World Council of Churches (WCC), and collaboration with external universities (for example, Bayreuth and Bamberg universities in Germany) increased exposure. Fourth, the existential crisis that scholars had to grapple with resulted in research and reflection. These factors, among others, contributed to the increase of publications in the areas of theology and religious studies in Zimbabwe.The social location (Dube 2003) of Zimbabwean scholars of theology and religious studies (both in the country and in the diaspora) implied that they faced the crisis in a very direct way. They did not - in fact, they could not - stand apart from the massive socio-economic and political events underway in the country. As Desmond Tutu (1983:106) put it with reference to South Africa during apartheid, they hammered out their theologies "in the heat of battle". Operating in an environment saturated with violence, intimidation and fear, they sought to expose the abuse/manipulation of religion and human rights by state functionaries. They did not remain indifferent and neutral (as the phenomenology of religion, for example, recommends), but contributed towards "making sense" of the crisis in diverse ways.Whereas the struggle against apartheid in South Africa gave rise to a recognisable body of writings, especially in black theology, theological writings during the Zimbabwean crisis do not constitute such a body. They are scattered in a few books and many journal articles in many different parts of the world. Thus, in order to put the publications into their proper historical context, we will outline Church-State relations in independent Zimbabwe first. We will then examine discourses around the contentious land reform programme, followed by an analysis of responses to women's issues. From 2000 and especially since 2002, Mugabe's tenure as president has been disputed and his legacy (or lack thereof) divides opinion sharply. We contend that the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in 2009, after the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in 2008, represents a new phase in the history of the country. An analysis of publications by scholars during and after this period merits a separate study. Church-State relations in independent Zimbabwe: an overviewChurch-State relations in independent Zimbabwe are characterised by polarisation on the part of the different strands of the Church in the form of individual church ministers, denominational church organisations and interdenominational church organisations. Soon after independence in 1980, Church-State relations revolved around issues relating to the government's option for socialism, the new economic plan, the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) and its effects on people and the state, constitutional reform, and reconciliation (Verstraelen 2002:54). Sibanda (2011:8) correctly points out that compared to South Africa, the Church in Zimbabwe has been polarised, with two opposing camps: one supporting Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front, ZANU PF, and the other critical of his rule. This polarisation seems to stem from what Togarasei (2004: 76-77) refers to as "pro-ruling party" and "anti-ruling party" interpretations of Romans 13:1-7. The passage makes reference to the need for citizens to obey the governing authority. The "pro-ruling party" position can be exemplified by the early Banana,