wanyu/IteraTeR_full_sent huggingface dataset:
Original:  As of 2019 , the bag is still commonly referred to with this name in most parts of Nigeria, Ghana, and certain parts of West Africa The  bag has a variety of names worldwide in Germany it is called the " Tuerkenkoffer " (Turkish suitcase), in the USA, it is called the "Chinatown tote", in Guyana it is called the "Guyanese Samsonite" and the "Refugee Bag" in various places around the world.
Revised:  As of 2019 , the bag is still commonly referred to with this name in most parts of Nigeria, Ghana, and certain parts of West Africa The bag has a variety of names worldwide in Germany it is called the " Tuerkenkoffer " (Turkish suitcase), in the USA, it is called the "Chinatown tote", in Guyana , the "Guyanese Samsonite" and the "Refugee Bag" in various places around the world.
Edit intent: fluency
Original:  As of 2019 , the bag is still commonly referred to with this name in most parts of Nigeria, Ghana, and certain parts of West Africa The  bag has a variety of names worldwide in Germany it is called the " Tuerkenkoffer " (Turkish suitcase), in the USA, it is called the "Chinatown tote", in Guyana it is called the "Guyanese Samsonite" and the "Refugee Bag" in various places around the world.
Revised:  As of 2019 , the bag is still commonly referred to with this name in most parts of Nigeria, Ghana, and certain parts of West Africa The bag has a variety of names worldwide in Germany it is called the " Tuerkenkoffer " (Turkish suitcase), in the USA, it is called the "Chinatown tote", in Guyana it is called the "Guyanese Samsonite" , and in various other places, the "Refugee Bag" in various places around the world.
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  As of 2019 , the bag is still commonly referred to with this name in most parts of Nigeria, Ghana, and certain parts of West Africa The  bag has a variety of names worldwide in Germany it is called the " Tuerkenkoffer " (Turkish suitcase), in the USA, it is called the "Chinatown tote", in Guyana it is called the "Guyanese Samsonite" and the "Refugee Bag" in various places around the world.
Revised:  As of 2019 , the bag is still commonly referred to with this name in most parts of Nigeria, Ghana, and certain parts of West Africa The bag has a variety of names worldwide in Germany it is called the " Tuerkenkoffer " (Turkish suitcase), in the USA, it is called the "Chinatown tote", in Guyana it is called the "Guyanese Samsonite" and the "Refugee Bag" 
Edit intent: clarity
Original:  Creating such conditions, which are sometimes called "supportive contributions", Mainemelis, Charalampos, Ronit Kark, and Olga Epitropaki. "Creative Leadership: A Multi-Context Conceptualization." The Academy of Management Annals 9.1 (2015): 393-482. are described as psychological, material, and/or social supports that trigger, enable, and sustain creative thinking in others.
Revised:  Creating such conditions, which are sometimes called "supportive contributions", are described as psychological, material, and/or social supports that trigger, enable, and sustain creative thinking in others.
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  In recent years, there has been a significant increase in research surrounding creative and innovation leadershipDinh, J. E., Lord, R. G., Gardner, W. L., Meuser, J. D., Liden, R. C., Hu, J. (2014).
Revised:  In recent years, there has been a significant increase in research surrounding creative and innovation Hu, J. (2014).
Edit intent: clarity
Original:  In recent years, there has been a significant increase in research surrounding creative and innovation leadershipDinh, J. E., Lord, R. G., Gardner, W. L., Meuser, J. D., Liden, R. C., Hu, J. (2014). Leadership theory and research in the new millennium: Current theoretical trends and changing perspectives. Leadership Quarterly, 25, 36–62. and the term has also been used increasingly among practitionersNikravan, L. (2012).
Revised:  In recent years, there has been a significant increase in research surrounding creative and innovation leadershipDinh, J. E., Lord, R. G., Gardner, W. L., Meuser, J. D., Liden, R. C., leadership and the term has also been used increasingly among practitionersNikravan, L. (2012).
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  Basadur, M., Basadur, T. (2011). Where are the generators? Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts, 5, 29–42.Mueller, J. S., Goncalo, J. A.,%DIFDELCMD < & %%% Kamdar, D. (2011).
Revised:  Basadur, M., %DIFDELCMD < & %%% Kamdar, D. (2011).
Edit intent: coherence
Original: Mueller, J. S., Goncalo, J. A.,%DIFDELCMD < & %%% Kamdar, D. (2011). Recognizing creative leadership: Can creative idea expression negatively relate to perceptions of leadership potential? Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 47, 494–498.
Revised: Mueller, J. S., Goncalo, J. A.,%DIFDELCMD < & %%% 
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  Mainemelis, Charalampos, Ronit Kark, and Olga Epitropaki. "Creative Leadership: A Multi-Context Conceptualization." The Academy of Management Annals 9.1 (2015): 393-482. Retrieved 2017-08-08 Views on the definition and scope of creative leadership include: "Leading others toward the attainment of a creative outcome" Mainemelis, Charalampos, Ronit Kark, and Olga Epitropaki.
Revised:  Views on the definition and scope of creative leadership include: "Leading others toward the attainment of a creative outcome" Mainemelis, Charalampos, Ronit Kark, and Olga Epitropaki.
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  Retrieved 2017-08-08 Views on the definition and scope of creative leadership include: "Leading others toward the attainment of a creative outcome" Mainemelis, Charalampos, Ronit Kark, and Olga Epitropaki.
Revised:  Retrieved 2017-08-08 Views on the definition and scope of creative leadership include: "Leading others toward the attainment of a creative outcome" 
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  " Creative Leadership: A Multi-Context Conceptualization." The Academy of Management Annals 9.1 (2015): 393-482. Retrieved 2017-08-08 " Deliberately engaging one's imagination to define and guide a group toward a novel goal-a direction that is new for the group"Puccio, G., Murdock, M., & Mance, M. (2011).
Revised:  " Deliberately engaging one's imagination to define and guide a group toward a novel goal-a direction that is new for the group"Puccio, G., Murdock, M., & Mance, M. (2011).
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  Rickards, T., Moger, S. (2000). Creative leadership processes in project team development: An alternative to Tuckman’s stage model. British Journal of Management, 11, 273–283.Basadur, M. (2004). Leading other to think innovatively together: Creative leadership. Leadership Quarterly, 15, 103–121.
Revised:  Rickards, T., 
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  Leadership Quarterly, 13 , 705–750. Mumford, Scott, Gadis and Strange (2002) suggest that, in directing, a leader is integral to the production of a creative concept, while others support its implementation.
Revised:  Leadership Quarterly, 13 , Gadis and Strange (2002) suggest that, in directing, a leader is integral to the production of a creative concept, while others support its implementation.
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  In neutral approaches to language ideology, speakers’ beliefs or ideas about  language are understood as being shaped by the cultural systems in which they are embedded, but no attempt to identify variation within or across these systems is made .
Revised:  In neutral approaches to language ideology, speakers’ beliefs or ideas about a language are understood as being shaped by the cultural systems in which they are embedded, but no attempt to identify variation within or across these systems is made .
Edit intent: fluency
Original:  In neutral approaches to language ideology, speakers’ beliefs or ideas about  language are understood as being shaped by the cultural systems in which they are embedded, but no attempt to identify variation within or across these systems is made .
Revised:  In neutral approaches to language ideology, speakers’ beliefs or ideas about language are understood to be shaped by the cultural systems in which they are embedded, but no attempt to identify variation within or across these systems is made .
Edit intent: fluency
Original:  The use of Patwa by children is largely forbidden by adults due to a perception that it inhibits the acquisition of English and thus restricts social mobility, which in turn has imbued Patwa with a significant measure of covert prestige and rendered it a powerful tool for children to utilize in order to defy authority.
Revised:  The use of Patwa by children is largely forbidden by adults due to a perception that it inhibits the acquisition of English , thus restricting social mobility, which in turn has imbued Patwa with a significant measure of covert prestige and rendered it a powerful tool for children to utilize in order to defy authority.
Edit intent: fluency
Original:  Among the Tewa, for example, the influence of theocratic institutions and ritualized linguistic forms in other domains of Tewa society have led to a strong resistance to the extensive borrowing and shift many of its neighboring language communities have experienced.
Revised:  Among the Tewa, for example, the influence of theocratic institutions and ritualized linguistic forms in other domains of Tewa society have led to a strong resistance to the extensive borrowing and shift that neighboring speech communities have experienced.
Edit intent: clarity
Original: The Ashanti–Fante Wars (1806– 1823 ) was a series of wars fought between the Ashanti Kingdom and the Fante Confederacy in the region of what is currently the Republic of Ghana.
Revised: The Ashanti–Fante War (1806– 1823 ) was a series of wars fought between the Ashanti Kingdom and the Fante Confederacy in the region of what is currently the Republic of Ghana.
Edit intent: fluency
Original: The Ashanti–Fante Wars (1806– 1823 ) was a series of wars fought between the Ashanti Kingdom and the Fante Confederacy in the region of what is currently the Republic of Ghana.
Revised: The Ashanti–Fante Wars (1806– 1807 ) was a series of wars fought between the Ashanti Kingdom and the Fante Confederacy in the region of what is currently the Republic of Ghana.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original: The Ashanti–Fante Wars (1806– 1823 ) was a series of wars fought between the Ashanti Kingdom and the Fante Confederacy in the region of what is currently the Republic of Ghana.
Revised: The Ashanti–Fante Wars (1806– 1823 ) was a war fought between the Ashanti Kingdom and the Fante Confederacy in the region of what is currently the Republic of Ghana.
Edit intent: clarity
Original:  At Abura Dunkwa, a major battle was fought, during which the Ashanti were initially victorious and captured the accused Assin Chief . After the capture , the Ashanti commander, Appia  , sent his men further inward to Fante territory where they met the rear guard and support army of the Fante Forces commanded by Atta that had previously broken away from the other Fante armies at Mumford.
Revised:  At Abura Dunkwa, a major battle was fought, during which the Ashanti were initially victorious and captured the accused Assin Chief , Otsibu. After they captured Otsibu , the Ashanti commander, Appia , sent his men further inward to Fante territory where they met the rear guard and support army of the Fante Forces commanded by Atta that had previously broken away from the other Fante armies at Mumford.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  At Abura Dunkwa, a major battle was fought, during which the Ashanti were initially victorious and captured the accused Assin Chief . After the capture , the Ashanti commander, Appia  , sent his men further inward to Fante territory where they met the rear guard and support army of the Fante Forces commanded by Atta that had previously broken away from the other Fante armies at Mumford.
Revised:  At Abura Dunkwa, a major battle was fought, during which the Ashanti were initially victorious and captured the accused Assin Chief . After the capture , the Ashanti commander, Appia Dunkwa , sent his men further inward to Fante territory where they met the rear guard and support army of the Fante Forces commanded by Atta that had previously broken away from the other Fante armies at Mumford.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  The Bond allied the Fante and the British in response to the Ashanti and Dutch signing a pact. This bond also stipulated and formally stated that Mfantseman will never be ceded to Europeans similar to what had happened in South Africa and Later Rhodesia.
Revised:  The Bond legalized the imposition of nation system throughout Fanteland (in modern–day southern Ghana), and conjointly secure the Fante that the British would shield them within the event of an Ashanti attack.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  A gunungan is a symmetrical-shaped figure of translucent parchment made of dried, firm beef skin, whose outline is pointed in Java and more rounded in Bali. In a wayang performance, the gunungan is the first to appear on the screen and the last to appear before the end. Gunungan also marks transition between different screen and can also serve as a prop. A gunungan symbolizes the world-mountain (called the Meru). Gunungan also appears in the visual art, e.g. the painted scrolls of wayang beber, in crafts or as architectural elements.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  A gunungan is generally symmetrical, shaped like a mountain or like rounded ellipse in the case of Balinese kayonan. The Javanese gunungan takes the form of a mountain (which looks almost Candi-like). A covered entrance gate generally appears at the center of a Javanese gunungan. The head of Kala, a monstrous personification of time, appears on top of the entrance gate. Beyond the entrance gate, a tree grows upward along the central axis, its branches spread across and fills up the gunungan with fine foliage motifs.
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  There are variations in the depiction of objects within the gunungan. Sometimes animals are depicted within the branches of the trees e.g. a tiger and a banteng (Javanese wild cattle) in fighting stance, monkeys or birds. In the case of Balinese kayonan, animals are seldom depicted; instead mythical figures e.g. garuda, naga, or underworld spirits yaksha are depicted to represent the three-world division concept of Balinese Hinduism. The tree behind would represent the bridge between these three worlds. Other monstrous figure that may appear in the Balinese kayonan is the karang bintulu, a one-eyed monstrous head. The overall composition is generally is kept symmetrical, however sometimes there are some exceptions especially in the Balinese and Lombok gunungan where the shape can be assymmetrical.
Edit intent: coherence
Original: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% In Balinese wayang kulit performance, only the kayonan can show a frontal representation of a figure. The frontal representation of figures in a kayonan are reserved for the highest deity. One example is Ganesha depicted in a Balinese kayonan.
Revised: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% 
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  In a wayang performance, a gunungan normally marks the beginning, the end, and pauses between important scenic transitions. This is generally marked by placing the gunungan at the center of the screen. A gunungan may also serves as prop for background mountains, rock, obstacles, waves of a lake, or cloud. If turned to a red backside, the gunungan symbolizes fire or flames. If placed obliquely, the gunungan indicates a break. In the traditional performance of a wayang kulit, the dalang would follow the course of the time to indicate the timing of the performance, before midnight the gunungan is placed to the dalang's left side, while after midnight, the gunungan is placed on his right. In the island of Lombok where there are two gunungans, the gunungans are moved from the edge to the center to indicate change of scene.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  Java In Jave, before a wayang kulit performance, the dalang first gives offering (sajen) in the form of food to soothe the demons. After the foreplay of the gamelan, the dalang pray to the spirit world and sits in his place. The dalang's two assistants have already sits to his side with the puppets already arranged at the edges of the screen: benevolent figures e.g. the gods and heroes are seated on the right side of the dalang, while the demons sit on his left. The dalang then place the gunungan in the center of the screen and knocks the figure 's crest five times, symbolically waking up the spirit of the puppets. Then he takes the gunungan, turns in three times on the screen, and puts it on the right edge of the gedebog (banana trunk base). After this ritual, the actual play can begin. The play finished after the last planting of the gunungan.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% Bali The figure of Api ("fire"), a Balinese fire demon, which has a similar form with the kayonan.
Revised: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% The figure of Api ("fire"), a Balinese fire demon, which has a similar form with the kayonan.
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  In the beginning of a Balinese wayang performance, especially those in the southern region of Bali, the dalang would give offerings while saying a sacred verse (mantra). Then he would hit the crate of the puppets three times while asking the Wind God Vayu to take a strong part in the performance. Then he lifts the lid of the crate and places it on the right side. He takes the kayonan from the crate and moves it slightly over the screen and sticks it in the middle. Next, the dalang attaches the great figure of Siwamurti (angry aspect of Shiva) on the right side (the healing side) and similar the great figure of Wisnumurti (angry aspect of Vishnu) on the left side (the incurable side). The character of the puppets, benevolent or malevolent, will be placed accordingly to either side of the kayonan with faces turned away from the kayonan. When the characters have shown their presence, they disappear from the screen and are piled on the sides. The remaining kayonan is performing an ever-faster dance to lure the gods and demons, so that they may take possession of the puppet figures. The dalang murmurs further mantras and finally positioned the kayonan on the right side.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% When the performance comes to an end, the kayonan reappears. If the dalang is also a priest (Dalang Mangku), he would use holy water (tirtha) to sprinkle holy water (tirtha) onto the puppet figures to purify them from evil influence. During the ritual, the dalang would place the figure of Cintya behind the kayonan, the supreme figure in Balinese Hinduism.
Revised: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% 
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  Another figure with similar shape to the kayonan is called api ("fire"). The api has the shape of tapered leaf with a frightening face in the lower part, from which symmetrical radiating lines go upwards. In Balinese wayang kulit performance, the opposite of the kayonan is probably the pohon kepuh ("tree of hell"). The pohon kepuh is an asymmetrical, misshapen, tree-like structure with a witch sitting in the summit. It serves as a prop of a graveyard with open graves, which, together with magical evil spirits and skulls, are recognizable next to the tree trunk. The pohon kepuh figure is found only in the south of Bali and is used to represent the mount of King Korawa from the Mahabharata.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% Lombok A gunungan from a variation of wayang kulit of Lombok, with which the story of Serat Menak Sasak is told.
Revised: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% A gunungan from a variation of wayang kulit of Lombok, with which the story of Serat Menak Sasak is told.
Edit intent: fluency
Original:  In the predominantly Muslim island of Lombok, the wayang kulit of Sasak people, the inhabitant of Lombok Island, has its own narrative tradition. The story of the wayang Sasak centered on the chronicle of Hamzanama, which features the adventure of Amir Hamza, an uncle of the Prophet Muhammad. The chronicle of Hamzanama is known as Serat Menak Sasak in Lombok. The stories are musically accompanied by the gamelan wayang Sasak. The art of gamelan wayang Sasak flourished since the 16th-century, however the strict Islamic reform movement in the last decades of the 20th-century had pressurized the wayang Sasak and other traditional art.
Edit intent: coherence
Original:  The wayang kulit Sasak utilized two gunungans, which correspond approximately to the Balinese figure, but end up in a tip like in Java. The Sasak variation of the Gunungan depicts the world tree which consists of two juxtaposed snakes, whose rear ends protrude upwards and represent the starting points for the branches, while the heads below look symmetrically in an arc on either side. Sometimes heads of demons can be seen between the branches of the world tree. The two gunungan, which also occur in the wayang golek performance of the Serat Menak Sasak, are due to the Islamic conception that the world strictly falls into the world of the good guided by God and the world of evil guided by the Shaytan.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% The dalang first puts the figures on the outermost edges of the screen in a row in the banana trunk following the Islamic beliefs: the believer to his right, the disbeliever to his left. Then on the left, the dalang places the first gunungan slightly oblique. In the middle of the screen he marks the start of the performance with a dwarf-like joker figure called Lurah Sabatan, who wears an over-sized kris in his belt. A second joker figure is added shortly before both disappear. At this time, the dalang would place the second gunungan danced over the screen with two other figures hidden behind him. A dancing gunungan is always musically accompanied by a suling (bamboo flute). The dancing gunungan then comes to rest in the center of the screen, the two figures then become visible from the gunungan and give their names as Amir Hamza, the protagonist of the Serat Menak, and Putri Muninggar, his favorite wife. This group of three will remain on the screen for a while, until the noble couple disappear and the gunungan is planted to the right side of the dalang on the edge. The screen remains framed by both gunungan during the course of the performance.
Revised: %DIFDELCMD < %DIFDELCMD < %%% 
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  Sometimes there is only one gunungan. The gamelan orchestra, consisting of the bamboo flute suling, the drum kendang, a gong and other metallophones, plays three times at the beginning the opening piece known as Rangsang ("provocative", "exciting"). After the opening piece, the dalang ignites the labakan (oil lamp). The oil lamp symbolically represents the sun, while the music represents the element of fire, air, and water. The dalang wakes up the puppet figures by lifting the lid of the crate. The first figure placed in the middle is the gunungan, then the figure of Amir Hamza (also called Jayengrana) and Muninggar are placed on both sides of the gunungan, almost like an image of Adam, Eve, and the World Tree. After the dalang finished spoking a few religious formula, he lets all three figures disappear into the air while the orchestra plays a piece known as Janggal ("leave"). This whole act symbolizes the divine act of World's Creation. After some general preliminary remarks, the dalang reintroduces the gunungan into the center of the screen and describes the subsequent play.
Edit intent: meaning-changed
Original:  Wayang beber is a form of illustrated wayang drama which use illustrated scroll to tell a narrative story. The art was thought to be extinct in the 20th-century, only to be rediscovered in the 1960s in two Javanese villages of Gelaran and Gedompol. The scroll used in a wayang beber is more than two meters long and 70 centimeter high. The scroll is set on two vertically erected bars so that four scenes can be seen one by one for the viewers sitting on the ground.
Edit intent: coherence