workers in consumption8. the drinking habits of the workers (thus Knut Wicksell; Irving Fisher)9. infant industries (List in Germany, Carey in the United States)10. national histories of economies, as against English economics (the GermanHistorical School)11. lack of bargaining strength by the workers12. racial impurity13. women working14. immigration of lesser breeds15. the race to the bottom in wages and the eugenic solution (advocated by mostof the American economics profession c. 1900)16. neoclassical theory being insufficiently evolutionary (Veblen; Alchian)17. monopoly and the trusts (see Hovenkamps article on the first law andeconomics movement)18. imperialism, the last stage of capitalism (Lenin; Hobson)19. imperialism as robbery20. adulterated food if no regulation21. Veblen effects: demand curve slopes up22. unemployment (a new word with Beveridges book of 1909)23. lack of coordination (rationalization in the 1920s)24. the government is wise and good, unlike self-interested markets25. business cycles (eventually Schumpeter; Hayek; Keynes)26. underinvestment in increasing-returns industries (as Pigou argued)27. externalities28. under-consumption (dating back to Malthus and the general glut; thenKeynes; now the neo-Keynesians)29. monopolistic competition30. separation of ownership from control (Berle and Means)31. lack of planning (vs. Mises)32. the economy is embedded in society (Karl Polanyi)33. price-fixing markets are only recent, and optional (Karl Polanyi; vs. MichaelPolanyi)34. post-War stagnationism (Keynes, Hansen)35. investment spillovers36. unbalanced growth (Hirschman; French indicative planning)37. capital insufficiency (Harrod/Domar/Solow models; William Easterly oncapital fundamentalism)38. businesspeople do not price by marginal cost or marginal revenue, but byaverage plus markups39. predatory pricing leads to monopoly40. few competitors in an industry leads away from price = marginal cost41. absence of entrepreneurs in certain cultures42. dual labor markets (W. Arthur Lewis)43. cost-push inflation (Otto Eckstein)44. capital-market imperfections45. peasant irrationality (vs. Theodore Schultz)46. cultural irrationality47. economic behavior has motives beyond self-interest48. low-level traps, cycle of poverty (W. Arthur Lewis)49. prisoners dilemma (and much later Elinor Ostroms reply)50. failure to define property rights (Alchian, Demsetz, Coase: one of a few, likethose immediately following here, from the political right)51. overfishing (H. Scott Gordon [195X] and Anthony Scott [1955])52. tragedy of the commons (Garrett Hardin)53. over-population (Hardins motive)54. transaction costs (Coase)55. public goods cannot be supplied privately (Samuelson; vs. Coase, Demsetz)56. public choice (Buchanan, Tullock)57. regulatory capture (ICC case Gabriel Kolko; Stigler)58. free riding (Mancur Olson)59. missing markets (George Akerlof; Joseph Stiglitz)60. the Cambridge capital controversy and the undefinability of capital (PieroSraffa; Joan Robinson; Geoffrey Harcourt; see above, Ricardo)61. informational asymmetry (Akerlof)62. unions as good monopolies (H. Gregg Lewis tested it 1955-1980)63. third-world exploitation (see above, imperialism)64. advertising (Galbraith)65. public underinvestment (Galbraith)66. fine tuning of the economy can work67. large scale econometric models are the way forward68. the invisible hand is mere magic unless proven mathematically69. the conditions sufficient in logic for invisible-hand results are unreasonable(Hahn; Arrow; Debreu)70. false trades out of equilibrium make it impossible to conclude that supply =demand is optimal71. any imperfection throws economic analysis into a hopeless world of secondbest72. all policy arguments, such as the effect of minimum wages, must beexpressed in general equilibrium, or else they are inconclusive73. most economic propositions, such as downward sloping demand curves, areonly provable econometrically74. most econometric results have serious flaws75. history is irrelevant: what