pattern that becomes apparent here is the paradox of a political renationalization that is necessitated by transnational relationships. This was also evident in the financial crisis, where it was ultimately national budgets that had to bear the brunt of the crisis, particularly the rescuing of banks. And also where the beginnings of supranational policies regarding finances and the economy exist, as in the European Union, the main burden was passed on to those countries that suffered most from the crisis.In some of them, this led to a strengthening of leftist parties and governments, as in Greece, which also gave thought, however, only to national solutions, because there seemed to be no room for supranational solutions. Conversely, social-democratic parties in northern countries were unable to come to a system-critical, international language of solidarity.These developments are leading to a split in conservative politics and to a deafening muteness on the Left. Liberal-conservative protagonists embrace the nationalization of problems and the globalization of economic structures, which are accordingly not subject to questioning, because in this way national economies take care of the clean-up work necessitated by a transnational economic system that achieves and distributes its profits according to its own rules.The other, more nationally oriented conservative political outlook went along with this as long as its own house was not endangered; but in times of the "influx" of destitute refugees from "foreign" cultures, tolerance comes to an end, and there is an insistence on closed borders in order not to excessively strain the "integrative capability" of the population and its social institutions. In the heat of battle, this is sometimes expressed in more explicit racist terms. The current state of the Christian Democratic Union and Christian Social Union in Germany offers a case study in the divergence of the two conservative directions, the liberal-global and the national-social.Where does the Left remain in all this? Shouldn't it be impelled by this problematic situation to come forward with a comprehensive analysis of causes and connections, in order to formulate internationally oriented, structural solutions that could be worked towards by an alliance of social-democratic, socialist and green-emancipatory parties and movements? Indeed, that would have to be the case. But why can almost none of this be found in the political debate? For two reasons because the Left has lost the language of justice, and because it is caught in the national trap.We have apparently come to a phase where an answer must be found to the question regarding global justice between what used to be called the "first" and "third" worlds and are today referred to (with equal unsuitability) as the "West" and the "global South."What is needed first of all is an, if you will, differentiated "calculation" of the extant relationships of preponderant advantaging and excessive dependency between these countries or groups of countries that is expressed in clear language. The reasons why such a bill has become due are manifold.From a European point of view, the current explanation is that many people in Arab countries are no longer willing to participate in the miserable plight, the