of theological writings on the land issue in Zimbabwe shows that most scholars agreed with the principle of land redistribution, but proceeded to question the violence and cronyism that characterised the process. In fact, earlier writers such as Sebastian Bakare sounded quite nationalistic and totally in agreement with Mugabe's later pronouncements. Bakare maintained that Africans were entitled to land in Zimbabwe and that the Bible supported this. According to Bakare (1993), land was important to Zimbabwe as it was imbued with spiritual qualities. At this juncture, Bakare was quite "Mugabean" in his approach to the theme of land in Zimbabwe.This theme of recognising the legitimacy of black Zimbabweans' right to land was also taken up by Verstraelen. According to him, "... the existing imbalance of blatant injustice in the distribution and availability of land becomes a very urgent religious and ethical issue" (Verstraelen 1998:111. Italics in original). Chitando (1998) reinforced this point, insisting that the land question in Zimbabwe had to contend with the indigenous understanding of the land as an inheritance from the ancestors. Similarly, Shoko (2006) argued that the land crisis was inspired by the indigenous worldview, especially the interpretation of the spirit world. Nisbert T. Taringa (2006), however, sought to question the assumption that African traditional religions were ecologically sensitive and he challenged the romantic view of indigenous spirituality.Bakare, Verstraelen, Chitando and Shoko were, therefore, in basic agreement with Mugabe's premise that inequitable land distribution in Zimbabwe was unsustainable. However, they did not venture to suggest practical steps towards the resolution of the land question. In addition, these scholars operated within the context of liberation theology and African nationalism: the very same template that Mugabe and the State were drawing from. Their reflections were, therefore, close to the State's arguments concerning the justification for black economic empowerment in Zimbabwe.Theologians and scholars of religion were not the only ones who gravitated towards the nationalists' interpretation of the land question. Since Iandlessness had been one of the key grievances that gave rise to the liberation struggle, it was natural that there would be a general endorsement of the need for land redistribution in the country. Some church leaders were firmly behind the land reform exercise, both before and after 2000. Thus: Church leaders like Bishop Nolbert Kunonga of the Anglican Church, Rev. Noah Pashapa of the Baptist Church and Rev. Andrew Wutawunashe of the Family of God Church were quite vocal in their support of Mugabe's land reform programme. Rev. Obadiah Msindo of the Destiny of Africa Network provided spiritual guidance to the ruling party and government, maintaining that Mugabe was God's chosen instrument for empowering blacks. He praised Mugabe's land reform programme, claiming that it was consistent with God's desire to restore the dignity of blacks. These church leaders utilised theological, historical and ethical arguments to justify the resettlement exercise (Chitando 2005b: 185).Whereas some theologians and scholars of religion had expressed the need for land reform by marshalling various arguments, there was an outcry when Mugabe initiated the fast-track land reform. It is instructive to note that the fast-track land