saturated with socio-economic and political questions and different perspectives. However, the bipolarity between 'impasses and new pathways, with suffering and hope' reveals the mystery of life within God's praxis (Gutierrez 1983:25). PATHOLOGICAL SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONSPathologies faced by families or communities in poor local communities are complex and virtually non-transformational; 'confronted with so much evil, deeply destructive of the human personality' (Coene 1983:950). The church ought to be critical of the socio-economic and political conditions that oppress and dehumanise God's people and create enormous crisis situations for Black people7 (Moila 1989:208). A radical position is required in refusing to accept what Freire defined as (1978:9) 'packaged or prefabricated solutions'. The church should, for example, call local governmental structures to task in providing transparent and quality services (cf. the Confession of Belhar in Botha & Naude 1998).South Africa's liberation movement of the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s achieved only political freedom. 'White monopoly capital' continues to hold economic power while poverty, unemployment and inequality are predominately confined to the Black majority (Cloete 2007:3). The new democratic South Africa does not resonate with the ideals of the Bill of Rights and the Constitution, regarding a free, fair, equal, non-racial, non-sexist and righteous society. Similarly, the Confession of Belhar was not allowed to foster a unified church or society for social and economic righteousness (Botha & Naude 1998; Strauss 2005).8 The reproduction of hegemonic philosophical and theological apartheid praxis disempowers authentic denominational and socio-economic transformation (cf. Van Dijk 1993). The greatest challenge for all South Africans lies in the appropriate readdressing of poverty and the quality of transformation (Sampson 2009:134). Superficial attempts by anyone to address these conditions should be viewed with suspicion. Social projects of some White churches may be equated to an attempt to silence a guilty consciousness for the inhuman apartheid atrocities.9 White communities benefited from the liberation movements' political achievements through retaining key economic power and demographic privileges. New guises of economic superiority and the perpetuation of old imbalances are prevalent today. Property and economic development lures poor families and communities to sell their properties for redevelopment in favour of White families. Socio-economic conditions of families in poverty-stricken communities remain unchallenged with little hope for its transformation - these communities remain trapped as victims (Sampson 2009:135). Shabodien (2007:1) highlights this fact in referring to farm workers in the Western Cape as the most marginalised communities in South Africa - with 'weak historical, social and political capital as a demographic group'.Politicians, academics and public officials and the established churches of South Africa have become silent and allowed these disparities and gross discriminatory and disempowering practices to exists and grow. Shabodien (2007:1) criticises politicians in the Western Cape for a lack of land reform due to their reluctance to 'tamper with this important sector for fear of declining provincial revenues'. It is destructive and breeds the old oppressive practices, which do nothing but exacerbating the plight of poorer communities. Freire (1978:3) therefore called for the death of self-interest and 'to die as a class' in being reborn in consciousness.Some of the traditional churches in South Africa