thegoodfellas/blogset-br huggingface dataset:
variant for all environments. That is, the most frequent variant, the weakened consonant, [h], wins out and tends to be chosen even in contexts before a vowel.In contrast, when the environment is part of the stored unit, an alternation can be established, in the sense that the [s] can remain before a vowel. This happens in frequent phrases.(...)Thus my hypothesis is that words and frequent phrases are storage units and that ordinarily there is only one representation per word, so that variations in the form of a word are normally reconciled to a single form and no alternation is created through sound change. Exceptions to this occur when a word is used in high-frequency phrases and/or phrases involving grammatical morphemes, such as pronouns and articles. This hypothesis makes strong predictions about the conditions under which sandhi phenomena will develop. It predicts that sandhi processes will only occur in phrases of high frequency and most commonly in those involving grammatical morphemes or other high-frequency words. This prediction is borne out by the most famous cases of sandhi, such as French liaison (Tranel 1981).1 The hypothesis also predicts that cases of reduction restricted to certain syntactic environments, such as English auxiliary contraction and the reduction of dont, will occur only in the most frequent contexts in which the form appears. This prediction is also borne out where it has been tested (Krug 1999; Bybee and Scheibman 1998; see also Bybee 1998).4.2. Sound change inside of wordsOf course, alternations do develop inside of words. A morpheme inside a word may undergo phonological change, producing a new allomorph and thus an alternation. This fact follows from the hypotheses presented earlier: if sound change permanently affects stored units and wordseven morphologically complex onesare the units of storage, then the same morpheme in different words will take on different phonological shapes.Further evidence for the hypotheses developed here is the fact that the effect of an alternating environment inside a word is very different from the effect across word boundaries. Inside a word, a variable process never applies outside of its phonetic environment (as, say, the aspiration of /s/ in Spanish occurs even ____##V). Instead the effect is the reverse: there is evidence that a change can be retarded even in its phonetic environment if it occurs in a morpheme that also has alternates that appear outside of the phonetic environment. Timberlake (1978) has made this point by presenting examples of changes that progress faster in uniform environments and are retarded in alternating ones.(...)These examples show that the implementation of a sound change in particular words (that is, its lexical diffusion) depends heavily on the contexts in which the sound is used. Since I have been arguing that the unit that serves as the context for a sound as it undergoes change is the word, then we must now consider how to account for the fact that the environment of a morpheme in one word affects the rate of change for the same morpheme in a different word. To understand this issue, we must understand the nature of morphological
relationships, a matter to which I now turn.5. A network modelIn various works (Bybee 1985, 1988, 1995) I have proposed that the lexicon is organized into a complex set of relations among words and phrases by connections drawn among phonologically and semantically similar items. Parallel phonological and semantic connections constitute morphological relations if they are repeated across multiple pairs of items. As Dell (2000) points out, morphological relatedness is the joint effect of the organization of words into phonological and semantic neighborhoods.In this model, the relations between base and past-tense forms of English verbs are diagrammed as in figure 10.1,3 where semantic relations are not explicitly shown and where relations of similarity (rather than identity) between segments are shown with broken lines. Affixes are not explicitly listed in storage but emerge from sets of connections made among stored words and phrases. The very high type frequency of the regular English past tense strengthens its representation in memory and makes it highly productive. It can then apply to verbs whose past-tense forms are not accessible because they have never been encountered or are of such low frequency as to not be easily accessible.Past tense constitutes a category, but not one that can be accessed independently of a particular verb, because it is a category to which verb forms may belong or not belong. How then do individual tokens of the past-tense suffix relate to one another? This is, of course, an empirical question, and here is the evidence wehave so far.First, instances of the suffix attached to a verb are affected by the token frequency of the whole verb form: the rate of deletion for a final [t] or [d] on a pasttense verb is affected by the frequency of the form, as shown in Bybee (2000). In that study, past-tense forms with a frequency in Francis and Kucera (1982) of 36 or greater are considered high frequency and those with a frequency of less than 36 as low frequency, following a suggestion by Stemberger and MacWhinney (1988), who establish that the mean frequency of inflected verbs in Francis and Kucera is 35. Using this cutoff point, I (Bybee 2000) find that there is a significant difference between high- and low-frequency verbs in the position for deletion. See table 10.4. Second, in the data I cited earlier, the overall trend for past-tense [t] and [d] is that they delete less often than [t] or [d] in monomorphemic words.A related third point is that Losiewicz (1992) has shown that not only are monomorphemic [t] and [d] shorter than past-tense [t] and [d], but high-frequency past-tense [t] and [d] are shorter than low-frequency [t] and [d]. Losiewicz proposes to account for her data by a dual-access model in which high-frequency morphologically complex forms are stored and retrieved as wholes, while low-frequency forms are composed by adding the suffix to a base form using a schema. But this model would predict the same rate of deletion in high-frequency regular past tense forms as in monomorphemic forms of comparable frequency, and this prediction is not borne out
by the data. Rather, in the data used in Bybee (2000), the rate of deletion for all words with frequencies of 36403 was 54.4%, while the rate for past-tense forms of the same frequency was 39.6%. Thus we must posit that the past tense in low-frequency verbs, which is longer and phonetically fuller, can have some effect on the past-tense suffix on high-frequency verbs, which is shorter and more prone to deletion but not as short and prone to deletion as the [t] and [d] of monomorphemic forms. Thus the fuller form of the suffix on low-frequency verbs has some impact on the suffix on other verbs.(...)This account of the Timberlake Effect makes predictions about the circumstances under which the effect will be the strongest. A change will be retarded most noticeably in an alternating environment when the alternates that are not in the environment to undergo the change are the most frequenteither there are more conditions in the paradigm in which the change does not take place or the environments that do not condition a change occur in the unmarked or most frequent categories. Furthermore, it is less likely that the Timberlake Effect will be observed in high-frequency paradigms in which individual forms have a greater lexical strength (accessibility) and weaker connections with related words (see Bybee 1985).Now compare again these word-internal cases to those where change is occurring at a word boundary. The word may for a time have multiple variants, suggesting either a range of variation in the changing segment or even multiple representations for a single word. However, in this case the tendency is to resolve the variation in favor of a single form for each word, except in the case of high-frequency or grammatical words. It appears that the cases in which distinct alternates become established are just those cases in which the conditioning environment is registered in storage with the alternating item. Thus in the case of progu, progi each variant can be registered because we are dealing with two different (although related) words, one of which consistently has the palatalizing environment and one that does not. Similarly in frequent phrases, such as muchos ano(s), the [s] preceding the vowel may be preserved (as though it were word-internal) because the conditioning vowel occurs with it in storage and processing. Other instances of the same word may occur without the [s], as [mucoh] or [muco]. Such variation would not necessarily exist indefinitely. Unless one variant is in a highly entrenched phrase, the variation is likely to be eventually leveled out.Thus by registering words in the lexicon and establishing connections among them we are able to account for the two different effects on sound change of alternating environments inside of words and across word boundaries.6. Lexical phonologySome of the effects of variable processes that I have discussed earlier have been addressed by Guy (1991a, 1991b) in the context of Lexical Phonology. This proposal is relevant here, even though I will argue that it does not work for all the cases at hand, because it incorporates the notion argued
for here, that some words behave as if variable processes have applied to them more than once. Guy proposes that variable rules may apply cyclically and at all levels of a Lexical Phonology and offers an account for the variation in t/d deletion that is conditioned by the morphological structure of the word. The facts are as follows: on average, the highest rate of deletion of /t/ or /d/ takes place in monomorphemic words, the next highest rate in pasts with vowel changes (such as slept, left, told), and the lowest rate in regular past-tense forms.The advantage of the Lexical Phonology approach is that it does recognize that fairly low-level variable phonology is deeply entwined with the lexicon and morphology. It also suggests that the greater progress of a sound change can be attributed to more applications of the rule. The problem with it is that it makes incorrect predictions in some cases and it cannot deal at all with frequency effects across lexical items.Consider first another case of an alternating environment that Timberlake describes. Timberlake brings up this case to show that it is the alternating environment itself, and not the morpheme boundary, that causes the retardation of change.(...)This example shows that the Lexical Phonology approach is fundamentally the wrong approach, for it is a fact of usage, not structure, that is accelerating the change: since the /d/ in /ado/ is in the context for reduction and deletion no matter what verb it is added to and since many verbs with this suffix are of very high frequency, there is a frequency effect to accelerate the change and nothing to impede it. Finally, Lexical Phonology, as a theory of structure and not a theory of usage, cannot account for the frequency effects demonstrable in the lexical diffusion of sound change. In Bybee (2000) I have shown that t/d deletion occurs more often in words of higher frequency. This is true of all of the 2,000 tokens studied; this relation also holds when nouns and adjectives, semi-weak past-tense verbs, and regular past-tense verbs are considered as well. Since the semi-weak past-tense verbs are all of high frequency, frequency of use alone can account for their higher rate of deletion over the regular past verbs. I conclude, then, that variable rates of phonological change are the product of usage, not of structure.7. ConclusionsThe evidence discussed in this essay bears on two issues regarding the nature of stored memory for linguistic forms. First, the minimal unit of independent storage is the word, which is also the minimal unit of production, since smaller units cannot be used in isolation. I hasten to add, however, that that does not mean that other much longer sequences are not stored and processed as wholes. Here we have seen evidence that frequently used phrases behave like single processing units (just as words typically do) in that they preserve segments that might otherwise be lost at word edges. In various papers I have argued for a highly redundant storage mechanism that includes specific instances of phrases and clauses as well
more entrenched and can only be undone by the strong pattern pressures we know as analogical leveling.The two hypotheses of words as storage units and the immediate and permanent effect of sound change on words explain why most phonological alternations occur at word level, that is, why word boundaries block phonological rules and morpheme boundaries do not. I have also shown here that the tendency of final word boundaries to act like consonants follows from these hypotheses and from the fact that the segment most frequently following a final word boundary is a consonant.The larger theoretical message is that use impacts representation, a point often made in studies of the discourse origins of syntax and a point that is also being made by connectionist modelers of language. As I have argued here, many cases of what was earlier postulated to be structural turn out to be derivable from the way language is used. I also see many instances where a careful look at use brings to light new data that was ignored before. I suspect that a usage-based perspective will be very productive in generating new questions and new answers in phonology.
the view that language and brain adapted to each other. In each generation, language made use of (adapted to) abilities that already existed. This is consistent with the fact that the peripheral neural circuits directly responsible for perceptual and productive aspects of language have shown the least change. It makes sense that languages would evolve specifically to take advantage of sound contrasts that were already (prelinguistically) relatively easy to distinguish. This perspective is also consistent with the fact that Brocas and Wernickes areas are not unique to humans. Differences in language circuits seem mostly to be quantitative elaborations, rather than completely new circuitry.Three major factors seem to have conspired to drive the evolution of language: first, the general elaboration ofand increasing focus onthe importance of learned behavior; second, a significant increase in the complexity, subtlety, and range of conceptual understanding that was possible; and third, an increasingly complex, socially interactive existence. Each of these is reflected by a variety of changes in the brain during human evolution. Because language itself facilitates thinking and conceptual awareness, language evolution would have been a mutually reinforcing process: Increasingly complicated brains led to increasingly rich and varied thoughts, driving the evolution of increasingly complicated language, which itself facilitated even more complex conceptual worlds that these brains would then want to communicate (Savage-Rumbaugh & Rumbaugh, 1993; Schoenemann, 2009). The interplay between internal (conceptual) and external (social) aspects of human existence that drove this coevolutionary process highlights the usefulness of thinking about language evolution as a complex adaptive system. The extent to which increasing conceptual complexity itself might have driven language evolution represents an intriguing research question for the future.
uniform ones allow change to hurry ahead.Effects of frequency and context demonstrate that language use has an effect on mental representations. In this view, representations and the grammatical structure that emerges from them are based on experience with language. New linguistic experiences are categorized in terms of already-stored representations, adding to the exemplar clusters already present and, at times, changing them gradually. Various levels of abstraction emerge as exemplars are categorized by phonological and semantic similaritymorphemes, words, phrases, and constructions can all be seen as the result of the categorization of linguistic experiences.
the SRN can be attributed to an interaction between intrinsic architectural constraints (Christiansen & Chater, 1999) and the statistical properties of its input experience (MacDonald & Christiansen, 2002). By analyzing the internal states of SRNs before and after training with right-branching and center-embedded materials, Christiansen and Chater found that this type of network has a basic architectural bias toward locally bounded dependencies similar to those typically found in iterative recursion. However, in order for the SRN to process multiple instances of iterative recursion, exposure to specific recursive constructions is required. Such exposure is even more crucial for the processing of center-embeddings because the network in this case also has to overcome its architectural bias toward local dependencies. Hence, the SRN does not have a built-in ability for recursion, but instead it develops its human-like processing of different recursive constructions through exposure to repeated instances of such constructions in the input.
Os videos games estao cada vez maissofisticados, seu papel na sociedade assume dimensoes que estaosendo estudadas, por isso e bom conhece-los para aproveitar o queeles tem de bom. Sugestoes deplataforma para fazer games educativos:http://fazgame.com.br/Faz Game e umaplataforma desenvolvida por brasileiros, lancada em fevereiro de2013, que possibilita a criacao de jogos com conteudoseducacionais. Essa plataforma e gratuita por 30 dias, depois desseperiodo o custo e de 10 reais para usuarios. Os jogos saoconstruidos online, nao necessitando de instalacao de softwaresespeciais. Para escolas, acima de 25 alunos o valor fica por 2 reaispor aluno. Livro indicado: Aciencia dos Videogames: Tudo dominado ... pelos eletrons! Adriano aNatale, Ed. Vieira & Lent.Bibliografia:Carta na Escola no 82dezembro de 2013 - Texto de Neka MachadoUm jovem nao querparar - Mundo Jovem fevereiro de 2014www.cartacapital.com.br
durante a Formacao Continuada, Ciclos deDebates e no Seminario de Informatica Educativa dos quais tivemosoportunidade de participar. Embasandonossos estudos, inicialmente utilizamos quatro palavras: comunicacao,autoria, busca e colaboracao, retiradas do texto Integracao daTecnologia com o Curriculo: Concepcao e Possibilidades de Criacaode Web Curriculo da Professora Dra Maria Elisabeth B. deAlmeida.Alemdas palavras sugeridas como ponto de partida para nossos encontros,refletimos tambem a respeito do Letramento Digital, Cultura Digitale Inovacao Digital, assuntos que nos ajudaram a construir nossosconceitos sobre o papel do professor do LIE e dos professoresinseridos no mundo da tecnologia que, queiramos ou nao, permeianossas acoes como individuos e educadores.Inicialmente,construimos no grande grupo uma rede de ideias tentandoestabelecer ligacoes que contemplassem os caminhos do WebCurriculo. Esta atividade foi registrada em um cartaz, apresentada ediscutida com o grupo de professores.Desdeentao, mensalmente abordamos separadamente as palavras propostasinicialmente e detalhamos suas implicacoes em nosso fazerpedagogico, utilizando diversas formas de exploracao. Depoisdas reflexoes realizadas durante o ano, surgem indagacoes: mudamos alguma coisa em nossa maneira de pensar? Poderiamosacrescentar ideias, conceitos ou novos conhecimentos a esta "teia"construida inicialmente? Em qual momento meu conhecimento foiqualificado? Meu pensamento inicial permanece inalterado? Asconstrucoes que fiz neste periodo foram suficientes para alterarou adaptar o fazer pedagogico?Parapodermos identificar avancos em nossos estudos, propomos aqui areconstrucao da "rede de ideias" utilizando novamente asquatro palavras que nortearam nossa formacao neste ano. A fim detentar qualificar os caminhos do Web Curriculo associado as TDICs,sugerimos que individualmente, se construa uma nova relacao entreas quatro palavras estudadas. A ferramenta indicada e o CMap Tools,que pode ser encontrado no caminho: Iniciar - ProgramasEducacionais - Extras.Realizamosnosso mapa e postamos no nosso espaco.
Aescola passa por grandes desafios na atualidade quanto ao uso detecnologias, principalmente as moveis como o celular, smartphone,tablet. A proibicao do uso de celular na sala de aula e uma dasmais polemicas, na tentativa de cumprir a lei ( a lei proibe o uso) a escola passa por autoritaria, constrangendo os alunos, que ja temos celulares incorporados no seu cotidiano. Os alunos tem no celularnao apenas o telefone, mas uma gama de aplicativos, ja incorporadosa sua rotina, como busca de informacoes, redes sociais e aplicativos diversos.Hauma ideia geral entre educadores, principalmente de universidades,que o controle do uso de tecnologias na escola implica em que oprofessor e o detentor da informacao, do conhecimento! Ai caimosna armadilha, pois a inclusao digital visa o uso das tecnologias noapoio a educacao.Esseseculo e o da informacao. A educacao tambem precisa passar por essas mudancas. Omaior desafio das escolas e buscar que alunos e professores estejampreparados para conviver em ambientes de troca, de colaboracao e decompartilhamento, onde juntos promovam uma inteligenica coletiva. Oprofessor passa a ter um papel de mediador do conhecimenot eorganizador da aprendizagem. As principais habilidades necessarias aessa nova era e publicar, apresentar e persuadir. O processoeducativo passa por redes de colaboracao e compartilhamento. A tendencia e o ensino mediado por tecnologias digitais, onde asala de aula pode ser qualquer ambiente onde as pessoas se conectamumas as outras, buscando solucoes. AUnesco apoia o uso de tecnologias moveis em sala de aula. Em 2013publicou um guia com 10 recomendacoes para governos implantarempoliticas publicas que utilizem celulares como recurso nas salas deaula. O guia, apresentado em Paris durante a Mobile Learning Week,(Coordenacao de Educacao 2013 Diretrizes para Politica deAprendizagem Movel), traz ainda 13 bons motivos para ter esse aliadona educacao.Documento da Unesco em pdf: www.bibl.ita.br/UNESCO-Diretrizes.pdfBibliografia: Mundo Jovem junho 2014 Diretrizes para Politica deAprendizagem Movel - Unesco Voce nem imagina quanto e dificil te ver e nao poder te tocar , nao poder ir la te dar akele beijo q eu sempre dei , vc nem imagina quanto doi ver vc dizendo q nao sente nada por mim , e depois de todos os depoimentos gigantes escritos resolvi q vc nao merece tudo isso q eu faco por vc , a algum tempo eu nao te demostro mais esse meu sentimento , e me sinto muito melhor com isso , mesmo ainda te amando , mesmo ainda lembrando das palavras ditas , das promecas feitas , hj sofro menos , segui conselhos de amigos q diziam pra mim nao me rebaixar tanto a vc , e hj estou mais feliz sem vc , sei q se vc se arrepender e querer voltar pra mim eu volto , mais volto pq te amo , e o amor perdoa tudo ate mesmo tudo o q vc ja me flou , mais axo muito dificil de isso acontecer de vc se arrepender , mais hj mudei e mudei pra melhor , e sinto orgulho de mim por isso .Creditos a : Larissa H. Torres Obrigado Por todos os abracos,por todas as idiotices, por todas as baguncas,por todas as risadas, por todas as
brincadeiras, por todas as broncas, portodos os conselhos,por todas as vezes que falamos mal dos outros, portodos os telefonemas, por todas as mensagens.Obrigada por fazer parteda minha vida e a cada momento que passamos juntas se tornouinesquecivel, Obrigada pelas fugas nas festas :x , obrigado por chorar comigo , obrigado por tudo tudo mesmo , TE AMO Muito Lais Bruno Creditos a : Larissa H. Torres