thegoodfellas/blogset-br huggingface dataset:
the port, and peopleeating, buying, and selling food. Interestingly, Debret was not hired topaint such things, a work to which he dedicated secretly. His primary missionwas to found and coordinate a school of fine arts and to portray the eventsrelated to the Portuguese Royal family. But his interest in, and passion forthe country led him to go further and paint routine scenes he witnessed on thestreets. As a result, a magnificent photograph of Brazilian society and theirfood habits emerged through his work.When he went back to France in 1831, thepainter brought back most of his work, which provided significant material tothe writing of his book. It was not until the early 20th centurythat most of his artistic work was brought back to Brazil as a result of thevisionary action of Mr. Castro Maya, a Paris-born Brazilian who acquired thecollection, donating to the Museum in the mid 20th century.3. 3. Iconographyanalysis3.1 Thecarne seca shopCarne seca,or jerked beef, was one of the primary sources of animal protein for 19thcentury Brazilians. The slopes of Rio de Janeiro were no good land for cattleraising, which was practiced in the south of the country, in the Province ofRio Grande do Sul, approximately 1,000 km south of Rio.Thecattle was brought in by paulistas (SaoPaulo natives), but arrived in the Court in bad condition. The long journeymade the cattle exhausted and thin, a fact which made fresh meat not onlyexpensive but also low end. Jerked beef seemed to be the ideal solution forthat issue. The meat was dried in the same site where the cattle wereslaughtered, then fat and high quality, yielding a much better product. Thejerked beef was packed and sent to Rio either by boat or land, and was sold in themany city shops, as shown in the example painted by Debret. Theshopkeeper was often a poor relative of the producer in the South, which is thecase of the young man sitting in the front of the carne seca shop, as Debrethimself points out, un assez grossierpersonage issu dun Portugais de basse extraction (p. 258). Here thewritings of the painter also play a significant role in the history ofsensitivity. With no sound or smells, paintings are restricted to the visualaspect. But Debret is keen in describing the foul smell of the shop, which alsoserves as the boys sleeping room, in the upper mezzanine. Nextto the boy two pieces of dried meat are hanging, which would be finely slicedfor retail sale. Those were equally an indicator of the quality of the shopsproducts. Three larger piles of meat arestocked in the back. In the foreground, to the left, four pieces of tallow maybe observed, and immediately behind, a heap of dried fish. Four pieces of lardare lying on the foreground, the indispensable toucinho, present in the daily dishes of Brazilian cuisine, whichsuggests an influence of the regional cuisines of Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais.To theleft, in the back, fine animal grease is stocked inside bladders. Also, a lineof candles made from animal fat is available for purchase. At last, salted beeftongues hanging from the ceiling complete the supply of
meats with the most disgusting smell.Debretwas not lying when he mentions the omnipresence of lard in Brazilian cuisine.Clearly a Portuguese influence, as exemplified in a Portuguese cook bookpublished in Rio in the 19th century, whose recipes will virtuallyinclude dry pork in all recipes it describes (Rodrigues, 1808). However, the carne seca shop sold exclusively drypork. In order to buy fresh meat, shoppers would have to go to the porkbutchers, as described in the next session.Jean-BaptisteDebret, The carne seca shop, 1829.Watercolor15 x 20.5cm. Museus Castro Maya, Rio de Janeiro, IBRAM MinC3.2 Thepork butchersThe watercolorthe pork butchers in the museum is asmaller picture than the one described in VoyagePicturesque, and omits a scene showing two slave boys bringing in two wholepigs for the new supply of the day. In fact, sanitation regulations obligedpork vendors to supply their businesses twice a day, first at 8 am and later inthe day at 6 or 7 pm.Despitethe rigid sanitary regulations, the artist is critical about the hygiene of theshop, and observes that it is the most disgusting of all food shops in thecity, noticing the presence of rats on the premises (De toutes les boutiques de la capital celle du marchand de viande deporc est la plus degoutante, autant par lodeur fade qui sen exale...les rats,pensonnieres gratuits, mangent le comptoir pendant la nuit... p. 282). Also,he points out the savage manner in which the shopkeeper cuts off a piece ofmeat, holding it with his teeth. Debretremarks that pork meat and fat is highly consumed by the Brazilians of allwalks of life. However, the wealthy are more likely to consume pork loinwhereas the poor would have to satisfy with less noble parts of the animal,such as feet or ears, which would be added to their stews. The next sessiondiscusses one of these stews, the famed angu.3.3 Blackwomen cooking and selling anguAlthoughit is a common belief that only rich people had slaves in large monoculturefarms, in reality it was not so. Many of the middle class white families hadone or two slaves who helped with domestic work and ordinary household chores.In times of penury, feeding a large family plus the whole entourage could be atricky task. Therefore, it was customary for such middle class white men tosend their slaves to the streets to sell food so as to increment the familybudget. Thisis perhaps the origins of street food in Brazil. From sweets to savory dishesto fresh fruit and juice, everything could be found on the markets and squaresof Rio in the 19th century. The slaves cooked the food themselves,so it may be easily assumed that a touch of African taste would be added to thedishes that they sold for a few vintens.Thiswatercolor is particularly interesting because it shows not only food beingsold on the street, but also being preparedthere. Three black women improvise a fire where they place four huge castiron pots. Inside, a stock is prepared with vegetables, such as onions,tomatoes, and okra an African ingredient, to which is added cubed offal, likeliver, heart, tongue, and parts of the head. Spice such as chili, bay leaf, parsleyor sage
season the dish. To garnish, some manioc flour is served onto theplate, with which clients make small balls using their fingers. Pork fat and rawpalm oil[1],another African ingredient, supply the lipids needed for a substantial meal. InDebrets own words, the dish had good taste (...voila le mets, dailleurs assez succulent et de bon gout... p. 245).Clientswere often slaves who were not fed at their masters and ordinary passer-bys,who would eat at the spot or take the anguaway (the expression for here or togo may have been invented at that time). Small plates of faience or claywere available and a large mussel shell served as spoon. The cost was one vintem (two sous and six deniers, inFrench currency) for a small dish or three vintens(seven sous and six deniers) for a larger portion. Atake-away order, with the price of four vintens(ten sous), would feed five tosix poor people, provided that some bananas or oranges were added.Thishearty meal was served as from early in the morning 6 to 10 am, and then from12 to 2 pm. Interestingly, although the dish is clearly described as a popularmeal, it also appealed to the well-off, as described by the author: ...le mets...qui figure sur la table de la classeaisee, et dont elles se regalent, a titre de plaisenterie, pour sauver leuramour-propre compromise (p. 245). Thescene takes place at the popular fish market beach, near the customs, whichgathers a crowd of people. It is seven oclock in morning, but the sun isalready up and the two sitting men, who work at the customs and have thereforea great appetite, protect their heads with a turban. A tomato vendor, an habitue of the market, is installedacross from the cooks and enjoys her meal.Themanioc meal plays here a critical role as a primary source of carbohydrate inBrazilian food habits of the 19th century, appearing as the mostimportant staple food. Its long shelf life allied to easiness of transportationand nutritious value characterized Brazilian cuisine. Native to Brazil, themanioc has been the staple food of the Brazilian Indigenous since pre-Colombiantimes and it was later exported to Africa with significant success, where itbecame a popular staple food. Thereis also a remarkable cultural aspect involving this product. Its dry textureallows for a perfect combination with stew-like dishes, a Portuguese heritage.Debret notices that the customs workers use their fingers to make small ballsof manioc meal mixing it with the sauce of the stew. Thefact that manioc meal does not require any cooking makes it a very versatileproduct, which is poured virtually onto any dish, even to this date. Braziliansseldom set the table without a bowl of manioc meal on it. Meats, vegetables,and stews are some of the dishes that manioc meal may be added to, not tomention the myriad of dishes which use it in their preparation. Although someauthors referred to the manioc meal as a substitute for bread (Debret, 2014;Von Martius, 2008; Luccock, 2008, and elsewhere), white bread was available inthe city as shown in the following session.Jean-BaptisteDebret, Women selling angu, 1826 .Watercolor 18.2 x 23.6cm. Museus Castro Maya,Rio de Janeiro, IBRAM MinC3.4 ThebakeryRio deJaneiro
author uses the phrase lhuile de coco dInde a couleur dor et au gout de beurre frais,which I interpret as raw palm oil.[2]Desoer, in his 1767 Petite Encyclopedie, describes a bluteau as une especedarmoire basse et longue, pour passer Le bled moulu au moulin & en separerle son.
the self-made pastry chef whowas a street orphan in the cities of Paris during the French Revolution, setsthe grounds of modern French cuisine. By the beginning of the 19th century, Pariswas internationally known as the city of restaurants. The cradle of gastronomybecame the target of artists, politicians, diplomats, and other professionalswho fled to the city in order to visit its restaurants. Eating at a restaurantbecame a cultural program no less than visiting a museum or going to the opera.And it remained so until the mid 19th century when restaurantsstarted to spread outside Paris and France.ConclusionThe early 18th and late 19thcentury witnessed the invention of restaurants as we know them today, no longera place to restore ones health or to be fed, but rather a locale for socialgathering around food and drink. In short, the invention of restaurantsreinforces the thought that eating is a sociological event, intrinsic in humanrelations and of utmost importance in promoting social binds by means of food.ReferencesAlexandre, P. and LAulnoit, B. 2012. Breve Historia da GastronomiaFrancesa. Rio de Janeiro, Tinta Negra.Ferguson, P. 2008. A cultural field in the making Gastronomy in the 19th century France. In:David Englis, Debra Gimlin, and Chris Thorpe (eds). Food Critical Concepts in Social Sciences. 114-154. New York,Routledge.Gaudry,F. R. 2006. Memoires du restaurant - Histoire illustree dune inventionfrancaise. Geneve, Aubanel.Heron de Villefosse, R. 1956. Histoire et geographie gourmande de Paris. Paris, Edition deParis.Huetz deLamps, A. and Pitte, J.R. 1990. Les restaurants dans le monde et a travers lesages. Grenoble, Editions Glenat.Pitte,J.R.1996. Naissance et expansion des restaurants. In: Jean-Louis Flandrin and MassimoMontanari (eds.), Histoire del`alimentation, 767-778. Paris, Fayard.Spang, R. 2000. The Invention of the Restaurant. Paris and Modern Gastronomic Culture.Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press.Spang, R.2001. Aux origines du restaurant parisien. In: A table au XIXe siecle. Dec 2001-March 2002. 172-181. Paris, ADAGP. Spang, R. 2008. All the worlds arestaurant. In: David Englis, Debra Gimlin and Chris Thorpe (eds). Food Critical Concepts in Social Sciences.258-269. New York, Routledge.Spang, R. And Muller, S. 2014. L'individu au menu: l'invention du restaurant a Paris au XVIIIesiecle. Ethnologie francaise, 44, 11-17.Garval,M. 2004. L'invention du restaurant, Critique, 2004/6 685-686, 520-529. http://www.cairn.info/revue-critique-2004-6-page-520.htm.Credit of the opening illustration - https://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255-s01/students/Ruby-R-Littman/restaurants_revolution.html
and then a promenade in the woods.We can see on the left of thefountain a number of elderly and sick people. Some of them are so old or sickthat they must be helped to get into the water. An old man is brought in awheelbarrow, while others are in a chariot and one is on a horse. Another oldman sits on the steps of the fountain and is aided by an already refreshedyoung woman. All of them still have their clothes on, except by an old man whohas help to take his clothes off he is about to enter the fountain.The portrait also depicts severalnude women in the fountain, who have already been exposed to the magical effects ofthe water. In the upper part of the pool stands a fountain sprinkling themystic water. This may indicate that the water is ever-flowing, and its watersare eternal. The rejuvenated women are happily swimming, enjoying their newstatus. Two women are embracing, depicting that Cockaigne is so sexually freethat homosexuality is not only tolerated but welcome. Some women are washingtheir hair, hoping, perhaps, to rid of their old white hair.To the right of the pool we canobserve an usher leading the now young women out of the water and into a tent.Once dressed, the rejuvenated men and women have a banquet awaiting them.Someone is bringing a large platter of food onto the table, an indicator thatthe food is abundant and infinite. After the banquet, we can see twocouple dancing. One of them is going towards the bushes, leaving to fancy whattheir business is out there. Some people are under a tree, which carriesperhaps sweets and pastries instead of fruit. Finally, Lucas Cranachs paintingis interesting because it shows all the characteristics Cockaigne usuallydisplays in literature, namely, abundant food, eternal youth, and freesexuality. IV. Conclusion An imaginary, utopian land, Cockaigne had everything mankind had alwaysfancied: food, sex, and eternal young life at no effort. Part of the imaginaryof Western Europeans for centuries, it was represented in the Middle Ages inoral tradition and literature. In the Modern Age, a substantial number ofportrays depicted the mythical country. While some of these works of artfocused on one aspect, like eternal youth, others depicted food, wine or even free sexuality the land offered their inhabitants. But Cockaigne represents more than that. It brings forth the need toescape the tough reality lived by a struggling population, who had little toeat under a very strict moral imposed by the constant surveillance of theChurch. And fortunately it provides us with substantial input on the type offood that population ate or did not eat. V. ReferencesDelumeau,J. (org.) 1976. La mort du pays deCocagne. Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne.Ferrieres,M. 2002. Histoires des peursalimentaires. Paris, Seuil.Franco,H. Jr. 2013. Cocagne histoire dun paysimaginaire. Paris, Arkhe.Quellier,F. 2010. Gourmandise histoire dun pechecapital. Paris, Armand Colis._The_Land_of_Cockaigne_-_WGA3507.jpg last visited on January 12, 2016.http://www.ealimentarium.ch/en/magazine/pleasure/amazing-feasts/land-cockaigne last visited onJanuary 17, 2016
food habits of the early 21stcentury.4. Conclusion Jean-BaptisteDebret witnessed a critical time for the formation of Brazilian society. Thearrival of the Portuguese Royal Family with the transfer of the Portuguesecourt to the colony in 1808 brought about significant changes in Brazilian eating habits. By means of his art works, Debret illustrated the birth of a cuisine Brazilian multi-ethnicsociety and their pluralistic cuisine started to be defined at that time. Theinfluences the Brazilian dinner illustrate are noticeable, such as European tablemanners and meats, the constant African touch of the cooks, and the indigenousheritage like the manioc meal and chili.As a suggestionfor further development, a closer analysis of dozens of the artists work,accompanied or not by their description on VoyagePittoresque could reveal precious findings on Brazilian food habits of the19th century.5. ReferencesBarbosa, L. 2007. Feijao com arroz e arroz com feijao. O Brasil no prato dos brasileiros. In Horizontes Antropoloogicos, Porto Alegre, 13, 87-116Debret, J.B. 2014 (1834, 1839). Voyage Historique etPicturesque au Bresil, (Introduction by Leenhardt,J.). Arles, Impremeries NacionalesDerby, O. 2008. Farinhade milho e mandioca em Sao Paulo e Minas Gerais. In Cascudo, L. C.Antologia da Alimentacao no Brasil (pp 208). SaoPaulo, Global Editora.Gomes, L. 2007. 1808.Sao Paulo, Ed. Planeta.http://museuscastromaya.com.br/colecoes/brasiliana/ last visited April 01, 2016Laurioux,B. 2002. Manger au Moyen Age. Pratiqueset discours alimentaires en Europe aux XIVe et XVe siecles. Paris,Hachette.Luccock, J., 2008. Asrefeicoes no Rio de Janeiro no principio do seculo XIX. In Cascudo, L. C.Antologia da Alimentacao no Brasil (pp 194 to 1998). Sao Paulo, Global Editora.Marcgrave, J. 2008.Cardapio do indigena nordestino. In Cascudo, L. C. Antologia da Alimentacaono Brasil (pp 284 to 287). Sao Paulo, Global Editora.Saint-Hilaire, A., 2008. O passadio em Minas Gerais. In Cascudo, L. C. Antologia daAlimentacao no Brasil (pp 203 to 205). Sao Paulo, Global Editora.Straumann, P. (ed)., 2002. Rio de Janeiro - la villemetisse. Paris, Editions Chandeigne.VonMartius, C. F. F., 2008. Dieta carioca em 1817. In Cascudo, L. C. Antologia da Alimentacao no Brasil(pp 288 to 289) . Sao Paulo, Global Editora.
ou familia, incentivar o consumo de alimentosdo terroir, respeitar as tradicoesculinarias e, sobretudo, experimentar a riqueza e a variedade da cozinha saoexemplos do que definem a refeicao dos franceses.Esses conceitos foram baseados no fato que os franceses deParis, Lyon ou Toulouse nao compartilham uma cozinha unica, mas possuem umacultura alimentar rica e definida. 95,2 porcento dos franceses admitem que a gastronomia faz parte de sua identidadecultural. Essa identidade foi desenvolvida ao longo dos seculos, com o trabalhodos produtores, que protegem seus produtos regionais, dos cozinheiros, que temstatus de artistas no pais, e finalmente do povo, que se orgulha de sua comida.O Brasil, que engatinha em todos os aspectos citados acima,pode aprender uma valiosa licao com os franceses. Nossa gastronomia eriquissima, nossa cozinha e saudavel e saborosa, e arrisco a afirmar que nenhumoutro pais possui a variedade de insumos da que dispomos em nossa terra, muitosdos quais endemicos. No entanto, sem uma politica de incentivo ao pequeno produtor,sem diretrizes que salvaguardem nossas riquezas alimentares, nossa gastronomia,que e uma preciosa heranca cultural, sera relegada ao esquecimento dos livrosde receita.Nesse sentido, a visionaria iniciativa do projeto Eu comocultura, que pretende aprovar um projeto de lei para que a gastronomiabrasileira seja oficialmente reconhecida como manifestacao cultural, deu umpasso de gigante. E importante que nos brasileiros, portanto, valorizemos nossacomida, sob todas as suas expressoes locais e regionais, como um bem culturalintangivel e como parte inerente de nossa cultura e nosso orgulho.Paulo Seidl ebrasileiro, cozinheiro e pesquisador em historia e culturada alimentacao na Universidade deTours, Franca
Comoprofessor de cozinha, dediquei diversas aulas a esse pais, inclusive napos-graduacao, quando inseri a Cozinha Marroquina no contexto de CozinhaMediterranea. Fiz, pois, o tal pao, meio as cegas, sem ter certeza de que areceita que eu havia retirado de um excelente livro que ganhei de minha filha iriaou nao funcionar. Deu certo! O pao que fiz no Brasil com uma mistura defarinhas (de trigo e de semola) chegou bem perto dos deliciosos paes que comino cafe, almoco e jantar durante minha breve estadia nesse delicioso pais. Naopude deixar de perceber certa semelhanca com nossa cozinha. Embora o temperoseja completamente diferente, as tecnicas sao bastante parecidas, ja que amaioria dos preparos sao guisados. A mais, o frescor dos legumes e das frutas,alem da grande presenca de leguminosas, como feijoes ou lentilhas e os sucosespremidos na hora chegaram a dar saudades. Mas e certo que a cozinhamarroquina tem suas particularidades, sendo de excelente sabor e frescor. Umacomida sa, saborosa e honesta que vale a pena experimentar.
Sr. Navizala viveu no sertao de pernambuco, no seculo XVIII,era boiadeiro tocador de gado,como diz). Morava em uma casinha de sape no meio da caatinga, sua mae era uma grande medium, chamada por la de benzedeira ou curandeira aos cinco anos de idade, perdeu seu pai, ficando apenas ele e Dona Cecilia, sua mae, com o desencarne do pai, o pequeno navizala sentiu sua vida dificil de sertanejo, tornar-se ainda mais sacrificante, viviam do pouco que a pequena roca, plantada por ele e a mae, produzia, a pouca idade, nao o impedia de ajudar.Ele carpia, semeava, colhia, enfim, ajudava a mae em tudo, mas contando com todo o amor de sua humilde e sabia maezinha, que todas as noites preparava no fogao a lenha, a farofa com banana, uma iguaria para o pequeno navizala, eles rezavam e comiam a luz de um lampiao, depois sentavam-se embaixo do pe de juazeiro no quintal, e Dona Cecilia ensinava ao filho as coisas da vida espiritual, que ele ouvia maravilhado, quanta sabedoria em uma mulher tao simples, eram felizes, eram felizes quando nao estavam na roca, sua mae atendia muita gente da redondeza, nao havia hospital, nem medicos, aquela mulher era a unica esperanca daquele povo pobre do sertao, tinha varios canteiros de ervas e com elas fazia suas famosas garrafadas, benzia as criancas desnutridas, os agricultores feridos por ferramentas enferrujadas, fazia partos, fazia tudo o que podia e salvava muitas vidas, o pequeno navizala sabia de cor o nome de todas as ervas e com sua videncia apurada, dizia a mae quando a pessoa chegava acompanhada por obsessores, assim iam levando a suas vidas, Dona Cecilia desencarnou dormindo tranquilamente quando navizala tinha 15 anos, ele chorou muito, estava so no mundo, mas comecou a ver a maezinha que lhe dizia pata ter animo e continuar a missao, ele comecou entao a trabalhar para fazendeiros da regiao, levava boiadas para todos os cantos do nordeste, assim poderia com suas viagens ajudar mais pessoas, e assim foi, onde ele parava, sempre tinha alguem doente que precisava dele, salvou muitos e fez amigos em toda parte, sua maezinha sempre estava a seu lado orientando, incentivando e consolando nos momentos dificeis.Onde chegava, Sr. Navizala, deixava sua luz, de seu mesmo, so tinha o seu cavalho malhado, companheiro inseparavel, o rosario de sua maezinha e um par de botas gastas, mas gostava mesmo era de andar descalco e adocar a boca com um pedaco de rapadura, gostava dos banhos de acude, de cuidar dos animais e de conversar com as pessoas, um espirito equilibrado e forte, que nunca se deixou vencer pela aridez da vida. Sua missao na terra acabou aos 49 anos de idade, assim como sua maezinha, deitou-se e deixou o corpo, foi para o astral onde pode abracar os seus, sua maezinha, seu pai, seus mentores, no enterro do Sr. Navizala estavam presentes mais de cem pessoas, pessoas que ele ajudou e que sentiam de verdade sua partida, pessoas de todas as partes do sertao, pobres e ricos, agradecidos aquele homem maravilhoso por ter praticado o
bem, feito o melhor que podia por todos, ao chegar no astral, ficou surpreso, emocionado, chorou, uma fila se formou, eram muitos que tambem queriam abraca-lo, pessoas que ele tinha ajudado na terra. Sr. Navizala, representa a forca do sertanejo, a luta, a honestidade e a sabedoria daquela linda gente, quando pediu para vir trabalhar, ele escolheu continuar ajudando, pediu para vir com todas as caracteristicas que tinha como sertanejo, inclusive o linguajar simples e direto, trabalha pela cura espiritual, emocional e fisica.P.S.:QUANDO SR.NAVIZALA DESENCARNOU,NO DIA SEGUINTE SEU QUERIDO CAVALO,TAMBEM SE FOI...QUEM CONHECE ESSE MENTOR,SABE QUE ELE NAO GOSTA DE RODEIOS,E DIRETO,GOSTA DE QUEM O OLHA NOS OLHOS,SE SEU NOME NAO FOSSE NAVIZALA, SERIA SINCERIDADE!!