of the future *TGV* (highspeed train) station in 1994, marking a changeover to a hubbased conception. This was the approach gradually adopted by the major airlines in the wake of deregulation of the industry and "open skies" as a means of getting the most out of their fleets by centralizing them at a number of large hubs.
-
-These factors, combined with the growing complexity of passenger transport formalities, safety issues and expectations, undermined the principle of splitting up airports into smaller terminal buildings. It became necessary to "recentralize" facilities. Fifteen years after Roissy opened, a third generation of terminals was designed along the lines of Terminal 2F, which was finally completed in 1998, and, with the growth in air traffic, the infrastructure was rounded out by two elongated satellite buildings. Airports are in a constant state of evolution; indeed, as Paul Andreu has claimed, "each project is both self-contained and complete, while at the same time only representing a small part of a broader ensemble that is recast on an ongoing basis."47
-
-## **Narrative 6: A "Metapolitan" Archetype**
-
-While they remain experimental spaces in urban development, this is now related more to exploring new forms of spatiality and innovative urban production techniques, in a context of an uncertain future. Moreover, the new airport forms gradually emerging are the result of an urban repositioning of the airport structure. It no longer lies outside of the built city but inside a constantly changing metropolis. It no longer showcases the city of the future but provides a testing ground for contemporary urban issues. As an integrated exchange platform at the epicenter of the "city of flows," accumulating more and more functions and services, the airport now receives traffic and flows from the entire city and its role in the metropolization of these same agglomerations is gradually making it one of the dominant institutions in global cities. As they get bigger, airport authorities both anticipate and cause the distension of urban space. They eat into swathes of outlying territories that are in turn invested with a mix of architecture, urban forms and infrastructure. Contemporary airports entail sprawling complexes of air terminals and hangars as well as transport and engineering networks, all of them increasingly exurban.
-
-Nonetheless, moving all of these new amenities further away from the city centre only increases the necessity of forging physical links between
-
-![](_page_17_Picture_0.jpeg)
-
-**Figure 6.** Hong Kong. View of the Central Airport Express Station dominated by the highest skyscraper of the city, 2005, Photography Nathalie Roseau
-
-them and the airport. Designers and city planners have constantly strived to compress or even ignore this intermediate space between the two attracting poles in order to counter the effects of placing the airport in exurban space. High-speed transportation infrastructures play a key role in this constant quest for suppressing this physical distance and ignoring the intermediate space between the city and the airport. These could include either unrealized projects such as the *aérotrain—*designed by the engineer Jean Bertin and originally proposed in the mid-1960s to link some strategic new suburban nodes, including airports,48 or actually deployed projects such as the 250km/hour Shanghai-Maglev magnetic levitation train now operational since 2003 from Pudong to the airport. The "hide-thathorriblesuburb-so-we-don't-have-to-see-it" reaction prevalent around
-
-the time of the Paris-Le Bourget link and the 1937 Exhibition49 was already symptomatic of the authorities' embarrassment at the run-down areas surrounding the new symbols of Parisian modernity. And the more recent debates over the "CDG express" high-speed link to Roissy Airport, for which the project backers militated against a stop in the deprived neighborhood of Seine Saint Denis, have helped to reactivate this chronic pathology.
-
-Contemporary airport design has also refocused on urban air terminals. The developments at Les Invalides in Paris or New York's 42nd Street were precursors in this regard. The recent wave of downtown air terminals (at which travelers receive boarding passes and check baggage) such as Hong Kong's terminals, achieved in the wake of the new refoundation of the global city harbor, have accelerated the return of functions that had been banished to the outer city limits. Physical distancing and the sheer size of airports have been offset by the return of air terminals in downtown areas, offering everything you would expect to find in an airport apart from planes! While cities develop "aircraftless airports" in their downtown areas, airport authorities strive to urbanize the airport using various signs and urban codes. Both situations civilization of airports on the one hand, and *aeroportization* of cities on the other hand—reflect the extent to which the two spaces are still inextricably linked in a relationship of ambiguity and hybridization. Diffusing the airport within the host city, or designing it as a whole new frontier city, or trying to compress the time-space distance which divides airport from city: airports exist as a sort of metastructure which both challenges and renews the whole metropolis.
-
-# **Future Narrative: Learning from the Heritage Issue**
-
-If this diachronic perspective shows airports to be powerful instruments for exploring the urban future, it also reveals their unfinished and elusive nature. The phenomenon of chronic airport obsolescence, already identified as early as 1962 by Reyner Banham,50 is all the more acute as it is compounded by the airport's prototypal dimension. In particular, this issue of obsolescence in airport design process, helps us to understand the current conflicts in controversies over the future of "airport heritage." In a context where project temporalities abound with uncertainty, the notion of heritage is difficult to circumscribe. Indeed, any mention of the past where airports are concerned frequently condemns them to uselessness in view of their predestined eternal youth. How could we preserve monuments and entire complexes wholly dedicated to a future that is now in the past? By the turn of the twenty-first century, the era of the megaterminal was inaugurated by JFK airport, leading to the disappearance of the original *Terminal City*  completed in the 1960s. A new complex has been built over this "forty-year old ruin," moving the author of a monograph devoted to the airport to declare "Terminal City is dead, long live the new JFK."51 From then, the landmark TWA Terminal designed by Eero Saarinen became the focus of a conflict between airport authorities and preservation groups, and crystallized the whole issue of obsolescence. However, the two perceptions of the terminal building—alternatively condemned as obsolete or defended as an icon of paradise lost—still appear inadequate to nurture a debate around its renewal; the building's status remains uncertain.52
-
-Roissy Airport, on the other hand, cultivates a stratification approach that has tended towards accumulation. Construction and renovation has proceeded over a thirty-five-year period that has witnessed the changeover from elite to mass passenger transport and the creation of an exurban territory followed by the airport's re-absorption into the regional Greater Paris. This development has also produced a highly
-
-![](_page_19_Picture_2.jpeg)
-
-**Figure 7.** *Terminal 5* exhibit, Eero Saarinen TWA terminal, New York, 2004 Photography Dean Kaufman Source: Dean Kaufman
-
-original architectural ensemble that includes the recently restored Roissy 1 terminal and the colossal glass and concrete cathedrals of the Roissy 2F and 2E terminals. This living heritage constantly negotiates the terms of its own transformation in light of the relentless demands of air transport. For its part, the airport authority, faced with challenges to perform efficiently, reflect hypermodern aesthetics, and reintegrate the airport into the urban sphere, now also has to contend with the challenges of sustainability.
-
-# **Conclusion: Understanding the Airport City as a Local Urban** *U-topos*
-
-The concept of the "airport" must be understood through a diachronic perspective, which looks back to the first aerial public urban meetings settled in ephemeral *Aeropolis*, followed by the *Aerial Cities* visions depicted in the 1920s, the *Air Cities* celebrated as the weekend hotspots of the postSecond World War boom period, and more recently the exurban *Airport Cities* emerging at the turn of the 1990s as new huge metropolitan fragments. Whether located in, on top of, near, outside, or far from its "host city," the airport always develops in symbiotic relation to the urban environment in which it is situated, which it serves and on which it depends.
-
-This diachronic perspective contextualizes airports and roots them in time and space, as well as emphasizing their hybridization with and emancipation from the city. Metropolitan gateway, institutional boundary, suburban laboratory, structural prototype: airport design and implementation formalize boundaries that circumscribe *and* transcend the contours of the host city, even as they invoke localized urban issues. This position at the extremity also explains why the transnational corpus of reflections on the aerial or airport city reveals differentiation. Designers on both sides of the Atlantic do not project the same places: the prism provided by the primarily global dimension of aerial mobility is more an opportunity to reflect upon the future of their specific cities in terms of their particular qualities and crises.
-
-Viewed through these urban narratives, which replicate and amplify, as well as deform and distend the airport's own urban context, the airport should not be considered less a "non-place" than an *u-topos*, a spatial perspective on the outside looking in and questioning, extrapolating and crystallizing the acute tensions present in the contemporary city. In this sense, the airport is a place of mediation of contemporary urban issues, either in promoting experimentation or occasioning controversies. As such it suggests a megaevent, which may also explain why it has developed such direct links with the mass visual arts, such as photography, cinema and advertising.
-
-The diachronic retrospective also helps highlight the successive imaginary structures that have forged airports from the outset, their status as the result of a complex alchemy superimposing both past and present representations and practices.53 Analyzing airports through this narrative mode gives fuller account of their design and realization, their limitations and their transformations within cultural, political, and economic structures, but also within their urban and metropolitan context. By reflecting the way they have been shaped, this sub-narrative can also shed light on the conditions underpinning their transformation.
-
-## **Notes**
-
-- 1. Marc Desportes, *Paysages en mouvement, Transports et perception de l'espace, XVIIIè-XXè siècle* (Paris: Gallimard, 2005).
-- 2. Marc Bloch, "Technique et évolution sociale: réflexions d'un historien," Europe, 1938, in *Mélanges historiques*, vol. 2 (Paris: S.EV.P.E.N., 1963), 837–838.
-- 3. Pioneers of these studies have been, in particular, Wiebe E. Bijker, Th. P. Hughes and Trevor J. Pinch, *The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology* (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1987); see also the actor-network theory drawn by Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. Bruno Latour, *Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society* (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987). See also the works driven by Patrice Flichy and Antoine Picon, eds., *Technique et Imaginaire* (Hermès Science, 2001).
-- 4. John Urry and Mimi Sheller, "The New Mobilities Paradigm," *Environment and Planning*, A38 (February 2006), 207–226.
-- 5. The following argumentation is taken from my doctoral research: Nathalie Roseau, *L'imaginaire de la ville aérienne*, 2 volumes (Ph.D. diss., University Paris East, 2008). Forthcoming book, *Aerocity, Quand l'avion fait la ville* (Marseille: Editions Parenthèses, 2012).
-- 6. See, for example, John Zukowsky, ed., *Building for Air Travel, Architecture and Design for Commercial Aviation* (New York: The Art Institute of Chicago and Prestel Verlag, 1996); Marcus Binney, *Airports Builders* (London: John Wiley, Academy Editions, 1999); Manuel Cuadra, *World Airports* (Hamburg: Deutsches Architektur Museum, Junius Verlag et Dam, 2002); Alastair Gordon, *Naked Airport*: *A Cultural History of the World's Most Revolutionary Structure* (New York, Metropolitan Books, 2004); Hugh Pearman, *Airports: A Century of Architecture* (UK, Laurence King Publishing, 2004).
-- 7. Saskia Sassen, *Urbanisme*, no. 345 (December 2005): 71.
-- 8. Manuel Castells, *La société en réseaux, L'ère de l'information* [1996] (Paris: Fayard, 2001), 473–530.
-- 9. Marc Augé, *Non-lieux, Introduction à une anthropologie de la surmodernité* (Paris: Seuil, 1992), 7–13.
-- 10. Rem Koolhaas, "La ville générique," in *Mutations: Harvard Project on the City* (Bordeaux: Arc en rêve Centre d'architecture, ACTAR, 2001), 726.
-
-- 11. In a similar vein to *Delirious New York* in which Rem Koolhaas outlines a retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan; Rem Koolhaas, *Delirious New York: A Retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan* (London: Academy Editions, 1978).
-- 12. Mikhail Bakhtin, "Form of Time and Chronotope in the Novel," *The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays*, ed. Michael Holquist (Austin: UTOP, 1981), 84–258.
-- 13. For specific research on the local history of airports framed in a global context, see in particular Marc Dierikx and Bram Bouwens, *Building Castles of the Air: Schiphol Amsterdam and the Development of Airport Infrastructure in Europe, 1916–1996* (SDU, 1997).
-- 14. Emmanuel Chadeau, *Le rêve et la puissance, L'avion et son siècle* (Paris: Fayard, 1996), 41–43.
-- 15. For an overview of the long line of epic airshows since the eighteenth century, see Marie Thébaud-Sorger, "Le spectacle de l'envol, Mobilités aériennes (1783– 1909)," in *De L'histoire des transports à l'histoire de la mobilité*, eds. Mathieu Flonneau and Vincent Guigueno (Rennes, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2009), 235–245.
-- 16. John Sanford, "The First Aerial Canoe: Wilbur Wright and the Hudson-Fulton Flights," paper presented at the international conference *Following in the Footsteps of the Wright Brothers, Their Sites and Stories*, held in Wright State University, Dayton, Ohio, September 28, 2001.
-- 17. "Above Ship on Hudson River," *New York Evening Mail*, September 29, 1909, 1; "Wright in Daring Flights Rounds Liberty Statue," *The Globe*, September 29, 1909, 1.
-- 18. "La grande semaine de Champagne," *L'Illustration*, no. 3471 (September 4, 1909): 153–164.
-- 19. "Aéropolis, un aérodrome à 4 kilomètres des fortifications," supplement to *L'Aéronaute*, March 26, 1910.
-- 20. Albert Robida, *Le Vingtième siècle* (Paris: G. Decaux, 1883), 38–53, 89–98; Jules Verne, *Robur le conquérant* (Paris: Hetzel, 1886); Herbert G. Wells, *The War in the Air* (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1908).
-- 21. Nathalie Roseau, "Reach for the Skies: Aviation and Urban Visions circa 1910," *The Journal of Transport History*, 30, no. 2 (December 2009): 121–140.
-- 22. Eugène Hénard, *Les villes de l'Avenir* [*The Cities of the Future*], paper delivered at the Town Planning Conference held at the Royal Institute of British Architects on October 14, 1910, subsequently published in *L'Architecture*, November 13, 1910, 383–387.
-- 23. Paul, "How you may live and travel in the city of 1950." Published in *Popular Science Monthly* (August 1925). Source: Archives of Harvey Wiley Corbett, Box 4:1, Drawings and archives, Avery Architectural and Fine Arts, Library, Columbia University, New York.
-- 24. Chadeau, *Le rêve et la puissance*, 86–99.
-- 25. "An Aeroplane landing in a Metropolis," *The Bulletin of the Beaux Arts Institute of Design* (July 1925), 5–10 and Harry B. Brainerd, "An aeroplane landing in a metropolis," *American City*, no. 34 (February 1926), 187–190.
-- 26. *The Metropolis of Tomorrow* was a large exhibition held in New York in 1929. Written and illustrated by Hugh Ferriss, a famous New York architectural draftsman, a book based on his sketches drawn over a period of ten years was also published. Hugh Ferriss, *The Metropolis of Tomorrow* (New York: Ives Washburn Publisher, 1929).
-
-- 27. Francis Keally, "How Airports Will Affect Zoning Laws," *American Architect* (December 1929): 20–21, 100, 102.
-- 28. Roseau, *L'imaginaire de la ville aérienne*, 119–121.
-- 29. This term is inspired by Janet Bednarek, *America's Airports: Airfield Development, 1918–1947* (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2001), 178–181; see also Deborah Douglas' dissertation, *The Invention of Airports: A Political, Economic and Technological History of Airports in the United States, 1919–1939* (Ph.D. diss., University Of Pennsylvania, 1996).
-- 30. The US\$10,000 offered in prize money was attributed to four projects in the following order: A.C. Zimmerman and William H. Harrison (Los Angeles); C. Gifford Rich (Chicago); Odd Nansen (East Orange, New Jersey) and Latham C Suire (New York); Will Rice Amon (New York). *American Airport Designs*, Lehigh Portland Cement Company (New York: American Institute of Architects Press, 1990). Republication of documents initially published in 1930 after the competition was held. See also "The Lehigh Airports Competition," *Architectural Forum* (January 1930), 75–106.
-- 31. Lars Olof Larsson, *Albert Speer, le plan de Berlin, 1937–1943* (Bruxelles, Archives d'Architecture Moderne, 1983).
-- 32. "Le concours de l'aéroport du Bourget," *Architecture d'Aujourd'hui* (February 1936), 4–5.
-- 33. See a later paper on the criticism of La Guardia's *Folly*, from Florence Teets, "The Little Flower's Folly," *Pegasus* (October 1954), 1–15.
-- 34. For an overview of the airports built in Europe and United States during this period, see the volume "Aéroports," *Transports en commun* (Paris: Editions Albert Morancé, 1937).
-- 35. On the story of the flying cars dreams and prototypes, see from Patrick J. Gyjer, *Les voitures volantes, Souvenirs d'un futur rêvé* (Lausanne: Favre, 2005).
-- 36. Jameson W. Doig, *Empire on the Hudson: Entrepreneurial Vision and Political Power at the Port Authority* (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 247– 314.
-- 37. Alain Bozel, *L'Aéroport de Paris* (published privately), November 1944. Source: Archives of Aéroports de Paris.
-- 38. In London, airports remained under military rule in this period. BAA was not created until 1966.
-- 39. Between 1950 and 1960, the number of inhabitants living in the New York Metropolitan Area increased by five million (out of a total population of eighteen million) while the population of the more central Greater New York area stagnated at around eight million.
-- 40. Wallace K. Harrison, Presentation of the *Terminal City* project for the Port Authority, February 16, 1955, Wallace K. Harrison Archives, Box 3, Drawings and Archives, Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library, Columbia University, New York. *Terminal City* was also the name given to the new refurbished Manhattan Grand Central Station, achieved in 1913.
-- 41. "Une véritable ville, consacrée au transport aérien," *Le Parisien*, February 23, 1961; or "Idlewild et Orly … L'une et l'autre sont de véritables cités," *Paris Presse*, August 27, 1964, source: Archives of Aéroports de Paris.
-- 42. And promoted in articles such as "Your Weekend Guide Visits: Idlewild Airport," *The New Haven Register*, August 25, 1962, 32.
-- 43. 43. Arthur Hailey, *Airport* (New York: Doubleday, 1968).
-
-- 44. See "An Offshore 4th Jetport Is Suggested by Lindsay," *The New York Times*, January 9, 1971, 57.
-- 45. Artist perspectives of Roissy were published by *Paris Match* in one of the two exclusive issues edited for the promotion of the new plans for the Paris Region. "Paris en l'an 2000," *Paris Match*, no. 952, July 8, 1967.
-- 46. The earliest designs for Roissy 2 date from 1969 and were first published in 1971 at the same time as the studies and work in-progress for the Roissy 1 terminal. "Roissy en France," *Architecture d'Aujourd'hui*, no. 156 (June–July 1971): 25.
-- 47. Paul Andreu, June 10, 2002, www.paul.andreu.com.
-- 48. Vincent Guigueno, "Building a High Speed Society, France and the Aérotrain, 1962–1974," *Technology and Culture*, 49 (January 2008): 21–40.
-- 49. "Le problème des liaisons urbaines avec les têtes de lignes aériennes internationales, Quatre solutions-types: Londres, Paris, Berlin et Marseille," *Urbanisme* 66 (October-November 1938): 280–281.
-- 50. Reyner Banham, "The Obsolescent Airport," *Architectural Review* (October 1962), 250–253.
-- 51. Mark Blacklock, *Recapturing the Dream: A Design History of New York's JFK Airport* (London: Mark Blacklock, 2005), 4.
-- 52. Nathalie Roseau, "The Obsolescence of the Monument, the Future of Airport Icons," in *The Challenge of Change: Dealing with the Legacy of the Modern Movement*, eds. D. van den Heuvel, M. Mesman, W. Quist, B. Lemmens (Amsterdam: IOS Press, 2008), 87–92.
-- 53. Jocelyn de Noblet, "Le futur n'est plus ce qu'il était," in "Rêves de futur," *Culture Technique*, ed. Joseph Corn, no. 28 (1993): 8–13.

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