reform exercise was carried out within the context of the 2000 parliamentary elections. These were characterised by violence. Furthermore, the fall-out from the land reform exercise included the worsening of the economic situation. At this juncture, scholarly responses to the land programme as implemented by Mugabe and his government became more contested. The dominant feeling was that the whole venture had been prompted by the need for political survival on Mugabe's part. Issues relating to distributive justice had been inserted to add appeal to political grandstanding by Mugabe. Singing from different hymn sheets? Theologians and scholars of religion questioning the fast-track land reform programmePaul Gundani (2002) noted the politicisation of the land issue, while calling upon the church to demonstrate theological creativity by giving up its own unproductive land (Gundani 2003). While accepting the principle of redistributing land to the landless black majority, Gundani suggests that "the problem had to do with the method of land redistribution, and the way political power was manipulated to exploit the poor ..." (Gundani 2008:232). Chitando (2005a) sought to expose the manipulation of theological concepts and indigenous spirituality in the land reform exercise. He also explored possible reasons why church land had not been expropriated by the ruling black elite (Chitando 2005b).We contend that there is a notable shift in both the churches' and scholars' response to the land question in Zimbabwe after the controversial 2002 presidential election and subsequent evidence of the deployment of the land issue to enhance political mileage. Prior to this there was a general convergence in ideological and theological interpretations between Mugabe and the churches/scholars. However, after 2002, there are more divergences and contestations. As we have outlined above, scholars also became more cautious in their analyses of the land question. In particular, they questioned the politicisation of the land question by the nationalists. We note that Mugabe's approach to the land question has been dominated by populism, gerrymandering and deep-seated internal contradictions. Although writing in a later phase, Machingura (2012b) has highlighted the extent to which Mugabe has used land and food as political weapons. Mouthing revolutionary platitudes and evoking the blood of the freedom fighters, he has positioned himself as the defender of the landless. In addition, Mugabe has posed as the last standing advocate of black pride and economic liberation. This has seen him receiving wide acclaim as a consistent revolutionary in the global South. Feted as an African liberation icon, Mugabe has had African crowds in raptures with his fiery rhetoric on black pride and dignity, even as his domestic record is heavily compromised by inefficiency, rampant corruption in the public sector and lack of creativity in addressing the country's multiple problems. An effective black theology must expose Mugabe's inconsistencies and place emphasis on the black majority's right to quality of life. Women's struggles for abundant life: an overviewThe crisis had a particularly negative effect on women. Zimbabwean women theologians and scholars of religion have sought to address the crisis, paying particular attention to its impact on women. While a longer narrative is required to do justice