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High-quality green spaces and parks provide opportunities for healthy recreation, support biodiversity and reduce air pollution. The Welsh Government's Local Places for Nature programme, and the enabling natural resources and well-being grant, have funded the creation of hundreds of local spaces, and our green flags award scheme also drives up quality.

Mae mannau gwyrdd a pharciau o ansawdd uchel yn cynnig cyfleoedd ar gyfer gweithgareddau hamdden iach, cefnogi bioamrywiaeth a lleihau llygredd aer. Mae rhaglen Lleoedd Lleol ar gyfer Natur Llywodraeth Cymru, a'r grant galluogi adnoddau naturiol a lles, wedi ariannu'r gwaith o greu cannoedd o fannau lleol, ac mae cynllun gwobr y faner werdd hefyd yn hybu ansawdd.

Thank you, Minister. Certainly, we are all aware, as you just listed, of the major benefits of community green spaces, in terms of health and well-being, biodiversity, air quality, and so on. Despite this, a number of green spaces are being lost, including in areas across our capital city, due to various developments. As you will know from previous questions from other Members, a number of campaigners want to see investment in new parks to accompany such developments, as well as community spaces for growing food. So, how is the Welsh Government working with local authorities to ensure that such schemes are part of their local development plans, and align with their commitment to act on the climate crisis?

Diolch, Weinidog. Yn sicr, rydym ni i gyd yn gwybod, fel y gwnaethoch chi eu rhestru, y manteision mawr sydd yna o ran iechyd a lles, bioamrywiaeth, ansawdd aer, ac ati. Ond eto i gyd, mae nifer o ofodau gwyrdd yn diflannu, gan gynnwys mewn ardaloedd ledled ein prifddinas, oherwydd datblygiadau amrywiol. Fel y byddwch yn ymwybodol o gwestiynau blaenorol gan Aelodau eraill, mae nifer o ymgyrchwyr eisiau gweld buddsoddiad mewn parciau newydd i gydfynd â datblygiadau o'r fath, ynghyd â gofodau cymunedol i dyfu bwyd. Felly, sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gydag awdurdodau lleol i sicrhau bod cynlluniau o'r fath yn rhan o'u cynlluniau datblygu lleol, ynghyd â'u hymrywmiad i weithredu o ran yr argyfwng hinsawdd?

Thank you. You do raise a very important point, and obviously my colleague the Minister for Finance and Local Government does have these discussions with local authorities, and I know the Minister for Climate Change also does, with her planning hat on, in relation to LDPs. I go back to what I was saying about Local Places for Nature; it just shows how people do really appreciate the ability to be able to access green space from their doorstep, if you like, and obviously in somewhere like Cardiff, in a capital city, it's really important to preserve the green spaces that we have, but also to look at whether there are any opportunities for new ones.

Diolch. Rydych yn codi pwynt pwysig iawn, ac yn amlwg mae fy nghyd-Aelod y Gweinidog Cyllid a Llywodraeth Leol yn cael y trafodaethau hyn gydag awdurdodau lleol, ac rwy'n gwybod bod y Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd hefyd yn gwneud hynny, gan wisgo'i het gynllunio, mewn perthynas â chynlluniau datblygu lleol. Rwy'n mynd yn ôl at yr hyn roeddwn yn ei ddweud am Leoedd Lleol ar gyfer Natur; mae'n dangos sut mae pobl yn gwerthfawrogi'r gallu i gael mynediad at fannau gwyrdd o garreg eu drws, os mynnwch, ac yn amlwg yn rhywle fel Caerdydd, mewn prifddinas, mae'n bwysig iawn cadw'r mannau gwyrdd sydd gennym, ac edrych hefyd a oes unrhyw gyfleoedd i gael rhai newydd.

Minister, research has shown that, during the pandemic, those with disabilities spent even less time out in green spaces and accessing nature than before. Whilst the vulnerability to COVID was a key factor, it has also been found that cognitive load had a detrimental impact, not to mention confusion of social arrangements, such as how many people could meet at one time, and whether or not physical contact like hugging was allowed. All of this led to an overall drop in confidence for some when accessing green spaces. Whilst physical accessibility is an important barrier that we must continue to address, we need to be ever mindful that barriers to access can be much more nuanced and subjective. Therefore, Minister, what assessment has the Welsh Government made of how it can rebuild the confidence of those with disabilities to re-engage with nature and our green spaces? Thank you.

Weinidog, yn ystod y pandemig, dangosodd gwaith ymchwil fod pobl ag anableddau wedi treulio llai o amser nag o'r blaen hyd yn oed allan mewn mannau gwyrdd ac yn mwynhau byd natur. Er bod gwarchod rhag COVID yn ffactor allweddol, canfuwyd hefyd fod llwyth gwybodaeth wedi cael effaith niweidiol, heb sôn am ddryswch ynghylch trefniadau cymdeithasol, megis faint o bobl a gâi gyfarfod ar un adeg, ac a oedd cyswllt corfforol fel cofleidio wedi'i ganiatáu ai peidio. Arweiniodd hyn i gyd at leihad cyffredinol yn hyder rhai pobl i fynd i fannau gwyrdd. Er bod hygyrchedd corfforol yn rhwystr pwysig y mae'n rhaid inni barhau i fynd i'r afael ag ef, mae angen inni fod mor ymwybodol ag erioed y gall rhwystrau i fynediad fod yn llawer mwy cymhleth a goddrychol. Felly, Weinidog, pa asesiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o sut y gall ailadeiladu hyder pobl ag anableddau i ailgysylltu â byd natur a'n mannau gwyrdd? Diolch.

Thank you. The Member raises the very important point, I think, that the COVID pandemic had a lot of harms apart from COVID itself, and clearly, as you say, people with some disabilities may not have been able to recognise the limits and the limitations that were put on people even outside, with how many people could get together to go for a walk, for instance. I'm not aware of any specific research that the Welsh Government is undertaking - I'm not sure who the Minister would be, in fact - but I will certainly look into it, and if there has been some analysis done, I will ask that particular Member to write to you.

Diolch. Mae'r Aelod yn codi'r pwynt pwysig iawn, rwy'n credu, fod y pandemig COVID wedi arwain at lawer o niwed ar wahân i COVID ei hun, ac yn amlwg, fel y dywedwch, efallai nad oedd rhai pobl ag anableddau wedi gallu adnabod y terfynau a'r cyfyngiadau a gafodd eu rhoi ar bobl, yn yr awyr agored hyd yn oed, gyda faint o bobl a gâi ddod at ei gilydd i fynd am dro, er enghraifft. Nid wyf yn ymwybodol o unrhyw ymchwil penodol y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud - nid wyf yn siŵr pwy fyddai'r Gweinidog, mewn gwirionedd - ond yn sicr fe edrychaf ar hyn, ac os gwnaethpwyd dadansoddiad, fe ofynnaf i'r cyfryw Aelod ysgrifennu atoch.

Our approach to supporting the rural economy is focused on delivering programme for government commitments. I have announced over £200 million of funding for rural investment schemes to support the resilience of the rural economy and our natural environment.

Mae ein dull o gefnogi'r economi wledig yn canolbwyntio ar gyflawni ymrwymiadau'r rhaglen lywodraethu. Rwyf wedi cyhoeddi dros £200 miliwn o gyllid ar gyfer cynlluniau buddsoddi gwledig i gefnogi gwytnwch yr economi wledig a'n hamgylchedd naturiol.

Thank you for that response. Across Wales, as you know, some 1,200 socioeconomic projects have been funded under the current rural development plan, and these projects have included a range of activities, including facilitating access to crucial community services in rural areas. Organisations in my region, of course, have expressed concerns about their future when this funding comes to an end. For example, Planed in Pembrokeshire is looking at drawing its community food hubs programme to an end, which supports around 15 local food hubs across three counties. In Powys, Ecodyfi is facing the possibility of bringing two major projects to an end, Tyfu Dyfi and Outdoor Health, with possible effects on community well-being and employment. Now, I accept that we've received less funding from the UK Government than was originally pledged. We recall 'not a penny less' being mentioned, of course. But I am concerned that there hasn't been sufficient new rural development funding announced by the Government. So, Minister, can you explain how the Government intends to continue to fund these kinds of important initiatives in rural Wales?

Diolch yn fawr i chi am yr ateb. Dros Gymru, fel rŷch chi'n gwybod, mae dros ryw 1,200 o brojectau sosioeconomaidd wedi cael eu cyllido dan y cynllun datblygu gwledig presennol, ac mae'r projectau hyn wedi cynnwys ystod amrywiol o weithgareddau, gan gynnwys hwyluso mynediad at wasanaethau cymunedol hanfodol mewn ardaloedd gwledig. Mae sefydliadau yn fy rhanbarth i, wrth gwrs, wedi mynegi pryderon am eu dyfodol pan ddaw'r cyllid yma i ben. Er enghraifft, mae Planed yn sir Benfro yn edrych ar ddod â'i raglen hybiau bwyd cymunedol i ben, sy'n cefnogi rhyw 15 o hybiau bwyd lleol ar draws tair sir. Ym Mhowys, mae Ecodyfi yn wynebu'r posibilrwydd o ddiweddu dau broject mawr, sef Tyfu Dyfi a Thrywydd Iach, gyda sgil-effeithiau posibl i swyddi a lles cymunedol. Nawr, rwy'n derbyn ein bod ni wedi cael llai o gyllid gan Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig na'r hyn a gafodd ei addo. Rŷn ni'n cofio, wrth gwrs, 'dim ceiniog yn llai'. Ond rwy'n pryderu nad oes digon o gyllid datblygu gwledig newydd wedi cael ei gyhoeddi gan y Llywodraeth. Felly, ydych chi, Weinidog, yn gallu esbonio sut mae'r Llywodraeth yn bwriadu parhau i gyllido'r math yma o fentrau pwysig yng nghefn gwlad Cymru?

Thank you. As you said, we were promised not a penny less, but unfortunately, we know, as a result of the UK Government not honouring its commitment to replace EU funding to Wales, we are actually £1.1 billion worse off. And clearly it's not possible to find that significant sum of money from within our own budget, so we do know that, certainly in my portfolio, our farming sector, our rural economies, will lose out on around £243 million of replacement EU funding over the last two spending periods. It's really important that we do continue to fund as many projects as we can, and have as many new schemes for the agricultural sector and for our rural economy. So, you'll be aware of the announcement I made around the rural investment schemes, for instance, to support our farmers, our foresters, our land managers and our food businesses across the rural economy. So, there is a significant number of projects within that. I'm unaware if the specific project you mentioned is able to access further funding, but, obviously, we will continue to invest in our rural economies.

Diolch. Fel y dywedoch chi, cawsom addewid na chaem geiniog yn llai, ond yn anffodus, o ganlyniad i fethiant Llywodraeth y DU i anrhydeddu ei hymrwymiad i roi cyllid llawn i Gymru yn lle cyllid yr UE, fe wyddom ein bod £1.1 biliwn yn waeth ein byd mewn gwirionedd. Ac yn amlwg, nid yw'n bosibl dod o hyd i'r swm sylweddol hwnnw o arian o fewn ein cyllideb ein hunain, felly rydym yn gwybod, yn sicr yn fy mhortffolio i, y bydd ein sector ffermio, ein heconomïau gwledig, oddeutu £243 miliwn yn brin o gyllid newydd yn lle cyllid yr UE dros y ddau gyfnod gwariant diwethaf. Mae'n bwysig iawn ein bod yn parhau i ariannu cymaint o brosiectau ag y gallwn, a chael cymaint o gynlluniau newydd ar gyfer y sector amaethyddol ac i'n heconomi wledig. Felly, fe fyddwch yn ymwybodol o'r cyhoeddiad a wneuthum ynghylch y cynlluniau buddsoddi gwledig, er enghraifft, i gefnogi ein ffermwyr, ein coedwigwyr, ein rheolwyr tir a'n busnesau bwyd ar draws yr economi wledig. Felly, ceir nifer sylweddol o brosiectau o fewn hynny. Nid wyf yn gwybod a yw'r prosiect penodol y gwnaethoch chi sôn amdano yn gallu cael cyllid pellach, ond yn amlwg, byddwn yn parhau i fuddsoddi yn ein heconomïau gwledig.

Part of rural development, Minister, is also the Glastir scheme, and I recently met with NFU Cymru in my constituency and the deputy chairman of NFU Cymru in Brecon and Radnorshire, Rob Blaenbwch, who wanted me to put a question to you directly about Glastir funding. We're seeing the Glastir funding being rolled on a yearly basis, with contracts being renewed. What my local NFU would like to see is those contracts being rolled forward right the way up to the start of the sustainable farming scheme, to give those farmers some assurance of long-term stability and funding. Is that something that the Government is looking to do to make sure that our farmers have some stability in very uncertain times?

Rhan o ddatblygu gwledig hefyd, Weinidog, yw'r cynllun Glastir, ac yn ddiweddar fe gyfarfûm ag NFU Cymru yn fy etholaeth a dirprwy gadeirydd NFU Cymru ym Mrycheiniog a Sir Faesyfed, Rob Blaenbwch, a oedd am imi ofyn cwestiwn i chi'n uniongyrchol am gyllid Glastir. Rydym yn gweld yr arian Glastir yn cael ei gyflwyno bob blwyddyn, gyda chontractau'n cael eu hadnewyddu. Yr hyn yr hoffai fy NFU lleol ei weld yw'r contractau hynny'n cael eu cyflwyno hyd at ddechrau'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy, er mwyn rhoi rhywfaint o sicrwydd i'r ffermwyr hynny o sefydlogrwydd a chyllid hirdymor. A yw hynny'n rhywbeth y mae'r Llywodraeth yn ceisio ei wneud i sicrhau bod ein ffermwyr yn cael rhywfaint o sefydlogrwydd mewn cyfnod ansicr iawn?

I'm very aware of what the NFU would like me to do around the Glastir schemes. You'll be aware that I announced that they would continue to the end of 2023. Unfortunately, because of the uncertainty in our budgets and in the way that I've just described in my answer to Cefin Campbell, I'm not able to do what you would like me to do. And it is very uncertain times, made not much easier by leaving the European Union and by the very challenging financial situation that we're in. What I have asked officials to do is to give me some advice around Glastir as to whether I can provide any assurance beyond 2023, and that will come to me in the next couple of months.

Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o beth hoffai'r NFU i mi wneud mewn perthynas â'r cynlluniau Glastir. Fe fyddwch yn gwybod fy mod wedi cyhoeddi y byddant yn parhau hyd at ddiwedd 2023. Yn anffodus, oherwydd yr ansicrwydd yn ein cyllidebau ac yn y ffordd rwyf newydd ei ddisgrifio yn fy ateb i Cefin Campbell, nid wyf yn gallu gwneud yr hyn y byddech yn hoffi imi ei wneud. Ac mae'n gyfnod ansicr iawn, nad yw wedi ei wneud yn llawer haws drwy adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a chan y sefyllfa ariannol heriol iawn rydym ynddi. Gofynnais i swyddogion roi cyngor i mi ynghylch Glastir i weld a allaf roi unrhyw sicrwydd y tu hwnt i 2023, ac fe gaf hwnnw yn ystod y misoedd nesaf.

Good afternoon, Minister. Just to continue that theme around rural development, we know that the lion's share of RDP actually came from the EU, so Brexit coupled with the Australian and New Zealand trade deal is further evidence, if we needed it, that the Tories are indeed bad news for farmers and for Wales. [ Interruption.] And I do wish that they would take some responsibility for their role in taking us out of the EU, and the effect on our farming communities. The Agriculture (Wales) Bill is an opportunity to reset the dial and to produce solutions for Wales made in Wales. That same approach needs to be applied to the rural development programme. Unions have raised concerns about the governance and implementation of the RDP, and indeed their concerns were justified following an Audit Wales report in summer 2020. We hopefully can't afford to make those mistakes again, particularly at a time when money is so tight. So, I wonder if I could ask you what plans you have to ensure that the RDP programme going forward is robust, and what your vision is for developing our rural communities. Thank you. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Prynhawn da, Weinidog. I barhau â thema datblygu gwledig, gwyddom fod y gyfran fwyaf o'r rhaglen datblygu gwledig wedi dod o'r UE mewn gwirionedd, felly mae Brexit ynghyd â chytundeb masnach Awstralia a Seland Newydd yn dystiolaeth bellach, os oedd ei hangen arnom, fod y Torïaid yn newyddion drwg go iawn i ffermwyr ac i Gymru. [ Torri ar draws.] A hoffwn pe baent yn ysgwyddo rhywfaint o gyfrifoldeb am eu rôl yn ein tynnu allan o'r UE, a'r effaith ar ein cymunedau ffermio. Mae'r Bil Amaethyddiaeth (Cymru) yn gyfle i newid pethau a chreu atebion ar gyfer Cymru a wnaed yng Nghymru. Mae angen cymhwyso'r un dull gyda'r rhaglen datblygu gwledig. Mae undebau wedi mynegi pryderon ynghylch llywodraethiant a gweithrediad y cynllun datblygu gwledig, ac yn wir, roedd eu pryderon yn rhai y gellid eu cyfiawnhau yn dilyn adroddiad Archwilio Cymru yn haf 2020. Ni allwn fforddio gwneud y camgymeriadau hynny eto, yn enwedig ar adeg pan fo arian mor brin. Felly, tybed a gaf fi ofyn i chi pa gynlluniau sydd gennych i sicrhau bod y rhaglen datblygu gwledig yn gadarn ar gyfer y dyfodol, a beth yw eich gweledigaeth ar gyfer datblygu ein cymunedau gwledig. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Thank you very much. I can assure the Member that, obviously, lessons were learned. Lessons always have to be learned when you have the reports that we did. You'll agree that there is a significant amount of monitoring that does go on into our rural development programme, and there were calls at the time for me to have an independent review, for instance, but I really didn't think that was necessary. What I think is really important is that we use all the RDP funding we can. I'm making every endeavour to ensure that every penny is spent before the RDP comes to an end. I mentioned in an earlier answer about the significant funding we've put into the rural investment schemes, because I think what is really important is that we don't throw the baby away with the bath water. Whilst we haven't got the funding to be able to replace like for like, it is really important that we keep the benefits that we've gained over the years of the rural development programme going forward.

Diolch yn fawr iawn. Gallaf sicrhau'r Aelod fod gwersi wedi'u dysgu, yn amlwg. Mae'n rhaid dysgu gwersi bob amser pan fo gennych chi'r adroddiadau a wnaethom. Fe fyddwch yn cytuno bod cryn dipyn o fonitro'n digwydd ar ein rhaglen datblygu gwledig, ac roedd galwadau ar y pryd i mi gael adolygiad annibynnol, er enghraifft, ond nid oeddwn yn credu bod hynny'n angenrheidiol. Yr hyn rwy'n credu sy'n bwysig iawn yw ein bod yn defnyddio'r holl gyllid rhaglen datblygu gwledig y gallwn ei ddefnyddio. Rwy'n gwneud pob ymdrech i sicrhau bod pob ceiniog yn cael ei gwario cyn y daw'r cynllun datblygu gwledig i ben. Soniais mewn ateb cynharach am yr arian sylweddol rydym wedi'i roi tuag at y cynlluniau buddsoddi gwledig, oherwydd rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig iawn nad ydym yn cael gwared ar y babi gyda dŵr y bath. Er nad oes gennym gyllid i allu cael yr un pethau ag a oedd gennym o'r blaen, mae'n bwysig iawn ein bod yn cadw'r buddion a enillwyd gennym dros flynyddoedd y rhaglen datblygu gwledig wrth inni symud ymlaen.

Diolch, Llywydd. Every year for the last five years, over 10,000 cattle have been slaughtered. Over 50,000 dead due to bovine TB in Wales, and this includes pregnant cows slaughtered due to testing TB positive. A farmer recounted to me the time they watched their heavily pregnant cow slaughtered on farm, using a 12-bore shotgun between the poor animal's eyes, the trigger was pulled. Post death, the pregnant cow uncontrollably spasmed, destroying a heavy gate, the unborn calf writhing inside its dead mother's womb as it suffocated to death. It's something akin to watching someone die from poison, they said. It was horrendous to see, and clearing up all the blood and smashed gate afterwards was just as punishing. That's how the farmer described it - no compassion for the cow, the calf, and certainly not for the farmer. 'Better I get more distressed than my cow', they add, 'I get to walk away from it, she doesn't; it's the least I can do.' This heavy mental burden is being put on our farmers, especially when it happens more than once. That farmer told me how three pregnant cows were shot, one after another. 'It just about killed me; I will never forget what I saw' - that's how they described it. In-womb TB transmission is rare, so why are these traumatic events allowed to happen? Will the Welsh Government show that compassion and change its policy to allow bovine TB-positive in-calf cows and heifers to isolate and give birth to healthy calves before being humanely slaughtered?

Diolch, Lywydd. Bob blwyddyn ers pum mlynedd, mae dros 10,000 o wartheg wedi cael eu difa, a dros 50,000 wedi marw oherwydd TB Gwartheg yng Nghymru, ac mae hyn yn cynnwys gwartheg cyflo a laddwyd oherwydd prawf TB positif. Fe wnaeth ffermwr sôn wrthyf am yr adeg y gwyliodd eu buwch a oedd bron â dod â llo yn cael ei lladd ar y fferm gan ddefnyddio dryll 12 bôr i saethu rhwng llygaid yr anifail truan. Ar ôl marw, cafodd y fuwch gyflo sbasmau afreolus, gan beri i giât drom gael ei dinistrio, tra oedd y llo'n gwingo tu mewn i groth ei fam farw wrth iddo fygu i farwolaeth. Mae'n rhywbeth tebyg i wylio rhywun wedi'i wenwyno'n marw, meddent. Roedd yn erchyll i'w weld, ac roedd clirio'r holl waed a'r giât racs wedyn yr un mor boenus. Dyna sut y disgrifiwyd y peth gan y ffermwr - dim tosturi tuag at y fuwch, y llo, a dim at y ffermwr yn sicr. 'Gwell fy mod i'n cael mwy o ofid na fy muwch', ychwanegodd, 'rwy'n gallu cerdded oddi yno, yn wahanol iddi hi; dyna'r peth lleiaf y gallaf ei wneud.' Mae'r baich meddyliol trwm hwn yn cael ei roi ar ein ffermwyr, yn enwedig pan fo'n digwydd fwy nag unwaith. Dywedodd y ffermwr wrthyf sut y cafodd tair buwch gyflo eu saethu, un ar ôl y llall. 'Fe fu bron â fy lladd; ni wnaf byth anghofio beth a welais' - dyna sut y gwnaethant ei ddisgrifio. Mae trosglwyddiad TB yn y groth yn brin, felly pam y caniateir i'r digwyddiadau trawmatig hyn ddigwydd? A wnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru ddangos tosturi a newid ei pholisi i ganiatáu i wartheg cyflo sydd wedi cael prawf TB positif ynysu a geni lloi iach cyn cael eu lladd mewn modd trugarog?

You clearly outlined a very distressing situation, and I'm very sorry to hear that you and the farmer felt there was no compassion. This was actually a piece of work that we undertook, probably four years ago, where I asked the then chief veterinary officer and her team to work with farmers to see how we could avoid situations like you describe. At the time, it was deemed to be the best way to carry on with that on-farm slaughter. In terms of whether we could look at it again, I would be very happy to do so. As you know, we are looking at the TB eradication programme, and I'd certainly be very happy to take advice from farmers to see if there is a way that we can avoid those distressing situations.

Yn amlwg, fe wnaethoch amlinellu sefyllfa ofidus iawn, ac mae'n ddrwg iawn gennyf glywed eich bod chi a'r ffermwr yn teimlo nad oedd tosturi. Mae hwn yn waith a wnaethom, bedair blynedd yn ôl mae'n debyg, lle gofynnais i'r prif swyddog milfeddygol ar y pryd a'i thîm weithio gyda ffermwyr i weld sut y gallem osgoi sefyllfaoedd fel yr un a ddisgrifiwch. Ar y pryd, barnwyd mai'r ffordd orau oedd parhau i ladd ar y fferm. O ran a allem edrych arno eto, byddwn yn hapus iawn i wneud hynny. Fel y gwyddoch, rydym yn edrych ar y rhaglen i ddileu TB, a byddwn yn sicr yn hapus iawn i gael cyngor gan ffermwyr i weld a oes ffordd y gallwn osgoi'r sefyllfaoedd gofidus hynny.

Thank you, Minister. I don't think what I described would be the best way forward, so I really do urge you to have a look at this again. I know a new CVO is starting in March, and I would urge you to work with him to make sure that this inhumane practice is brought to an end and those cows can calve with a little bit of dignity. At last year's Pembrokeshire County Show, you helped launched what was being called at the time a Pembrokeshire TB pilot, where local farmers were going to take ownership, using data and methods already available, to form a new approach to tackling TB, removing the residual disease from the herd. Since then, the project has seen hundreds of hours of hard work from volunteers, who are desperate to see improvements. The interim chief veterinary officer even made reference to this pilot at committee, stressing how the Welsh Government could be agile with funding to support local TB projects such as the Pembrokeshire pilot. This project and its progress has now been stonewalled by the Government and its procurement process, with a minimum of a six-month delay. I can't tell you the disappointment that has been felt by those involved. You've talked about farmers needing to take ownership of bovine TB, and I agree. But when it comes to a committed group of farmers and vets working together to take control of the situation, to do the right thing, the Welsh Government aren't even on the same pitch. We're no longer in the European Union, so we shouldn't have to abide by EU procurement rules, and the funding for this project already exists within TB funding. Please tell me what has gone wrong here to mean that this project, which you were at the launch of, has been delayed such as this.

Diolch. Nid wyf yn credu mai'r hyn a ddisgrifiais fyddai'r ffordd orau ymlaen, felly rwy'n eich annog yn gryf i gael golwg ar hyn eto. Rwy'n gwybod bod prif swyddog milfeddygol newydd yn dechrau ym mis Mawrth, ac rwy'n eich annog i weithio gydag ef i wneud yn siŵr fod yr arfer annynol hwn yn cael ei ddwyn i ben ac y gall y gwartheg hyn loia gydag ychydig o urddas. Yn Sioe Sir Benfro y llynedd, fe helpoch chi i lansio'r hyn a oedd yn cael ei alw ar y pryd yn gynllun peilot TB sir Benfro, lle'r oedd ffermwyr lleol yn mynd i gymryd perchnogaeth, gan ddefnyddio data a dulliau a oedd ar gael eisoes, i ffurfio dull newydd o fynd i'r afael â TB, gan ddiddymu'r clefyd gweddilliol o'r fuches. Ers hynny, mae gwirfoddolwyr wedi cyfrannu cannoedd o oriau o waith caled at y prosiect, ac maent yn ysu i weld gwelliannau. Fe wnaeth y prif swyddog milfeddygol dros dro gyfeirio at y cynllun peilot hwn yn y pwyllgor hyd yn oed, gan bwysleisio sut y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn ystwyth gyda chyllid i gefnogi prosiectau TB lleol fel cynllun peilot sir Benfro. Mae'r prosiect hwn a'i gynnydd bellach wedi cael ei rwystro gan y Llywodraeth a'i phroses gaffael, gydag oedi o chwe mis fan lleiaf. Ni allaf fynegi wrthych y siom a deimlwyd gan y rhai a oedd ynghlwm wrtho. Rydych wedi siarad am yr angen i ffermwyr gymryd perchnogaeth ar TB buchol, ac rwy'n cytuno. Ond pan ddaw'n fater o grŵp ymroddedig o ffermwyr a milfeddygon yn cydweithio i gymryd rheolaeth ar y sefyllfa, i wneud y peth iawn, nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru hyd yn oed yn yr un cae. Nid ydym yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd mwyach, felly ni ddylem orfod cadw at reolau caffael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ac mae'r cyllid ar gyfer y prosiect hwn eisoes yn bodoli o fewn y cyllid TB. Dywedwch wrthyf beth sydd wedi mynd o'i le yma i olygu bod y fath oedi gyda'r prosiect hwn yr oeddech chi yno yn ei lansiad.

Nothing has gone wrong. As the Member states, my officials are currently holding significant internal discussions to agree the parameters of the project to allow for a full procurement exercise. You'd be the first to complain if I didn't follow the appropriate rules. I am very committed to the TB Pembrokeshire project. I know you have been part of it; as you say, many volunteers have, and I'm very grateful for that work. If we are going to tackle deep-seated levels of infection in parts of Pembrokeshire, I absolutely think that this is required. But it's not a matter of being stonewalled - I think that that's completely the wrong word. You and I had a meeting to discuss what we could do about it, but I have to follow a full procurement process.

Nid oes unrhyw beth wedi mynd o'i le. Fel y dywed yr Aelod, mae fy swyddogion yn cynnal trafodaethau mewnol sylweddol ar hyn o bryd i gytuno ar baramedrau'r prosiect i ganiatáu ar gyfer ymarfer caffael llawn. Chi fyddai'r cyntaf i gwyno pe na bawn yn dilyn y rheolau priodol. Rwy'n ymroddedig iawn i brosiect TB sir Benfro. Rwy'n gwybod eich bod wedi bod yn rhan ohono; fel y dywedwch, mae llawer o wirfoddolwyr wedi bod yn rhan ohono, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn am y gwaith hwnnw. Os ydym yn mynd i ymladd y lefelau heintio dwfn mewn rhannau o sir Benfro, rwy'n sicr yn meddwl bod angen gwneud hyn. Ond nid mater o rwystro yw hyn - nid dyna'r gair cywir o gwbl. Fe gawsoch chi a fi gyfarfod i drafod beth y gallem ei wneud am y peth, ond mae'n rhaid imi ddilyn proses gaffael lawn.

It's a shame that those full procurement rules weren't followed when Gilestone Farm was purchased. It seems it's one rule for one and one rule for another. Another example of the Welsh Government not being on the same pitch as farmers is that not one Welsh farm took part in the Animal and Plant Health Agency's CattleBCG vaccine trial. Surely if Welsh Government were serious about eradicating TB then they would have worked with the industry to identify farms to take part. And now, with phase 2 of the trial under way, still no Welsh farms are participating. What I'm trying to get at, Minister, is where is the hope for farmers in Wales? This disease has ripped through Welsh farming for long enough, and our farmers have lost hope that this Government is serious about solving it. I'll happily declare an interest here, Llywydd, because next week I'll be out TB testing, helping my father. We as a family will be going through the worry and the stress of hoping, praying for a clear TB test. This isn't just policy for me, Minister, this is so much more. So, I invite you to join my father and me, to come out and see what happens on farm during our TB tests. Because what the industry wants is hope - not to see their animals slaughtered in front of their eyes, not to be held back by bureaucracy when they want to get on and do the right thing, and certainly not to be told that they are at fault for the spread of bovine TB. Please, Minister, give the industry some hope.

Mae'n drueni na chafodd y rheolau caffael llawn hynny eu dilyn pan brynwyd Fferm Gilestone. Mae'n ymddangos fel pe bai'n un rheol i un a rheol arall i'r llall. Enghraifft arall sy'n dangos nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn yr un cae â ffermwyr yw nad oedd un fferm o Gymru wedi cymryd rhan yn nhreial brechlyn CattleBCG yr Asiantaeth Iechyd Anifeiliaid a Phlanhigion. Pe bai Llywodraeth Cymru o ddifrif ynglŷn â dileu TB, byddent wedi gweithio gyda'r diwydiant i nodi ffermydd i gymryd rhan. A nawr, gyda chyfnod 2 y treial ar y gweill, nid oes unrhyw fferm o Gymru'n cymryd rhan o hyd. Yr hyn rwy'n ceisio cyrraedd ato, Weinidog, yw ble mae'r gobaith i ffermwyr yng Nghymru? Mae'r afiechyd yma wedi rhwygo drwy ffermio yng Nghymru ers yn ddigon hir, ac mae ein ffermwyr wedi colli gobaith fod y Llywodraeth yma o ddifrif ynglŷn â'i ddatrys. Rwy'n hapus iawn i ddatgan diddordeb yma, Lywydd, oherwydd yr wythnos nesaf, byddaf allan yn helpu fy nhad i gynnal profion TB. Fel teulu byddwn yn mynd drwy'r pryder a'r straen o obeithio, gweddïo am brawf TB clir. Nid polisi i mi yn unig yw hwn, Weinidog, mae hyn yn gymaint mwy. Felly, rwy'n eich gwahodd i ymuno â fy nhad a minnau, i ddod allan i weld beth sy'n digwydd ar y fferm yn ystod ein profion TB. Oherwydd yr hyn y mae'r diwydiant ei eisiau yw gobaith - nid gweld eu hanifeiliaid yn cael eu lladd o flaen eu llygaid, nid cael eu dal yn ôl gan fiwrocratiaeth pan fyddant eisiau bwrw ymlaen i wneud y peth iawn, ac yn sicr nid cael clywed eu bod ar fai am ledaeniad TB buchol. Os gwelwch yn dda, Weinidog, rhowch rywfaint o obaith i'r diwydiant.

I'm not quite sure how you expect me to make a farm be part of a pilot project. Please believe me when I say that APHA tried very, very hard to - [ Interruption.] APHA tried very, very hard to get farms to be part of the first phase of the pilot project, and unfortunately we've had no takers for the second part. But to say that we haven't tried is ridiculous. The Animal and Plant Health Agency have done a great deal of work to try and get some of the farms to be part of the pilot project. I have attended farms when TB testing is being undertaken - of course I have. I absolutely see that very much as part of my role. Unfortunately I won't be able to attend your farm next week, but, of course, that is something that I have undertaken. I absolutely understand the distress in the lead-up to testing - I can imagine the concerns - and, of course, while you're waiting for the results. That's why we are committed to eradicating TB. But we all really need to work together. Just to blame Welsh Government is not acceptable. I would never just blame farmers.

Nid wyf yn hollol siŵr sut rydych chi'n disgwyl i mi wneud i fferm fod yn rhan o brosiect peilot. Credwch fi pan ddywedaf fod yr Asiantaeth Iechyd Anifeiliaid a Phlanhigion wedi ceisio'n galed iawn - [ Torri ar draws.] Fe geisiodd yr asiantaeth yn galed iawn i gael ffermydd i fod yn rhan o gyfnod cyntaf y prosiect peilot, ac yn anffodus nid ydym wedi cael unrhyw un i gymryd rhan yn yr ail ran. Ond mae dweud nad ydym wedi ceisio yn hurt. Mae'r Asiantaeth Iechyd Anifeiliaid a Phlanhigion wedi gwneud llawer iawn o waith i geisio cael rhai o'r ffermydd i fod yn rhan o'r prosiect peilot. Rwyf wedi mynychu ffermydd pan fo profion TB yn cael eu cynnal - wrth gwrs fy mod. Rwy'n gweld hynny'n rhan bendant o fy rôl. Yn anffodus, ni fyddaf yn gallu mynychu eich fferm yr wythnos nesaf, ond wrth gwrs, mae hynny'n rhywbeth rwyf wedi'i wneud. Rwy'n deall y gofid wrth aros am brofion yn llwyr - gallaf ddychmygu'r pryder - ac wrth gwrs, tra byddwch yn aros am y canlyniadau. Dyna pam ein bod wedi ymrwymo i ddileu TB. Ond mae gwir angen inni weithio gyda'n gilydd. Nid yw ond beio Llywodraeth Cymru yn dderbyniol. Ni fyddwn i byth ond yn beio ffermwyr.

Thank you, Llywydd. We are now at the beginning, or, in some cases, in the middle, of the lambing season. Naturally, therefore, we turn our sights towards securing the safety of our stock from attacks. Recent data from NFU Mutual shows that out-of-control dogs threaten sheep in Wales, with the data showing that animals to the value of around £440,000 have been seriously injured or killed in Wales in 2022. This was an increase of over 15 per cent on the previous year. The review also showed that 64 per cent of dog owners allow their dogs to run free in rural areas, and farmers say that these owners are focused on their mobile phones rather than on their dogs. Scotland has introduced far harsher penalties, with fines of up to £40,000. What steps is the Government taking to introduce preventative steps here in Wales in order to ensure that we don't see more animals suffering in Wales this year?

Diolch, Llywydd. Rydyn ni bellach ar ddechrau, neu, mewn rhai achosion, yng nghanol, y tymor wyna. Yn naturiol, felly, rydyn ni'n troi ein golygon at sicrhau diogelwch ein stoc rhag ymosodiadau. Mae data diweddaraf NFU Mutual yn dangos bod cŵn allan o reolaeth yn bygwth defaid yng Nghymru, gyda'r data yn dangos bod anifeiliaid gwerth tua £440,000 wedi cael eu niweidio yn ddifrifol neu eu lladd yng Nghymru yn 2022. Roedd hyn yn gynnydd o dros 15 y cant ers y flwyddyn flaenorol. Mae'r adolygiad hefyd yn dangos bod 64 y cant o berchnogion cŵn yn gadael eu cŵn yn rhydd yng nghefn gwlad, a ffermwyr yn dweud bod y perchnogion yma yn canolbwyntio ar eu ffonau symudol yn hytrach nag ar eu cŵn. Mae'r Alban wedi cyflwyno dirwyon llawer iawn mwy llym yno, gyda dirwyon o hyd at £40,000. Pa gamau mae'r Llywodraeth yn eu cymryd i gyflwyno camau ataliol llymach yma yng Nghymru, er mwyn sicrhau nad ydym ni'n gweld mwy o anifeiliaid yn dioddef yng Nghymru eleni?

Thank you. You raise a very important point, and it's an issue that we take very seriously. We really would encourage livestock keepers to continue to report all incidents to the police. I think I should say that at the outset. I think it's really important that that information is recorded. But of course, what we want to see is a drop and a complete reduction in those numbers of attacks. I think you just made a really important point about mobile phones, which I hadn't thought about. As you are aware, the wildlife and rural crime commissioner has just released some new videos as part of a campaign, as we approach the lambing season, to warn people about looking after their animals, making sure their dogs don't chase sheep. I know it's a minority of people, but, of course, as is always the case, they spoil it for the majority of us. I will ask him if he has considered that aspect of mobile phone usage as well, because, as you say, people are distracted and then they're not looking at what their dogs are doing. I think the cost, both financially and emotionally, to those who find injured or dead livestock is just wholly unacceptable, and lots of animal welfare implications come from that as well. You'll probably be aware that the UK Government are proposing the Animal Welfare (Kept Animals) Bill. That proposes to repeal and replace the Dogs (Protection of Livestock) Act 1953. As you can see, it's a very old piece of legislation that clearly needs bringing up to date to be fit for purpose. Within that Bill, there'll be a new set of provisions to address the issue of dog attacks and dog worrying. Unfortunately, the Bill has been stalled. I did have a meeting with the DEFRA Minister to see how quickly that Act can be brought forward, because I think that will help us, looking at what the courts can do, and maybe looking at increasing the fines.

Diolch. Rydych yn codi pwynt pwysig iawn, ac mae'n fater rydym o ddifrif yn ei gylch. Byddem yn annog ceidwaid da byw yn gryf i barhau i roi gwybod i'r heddlu am bob digwyddiad. Rwy'n credu y dylwn ddweud hynny ar y cychwyn. Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig iawn fod yr wybodaeth honno'n cael ei chofnodi. Ond wrth gwrs, rydym am weld cwymp a gostyngiad llwyr yn nifer yr ymosodiadau hynny. Rwy'n credu eich bod wedi gwneud pwynt pwysig iawn am ffonau symudol, nad oeddwn wedi meddwl amdano. Fel y gwyddoch, mae'r comisiynydd troseddau cefn gwlad a bywyd gwyllt newydd ryddhau fideos newydd fel rhan o ymgyrch, wrth inni nesáu at y tymor wyna, i rybuddio pobl i ofalu am eu hanifeiliaid, gan sicrhau nad yw eu cŵn yn rhedeg ar ôl defaid. Rwy'n gwybod mai lleiafrif o bobl ydynt, ond wrth gwrs, fel sy'n digwydd bob amser, maent yn ei ddifetha i'r mwyafrif ohonom. Fe ofynnaf iddo a yw wedi ystyried yr agwedd honno ar y defnydd o ffonau symudol yn ogystal, oherwydd, fel y dywedwch, mae'n tynnu sylw pobl, ac nid ydynt yn edrych i weld beth mae eu cŵn yn ei wneud. Rwy'n credu bod y gost, yn ariannol ac yn emosiynol, i'r rhai sy'n dod o hyd i dda byw sydd wedi'u hanafu neu wedi marw yn gwbl annerbyniol, ac mae llawer o oblygiadau lles anifeiliaid yn deillio o hynny hefyd. Mae'n debyg y byddwch yn ymwybodol fod Llywodraeth y DU yn cynnig y Bil Lles Anifeiliaid (Anifeiliaid a Gedwir). Mae hwnnw'n argymell diddymu a disodli Deddf Cŵn (Diogelu Da Byw) 1953. Fel y gwelwch, mae'n hen ddarn o ddeddfwriaeth sy'n amlwg angen ei diweddaru iddi fod yn addas i'r diben. O fewn y Bil hwnnw, bydd set newydd o ddarpariaethau i fynd i'r afael ag ymosodiadau gan gŵn ac aflonyddu gan gŵn. Yn anffodus, mae taith y Bil wedi'i oedi. Cefais gyfarfod gyda Gweinidog Adran yr Amgylchedd, Bwyd a Materion Gwledig i weld pa mor gyflym y gellir cyflwyno'r Ddeddf honno, oherwydd rwy'n credu y bydd yn ein helpu, wrth edrych ar yr hyn y gall y llysoedd ei wneud, ac edrych ar gynyddu'r dirwyon efallai.

Thank you, Minister for that response.

Diolch, Weinidog, am yr ateb hwnnw.

If I may change to the other sector within your portfolio, from agriculture to aquaculture and fisheries, the most recent data on the fishing industry in Wales shows us that farmed finfish and shellfish saw a massive 82 per cent fall in value between 2019 and 2021. Over the last 10 years, we've seen Welsh fishing fleet landings reduced by 75 per cent in weight and 41 per cent in value. Their profitability is also down significantly. We are seeing the decline of an ancient sector - part of our coastal life and our culture and identity disappearing in front of our eyes. It is no different in the processing sector. By 2021, we only had 28 full-time equivalent jobs in the processing sector here in Wales. In Scotland, by contrast, they employ 7,789 in the processing sector. Minister, is this an acceptable state of affairs, and will you look again at significantly increasing investment and support into fisheries and aquaculture in Wales?

Os gallaf newid i'r sector arall yn eich portffolio, o amaethyddiaeth i ddyframaethu a physgodfeydd, mae'r data diweddaraf ar y diwydiant pysgota yng Nghymru yn dangos i ni fod pysgod asgellog a physgod cregyn a ffermir wedi gweld gostyngiad enfawr o 82 y cant yn eu gwerth rhwng 2019 a 2021. Dros y 10 mlynedd diwethaf, rydym wedi gweld glaniadau fflydoedd pysgota Cymru yn gostwng 75 y cant yn eu pwysau a 41 y cant yn eu gwerth. Mae eu proffidioldeb hefyd wedi gostwng yn sylweddol. Rydym yn gweld dirywiad un o'n sectorau hynafol - rhan o'n bywyd arfordirol a'n diwylliant a'n hunaniaeth yn diflannu o flaen ein llygaid. Nid yw'r darlun yn wahanol yn y sector prosesu. Erbyn 2021, dim ond 28 o swyddi cyfwerth ag amser llawn oedd gyda ni yn y sector prosesu yma yng Nghymru. Yn yr Alban ar y llaw arall, maent yn cyflogi 7,789 yn y sector prosesu. Weinidog, a yw hon yn sefyllfa dderbyniol, ac a wnewch chi edrych eto ar gynyddu'n sylweddol y buddsoddiad a'r cymorth i bysgodfeydd a dyframaethu yng Nghymru?

I have had discussions with the fisheries sector. I'm very aware of the reported decline. I do recognise they've had some unprecedented pressures due to leaving the European Union, the COVID pandemic, more recently the hyperinflation of fuel that has been caused by the war in Ukraine, and obviously then the cost-of-living crisis. I think a lot of these pressures are at play across all our primary production sectors. I've asked officials to closely monitor the impact on markets and costs, and they're working with Seafish to better understand the trends and to identify areas where mitigations and interventions could possibly be made to halt the regrettable decline. I've also recently launched the Welsh marine and fisheries scheme. The marketing measures window closed last week, and officials are appraising the projects in the coming weeks. And we've got the second window - actually, I think it might have just closed this month - the energy efficiency and mitigation of climate change window, which I was asked to bring forward. On the positive side, we're again having a Welsh pavilion at the Seafood Expo Global in Barcelona in April where we can actually promote our Welsh seafood. It's always been a very successful trade mission for us, so I was keen to support it again this year to try and do what we can for our fishing and aquaculture businesses.

Rwyf wedi cael trafodaethau gyda'r sector pysgodfeydd. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r dirywiad a gofnodwyd. Rwy'n cydnabod eu bod wedi bod o dan bwysau digynsail yn sgil gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, pandemig COVID, gorchwyddiant prisiau tanwydd yn fwy diweddar a achosir gan y rhyfel yn Wcráin, a'r argyfwng costau byw wrth gwrs. Rwy'n credu bod llawer o'r pwysau i'w deimlo ar draws ein holl sectorau cynhyrchu sylfaenol. Rwyf wedi gofyn i swyddogion fonitro'r effaith ar farchnadoedd a chostau yn drylwyr, ac maent yn gweithio gydag Seafish i ddeall y tueddiadau'n well ac i nodi meysydd lle gellid lliniaru ac ymyrryd o bosibl i atal y dirywiad anffodus. Yn ddiweddar, rwyf hefyd wedi lansio cynllun môr a physgodfeydd Cymru. Daeth y cyfnod ymgeisio am y cynllun mesurau marchnata i ben yr wythnos diwethaf, a bydd swyddogion yn gwerthuso'r prosiectau yn ystod yr wythnosau nesaf. Ac mae gennym ail gyfnod ymgeisio - mewn gwirionedd, rwy'n credu y gallai hwnnw fod wedi newydd gau y mis hwn - y cyfnod ymgeisio ar gyfer y cynllun effeithlonrwydd ynni a lliniaru newid hinsawdd, y gofynnwyd imi ei gyflwyno'n gynharach. Ar yr ochr gadarnhaol, mae gennym bafiliwn Cymreig unwaith eto yn y Seafood Expo Global yn Barcelona ym mis Ebrill, lle gallwn hyrwyddo ein bwyd môr Cymreig. Mae bob amser wedi bod yn daith fasnach lwyddiannus iawn inni, felly roeddwn yn awyddus i'w chefnogi eto eleni i geisio gwneud yr hyn a allwn ar ran ein busnesau pysgota a dyframaethu.

The Welsh Government continues to support and encourage young people to enter the agriculture industry through programmes such as Farming Connect and Venture. The proposed sustainable farming scheme will be available to all types of farms in all parts of Wales and will support new entrants to establish sustainable agricultural businesses.

Mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n parhau i gefnogi ac annog pobl ifanc i fentro i'r diwydiant amaeth drwy raglenni fel Cyswllt Ffermio a Mentro. Bydd y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy arfaethedig ar gael i bob math o ffermydd ym mhob rhan o Gymru ac yn cefnogi newydd-ddyfodiaid i sefydlu busnesau amaethyddol cynaliadwy.

Thank you, Minister. As you know, farming is the foundation upon which the £6 billion Welsh food and drink supply chain is built. They're the guardians of our environment and the sector employs 17 per cent of the Welsh workforce. Recent statistics from Qualifications Wales have shown that there has been a 14 per cent decrease in the vocational qualification certificates awarded in the agriculture, horticulture and animal care sectors compared to 2021. Furthermore, Wales has the largest percentage decrease in the total agricultural workforce from 2015 to 2021 at 13.6 per cent, compared to 2.4 per cent in England and 3.1 per cent in Scotland. How are you working, Minister, with the rest of your Government to reverse this worrying trend and ensure that we support Welsh farming for generations to come?

Diolch, Weinidog. Fel y gwyddoch, ffermio yw'r sylfaen y mae cadwyn gyflenwi bwyd a diod Cymru, sy'n werth £6 biliwn, wedi'i hadeiladu arni. Ffermwyr yw gwarcheidwaid ein hamgylchedd ac mae'r sector yn cyflogi 17 y cant o weithlu Cymru. Mae ystadegau diweddar gan Cymwysterau Cymru yn dangos bod gostyngiad o 14 y cant wedi bod yn y tystysgrifau cymwysterau galwedigaethol a ddyfernir yn y sectorau amaethyddiaeth, garddwriaeth a gofal anifeiliaid o gymharu â 2021. Ar ben hynny, Cymru sydd â'r gostyngiad mwyaf o ran canran yng nghyfanswm y gweithlu amaethyddol o 2015 i 2021, sef 13.6 y cant, o'i gymharu â 2.4 y cant yn Lloegr a 3.1 y cant yn yr Alban. Weinidog, sut rydych chi'n gweithio gyda gweddill eich Llywodraeth i wrthdroi'r duedd bryderus hon a sicrhau ein bod yn cefnogi ffermio Cymru am genedlaethau i ddod?

I've always taken a specific interest in new entrants, working with people to see what the barriers are to them going into agriculture. I have to say, education and skills hasn't been one of the barriers that's ever, I don't think, been raised with me. I've been focusing on - . I mentioned Venture in my original answer to you, which has been very successful in helping to match farmers and landowners who are looking to step back from the industry with new entrants going into farming. We also try and work with our local authorities to ensure that their farms are protected as farms so that they can be used by people, particularly when they first want to get into agriculture. Perhaps they can't afford to buy a farm, but they can lease a farm from the local authority.

Rwyf bob amser wedi bod â diddordeb arbennig mewn newydd-ddyfodiaid, gan weithio gyda phobl i weld beth sy'n eu rhwystro rhag mentro i'r byd amaeth. Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, nid wyf yn credu bod addysg a sgiliau wedi bod yn un o'r rhwystrau a gafodd eu dwyn i fy sylw erioed. Rwyf wedi bod yn canolbwyntio ar - . Soniais am Mentro yn fy ateb gwreiddiol i chi, a bu'n gynllun llwyddiannus iawn i helpu i baru ffermwyr a thirfeddianwyr sy'n awyddus i gamu nôl o'r diwydiant â newydd-ddyfodiaid sy'n mentro i'r byd amaeth. Rydym hefyd yn ceisio gweithio gyda'n hawdurdodau lleol i sicrhau bod eu ffermydd wedi eu gwarchod fel ffermydd fel bod modd iddynt gael eu defnyddio gan bobl, yn enwedig pan fyddant eisiau dechrau yn y byd amaeth. Efallai nad ydynt yn gallu fforddio prynu fferm, ond gallant rentu fferm ar brydles gan yr awdurdod lleol.

The Welsh Government provides support to the egg industry in south-east Wales. Funding is available through our capital grant schemes, with direct advice and support made available to farm and food businesses via our Farming Connect and Business Wales teams.

Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhoi cymorth i'r diwydiant wyau yn ne-ddwyrain Cymru. Mae arian ar gael drwy ein cynlluniau grantiau cyfalaf, gyda chyngor a chymorth uniongyrchol ar gael i fusnesau fferm a bwyd drwy ein timau Cyswllt Ffermio a Busnes Cymru.

Most people who have been food shopping in recent months will have noticed a shortage of eggs. Some producers, faced with rising costs and supermarkets that refuse to reflect this in their contracts, are leaving the industry if they can. This was made clear to me by an egg producer in my region during a recent meeting. They told me in no uncertain terms that the egg sector is in deep trouble. Minister, what can be done to get better co-ordination in the supply chain to give our farmers confidence to produce our Welsh eggs? Unless this matter is tackled, we face increased importation of eggs to fill the gap, with no guarantee that they were produced to the same standard and, therefore, free from bacteria like salmonella. It is vital that eggs remain fully traceable as well as affordable, and I would like to know what the Government is doing to address the major problem in the sector.

Bydd y rhan fwyaf o bobl sydd wedi bod yn siopa bwyd yn ystod y misoedd diwethaf wedi sylwi ar brinder wyau. Mae rhai cynhyrchwyr, sy'n wynebu costau cynyddol ac archfarchnadoedd sy'n gwrthod adlewyrchu hyn yn eu cytundebau, yn gadael y diwydiant os ydynt yn gallu. Cafodd hyn ei wneud yn glir i mi gan gynhyrchydd wyau yn fy rhanbarth yn ystod cyfarfod yn ddiweddar. Roeddent yn dweud wrthyf yn blwmp ac yn blaen fod y sector wyau mewn trafferthion mawr. Weinidog, beth y gellir ei wneud i gael cydlynu gwell yn y gadwyn gyflenwi i roi hyder i'n ffermwyr gynhyrchu ein hwyau Cymreig? Oni bai bod y mater hwn yn cael ei ddatrys, rydym yn wynebu mwy o fewnforio wyau i lenwi'r bwlch, heb unrhyw sicrwydd eu bod wedi cael eu cynhyrchu i'r un safon ac felly'n rhydd o facteria fel salmonela. Mae'n hanfodol fod wyau'n parhau i fod yn gwbl olrheiniadwy yn ogystal â fforddiadwy, a hoffwn wybod beth mae'r Llywodraeth yn ei wneud i fynd i'r afael â'r broblem fawr yn y sector.

Thank you. This is obviously a very challenging time for all our farmers, and I know poultry and egg farmers are particularly reliant on feed and energy, two areas where we have seen significant rises in the costs because of agri-inflation. The egg industry - and I think you were referring to this in the first part of your question - is also calling for contract reform to prevent suppliers being locked into loss-making positions and to provide some stability for the sector, going forward, amidst the ongoing egg shortages. I did write to the Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs Minister, Mark Spencer, just before Christmas on this matter, because I think it's something that we can look at on a UK-wide basis. I'm awaiting a response from him. But I do think we could do better if we work together across the UK, and, obviously, the Minister I referred to for farming, fisheries and food could use his powers under the Agriculture Act 2020 to consult with the industry, to establish whether a legislative solution is required to support them going forward. We've also had the impact of a very, very sustained avian influenza outbreak over the last 18 months or so, which clearly has had an impact too.

Diolch. Mae hwn yn amlwg yn gyfnod heriol iawn i'n ffermwyr i gyd, ac rwy'n gwybod bod ffermwyr dofednod ac wyau'n arbennig o ddibynnol ar borthiant ac ynni, dau faes lle'r ydym wedi gweld cynnydd sylweddol yn y costau oherwydd chwyddiant amaeth. Mae'r diwydiant wyau - ac rwy'n credu eich bod yn cyfeirio at hyn yn rhan gyntaf eich cwestiwn - hefyd yn galw am ddiwygio contractau i atal cyflenwyr rhag cael eu clymu i sefyllfaoedd lle maent yn gwneud colledion ac i ddarparu rhywfaint o sefydlogrwydd i'r sector wrth symud ymlaen yng nghanol y prinder wyau parhaus. Ysgrifennais at Weinidog Adran yr Amgylchedd, Bwyd a Materion Gwledig, Mark Spencer, ychydig cyn y Nadolig ynglŷn â'r mater hwn, oherwydd rwy'n credu ei fod yn rhywbeth y gallwn edrych arno ar sail y DU gyfan. Rwy'n aros am ymateb ganddo. Ond rwy'n credu y gallem wneud yn well os ydym yn gweithio gyda'n gilydd ar draws y DU, ac yn amlwg, gallai'r Gweinidog ffermio, pysgodfeydd a bwyd y cyfeiriais ato ddefnyddio ei bwerau o dan Ddeddf Amaethyddiaeth 2020 i ymgynghori â'r diwydiant, i sefydlu a oes angen ateb deddfwriaethol i'w cefnogi wrth symud ymlaen. Rydym hefyd wedi gweld effaith achosion cyson iawn o'r ffliw adar dros y 18 mis diwethaf, sy'n amlwg wedi cael effaith hefyd.

I thank the Member for South Wales East for raising this, and I share his concerns and the industry's concerns, and I refer Members to my register of interests as a farmer. Poultry producers in Wales have been facing the twin pressures that you recognise of avian influenza and surging production costs for some considerable time. Off the back of a meeting of concerned poultry farmers at the end of 2022, I think NFU Cymru wrote to you, Minister, asking if you would consider making use of the powers under Schedule 5, Part 2 of the Agriculture Act 2020, to investigate whether an exceptional market conditions declaration ought to be made. As you'll recall, I've raised this previously in the Chamber, and this was called for in light of the severe market disturbances being experienced by producers and consumers. And, Minister, you've partly answered my question, but could you update the Senedd on what discussions you and your officials are having with the industry and DEFRA since the end of November?

Diolch i'r Aelod dros Ddwyrain De Cymru am godi hyn, ac rwy'n rhannu ei bryderon a phryderon y diwydiant, ac rwy'n cyfeirio'r Aelodau at fy nghofrestr buddiannau fel ffermwr. Mae cynhyrchwyr dofednod yng Nghymru wedi bod yn wynebu'r pwysau dwbl rydych yn ei gydnabod gyda ffliw adar a chostau cynhyrchu cynyddol ers cryn dipyn o amser. Yn dilyn cyfarfod gyda ffermwyr dofednod pryderus ar ddiwedd 2022, rwy'n credu bod NFU Cymru wedi ysgrifennu atoch, Weinidog, yn gofyn a fyddech yn ystyried defnyddio'r pwerau o dan Atodlen 5, Rhan 2 o Ddeddf Amaethyddiaeth 2020, i ymchwilio i weld a ddylid gwneud datganiad o amodau marchnad eithriadol. Fel y cofiwch, rwyf wedi codi hyn o'r blaen yn y Siambr, a galwyd am hyn yng ngoleuni'r aflonyddwch difrifol yn y farchnad sy'n cael ei brofi gan gynhyrchwyr a defnyddwyr. A Weinidog, rydych wedi ateb fy nghwestiwn yn rhannol, ond a wnewch chi ddweud wrth y Senedd pa drafodaethau a gawsoch chi a'ch swyddogion gyda'r diwydiant ac Adran yr Amgylchedd, Bwyd a Materion Gwledig ers diwedd mis Tachwedd?

Thank you. So, I did raise it at our inter-ministerial group in December and then subsequently wrote to the Minister for farming, fisheries and food. As I say, unfortunately, I haven't had a response to that letter. We have a further inter-ministerial group, I think, in a fortnight, so I will raise it again if I haven't had a response. I do think we need to look at how we use those powers and, as I say, whether a legislative solution would be the best way forward, but, obviously, my officials continue to work across the UK at official level with the agriculture market monitoring group. I've asked them to really stress, because it's such an integrated supply across the UK, a UK-wide solution would be the best way forward.

Diolch. Felly, fe'i crybwyllais yn ein grŵp rhyngweinidogol ym mis Rhagfyr ac yna ysgrifennais at y Gweinidog ffermio, pysgodfeydd a bwyd. Fel y dywedaf, yn anffodus, nid wyf wedi cael ymateb i'r llythyr hwnnw. Mae gennym gyfarfod pellach o'r grŵp rhyngweinidogol, ymhen pythefnos rwy'n credu, felly byddaf yn ei godi eto os nad ydwyf wedi cael ymateb. Rwy'n credu bod angen inni edrych ar sut y defnyddiwn y pwerau hynny ac fel y dywedaf, a gweld ai ateb deddfwriaethol fyddai'r ffordd orau ymlaen, ond yn amlwg, mae fy swyddogion yn parhau i weithio ledled y DU ar lefel swyddogol gyda grŵp monitro'r farchnad amaeth. Oherwydd ei fod yn gyflenwad mor integredig ledled y DU, rwyf wedi gofyn iddynt bwysleisio mai ateb DU gyfan fyddai'r ffordd orau ymlaen.

The Agriculture (Wales) Bill is the result of several years of policy development across ministerial portfolios, which includes discussions with the Minister for Climate Change. Officials have also been in regular discussions with colleagues to understand the impact of the Bill on existing and future programmes, including peatland restoration.

Mae Bil Amaethyddiaeth (Cymru) yn ganlyniad i sawl blwyddyn o ddatblygu polisi ar draws portffolios gweinidogol, sy'n cynnwys trafodaethau gyda'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd. Mae swyddogion hefyd wedi bod mewn trafodaethau rheolaidd gyda chyd-Weinidogion i ddeall effaith y Bil ar raglenni sy'n bodoli eisoes a rhaglenni'r dyfodol, gan gynnwys adfer mawndiroedd.

Thank you for the answer. The success of the national peatland action programme is its ability to deliver in the here and now, but it's come to my attention that a lot of works are held up or not progressing due to landowners holding on to see if they will require degraded peat to enter into the new sustainable farming scheme, or that they might be better off undertaking the work through the sustainable farming scheme. So, can the Minister give assurances to land managers across Wales that they will not be penalised either financially or in scheme eligibility for undertaking peatland restoration through presently available mechanisms?

Diolch am yr ateb. Llwyddiant y rhaglen weithredu genedlaethol ar fawndiroedd yw ei gallu i gyflawni ar unwaith, ond mae wedi dod i fy sylw fod llawer o waith yn cael ei ddal yn ôl neu nad yw'n mynd rhagddo oherwydd bod tirfeddianwyr yn aros i weld a fydd hi'n ofynnol cynnwys mawn diraddiedig yn y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy newydd, neu a fyddai'n well iddynt ymgymryd â'r gwaith drwy'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy. Felly, a all y Gweinidog roi sicrwydd i reolwyr tir ledled Cymru na fyddant yn cael eu cosbi naill ai'n ariannol nac o ran cymhwysedd ar gyfer y cynllun am wneud gwaith adfer mawndiroedd drwy'r mecanweithiau sydd ar gael ar hyn o bryd?

Well, as the Member is aware, the sustainable farming scheme is currently being designed. We've gone through a significant amount of co-design with our stakeholders, so I can't give you that assurance as you required, but, obviously, we're really keen that that work is undertaken. I do hear what you're saying about farmers waiting to see, if you like, but we would encourage them to continue to carry out the actions that we really need as part of the national peatland action programme. I think what that programme has really done is provide the leadership that we needed for that sustained peatland restoration, but we'll certainly consider it - well, we are considering it - as a sustainable land management duty. So, I don't see why we wouldn't then reward it. But, I would encourage people to really carry on with the work that they've been doing whilst we, obviously, bring the Agriculture (Wales) Bill through the Senedd and we design the sustainable farming scheme, which will be replacing the basic payment scheme.

Wel, fel y mae'r Aelod yn gwybod, mae'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy yn cael ei lunio ar hyn o bryd. Rydym wedi mynd drwy broses sylweddol o gydgynllunio gyda'n rhanddeiliaid, felly ni allaf roi'r sicrwydd hwnnw i chi fel y gofynnoch chi amdano, ond yn amlwg, rydym yn awyddus iawn i'r gwaith hwnnw gael ei wneud. Rwy'n clywed yr hyn a ddywedwch am ffermwyr yn aros i weld, os mynnwch, ond byddem yn eu hannog i barhau i gyflawni'r camau sydd eu hangen arnom yn fawr yn rhan o'r rhaglen weithredu genedlaethol ar fawndiroedd. Rwy'n credu mai'r hyn y mae'r rhaglen honno wedi'i wneud yw darparu'r arweiniad roedd ei angen arnom ar gyfer y gwaith parhaus o adfer mawndiroedd, ond byddwn yn sicr yn ei ystyried - wel, rydym yn ei ystyried - yn ddyletswydd rheoli tir yn gynaliadwy. Felly, nid wyf yn gweld pam na fyddem yn ei wobrwyo. Ond rwy'n annog pobl i barhau o ddifrif gyda'r gwaith y maent wedi bod yn ei wneud wrth inni dywys y Bil Amaethyddiaeth (Cymru) drwy'r Senedd ac wrth inni gynllunio'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy, a fydd yn disodli cynllun y taliad sylfaenol.

As the economic situation worsens, pressures on household budgets to maintain good welfare conditions for pets is becoming ever more challenging. My officials have worked closely with the third sector to monitor the situation and are pleased to see animal welfare groups in Wales working together to support our pet owners.

Wrth i'r sefyllfa economaidd waethygu, mae'r pwysau ar gyllidebau aelwydydd i gynnal amodau lles da i anifeiliaid anwes yn dod yn fwyfwy heriol. Mae fy swyddogion wedi gweithio'n agos gyda'r trydydd sector i fonitro'r sefyllfa ac yn falch o weld grwpiau lles anifeiliaid yng Nghymru yn gweithio gyda'i gilydd i gefnogi ein perchnogion anifeiliaid anwes.

The rising cost of living has led to a record number of pets being abandoned. The Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals estimate that a pet is cast aside every 15 minutes in the UK. Dogs Trust have reported a record number of calls from owners looking to give up their dogs, citing financial reasons, and a survey by YouGov shows that 48 per cent of respondents confirmed they would find it more difficult to give their dog all they needed. Charities like Friends of Animals Wales, run by volunteers, who have three shops in my constituency, provide a pet foodbank so that pets don't have to go without, or owners don't have to go without to feed their pets. But, not all constituencies are fortunate enough to have this provision and it's difficult to reach all pet owners. What advice would the Minister give to pet owners in Wales who are struggling to provide for their pets, and how can the Welsh Government help charities like Friends of Animals Wales reach those in need of support?

Mae costau byw cynyddol wedi arwain at y nifer uchaf erioed o anifeiliaid anwes yn cael eu gadael. Mae'r Gymdeithas Frenhinol er Atal Creulondeb i Anifeiliaid yn amcangyfrif bod anifail anwes yn cael ei adael bob 15 munud yn y DU. Mae'r Dogs Trust wedi cofnodi'r nifer uchaf erioed o alwadau gan berchnogion sydd am roi'r gorau i'w cŵn, gan nodi rhesymau ariannol, ac mae arolwg gan YouGov yn dangos bod 48 y cant o ymatebwyr wedi cadarnhau y byddent yn ei chael hi'n anos rhoi popeth roedd ei angen ar eu ci. Mae elusennau fel Friends of Animals Wales, sy'n cael ei gweithredu gan wirfoddolwyr ac sydd â thair siop yn fy etholaeth, yn darparu banc bwyd anifeiliaid anwes fel nad oes rhaid i anifeiliaid anwes fynd heb fwyd, neu fel nad oes rhaid i berchnogion fynd heb fwyd er mwyn bwydo eu hanifeiliaid anwes. Ond nid yw pob etholaeth yn ddigon ffodus i gael y ddarpariaeth hon ac mae'n anodd cyrraedd pob perchennog anifail anwes. Pa gyngor y byddai'r Gweinidog yn ei roi i berchnogion anifeiliaid anwes yng Nghymru sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd darparu ar gyfer eu hanifeiliaid anwes, a sut y gall Llywodraeth Cymru helpu elusennau fel Friends of Animals Wales i gyrraedd y rhai sydd angen cefnogaeth?

Well, as I said in my opening answer, my officials have been working very closely with third sector organisations to see what more can be done to help our pet owners who are struggling to feed and look after their pets in the way that they and we would want them to. Unfortunately, we did see pet ownership increase during the COVID-19 pandemic and, obviously, as the economic situation has worsened with those pressures on household budgets it has become much more challenging to maintain good welfare conditions for our pets. We have the Animal Welfare Network Wales group, and they're in discussion also with the third sector organisations, and that does include the Dogs Trust, that you referred to, the People's Dispensary for Sick Animals and Cats Protection, just to monitor the current situation relating to affordable veterinary care as well, because that's obviously something else that could be causing pet owners concerns. We're also promoting our social media campaigns still - Paws, Prevent, Protect - and that really reminds prospective purchasers of the need to do their research before they buy a pet, because we know that responsible pet ownership does begin before you purchase an animal. You referred to the pet foodbank. I know that the foodbank in my own constituency does provide for pets also. So, again I would encourage people to try their local foodbank if they haven't got a specific pet foodbank in the way that you referred to in your constituency.

Wel, fel y dywedais yn fy ateb agoriadol, mae fy swyddogion wedi bod yn gweithio'n agos iawn gyda sefydliadau'r trydydd sector i weld beth arall y gellir ei wneud i helpu ein perchnogion anifeiliaid anwes sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd bwydo a gofalu am eu hanifeiliaid anwes yn y ffordd y byddent hwy a ninnau eisiau iddynt ei wneud. Yn anffodus, gwelsom gynnydd mewn perchnogaeth anifeiliaid anwes yn ystod pandemig COVID-19 ac yn amlwg, wrth i'r sefyllfa economaidd waethygu gyda'r pwysau ar gyllidebau aelwydydd, mae wedi dod yn llawer mwy heriol i gynnal amodau lles da i'n hanifeiliaid anwes. Mae gennym grŵp Rhwydwaith Lles Anifeiliaid Cymru, ac maent yn trafod hefyd gyda sefydliadau'r trydydd sector, ac mae hynny'n cynnwys y Dogs Trust, fel y nodoch chi, y People's Dispensary for Sick Animals a Cats Protection, i fonitro'r sefyllfa bresennol ynghylch gofal milfeddygol fforddiadwy hefyd, oherwydd mae hynny'n amlwg yn rhywbeth arall a allai fod yn achosi pryderon i berchnogion anifeiliaid anwes. Rydym hefyd yn dal i hyrwyddo ein hymgyrchoedd cyfryngau cymdeithasol - Aros, Atal, Amddiffyn - ac mae hynny'n atgoffa darpar brynwyr o'r angen i wneud eu hymchwil cyn iddynt brynu anifail anwes, oherwydd rydym yn gwybod bod perchnogaeth gyfrifol ar anifail anwes yn dechrau cyn ichi brynu anifail. Roeddech yn cyfeirio at y banc bwyd i anifeiliaid anwes. Rwy'n gwybod bod y banc bwyd yn fy etholaeth i'n darparu ar gyfer anifeiliaid anwes hefyd. Felly, byddwn yn annog pobl eto i roi cynnig ar eu banc bwyd lleol os nad oes ganddynt fanc bwyd penodol ar gyfer anifeiliaid anwes yn y ffordd roeddech chi'n nodi yn eich etholaeth.

Natural Resources Wales have recently proposed to increase charges for sheep-dip disposal by 10 times. This, I'm sure you'll be most aware, will cause barriers to eradicating sheep scab. Now, I note in your statement last month you committed £4.5 million of rural investment scheme funding to help tackle the disease, but you didn't mention whether this would be per year or multi-year funding. I also realise you said in your responses to my colleague Sam Kurtz that the increase in fees from Natural Resources Wales will only impact a small percentage of farms, only giving out 37 permits per year. However, as NFU Cymru have noted, these proposals, they say, are ill thought out and short-sighted. They're asking for a full justification from NRW about this increase. So, what other breakdowns have you seen that would indicate that this is a fair decision for farmers who are struggling with the cost of living?

Yn ddiweddar, fe wnaeth Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru argymell cynnydd ddeg gwaith drosodd yn y ffioedd am waredu dip defaid. Bydd hyn, rwy'n siŵr y byddwch yn ymwybodol, yn achosi rhwystrau rhag dileu'r clafr. Nawr, nodaf yn eich datganiad fis diwethaf eich bod wedi ymrwymo £4.5 miliwn o gyllid y cynllun buddsoddi gwledig i helpu i fynd i'r afael â'r clefyd, ond ni wnaethoch sôn a fyddai hyn yn gyllid blynyddol neu'n gyllid amlflwyddyn. Rwyf hefyd yn sylweddoli eich bod wedi dweud yn eich ymatebion i fy nghyd-Aelod Sam Kurtz y bydd y cynnydd yn y ffioedd gan Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru ond yn effeithio ar ganran fechan o ffermydd, am mai 37 trwydded y flwyddyn yn unig a ddyrennir. Ond fel y mae NFU Cymru wedi nodi, mae'r cynigion hyn, meddant, yn ddifeddwl ac yn unllygeidiog. Maent yn gofyn am gyfiawnhad llawn gan CNC dros y cynnydd hwn. Felly, pa ddadansoddiadau eraill a welsoch a fyddai'n dangos bod hwn yn benderfyniad teg i ffermwyr sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd ymdopi gyda chostau byw?

So, obviously, NRW sits within the portfolio of the Minister for Climate Change, and I know she will be having advice from NRW around the rise in the regulatory licences that you referred to. I have done some research into this following being told there were only 37 licences given, and that indeed is correct. I think it's really important to recognise that NRW aren't trying to make profit from this. What they are trying to make sure is that they're costs are covered, and there hasn't been a rise for many, many years, and I appreciate is it a significant rise in one go. But, as I say, the Minister is still awaiting advice on it.

Felly, yn amlwg, mae CNC yn dod o dan bortffolio'r Gweinidog Newid Hinsawdd, ac rwy'n gwybod y bydd hi'n cael cyngor gan CNC ynghylch y cynnydd yn y trwyddedau rheoleiddiol y cyfeirioch chi atynt. Rwyf wedi gwneud ychydig o ymchwil i hyn ar ôl cael gwybod mai dim ond 37 o drwyddedau a roddwyd, ac mae hynny'n gywir. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig iawn cydnabod nad yw CNC yn ceisio gwneud elw o hyn. Yr hyn y maent yn ceisio ei sicrhau yw bod costau'n cael eu talu, ac nid oes cynnydd wedi bod ers blynyddoedd lawer, ac rwy'n derbyn ei fod yn gynnydd sylweddol ar un tro. Ond fel rwy'n dweud, mae'r Gweinidog yn dal i ddisgwyl cyngor arno.

I sent my response to the Petitions Committee, which the Member chairs, to the report that came forward on this issue yesterday, and, as detailed in the response, any proposed changes to legislation will be subject to full public consultation.

Anfonais fy ymateb i'r adroddiad a gyflwynwyd ar y mater hwn ddoe at y Pwyllgor Deisebau a gadeirir gan yr Aelod, ac fel y nodwyd yn yr ymateb, bydd unrhyw newidiadau arfaethedig i ddeddfwriaeth yn destun ymgynghoriad cyhoeddus llawn.

I'm grateful to the Minister for that answer and I'm grateful to the Minister for responding positively to the Senedd Petitions Committee on the report that called for a phased ban on greyhound racing. The reason we called for a phased ban on greyhound racing is because the majority of Members felt the evidence that we heard was overwhelmingly in favour of a phased ban. I understand the position of the Welsh Government that they will have to go out to consultation on any ban, and a consultation will include the position on a ban on greyhound racing. I wondered if you could update the Chamber, Minister, on what the next steps are for the Welsh Government in this regard.

Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Gweinidog am yr ateb hwnnw ac rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Gweinidog am ymateb yn gadarnhaol i Bwyllgor Deisebau'r Senedd ar yr adroddiad a alwai am waharddiad graddol ar rasio milgwn. Y rheswm y gwnaethom alw am waharddiad graddol ar rasio milgwn yw oherwydd bod y mwyafrif o'r Aelodau'n teimlo bod y dystiolaeth a glywsom yn llethol o blaid gwaharddiad graddol. Rwy'n deall safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru y bydd yn rhaid iddynt ymgynghori ar unrhyw waharddiad, ac fe fydd ymgynghoriad yn cynnwys y safbwynt ar wahardd rasio milgwn. Tybed a allech roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Siambr, Weinidog, ynglŷn â beth yw'r camau nesaf i Lywodraeth Cymru yn hyn o beth.

Thank you, and I was very pleased to be able to accept, or accept in principle, all the recommendations bar one, and I very much look forward to the debate that will be held in this Chamber on 6 March, and I suppose that's the next step. And then we will have a look at what more we need to do to have a look and make sure that our greyhounds are protected as much as possible. I've also met with the owner of Valley stadium, which, as you know, is the only greyhound stadium here in Wales, to discuss the welfare issues that have been raised with me. I'm very keen to see the inspections continue at the stadium. But the next immediate step will be the debate on 6 March.

Diolch, ac roeddwn yn falch iawn o allu derbyn, neu dderbyn mewn egwyddor, yr holl argymhellion heblaw am un, ac edrychaf ymlaen yn fawr at y ddadl a gynhelir yn y Siambr hon ar 6 Mawrth, ac mae'n debyg mai dyna'r cam nesaf. Ac yna cawn olwg ar beth arall sydd angen inni ei wneud i gael golwg a gwneud yn siŵr fod ein milgwn yn cael eu diogelu gymaint â phosibl. Rwyf hefyd wedi cyfarfod â pherchennog stadiwm Valley, sef yr unig stadiwm milgwn yma yng Nghymru, fel y gwyddoch, i drafod y materion lles a gafodd eu dwyn i fy sylw. Rwy'n awyddus iawn i weld yr archwiliadau'n parhau yn y stadiwm. Ond y cam uniongyrchol nesaf fydd y ddadl ar 6 Mawrth.

Thank you, Minister, for your response to my colleague Jack Sargeant's question. As you know, in a few weeks' time, we will shortly be discussing the Petitions Committee's report on greyhound racing and specifically its main recommendation that the sport be banned in Wales. As highlighted in that report, I was the only voice in the committee who believes more could be done to enforce and tighten existing regulation first to improve greyhound welfare. As part of my own evidence gathering, I met with the Greyhound Board of Great Britain, the regulator for licensed greyhound racing in Great Britain, to discuss 'A Good Life for Every Greyhound', their independently assessed welfare strategy, which all GBGB tracks have to adhere to. I'm aware that GBGB tracks do not appear to have the same level of issues surrounding animal welfare that appear at Wales's only track, which does not have GBGB accreditation, and I'd like this Government to do a more thorough investigation into whether or not GBGB regulation could resolve animal welfare issues before legislating for a ban. With this in mind - and I'm conscious I've not seen your response to the committee's recommendations yet - what investigative work has the Welsh Government undertaken to properly understand animal welfare at the Valley track and at GBGB registered tracks? And given that the Petitions Committee's report has also called for a review of other sports in Wales involving animals, I'm curious to know what rationale will be used in deciding which sports are banned and which are not, should this Government support the recommendations of the Petitions Committee's report. Thank you.

Diolch am eich ymateb i gwestiwn fy nghyd-Aelod Jack Sargeant. Fel y gwyddoch, ymhen rhai wythnosau, byddwn yn trafod adroddiad y Pwyllgor Deisebau ar rasio milgwn, ac yn benodol ei brif argymhelliad y dylid gwahardd y gamp yng Nghymru. Fel yr amlygwyd yn yr adroddiad hwnnw, fi oedd yr unig lais yn y pwyllgor sy'n credu y gellid gwneud mwy i orfodi a thynhau'r rheoliadau presennol yn gyntaf er mwyn gwella lles milgwn. Wrth gasglu tystiolaeth fy hun, cyfarfûm â Bwrdd Milgwn Prydain, GBGB, y rheoleiddiwr rasio milgwn trwyddedig ym Mhrydain, i drafod 'A Good Life for Every Greyhound', eu strategaeth les a aseswyd yn annibynnol y mae'n rhaid i bob trac GBGB gydymffurfio â hi. Rwy'n ymwybodol nad yw'n ymddangos bod gan draciau GBGB yr un lefel o broblemau'n ymwneud â lles anifeiliaid ag a welir yn unig drac Cymru, nad oes ganddo achrediad GBGB, a hoffwn i'r Llywodraeth hon wneud ymchwiliad mwy trylwyr i weld a allai rheoliadau GBGB ddatrys problemau lles anifeiliaid cyn deddfu am waharddiad. Gyda hyn mewn golwg - ac rwy'n ymwybodol nad wyf wedi gweld eich ymateb i argymhellion y pwyllgor eto - pa waith ymchwiliol y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud i ddeall lles anifeiliaid yn briodol ar drac Valley ac ar draciau cofrestredig GBGB? Ac o gofio bod adroddiad y Pwyllgor Deisebau hefyd wedi galw am adolygu campau eraill yng Nghymru sy'n ymwneud ag anifeiliaid, rwy'n chwilfrydig i wybod pa resymeg fydd yn cael ei defnyddio i benderfynu pa gampau sy'n cael eu gwahardd a pha rai na chânt eu gwahardd, pe bai'r Llywodraeth hon yn cefnogi argymhellion adroddiad y Pwyllgor Deisebau. Diolch.

So, in answer to your last point - and I appreciate you haven't seen my response as yet - recommendation 5, which was that we should also look at other sports where animals compete, is the recommendation I have rejected, because, obviously, this is a focus on greyhound racing. What our animal welfare plan, which I introduced back in 2021 - it's a five-year plan - does is include a framework for the realisation of the four animal welfare programme for government commitments, and that does outline how we will integrate a broad range of ongoing animal welfare policy work. In relation to your questions around GBGB tracks, you'll be aware that the one track in Wales isn't a GBGB track. I, too, have met with GBGB to see what more could be done, and my officials are having a look. I don't think they've visited any other GBGB tracks, but certainly had discussions with, I think, the chief executive of GBGB, to see what we can learn.

Felly, i ateb eich pwynt olaf - ac rwy'n derbyn nad ydych wedi gweld fy ymateb hyd yma - argymhelliad 5, sef y dylem hefyd edrych ar chwaraeon eraill lle mae anifeiliaid yn cystadlu, yw'r argymhelliad a wrthodais, oherwydd, yn amlwg, ffocws ar rasio milgwn yw hwn. Yr hyn y mae ein cynllun lles anifeiliaid, a gyflwynais yn ôl yn 2021 - mae'n gynllun pum mlynedd - yn ei wneud yw cynnwys fframwaith ar gyfer gwireddu pedwar ymrwymiad lles anifeiliaid y rhaglen lywodraethu, ac mae hwnnw'n amlinellu sut y byddwn yn integreiddio ystod eang o waith polisi lles anifeiliaid parhaus. O ran eich cwestiynau ynghylch traciau GBGB, fe fyddwch yn ymwybodol nad yw'r un trac sydd yng Nghymru yn drac GBGB. Rwyf innau hefyd wedi cyfarfod â GBGB i weld beth arall y gellid ei wneud, ac mae fy swyddogion yn edrych ar hynny. Nid wyf yn credu eu bod wedi ymweld ag unrhyw un o draciau eraill GBGB, ond yn sicr maent wedi cael trafodaethau gyda phrif weithredwr GBGB, rwy'n meddwl, i weld beth y gallwn ei ddysgu.

Greyhound racing is all too often incredibly dangerous for the greyhounds, and there is this statistic that 2,000 greyhounds were euthanised in the UK between 2018 and 2020 simply as a result of being raced. I strongly believe that no animal should suffer in the name of sport, and that goes for all sports that use all forms of animals for human entertainment, so I'm pleased to hear you say that that's under consideration in this consultation. There are 35,000 people who signed this petition, so we're not in the minority, the few voices here; we're representing a huge sector of society who think the same. So, Minister, when you go out to consultation, and it will be right across Wales, will you be feeding that consultation back before decisions are made and progress is taken?

Mae rasio milgwn yn rhy aml yn hynod beryglus i'r milgwn, ac mae yna ystadegyn fod 2,000 o filgwn wedi cael eu hewthaneiddio yn y DU rhwng 2018 a 2020 yn syml o ganlyniad i gael eu rasio. Credaf yn gryf na ddylai unrhyw anifail ddioddef yn enw chwaraeon, ac mae hynny'n wir am bob camp sy'n defnyddio unrhyw fath o anifail ar gyfer adloniant pobl, felly rwy'n falch o'ch clywed yn dweud bod hynny dan ystyriaeth yn yr ymgynghoriad hwn. Mae 35,000 o bobl wedi llofnodi'r ddeiseb hon, felly nid yw'r ychydig leisiau yma'n lleiafrif; rydym yn cynrychioli sector enfawr o'r gymdeithas sy'n meddwl yr un fath. Felly, Weinidog, pan fyddwch yn ymgynghori, a hynny ledled Cymru, a fyddwch yn bwydo'r ymgynghoriad hwnnw yn ôl cyn gwneud unrhyw benderfyniadau a chyn rhoi camau ar waith?

Thank you. Well, as I said, we've already committed to considering licensing of greyhound racing as part of our animal welfare plan. The next step is now to have the petition. What I have said to the Petitions Committee and to Members in the Chamber is that anything we decide to do would have to go out to public consultation, so let's have the debate on 6 March and then we can decide on the next steps.

Diolch. Wel, fel y dywedais, rydym eisoes wedi ymrwymo i ystyried trwyddedu rasio milgwn fel rhan o'n cynllun lles anifeiliaid. Y cam nesaf nawr yw cael y ddeiseb. Yr hyn rwyf wedi'i ddweud wrth y Pwyllgor Deisebau ac wrth Aelodau yn y Siambr yw y byddai'n rhaid i unrhyw beth y penderfynwn ei wneud fod yn destun ymgynghoriad cyhoeddus, felly gadewch inni gael y ddadl ar 6 Mawrth, ac yna gallwn benderfynu ar y camau nesaf.

The Welsh Government's code of practice for the welfare of dogs informs owners of their obligations relating to controlling their dogs and the governing pieces of legislation. We are working with the UK Government on introducing further safeguards through the Animal Welfare (Kept Animals) Bill.

Mae cod ymarfer Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer lles cŵn yn rhoi gwybod i berchnogion am eu rhwymedigaethau o ran rheoli eu cŵn a'r ddeddfwriaeth sy'n eu llywodraethu. Rydym yn gweithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU i gyflwyno mesurau diogelu pellach drwy'r Bil Lles Anifeiliaid (Anifeiliaid a Gedwir).

Thanks, Minister. I've been contacted by a constituent who says that he was recently attacked by a large dog on a public footpath in Newbridge. He goes on to say that he has been bitten twice by dogs in public places over the last six years, and his son has also been bitten as well. The Member for Caerphilly touched on this topic last week, so I know that you are aware of the two recent tragic cases in Caerphilly, when a 10-year-old boy and an 83-year-old lady were attacked and killed by dogs. I am aware that the previous National Assembly considered introducing a Control of Dogs (Wales) Bill previously, but the idea was dropped since 2013. Do you agree, Minister, that the time has come for Wales to reconsider this issue and introduce measures to ensure the safety of people when leaving their homes? Thank you.

Diolch, Weinidog. Mae etholwr wedi cysylltu â mi i ddweud bod ci mawr wedi ymosod arno'n ddiweddar ar lwybr cyhoeddus yn Nhrecelyn. Mae'n mynd yn ei flaen i ddweud ei fod wedi cael ei gnoi ddwywaith gan gŵn mewn mannau cyhoeddus dros y chwe blynedd diwethaf, a bod ei fab wedi cael ei gnoi hefyd. Crybwyllodd yr Aelod dros Gaerffili y pwnc hwn yr wythnos diwethaf, felly gwn eich bod yn ymwybodol o'r ddau achos trasig diweddar yng Nghaerffili, pan laddwyd bachgen 10 oed a dynes 83 oed ar ôl i gŵn ymosod arnynt. Rwy'n ymwybodol fod y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol blaenorol wedi ystyried cyflwyno Bil Rheoli Cŵn (Cymru), ond rhoddwyd y gorau i'r syniad yn 2013. A ydych yn cytuno, Weinidog, fod yr amser wedi dod i Gymru ailystyried y mater hwn a chyflwyno mesurau i sicrhau diogelwch pobl wrth iddynt adael eu cartrefi? Diolch.

We know that any dog in the wrong hands has the potential to be dangerous, and what we do is promote responsible ownership. I think that has to be a key priority. You will have heard me say in an earlier answer to Mabon ap Gwynfor about the kept animals Bill that the UK Government are taking through that, unfortunately, it's stalled a bit, but I do think there are provisions that we can take there to really help us. Because we know that dog attacks absolutely ruin lives and they're avoidable, if dog owners ensure that their dogs are in control at all times, and that they are responsible owners at all times too.

Gwyddom y gallai unrhyw gi yn y dwylo anghywir fod yn beryglus, a'r hyn rydym yn ei wneud yw hybu perchnogaeth gyfrifol. Credaf fod yn rhaid i hynny fod yn flaenoriaeth allweddol. Byddwch wedi fy nghlywed yn dweud mewn ateb cynharach i Mabon ap Gwynfor am y Bil anifeiliaid a gedwir y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ei gyflwyno, ac mae hwnnw wedi arafu ychydig, yn anffodus, ond credaf fod darpariaethau y gallwn eu rhoi ar waith yno i'n helpu. Oherwydd gwyddom fod ymosodiadau gan gŵn yn difetha bywydau'n llwyr, a bod modd eu hosgoi os yw perchnogion cŵn yn sicrhau bod eu cŵn dan reolaeth bob amser, a'u bod yn berchnogion cyfrifol bob amser hefyd.

The next item, therefore, is the topical questions. There is one question today, and that is to be answered by the Deputy Minister for Climate Change and to be asked by Delyth Jewell.

Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r cwestiynau amserol. Un cwestiwn heddiw, a hwnnw i'w ateb gan y Dirprwy Weinidog Newid Hinsawdd ac i'w ofyn gan Delyth Jewell.

An initial extension of three months gives the industry the stability it needs in the short term while we continue to work together with them and local government on planning bus networks that better suit the new travel patterns that we've seen since the end of the pandemic.

Mae estyniad cychwynnol o dri mis yn rhoi'r sefydlogrwydd sydd ei angen ar y diwydiant yn y tymor byr tra byddwn yn parhau i weithio gyda hwy a chyda llywodraeth leol ar gynllunio rhwydweithiau bysiau sy'n gweddu'n well i'r patrymau teithio newydd rydym wedi'u gweld ers diwedd y pandemig.

Diolch, Weinidog. I appreciate that the last couple of days have been exceptionally busy for you. The uncertainty that you've touched on about that future funding is causing a great deal of concern, and I welcome the fact that you've extended this transition period for three months. That temporary reprieve, though, is not going to do much to assuage the concern of bus operators. I do appreciate that you're in a difficult position - I know that we touched on this in the Siambr yesterday - but the shift in messaging on this has confused things, I think, and I'd like to get some more information on that. There have been some statements that have been made that this scheme was due to come to an end in March of this year, but that seems to run contrary to the ministerial evidence that was submitted on the draft budget, as well as, as I understand it, the tone of discussions that bus operators have had with the Welsh Government in the months leading up to this change. I would say, Minister, that you have taken bold steps this week towards realising a net-zero future. The impetus behind that is one I truly welcome; I think that it's incredibly brave. And it's for that reason that I'd urge you that now is surely the most important time for the Welsh Government to be looking at providing certainty of funding for public transport, because if we want to encourage people to use cars less, to make sure that there are viable bus and train networks there available for them, that's the way of making sure that people can get where they need to be - in more ways than one, of course. So, could you please tell us is there any prospect, as you see it at the moment, of a more sustainable footing for a scheme of this nature to continue, or one that replicates it, taking into consideration that it was, of course, one for COVID?

Diolch, Weinidog. Rwy'n derbyn bod yr ychydig ddyddiau diwethaf wedi bod yn eithriadol o brysur i chi. Mae'r ansicrwydd rydych wedi sôn amdano ynghylch y cyllid hwnnw yn y dyfodol yn achosi llawer iawn o bryder, ac rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith eich bod wedi ymestyn y cyfnod pontio hwn am dri mis. Fodd bynnag, nid yw'r gohiriad dros dro'n mynd i wneud llawer i leddfu pryderon gweithredwyr bysiau. Rwy'n derbyn eich bod mewn sefyllfa anodd - gwn inni gyffwrdd ar hyn yn y Siambr ddoe - ond mae'r newid yn y negeseuon ar hyn wedi drysu pethau yn fy marn i, a hoffwn gael rhagor o wybodaeth am hynny. Gwnaed rhai datganiadau fod y cynllun i fod i ddod i ben ym mis Mawrth eleni, ond ymddengys bod hynny'n mynd yn groes i'r dystiolaeth weinidogol a gyflwynwyd ar y gyllideb ddrafft, yn ogystal, yn ôl yr hyn a ddeallaf, â chywair y trafodaethau y mae gweithredwyr bysiau wedi'u cael gyda Llywodraeth Cymru yn y misoedd cyn y newid hwn. Weinidog, byddwn yn dweud eich bod wedi cymryd camau beiddgar yr wythnos hon tuag at wireddu dyfodol sero net. Mae'r ysgogiad y tu ôl i hynny'n un rwy'n ei groesawu'n fawr; credaf ei fod yn anhygoel o ddewr. Ac am y rheswm hwnnw, byddwn yn eich annog mai nawr yw'r amser pwysicaf i Lywodraeth Cymru fod yn edrych ar ddarparu sicrwydd o gyllid ar gyfer trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, oherwydd os ydym am annog pobl i ddefnyddio llai ar geir, i sicrhau bod rhwydweithiau bysiau a threnau hyfyw yno ar eu cyfer, dyna'r ffordd o sicrhau bod pobl yn gallu cyrraedd lle mae angen iddynt fod - mewn mwy nag un ffordd, wrth gwrs. Felly, a fyddech cystal â dweud wrthym a oes unrhyw obaith, yn eich barn chi ar hyn o bryd, o sylfaen fwy cynaliadwy i gynllun fel hwn barhau, neu gynllun sy'n ei efelychu, gan gofio, wrth gwrs, mai cynllun ar gyfer COVID ydoedd?

Well, thank you for raising the question, because it is an issue that is concerning us greatly. Clearly, this is not a happy situation. We have a privatised bus network, which relies on commercial operators being able to make a profit. Clearly, the pandemic has turned that business model on its head and it was our intervention, with £150 million of public investment, that kept the sector from going under. It was always meant to be an emergency scheme; it was meant to be temporary. We do spend, every year, £60 million subsidising concessionary fares for older people, we spend a further £2 million subsidising the mytravelpass scheme for 16 to 21-year-olds, plus we provide £25 million of grant to local authorities for the bus services support grant, plus school transport now accounts for about a quarter of local authority education budgets. So, we're putting a lot of public money in, and on top of that, we've had the bus emergency scheme. Now, in this year's budget, it was always intended to wind that down. One of the things that the industry themselves say is that we are ossifying - that's the word that they've used - bus networks to run along lines that suited passengers pre pandemic, but passenger behaviour has changed. There are fewer older people travelling, there are more leisure journeys than there are commuting journeys. So, we're probably still running a bus pattern based on pre-pandemic behaviour. So, regardless, there does need to be a reconfiguring of the networks. Clearly, we'd prefer to do that in an orderly way. Now, we have been trying to square a very, very difficult budget settlement with our policy aspirations and, as you know, we do have great ambitions for bus. But, essentially, unless we're prepared to fully subsidise the industry, we're not able to do anything to retain services as they are. And this is a problem right across the UK. A quick internet search will show this right across England and Scotland. They're all facing the same. We haven't seen any additional money coming from the Treasury and the Department for Transport that would produce any consequentials for us to put further funding in this year. We're also having to meet significant cost pressures in the rail industry. So, we are in a fix here. We did manage, through last week, through some very constructive conversations with the industry and local government, to get a reprieve. So, we've got a guarantee of the BES scheme for a further three months, and we hope to work closely with them during that time to try to work out which routes should be maintained within the declining bus budget envelope to give us the best chance to have a skeleton service that then will take us into the new franchise, which is still a couple of years away. So, we'll have a real bridging problem. I would desperately like to find the money to be able to do it properly, but our options are limited. We know the cost pressures that the Government is under, and together, Labour and Plaid Cymru have prioritised a whole range of funding for free school meals, for the cost-of-living crisis and for a pay deal for the NHS. Now, that money can't be spent twice. So, there simply isn't money floating around within the Welsh budget that we can move onto this, much as I would dearly like to. So, we've got a real challenge now to try, as best we can, to get a smooth glide path out of BES in a way that causes the least amount of disruption to passengers, whilst keeping a core of bus networks that allows people to use public transport and achieve the modal shift, as we want them to do. But, I can't in all conscience say that we're going to be able to do all the things we want to do, given the money that is available. I desperately hope, and I would make a plea to the UK Government, because they're having these problems as well, to put extra money into the transport budget at the UK level to deal with the crisis there is in England, too, which will produce extra consequentials for us that we can then put into the bus system and work with the industry to create a rational network.

Wel, diolch am godi'r cwestiwn, gan ei fod yn fater sy'n peri cryn bryder i ni. Yn amlwg, nid yw hon yn sefyllfa hapus. Mae gennym rwydwaith bysiau sydd wedi'i breifateiddio, sy'n dibynnu ar allu gweithredwyr masnachol i wneud elw. Yn amlwg, mae'r pandemig wedi troi'r model busnes hwnnw ar ei ben, a'n hymyrraeth ni, gyda £150 miliwn o fuddsoddiad cyhoeddus, a gadwodd y sector rhag mynd i'r wal. Roedd bob amser i fod yn gynllun brys; y bwriad oedd ei fod yn gynllun dros dro. Bob blwyddyn, rydym yn gwario £60 miliwn ar sybsideiddio tocynnau teithio rhatach i bobl hŷn, rydym yn gwario £2 filiwn arall ar sybsideiddio cynllun fyngherdynteithio ar gyfer pobl ifanc 16 i 21 oed, ac rydym yn darparu £25 miliwn o grant i awdurdodau lleol ar gyfer y grant cynnal gwasanaethau bysiau, ac mae oddeutu chwarter cyllidebau addysg awdurdodau lleol bellach yn mynd ar gludiant i'r ysgol. Felly, rydym yn darparu llawer o arian cyhoeddus, ac ar ben hynny, rydym wedi cael y cynllun brys ar gyfer y sector bysiau. Nawr, yn y gyllideb eleni, y bwriad bob amser oedd dirwyn hynny i ben. Un o'r pethau y mae'r diwydiant ei hun yn ei ddweud yw ein bod yn ffosileiddio - dyna'r gair y maent wedi'i ddefnyddio - rhwydweithiau bysiau ar lwybrau teithio a oedd yn gweddu i deithwyr cyn y pandemig, ond mae ymddygiad teithwyr wedi newid. Mae llai o bobl hŷn yn teithio, ceir mwy o deithiau hamdden nag a geir o deithiau cymudo. Felly, mae'n debyg ein bod yn dal i redeg patrwm bysiau'n seiliedig ar ymddygiad cyn-bandemig. Felly, doed a ddelo, mae angen ad-drefnu'r rhwydweithiau. Yn amlwg, byddai'n well gennym wneud hynny mewn ffordd drefnus. Nawr, rydym wedi bod yn ceisio cysoni setliad cyllideb anodd tu hwnt â'n dyheadau polisi, ac fel y gwyddoch, mae gennym uchelgeisiau mawr ar gyfer bysiau. Ond yn y bôn, oni bai ein bod yn barod i sybsideiddio'r diwydiant yn llawn, ni allwn wneud unrhyw beth i gadw gwasanaethau fel y maent. Ac mae hon yn broblem ledled y DU. Bydd chwiliad cyflym ar y rhyngrwyd yn dangos hyn ledled Lloegr a'r Alban. Maent oll yn wynebu'r un peth. Nid ydym wedi gweld unrhyw arian ychwanegol yn dod gan y Trysorlys a'r Adran Drafnidiaeth a fyddai'n cynhyrchu unrhyw gyllid canlyniadol i ni ddarparu rhagor o arian eleni. Rydym hefyd yn gorfod wynebu pwysau sylweddol yn sgil costau yn y diwydiant rheilffyrdd. Felly, rydym mewn cyfyng-gyngor yma. Drwy'r wythnos diwethaf, drwy sgyrsiau adeiladol iawn gyda'r diwydiant a llywodraeth leol, fe wnaethom lwyddo i sicrhau gohiriad. Felly, mae'r cynllun brys ar gyfer y sector bysiau wedi'i warantu am dri mis arall, ac rydym yn gobeithio gweithio'n agos gyda hwy yn ystod y cyfnod hwnnw i geisio nodi pa lwybrau teithio y dylid eu cynnal o fewn yr amlen gyllideb bysiau sy'n lleihau er mwyn rhoi'r cyfle gorau inni gael gwasanaeth sgerbwd a fydd yn ein cynnal hyd at y fasnachfraint newydd, sy'n dal i fod ychydig o flynyddoedd i ffwrdd. Felly, bydd gennym broblem wirioneddol o ran pontio. Ni fyddai unrhyw beth yn well gennyf na dod o hyd i'r arian i allu gwneud hyn yn iawn, ond mae ein hopsiynau'n gyfyngedig. Rydym yn ymwybodol o'r pwysau costau ar y Llywodraeth, a chyda'i gilydd, mae Llafur a Phlaid Cymru wedi blaenoriaethu ystod gyfan o gyllid ar gyfer prydau ysgol am ddim, ar gyfer yr argyfwng costau byw ac ar gyfer bargen gyflog i'r GIG. Nawr, ni ellir gwario'r arian hwnnw ddwywaith. Felly, yn syml iawn, nid oes arian yn hel llwch yng nghyllideb Cymru y gallwn ei wario ar hyn, er cymaint yr hoffwn wneud hynny. Felly, mae gennym her wirioneddol nawr i geisio sicrhau cyfnod pontio llyfn cystal ag y gallwn allan o'r cynllun brys ar gyfer y sector bysiau mewn ffordd sy'n achosi'r aflonyddwch lleiaf i deithwyr, gan gadw set graidd o rwydweithiau bysiau sy'n caniatáu i bobl ddefnyddio trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus a newid eu dulliau teithio, fel rydym am iddynt ei wneud. Ond ni allaf ddweud yn onest ein bod yn mynd i allu gwneud yr holl bethau rydym am eu gwneud, o ystyried yr arian sydd ar gael. Rwy'n mawr obeithio, a hoffwn apelio ar Lywodraeth y DU, gan eu bod hwythau'n wynebu'r problemau hyn hefyd, i roi arian ychwanegol yn y gyllideb drafnidiaeth ar lefel y DU er mwyn mynd i'r afael â'r argyfwng sydd yn Lloegr hefyd, a fydd yn arwain at gyllid canlyniadol ychwanegol i ni y gallwn ei roi tuag at y system fysiau wedyn a gweithio gyda'r diwydiant i greu rhwydwaith synhwyrol.

I'd like to thank my colleague, Delyth Jewell, for actually raising this as a question today. Now, with all due respect, the end of March was set to be the cut-off point for BES 3, as it was commonly known, and now, we are finding out that it obviously gets pushed back to the end of June, which is fine. So, I'd like to know what exactly is going to happen when we reach June, Deputy Minister? You mentioned previously that criteria have to be met for certain bus routes to run. What are those criteria? What support is going to be put into place to help Wales's bus services, and what actions will you be taking so that our rural communities and members who live there don't feel neglected and isolated going forward? Just 24 hours ago, you unveiled the roads review and transport plan - in a rather rushed manner, which is fine - in which you placed a lot of emphasis on public transport. On 31 March 2022, you published 'One network, one timetable, one ticket: planning buses as a public service for Wales', and in this - and I quote - you said that you wanted to create an 'excellent travel option, wherever people need it, whenever people need it, throughout Wales'. On the one hand, the Welsh Government wants to have more people use more buses and get out of their cars, but on the other hand, you're stripping away a much-needed cash lifeline. It just doesn't add up to me, Deputy Minister. If funding plans are not put into place by cutting financial help for buses, this Government's going to inflict major problems on countless people in all four corners of Wales. I understand that one big bus operator has warned that it's actually going to preparing to cut a quarter of its current services, due to the funding scheme's impending withdrawal. How on earth can you expect people to use public transport more when this Government's actions will ultimately lead to bus services being cut? It's already a nightmare to catch a bus in Wales, so this decision is only going to make things worse if funding is not provided. I'm sure that you'll make the argument, Deputy Minister, that buses simply aren't being used - as you've mentioned previously - as they were in the past, so my question is: what are you doing to increase the use and availability of public transport? Surely, the more people use public transport, the more financially viable they become, and less Government support will be needed. Do you agree, Deputy Minister, that axing this funding going forward completely flies in the face of your Government's policies? And, what alternative help will your Government be providing to bus operators in Wales from June 2023, going forward?

Hoffwn ddiolch i fy nghyd-Aelod, Delyth Jewell, am godi hwn fel cwestiwn heddiw. Nawr, gyda phob parch, roedd diwedd mis Mawrth i fod yn bwynt terfyn ar gyfer BES 3, fel y'i gelwid yn gyffredin, a bellach, rydym yn darganfod ei fod, yn amlwg, yn cael ei barhau hyd at ddiwedd mis Mehefin, sy'n iawn. Felly, hoffwn wybod beth yn union sy'n mynd i ddigwydd pan fyddwn yn cyrraedd mis Mehefin, Ddirprwy Weinidog? Rydych wedi dweud yn flaenorol fod yn rhaid bodloni meini prawf er mwyn gallu cynnal rhai llwybrau bysiau penodol. Beth yw'r meini prawf hynny? Pa gymorth a fydd yn cael ei roi ar waith i helpu gwasanaethau bysiau Cymru, a pha gamau y byddwch yn eu cymryd fel nad yw ein cymunedau gwledig a'n haelodau sy'n byw yno'n teimlo eu bod yn cael eu hesgeuluso a'u hynysu wrth symud ymlaen? Gwta 24 awr yn ôl, fe gyhoeddoch chi yr adolygiad ffyrdd a'r cynllun trafnidiaeth - mewn modd brysiog braidd, sy'n iawn - lle rhoesoch lawer o bwyslais ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Ar 31 Mawrth 2022, fe gyhoeddoch chi 'Un rhwydwaith, un amserlen, un tocyn: cynllunio bysiau fel gwasanaeth cyhoeddus i Gymru', ac ynddo - a dyfynnaf - fe ddywedoch chi eich bod am greu 'opsiwn rhagorol ar gyfer teithio, lle a phryd bynnag mae angen hynny ar bobl, ledled Cymru'. Ar y naill law, mae Llywodraeth Cymru am i fwy o bobl ddefnyddio mwy o fysiau a dod allan o'u ceir, ond ar y llaw arall, rydych yn cael gwared ar achubiaeth ariannol fawr ei hangen. Nid yw'n gwneud synnwyr i mi, Ddirprwy Weinidog. Os na chaiff cynlluniau ariannu eu rhoi ar waith drwy dorri cymorth ariannol ar gyfer bysiau, mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn mynd i achosi problemau mawr i bobl ddirifedi ym mhob cwr o Gymru. Rwy'n deall bod un gweithredwr bysiau mawr wedi rhybuddio y byddant yn paratoi i dorri chwarter eu gwasanaethau presennol, gan fod y cynllun ariannu ar fin dod i ben. Sut ar y ddaear y gallwch ddisgwyl i bobl ddefnyddio mwy ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus pan fydd camau gweithredu'r Llywodraeth hon yn arwain yn y pen draw at dorri gwasanaethau bysiau? Mae dal bws yng Nghymru eisoes yn hunllef, felly os na ddarperir cyllid, nid yw'r penderfyniad hwn ond yn mynd i wneud pethau'n waeth. Rwy'n siŵr y byddwch yn dadlau, Ddirprwy Weinidog, nad yw bysiau'n cael eu defnyddio - fel rydych wedi'i ddweud yn flaenorol - fel roeddent yn cael eu defnyddio yn y gorffennol, felly fy nghwestiwn yw: beth rydych chi'n ei wneud i gynyddu argaeledd a defnydd o drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus? Yn sicr, po fwyaf o bobl sy'n defnyddio trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, y mwyaf ariannol hyfyw y dônt, a bydd angen llai o gymorth gan y Llywodraeth. A ydych yn cytuno, Ddirprwy Weinidog, fod cael gwared ar y cyllid hwn wrth symud ymlaen yn gwbl groes i bolisïau eich Llywodraeth? A pha gymorth amgen y bydd eich Llywodraeth yn ei ddarparu i weithredwyr bysiau yng Nghymru o fis Mehefin 2023 ymlaen?

No, I don't think you have.

Na, ni chredaf ichi wneud hynny.

We have a privatised bus system, as I've explained on many occasions, which is a legacy of Conservative privatisation in the 1980s, and we are living with the reality of that now, and it has failed; the business model has failed, there is market failure here, and we're going to see cuts and a disappearing of vital public services. None of us want to see that, but we're also living in an age of austerity; again, a political choice by her party's Governments, where public funding has been reduced next year and we simply do not have the funding available to continue to invest in propping up private companies that are not able to run commercially viable services at the rate that we were through the pandemic. We've been able to find some additional funding this year to extend the scheme temporarily, but the money simply is not in the budget to be able to continue that into the future. I wish it was; it is not, I'm afraid. And I just can't get away from that reality, much as I would like to. So, I fully concede that this is a pretty grim situation that none of us want to see, but our options are limited. The best we've been able to manage is to get a reprieve for the industry, to work closely with them to try and design as smooth a glide path out as we possibly can, but I can't say with any certainty that we're going to be able to manage that, and there's always the danger that commercial companies will simply decide themselves - which they're free to do in a commercial deregulated bus system - to withdraw services, because they're already having trouble recruiting, retaining and training bus drivers, and being able to keep to the advertised schedule as it is. So, the bus industry is facing a number of different challenges, and the fact that passengers haven't returned to make those commercial services viable is a profound one, but there's a limit to what the Government can do with this budget settlement from her Government.

Mae gennym system fysiau sydd wedi'i phreifateiddio, fel rwyf wedi'i esbonio droeon, sy'n etifeddiaeth o breifateiddio'r Ceidwadwyr yn y 1980au, ac rydym yn byw gyda realiti hynny nawr, ac mae wedi methu; mae'r model busnes wedi methu, mae methiant yn y farchnad yma, ac rydym yn mynd i weld toriadau a gwasanaethau cyhoeddus hanfodol yn diflannu. Nid oes yr un ohonom yn dymuno gweld hynny, ond rydym hefyd yn byw mewn oes o gyni; unwaith eto, dewis gwleidyddol gan Lywodraethau ei phlaid, lle mae cyllid cyhoeddus wedi'i leihau y flwyddyn nesaf, ac yn syml iawn, nid oes cyllid ar gael inni barhau i fuddsoddi mewn cynnal cwmnïau preifat nad ydynt yn gallu rhedeg gwasanaethau masnachol hyfyw ar y gyfradd y bu modd inni ei wneud drwy'r pandemig. Rydym wedi gallu dod o hyd i rywfaint o arian ychwanegol eleni i ymestyn y cynllun dros dro, ond yn syml iawn, nid oes arian yn y gyllideb i allu parhau â hynny i'r dyfodol. Hoffwn pe bai; ond nid oes arian ar gael, mae arnaf ofn. Ac ni allaf ddianc rhag y realiti hwnnw, er cymaint yr hoffwn allu gwneud hynny. Felly, rwy'n cyfaddef bod hon yn sefyllfa annymunol nad oes yr un ohonom am ei gweld, ond mae ein hopsiynau'n gyfyngedig. Y gorau rydym wedi gallu ei wneud yw sicrhau gohiriad ar gyfer y diwydiant, i weithio'n agos gyda hwy i geisio cynllunio cyfnod pontio mor llyfn ag y gallwn, ond ni allaf ddweud gydag unrhyw sicrwydd y byddwn yn llwyddo, ac mae perygl bob amser y bydd cwmnïau masnachol yn penderfynu eu hunain - ac maent yn rhydd i wneud hynny mewn system fysiau fasnachol sydd wedi'i dadreoleiddio - eu bod yn mynd i ddiddymu gwasanaethau, gan eu bod eisoes yn ei chael hi'n anodd recriwtio, cadw a hyfforddi gyrwyr bysiau, a gallu cadw at yr amserlen fel y mae'n cael ei hysbysebu. Felly, mae'r diwydiant bysiau'n wynebu nifer o heriau gwahanol, ac mae'r ffaith nad yw teithwyr wedi dychwelyd i wneud y gwasanaethau masnachol hynny'n hyfyw yn her sylweddol, ond mae pen draw ar yr hyn y gall y Llywodraeth ei wneud â'r setliad cyllideb hwn gan ei Llywodraeth hi.

I'm grateful to the Minister for his response, and I share his analysis of the problem. But Governments exist, of course, to solve problems, not simply to rehearse them. And for my constituents, in Blaenau Gwent, when they hear a Minister talking about a skeleton service, they think, 'Well, that's a service that's going to serve Cardiff, Newport, Swansea and a few other places, but we know it won't serve Cwm, it won't serve Blaina, it won't serve Abertillery, Tredegar or Ebbw Vale'. And that isn't a service that we can accept. So, what I would like to hear from the Government - and I know it's a difficult situation, and I think the moves this week to extend the programme for three months does buy a breathing space - but what I want to see from Government is a clear action plan to deliver the public services that yesterday, when he stood in this Chamber, he said he wanted people to use. In my constituency, those public services don't exist today, and if they're not going to exist in six months' time, how do people then reach public services? How do they reach shopping? How do they buy their food? How do they move around, go for training and work? We simply cannot allow this situation to continue. We need a plan for buses and we need it now, and, if the Minister brings through emergency legislation, I will certainly vote to enact it as soon as possible.

Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Gweinidog am ei ymateb, ac rwy'n rhannu ei ddadansoddiad o'r broblem. Ond mae Llywodraethau yn bodoli i ddatrys problemau, wrth gwrs, nid i'w hailadrodd. Ac i fy etholwyr i, ym Mlaenau Gwent, pan fyddant yn clywed Gweinidog yn sôn am wasanaeth sgerbwd, maent yn meddwl, 'Wel, mae hwnnw'n wasanaeth sy'n mynd i wasanaethu Caerdydd, Casnewydd, Abertawe ac ychydig o leoedd eraill, ond gwyddom na fydd yn gwasanaethu Cwm, ni fydd yn gwasanaethu Blaenau, ni fydd yn gwasanaethu Abertyleri, Tredegar na Glynebwy'. Ac nid yw hwnnw'n wasanaeth y gallwn ei dderbyn. Felly, yr hyn yr hoffwn ei glywed gan y Llywodraeth - a gwn ei bod yn sefyllfa anodd, a chredaf fod y camau yr wythnos hon i ymestyn y rhaglen am dri mis yn darparu rhywfaint o le i anadlu - ond yr hyn rwyf am ei weld gan y Llywodraeth yw cynllun gweithredu clir i ddarparu'r gwasanaethau cyhoeddus y dywedodd, pan safodd yn y Siambr hon ddoe, ei fod am i bobl eu defnyddio. Yn fy etholaeth i, nid yw'r gwasanaethau cyhoeddus hynny'n bodoli heddiw, ac os na fyddant yn bodoli ymhen chwe mis, sut mae pobl yn cyrraedd gwasanaethau cyhoeddus? Sut maent yn cyrraedd siopau? Sut maent yn prynu eu bwyd? Sut maent yn symud o gwmpas, yn mynd i gael hyfforddiant a gwaith? Ni allwn ganiatáu i'r sefyllfa hon barhau. Mae arnom angen cynllun ar gyfer bysiau ac mae ei angen arnom ar unwaith, ac os bydd y Gweinidog yn cyflwyno deddfwriaeth frys, byddaf fi'n sicr yn pleidleisio i'w deddfu cyn gynted â phosibl.

Well, if only it were that simple, Presiding Officer. We certainly do have a plan for legislation, and we've consulted on that. We're working through the design of that now, and we hope to introduce it in the Senedd later this year, and we are working, alongside that, with Transport for Wales and local authorities on designing optimum bus networks for their communities. So, we will have a strategic, planned integrated bus network with integrated ticketing between rail and bus. We'll have universal service standards. We'll have pay and conditions across the country. We'll have a significantly better framework in order to operate bus services. But, in the absence of passenger revenue, and this is the problem here, the only way to keep those services running in the meantime is through direct public support, and our budgets have been cut and we have prioritised cost-of-living pressures, pay deals and free school meals and other things, rightly. I'm not resiling from that at all, but I'm just simply pointing out to Members that they've welcomed those announcements of where this money is going to go, and there are consequences financially to what resource is available. He says it's the job of Government to solve problems. I agree with him. I think we have managed to get ourselves some breathing space to work with the industry to see what we can do, and, if he has other suggestions that we haven't thought of, I'd be very grateful to hear them.

O na bai mor syml â hynny, Lywydd. Yn sicr, mae gennym gynllun ar gyfer deddfwriaeth, ac rydym wedi ymgynghori arno. Rydym yn gweithio drwy'r cynllun hwnnw ar hyn o bryd, ac rydym yn gobeithio ei gyflwyno yn y Senedd yn ddiweddarach eleni, ac yn ogystal â hynny, rydym yn gweithio gyda Trafnidiaeth Cymru ac awdurdodau lleol ar gynllunio'r rhwydweithiau bysiau gorau posibl ar gyfer eu cymunedau. Felly, bydd gennym rwydwaith bysiau integredig strategol, wedi'i gynllunio gyda thocynnau integredig rhwng trenau a bysiau. Bydd gennym safonau gwasanaeth cyffredinol. Bydd gennym gyflogau ac amodau ledled y wlad. Bydd gennym fframwaith llawer gwell er mwyn gweithredu gwasanaethau bysiau. Ond yn absenoldeb refeniw teithwyr, a dyma'r broblem yma, yr unig ffordd i gadw'r gwasanaethau hynny i redeg yn y cyfamser yw drwy gefnogaeth uniongyrchol y cyhoedd, ac mae ein cyllidebau wedi'u torri ac rydym wedi blaenoriaethu pwysau costau byw, dyfarniadau cyflog a chinio ysgol am ddim a phethau eraill, a hynny'n gwbl briodol. Nid wyf yn gwrthwynebu hynny o gwbl, dim ond dweud wrth yr Aelodau eu bod wedi croesawu'r cyhoeddiadau hynny ynglŷn â lle bydd yr arian hwn yn mynd, a bod canlyniadau ariannol i ba adnoddau sydd ar gael. Dywed mai gwaith y Llywodraeth yw datrys problemau. Rwy'n cytuno ag ef. Credaf ein bod wedi llwyddo sicrhau rhywfaint o le inni anadlu wrth weithio gyda'r diwydiant i weld beth y gallwn ei wneud, ac os oes ganddo awgrymiadau eraill nad ydym wedi meddwl amdanynt, byddwn yn falch iawn o'u clywed.

Deputy Minister, one of the major issues of the initial announcement of the cut of emergency funding was the relatively short notice of it, which meant that some bus companies, especially smaller ones, did not have the necessary financial reserves to keep unprofitable but vital services open, and also the allotted time to change their services to accommodate, resulting in much uncertainty and worry. Last week, Deputy Minister, you spoke about the importance of bus routes and maintaining rural services in terms of meeting our carbon footprint requirements and reducing our reliance on cars. This was re-emphasised yesterday in your roads review announcement. But the inconsistent messaging from the Welsh Government about sustaining the long-term future of the bus network and our rural routes does nothing to assure bus companies or the general public of that importance. With this in mind, Deputy Minister, do you recognise that this inconsistency in messaging and action is having a detrimental impact, not only on the survivability of bus routes, but the longer term planning and forecasting for rural services? What commitments do you make to provide better engagement with bus companies and the public to ensure longer lead-in times for future funding announcements? Thank you.

Ddirprwy Weinidog, un o broblemau mawr y cyhoeddiad cychwynnol am dorri'r cyllid brys oedd y rhybudd cymharol fyr, a olygai nad oedd gan rai cwmnïau bysiau, yn enwedig rhai llai, gronfeydd ariannol wrth gefn sy'n angenrheidiol i gadw gwasanaethau amhroffidiol ond hanfodol, ynghyd â'r amser digonol i newid eu gwasanaethau er mwyn darparu ar gyfer y newidiadau, gan arwain at gryn dipyn o ansicrwydd a phryder. Yr wythnos diwethaf, Ddirprwy Weinidog, fe sonioch chi am bwysigrwydd llwybrau bysiau a chynnal gwasanaethau gwledig i ateb gofynion ein hôl troed carbon a lleihau ein dibyniaeth ar geir. Cafodd hyn ei ailbwysleisio ddoe yn eich cyhoeddiad ar yr adolygiad ffyrdd. Ond nid yw'r negeseuon anghyson gan Lywodraeth Cymru ynghylch cynnal dyfodol hirdymor y rhwydwaith bysiau a'n llwybrau gwledig yn rhoi unrhyw sicrwydd i gwmnïau bysiau na'r cyhoedd yn gyffredinol ynghylch y pwysigrwydd hwnnw. Gyda hyn mewn golwg, Ddirprwy Weinidog, a ydych yn cydnabod bod yr anghysondeb hwn yn y negeseuon a'r camau gweithredu yn cael effaith andwyol, nid yn unig ar allu'r llwybrau bysiau i oroesi, ond ar y rhagolygon a'r cynlluniau mwy hirdymor ar gyfer gwasanaethau gwledig? Pa ymrwymiadau rydych yn eu gwneud i ymgysylltu'n well â chwmnïau bysiau a'r cyhoedd i sicrhau cyfnodau rhybudd hwy ar gyfer cyhoeddiadau cyllido yn y dyfodol? Diolch.

Well, let's just be clear; the major threat to the bus industry is Tory austerity. So, let's not get away from that fact, and I'm not going to let the party opposite shift the blame for the situation we are facing. It's their Government's economic policies that have led us to this position. Now, I don't accept his characterisation of the communication we've had with the bus industry, which we've worked very closely with through the pandemic and beyond. After the publication of the budget, officials met with operators to discuss its contents and its implications. This was followed up in writing, where it was made clear that the budget was draft and was subject to change prior to finalisation. Officials also made it clear that underspends from mandatory concessionary fares, because older people haven't come back in the numbers that we saw before the pandemic, may not be available to bus support because of other budget pressures across the Government, and industry was asked to plan for a reduced funding package during these meetings. So, I don't think it's fair to say that this was sprung on them. We knew that BES was coming to an end, we were doing our best to try and find resource to extend it for as long as possible, and we're in the position that we are in, but we've talked to the industry throughout.

Wel, gadewch inni fod yn glir; y bygythiad mawr i'r diwydiant bysiau yw cyni'r Torïaid. Felly, gadewch inni beidio ag ymgilio rhag y ffaith honno, ac nid wyf yn mynd i adael i'r blaid gyferbyn daflu'r baich am y sefyllfa rydym yn ei hwynebu. Polisïau economaidd eu Llywodraeth hwy sydd wedi ein harwain i'r sefyllfa hon. Nawr, nid wyf yn derbyn ei ddisgrifiad o'r cyfathrebu rhyngom a'r diwydiant bysiau, a ninnau wedi gweithio'n agos iawn â hwy drwy gydol y pandemig a thu hwnt. Ar ôl cyhoeddi'r gyllideb, cyfarfu swyddogion â gweithredwyr i drafod ei chynnwys a'i goblygiadau. Dilynwyd hyn yn ysgrifenedig, lle nodwyd yn glir mai drafft a oedd y gyllideb ac y gallai newid cyn iddi gael ei chwblhau. Am nad yw pobl hŷn wedi dychwelyd yn y niferoedd a welsom cyn y pandemig, dywedodd swyddogion hefyd ei bod yn bosibl nad yw'r tanwariant o brisiau siwrneiau consesiynol gorfodol ar gael fel cymorth i fysiau oherwydd pwysau cyllidebol eraill ar draws y Llywodraeth, a gofynnwyd i'r diwydiant gynllunio ar gyfer pecyn ariannu llai yn ystod y cyfarfodydd hyn. Felly, ni chredaf ei bod yn deg dweud bod hyn wedi'i gyflwyno iddynt yn ddirybudd. Roeddem yn gwybod bod BES yn dod i ben, roeddem yn gwneud ein gorau i geisio dod o hyd i adnoddau i'w ymestyn cyhyd â phosibl, ac rydym yn y sefyllfa rydym ynddi, ond rydym wedi siarad â'r diwydiant drwy gydol y broses.

This Government doesn't do irony, surely. On the one hand, yesterday, the Deputy Minister announced that plans to build many rural roads in Wales were to be ceased, talking at that point about the importance of public transport and how the most disadvantaged, women, the disabled and vulnerable people are the most reliant on public transport, and how important it is, therefore. Then, in discussing the bus programme, the same Deputy Minister said that the funding provided to buses in Wales wouldn't be enough to maintain the current routes and services. Now, it's not as easy to jump on a bike and cycle to the nearest shop in rural Wales. Our communities are miles apart, and services are centred in areas that are a long way away. People have to travel long distances to see a GP, a dentist, to get their education, to shop, to go to a leisure centre and all sorts of other activities. And older people and vulnerable people will live very isolated lives as a result of this. If bus services aren't properly funded, then you will force more people to rely on private vehicles. And in the absence of a network of charging points, what we will see is a nation like Cuba in rural Wales, with people sustaining the old fossil fuel vehicles for decades to come. But, more than that, you are putting another nail in the coffin of rural Wales, forcing people to leave their communities to live elsewhere because of an absence of transport and access to services. Therefore, can we have an assurance that you will ensure that the current routes, at least, are maintained, with real investment happening in the bus network in rural Wales when the first opportunity arises?

Dydy'r Llywodraeth yma ddim yn gwneud eironi, mae'n rhaid. Ar yr un llaw, ddoe, roedd y Dirprwy Weinidog yn cyhoeddi bod cynlluniau i adeiladu llawer iawn o ffyrdd gwledig Cymru am gael eu hatal, gan sôn bryd hwnnw am bwysigrwydd trafnidiaeth cyhoeddus a sut mae'r mwyaf difreintiedig, menywod, yr anabl a phobl bregus eraill sydd yn dibynnu fwyaf ar drafnidiaeth cyhoeddus a pha mor bwysig ydy o, felly. Yna, wrth drafod y cynllun argyfwng bysiau, fe ddywedodd yr un Dirprwy Weinidog na fyddai'r arian sy'n cael ei roi i fysiau Cymru yn ddigon i gynnal eu llwybrau a'r gwasanaethau presennol. Dydy o ddim mor hawdd neidio ar feic i seiclo i'r siop agosaf yn y Gymru wledig. Mae'n cymunedau ni bellteroedd oddi wrth ei gilydd, a gwasanaethau wedi cael eu canoli mewn ardaloedd ymhell i ffwrdd. Mae'n rhaid i bobl deithio pellteroedd mawr i weld meddyg, i weld deintydd, i dderbyn addysg, i siopa, i fynd i'r ganolfan hamdden, a llu o weithgareddau eraill. A bydd pobl oedrannus a bregus yn byw bywydau unig iawn yn sgil hyn. Os na ariennir gwasanaethau bysiau yn iawn, yna mi fyddwch chi yn gorfodi mwy o bobl i ddibynnu ar geir preifat. Ac yn absenoldeb rhwydwaith o bwyntiau gwefru, yr hyn a welwn ni ydy gwlad fel Ciwba yn y Gymru wledig, efo pobl yn cynnal yr un hen geir tanwydd ffosil am ddegawdau i ddod. Ond, yn fyw na hynny, rydych chi'n rhoi hoelen arall yn arch y Gymru wledig, gan orfodi pobl i adael ein cymunedau i fyw yn rhywle arall oherwydd diffyg trafnidiaeth a mynediad at wasanaethau. Felly, a gawn ni sicrwydd y byddwch chi yn sicrhau bod y llwybrau presennol, o leiaf, yn cael eu cynnal, gyda buddsoddi go iawn yn digwydd yn y rhwydwaith fysiau yn y Gymru wledig pan ddaw y cyfle cyntaf posib?

Well, I don't need any lectures on the importance of public transport and the vital role that buses play in rural areas. I really don't see the point in flippant remarks about people not being able to cycle in rural areas. Who is suggesting that? So, let's get serious about what the issues are here. We all are concerned about this. No party has a monopoly on that, and I think that my track record speaks for itself in understanding and valuing the importance of buses and of public transport. We have a real budget problem here, and his party is a part of the co-operation agreement in agreeing the priorities for Government. So, there's no point in him standing there, lecturing me about the consequences of the funding being available when, jointly together, we've agreed a set of budget priorities, and this wasn't one of them. So, there are consequences to those choices. To govern is to choose, and he and his party have been part of that process, along with ours. Now, we had hoped that the passenger numbers would have returned by now, which would have allowed the fare box to recover, and allowed us to put in the significant subsidy that we already do, but taper down the BES scheme. That has not been possible, and additional money has not come from the Treasury to be able to fill that gap. Now, we are still hopeful that the UK Government might respond to its own pressures and provide some emergency funding, which would allow us to extend the support that we give to the industry, which we want to redesign in any case. But, absent of that, unless he knows of some money down the back of the budget sofa that I don't, then I think that our options are limited, which breaks my heart.

Wel, nid oes angen unrhyw bregethau arnaf ar bwysigrwydd trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus a'r rôl hanfodol y mae bysiau'n ei chwarae mewn ardaloedd gwledig. Nid wyf yn gweld pwynt sylwadau gwamal ynglŷn â phobl yn methu â beicio mewn ardaloedd gwledig. Pwy sy'n awgrymu hynny? Felly, gadewch inni drafod o ddifrif beth yw'r materion dan sylw yma. Mae pob un ohonom yn pryderu am hyn. Nid oes gan unrhyw blaid fonopoli ar hynny, a chredaf fod fy hanes o lwyddiant yn siarad drosto'i hun o ran deall a gwerthfawrogi pwysigrwydd bysiau a thrafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Mae gennym broblem gyllidebol wirioneddol yma, ac mae ei blaid yn rhan o'r cytundeb cydweithio sy'n cytuno ar y blaenoriaethau ar gyfer y Llywodraeth. Felly, nid oes unrhyw ddiben iddo sefyll yno, yn pregethu wrthyf am ganlyniadau'r cyllid sydd ar gael a ninnau wedi cytuno, gyda'n gilydd, ar gyfres o flaenoriaethau cyllidebol, ac nid oedd hyn yn un ohonynt. Felly, mae canlyniadau i'r dewisiadau hynny. Mae llywodraethu'n golygu dewis, ac mae ef a'i blaid wedi bod yn rhan o'r broses honno, ynghyd â'n plaid ninnau. Nawr, roeddem wedi gobeithio y byddai nifer y teithwyr wedi dychwelyd erbyn hyn, a byddai hynny wedi caniatáu i'r gweithredwyr adennill rhywfaint o arian, ac wedi caniatáu inni ddarparu'r cymhorthdal sylweddol rydym eisoes yn ei ddarparu, ond gan leihau cynllun BES yn raddol. Nid yw hynny wedi bod yn bosibl, ac nid oes arian ychwanegol wedi'i ddarparu gan y Trysorlys i allu llenwi'r bwlch hwnnw. Nawr, rydym yn dal yn obeithiol y gallai Llywodraeth y DU ymateb i'r pwysau sydd arni hi a darparu rhywfaint o gyllid brys, a fyddai'n caniatáu inni ymestyn y cymorth a roddwn i'r diwydiant, diwydiant rydym yn awyddus i'w ailgynllunio beth bynnag. Ond yn absenoldeb hynny, oni bai ei fod yn gwybod am arian i lawr cefn soffa'r gyllideb nad wyf yn ymwybodol ohono, credaf fod ein hopsiynau'n gyfyngedig, ac mae hynny'n torri fy nghalon.

Can I thank Delyth for raising this topical question, and also for the way that she raised it, when she expressed not only her support for the roads review yesterday, and the principles behind it, but also tied this into the other side of that coin, which is providing the multi-modal, sustainable other forms of transport, which this topical question focuses on today? I cannot give the Minister any easy solutions whatsoever, and I know the bind that he's in. But would he join me in urging all Members of this Senedd Chamber who are demanding more money to sustain this beyond the welcome few months' breathing space that we have got, to then support representations to the UK Government, who are seeing bus companies threatening to walk away today, not in three months' time? But also, genuinely, to Plaid Cymru, to say: if there is a way in which we can sequence, renegotiate, nuance some of the aspects of co-operation agreement that would help that Minister go through - [ Interruption. ] Now, this is a genuine ask for you to look at it, because, if we are serious about maintaining the bus network in Wales, which everybody seems to be, then everything needs to be on the table. So, would he join me in those calls? But, as you've made clear, Minister, it's not all to do with money. It's also to do with re-regulation and taking back the disaster of the deregulation under the Conservative Government.

A gaf fi ddiolch i Delyth am godi'r cwestiwn amserol hwn, a hefyd am y ffordd y'i cododd, pan fynegodd nid yn unig ei chefnogaeth i'r adolygiad ffyrdd ddoe, a'r egwyddorion y tu ôl iddo, ond gan wneud cysylltiad hefyd rhwng hyn ac ochr arall y geiniog honno, sef darparu'r mathau eraill o drafnidiaeth aml-ddull, cynaliadwy, y mae'r cwestiwn amserol hwn yn canolbwyntio arnynt heddiw? Ni allaf roi unrhyw atebion hawdd o gwbl i'r Gweinidog, ac rwy'n deall y cyfyng-gyngor y mae ynddo. Ond a wnaiff ymuno â mi i annog pob Aelod o Siambr y Senedd hon sy'n mynnu mwy o arian i gynnal hyn y tu hwnt i'r ychydig fisoedd o le i anadlu rydym wedi'u cael, sydd i'w croesawu, i gefnogi sylwadau i Lywodraeth y DU, sy'n gweld cwmnïau bysiau'n bygwth cerdded i ffwrdd heddiw, nid ymhen tri mis? Ond hefyd, o ddifrif, i ddweud wrth Blaid Cymru: os oes ffordd y gallwn drefnu, ailnegodi, a thrafod manylion rhai o'r agweddau ar y cytundeb cydweithio a fyddai'n helpu'r Gweinidog i fynd drwy - [ Torri ar draws.] Nawr, mae hwn yn gais gwirioneddol ichi edrych arno, oherwydd, os ydym o ddifrif ynglŷn â chynnal y rhwydwaith bysiau yng Nghymru, fel yr ymddengys bod pawb, mae angen i bopeth fod ar y bwrdd. Felly, a wnaiff ymuno â mi gyda'r galwadau hynny? Ond fel rydych wedi dweud yn glir, Weinidog, nid yw popeth yn ymwneud ag arian. Mae hefyd yn ymwneud ag ailreoleiddio ac unioni trychineb dadreoleiddio o dan y Llywodraeth Geidwadol.

Thank you for that. I think that we do have the right long-term plans, both from the roads review to reallocate funding in the medium to long term, and the re-regulation of the bus industry. Our problem is a short-term one, and the Member rightly points out that the Government in England has not extended by three months its support, as we have, and so the cliff edge is faced there now. And because of the nature of the commercial set-up, it's simply up to operators to surrender their routes in a completely random and uncoordinated way. What we're trying to do is to have some kind of order and some stability so we can have a rational discussion about what routes might be salvageable if the fare book doesn't recover, and we're still hopeful that it might. But, in the absence of additional funding, then our options are very limited. But we're going to try and do what we can in the time we've got and with the money we've got to get the best possible outcome, while crossing our fingers that there might be a UK-wide funding settlement that allows us to do more.

Diolch. Credaf fod gennym y cynlluniau hirdymor cywir, o'r adolygiad ffyrdd i ailddyrannu cyllid yn y tymor canolig i'r tymor hir, ac ailreoleiddio'r diwydiant bysiau. Mae ein problem yn un fyrdymor, ac mae'r Aelod, yn gwbl gywir, yn nodi nad yw'r Llywodraeth yn Lloegr wedi ymestyn ei chymorth am dri mis fel rydym ni wedi'i wneud, ac felly, maent yn wynebu ymyl clogwyn yno ar hyn o bryd. Ac oherwydd natur y drefn fasnachol, gall y gweithredwyr ildio eu llwybrau teithio mewn ffordd gwbl ar hap a heb ei chydlynu. Yr hyn y ceisiwn ni ei wneud yw cael rhyw fath o drefn a rhywfaint o sefydlogrwydd fel y gallwn gael trafodaeth resymol ynglŷn â pha lwybrau y gellid eu hachub os nad yw arian tocynnau'n gwella, ac rydym yn dal yn obeithiol y gellir gwneud hynny. Ond yn absenoldeb cyllid ychwanegol, mae ein hopsiynau'n gyfyngedig iawn. Ond rydym yn mynd i geisio gwneud yr hyn a allwn yn yr amser sydd gennym a chyda'r arian sydd gennym i sicrhau'r canlyniad gorau posibl, gan groesi ein bysedd am setliad ariannu ar gyfer y DU gyfan sy'n caniatáu inni wneud mwy.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd, and thank you for letting me come in on this. The chief executive of Neath Port Talbot council wrote to me regarding the possible devastating impact of the Government's decision around this on a number of local bus services, and I just want to make the point that it's not just rural bus services, but services in counties like Neath Port Talbot, and she's particularly concerned about the impact on young people attending school or college. Student transport to Neath Port Talbot College is via the local bus network, and the routes operate on a commercial basis. She thinks that this route will be made unviable, which will of course lead to unintended consequences across the wider network. There's a very real possibility that reductions in revenue support will impact on home-to-school transport services as operators reduce their capacity, close their business or increase contract prices to compensate. In the last few days, and even just literally before coming to the Chamber, I've heard from residents who rely on buses, who are really concerned about this - a mother concerned about her son's bus to school, a daughter concerned about her mother's bus to hospital. I just want to know what assurances you can give the people of Neath Port Talbot that their bus services will remain in place.

Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd, a diolch am adael imi wneud sylwadau ar hyn. Ysgrifennodd prif weithredwr cyngor Castell-nedd Port Talbot ataf ynglŷn ag effaith ddinistriol bosibl penderfyniad y Llywodraeth ynghylch hyn ar nifer o wasanaethau bysiau lleol, a hoffwn wneud y pwynt fod hyn yn ymwneud â mwy na gwasanaethau bysiau gwledig yn unig, ond â gwasanaethau mewn siroedd fel Castell-nedd Port Talbot hefyd, ac mae hi'n arbennig o bryderus am yr effaith ar bobl ifanc sy'n mynychu ysgol neu goleg. Mae cludiant myfyrwyr i Goleg Castell-nedd Port Talbot yn cael ei ddarparu drwy'r rhwydwaith bysiau lleol, ac mae'r llwybrau'n gweithredu ar sail fasnachol. Mae hi o'r farn y bydd y llwybr hwn yn cael ei wneud yn anhyfyw, a fydd wrth gwrs yn arwain at ganlyniadau anfwriadol ar draws y rhwydwaith ehangach. Mae posibilrwydd gwirioneddol y bydd gostyngiadau mewn cymorth refeniw yn effeithio ar wasanaethau cludiant o'r cartref i'r ysgol wrth i weithredwyr leihau eu capasiti, cau eu busnesau neu gynyddu prisiau contract i wneud iawn am yr arian a gollwyd. Yn ystod yr ychydig ddyddiau diwethaf, a hyd yn oed yn llythrennol cyn dod i'r Siambr, clywais gan drigolion sy'n dibynnu ar fysiau ac sy'n wirioneddol bryderus am hyn - mam yn pryderu am fws ei mab i'r ysgol, merch yn poeni am fws ei mam i'r ysbyty. Hoffwn wybod pa sicrwydd y gallwch ei roi i bobl Castell-nedd Port Talbot y bydd eu gwasanaethau bysiau yn parhau.

Well, as I've now explained several times, I'm not in a position to give any assurances beyond the extra three months that we have been able to negotiate. But I desperately hope we'll be able to both come up with a transition plan, but really what we need is additional funding for us to be able to sustain the bus network while passenger numbers recover and while we move to our new, regulated bus system.

Wel, fel rwyf wedi'i egluro sawl gwaith bellach, nid wyf mewn sefyllfa i roi unrhyw sicrwydd y tu hwnt i'r tri mis ychwanegol rydym wedi gallu eu negodi. Ond rwy'n mawr obeithio y byddwn yn gallu llunio cynllun pontio, ond mewn gwirionedd, yr hyn sydd ei angen arnom yw cyllid ychwanegol inni allu cynnal y rhwydwaith bysiau wrth i nifer y teithwyr ddychwelyd a thra byddwn yn symud i'n system fysiau reoledig newydd.

Thank you, Presiding Officer. As you know, I wasn't going to speak in this debate, but I think there are three issues that have come up now that I feel I've got to make. To many of my constituents - in fact, most of my constituents - public transport is buses. Eighty per cent of transport is by bus. Morriston Hospital, as you know, Presiding Officer, or Deputy Presiding Officer, is incredibly difficult to get to, but it's good by bus, because we've got the No. 4. I have two questions, really, for the Minister. Why do trains take priority over buses? To the poorer people, buses are their form of transport. Trains are for the wealthier people. And you say: where do we get the money from? Well, you've going to give additional rate relief to large hotels, out-of-town shopping centres, fast food outlets, supermarkets. You've never asked me about that as a Government. In fact, if you had, I'd have said, 'No, we don't do that. We should spend it on public services', and I think that there's a whole range of things that we could not be spending money on. Spending money on rate relief for large companies who are very profitable is not my idea of a priority, and certainly not a socialist priority.

Diolch, Lywydd. Fel y gwyddoch, nid oeddwn yn mynd i siarad yn y ddadl hon, ond credaf fod tri pheth wedi codi nawr y teimlaf fod yn rhaid i mi eu nodi. I lawer o fy etholwyr - y rhan fwyaf o fy etholwyr, mewn gwirionedd - mae trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn golygu bysiau. Mae 80 y cant o gludiant yn digwydd ar fws. Mae Ysbyty Treforys, fel y gwyddoch, Lywydd, neu Ddirprwy Lywydd, yn anhygoel o anodd ei gyrraedd, ond mae'n iawn ar y bws, gan fod gennym y Rhif 4. Mae gennyf ddau gwestiwn i'r Gweinidog mewn gwirionedd. Pam mae trenau'n cael blaenoriaeth dros fysiau? I bobl dlotach, bysiau yw eu dull o deithio. Mae trenau ar gyfer bobl fwy cefnog. Ac rydych yn dweud: o ble y daw'r arian? Wel, rydych yn mynd i roi rhyddhad ardrethi ychwanegol i westai mawr, canolfannau siopa y tu allan i'r dref, siopau bwyd cyflym, archfarchnadoedd. Nid ydych erioed wedi gofyn i mi ynglŷn â hynny fel Llywodraeth. Mewn gwirionedd, pe baech chi wedi gofyn i mi, byddwn wedi dweud, 'Na, nid ydym yn gwneud hynny. Dylem ei wario ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus', a chredaf fod ystod eang o bethau y gallem beidio â gwario arian arnynt. Nid gwario arian ar ryddhad ardrethi i gwmnïau mawr sy'n broffidiol iawn yw fy syniad i o flaenoriaeth, ac yn sicr, nid yw'n flaenoriaeth sosialaidd.

Well, I understand those points, obviously. In terms of the relative priority of buses versus trains, clearly we need both. We need an integrated transport system. I think it's wrong to characterise train users as somehow the privileged elite - that's not the case - but it's certainly the case that buses carry the majority of passengers, and, like him, buses are my priority. We have investment plans for the rail service, which will be significantly to the advantage of passengers, but they cost money. The money is committed and needs to be followed through, because there are penalty clauses and we wouldn't realise any meaningful savings were we to stop doing that now. So, we are set on a course to continue investment in the rail industry, which will significantly help our modal shift ambitions, but it remains the case, and I agree, that buses have got the greatest potential. As I've explained previously, we've been working on a plan to try and reduce bus fares to do just that - to help bus passengers, existing bus passengers, and attract new ones on there. And until the Liz Truss budget blew up our economy we had a sporting chance of being able to do that, but now we simply don't. That is a matter of deep regret to me. We have to make the best of the situation that we have got, and we are doing all we can to try and work with the industry and local authorities to try and get the best outcome we can with the money available.

Wel, rwy'n deall y pwyntiau hynny, yn amlwg. O ran blaenoriaeth gymharol bysiau yn erbyn trenau, yn amlwg, mae angen y ddau arnom. Mae angen system drafnidiaeth integredig arnom. Credaf ei bod yn anghywir disgrifio defnyddwyr trenau fel yr elît breintiedig, rywsut - nid yw hynny'n wir - ond yn sicr, mae'n wir mai bysiau sy'n cludo'r rhan fwyaf o deithwyr, ac fel yntau, bysiau yw fy mlaenoriaeth i. Mae gennym gynlluniau buddsoddi ar gyfer y gwasanaeth rheilffordd, a fydd o fantais sylweddol i deithwyr, ond maent yn costio arian. Mae'r arian wedi'i ymrwymo ac mae angen ei ddarparu, gan fod yno gymalau cosb ac ni fyddem yn creu unrhyw arbedion ystyrlon pe baem yn rhoi'r gorau i wneud hynny nawr. Felly, rydym ar lwybr i barhau i fuddsoddi yn y diwydiant rheilffyrdd, a fydd o gymorth sylweddol i'n huchelgais i newid dulliau teithio, ond mae'n dal yn wir, ac rwy'n cytuno, mai bysiau sydd â'r potensial mwyaf. Fel rwyf eisoes wedi'i esbonio, rydym wedi bod yn gweithio ar gynllun i geisio lleihau prisiau tocynnau bws er mwyn gwneud hynny - helpu teithwyr bysiau, teithwyr bysiau presennol, a denu rhai newydd. A chyn i gyllideb Liz Truss ddinistrio ein heconomi, roedd gennym obaith o allu gwneud hynny, ond bellach, nid oes gennym unrhyw obaith. Mae hynny'n destun gofid mawr i mi. Mae'n rhaid inni wneud y gorau o'r sefyllfa sydd gennym, ac rydym yn gwneud popeth yn ein gallu i geisio gweithio gyda'r diwydiant ac awdurdodau lleol i geisio cael y canlyniad gorau a allwn gyda'r arian sydd ar gael.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Can I just reference the co-operation agreement, as it has been mentioned a number of times? Public transport is in the agreement, including encouraging people to switch to public transport. And I think we all need to take responsibility, in terms of ensuring that priorities are there, but this is part of the cost-of-living crisis, because people are completely dependent on buses, to be able to reach vital services. It's nice to have buses when you have a car, as an alternative route of transport, but for the majority of people I represent, there isn't that choice - a bus is the only choice. And that's a choice that's been taken away from them. We have to remember as well that a number of people are still scared of leaving their homes, people who would have traditionally used buses - elderly people. Tackling isolation is a huge problem. I know of people who haven't ventured out more than once a week, and that's through taxis, where they would have had their independence with buses previously. So, I think there is an issue to understand why people aren't returning to bus use and how we can support them. Because I don't think it's a matter of just people who are working in offices not returning, because the majority of those have cars and are able to use those. We need a deeper understanding. I would like to ask specifically, Deputy Minister, what conversations you've been having with bus companies and providers around the bus driver shortages, and the increasing use of agency staff by bus companies, meaning that a lot of the funding that's currently going in through the bus emergency scheme, the profit is actually going outside of Wales, to these agencies. Therefore, with that funding, how do we ensure that we are tackling the bus driver shortage and ensure that the investment that you're making, which is rightly extended for three months now, is actually benefiting users at the end of the day, and not leading to greater profit margins for these agencies?

Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. A gaf fi gyfeirio at y cytundeb cydweithio, gan ei fod wedi cael ei grybwyll nifer o weithiau? Mae trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn rhan o'r cytundeb, gan gynnwys annog pobl i newid i drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. A chredaf fod angen i bob un ohonom gymryd cyfrifoldeb, a sicrhau bod y blaenoriaethau yno, ond mae hyn yn rhan o'r argyfwng costau byw, gan fod pobl yn gwbl ddibynnol ar fysiau i allu cyrraedd gwasanaethau hanfodol. Mae'n braf cael bysiau pan fydd gennych gar, fel dull trafnidiaeth amgen, ond i'r rhan fwyaf o bobl rwy'n eu cynrychioli, nid yw'r dewis hwnnw ar gael iddynt - bws yw'r unig ddewis. Ac mae'n ddewis sydd wedi ei gymryd oddi arnynt. Mae'n rhaid inni gofio hefyd fod nifer o bobl yn dal i fod yn ofn gadael eu cartrefi, pobl a fyddai wedi defnyddio bysiau yn draddodiadol - pobl oedrannus. Mae mynd i'r afael ag ynysigrwydd yn broblem enfawr. Gwn am bobl nad ydynt wedi mentro allan fwy nag unwaith yr wythnos, a hynny drwy dacsis, lle byddent wedi cael eu hannibyniaeth gyda bysiau yn y gorffennol. Felly, credaf fod problem gennym o ran deall pam nad yw pobl yn dychwelyd i ddefnyddio bysiau a sut y gallwn eu cefnogi. Oherwydd ni chredaf ei fod yn ymwneud â bod pobl sy'n gweithio mewn swyddfeydd heb ddychwelyd, gan fod ceir gan y mwyafrif o'r rheini, ac maent yn gallu eu defnyddio. Mae angen dealltwriaeth ddyfnach arnom. Hoffwn ofyn yn benodol, Ddirprwy Weinidog, pa sgyrsiau a gawsoch gyda chwmnïau a darparwyr bysiau ynghylch y prinder gyrwyr bysiau, a'r defnydd cynyddol o staff asiantaeth gan gwmnïau bysiau, sy'n golygu, gyda llawer o'r cyllid sy'n cael ei ddarparu ar hyn o bryd drwy'r cynllun brys ar gyfer y sector bysiau, fod yr elw mewn gwirionedd yn mynd y tu allan i Gymru, i'r asiantaethau hyn. Felly, gyda'r cyllid hwnnw, sut rydym yn sicrhau ein bod yn mynd i'r afael â'r prinder gyrwyr bysiau a sicrhau bod y buddsoddiad a wnewch, sy'n cael ei ymestyn, yn briodol, am dri mis, o fudd i ddefnyddwyr yn y pen draw, ac nad yw'n arwain at fwy o elw i'r asiantaethau hyn?

Well, I don't want to repeat the points I made about the relative priorities that we've jointly agreed - I think the record stands on that, and we as a Government stand behind it too. I'm simply pointing out there are consequences for other budgets. The phenomenon of people being slow to return to public transport is not unique to our country - it's been seen right across the world, and it's particularly acute amongst older people, for reasons I think we can all understand and surmise pretty quickly. So, we do have a vice-like situation, where the fare box hasn't returned, and we have the particularly wicked issue in our country of a privatised system, where routes that aren't commercial will not run without direct subsidy. On the issue of agency workers and profits, under the bus emergency scheme, we do have strict conditions on how the money is spent, how much profit can be taken out, and we have a reasonable amount of leverage with the bus companies about the decisions that are made. But we can't get around the fact that, whichever way we try and slice and dice this argument, the fundamental issue is that the demand is down, the running costs are up, and the public subsidy is coming to an end. And it's an unhappy situation, there's no denying it, and one that I would desperately wish to avoid, if at all possible. But as I said earlier, there's a chance, and let's hope it comes through, of the UK Government responding to its own bus crisis and we'd be able to benefit from some consequentials. But in the absence of that, we're working closely with the industry to try and get the best settlement we can.

Wel, nid wyf am ailadrodd y pwyntiau a wneuthum am y blaenoriaethau cymharol a gytunwyd gennym ar y cyd - rwy'n credu bod y cofnod yn sefyll ar hynny, ac rydym ni fel Llywodraeth yn ei gefnogi hefyd. Yn syml, rwy'n tynnu sylw at y ffaith bod canlyniadau i gyllidebau eraill. Nid yw'r ffenomen fod pobl yn araf yn dychwelyd at drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn unigryw i'n gwlad - gwelwyd hynny ar draws y byd, ac mae'n arbennig o ddifrifol ymysg pobl hŷn, am resymau y credaf y gallwn i gyd eu deall a'u tybio'n eithaf cyflym. Felly, mae gennym sefyllfa debyg i feis, lle nad yw arian tocynnau wedi dychwelyd, ac mae gennym y ffaith enbyd fod gennym system wedi'i phreifateiddio yn ein gwlad, lle na fydd llwybrau nad ydynt yn fasnachol yn rhedeg heb gymhorthdal uniongyrchol. Ar fater gweithwyr asiantaeth ac elw, o dan y cynllun brys ar gyfer y sector bysiau, mae gennym amodau llym ar gyfer y modd y caiff yr arian ei wario, faint o elw y gellir ei dynnu allan, ac mae gennym ddylanwad rhesymol ar y cwmnïau bysiau ynglŷn â'r penderfyniadau a wneir. Ond ni allwn wadu, pa ffordd bynnag y ceisiwn fframio'r ddadl hon, y broblem sylfaenol yw bod y galw wedi gostwng, mae'r costau gweithredu'n uwch, ac mae'r cymhorthdal cyhoeddus yn dod i ben. Ac mae'n sefyllfa anhapus, ni allwn wadu hynny, ac un y byddwn i'n dymuno'n daer ei hosgoi, os yn bosibl o gwbl. Ond fel y dywedais yn gynharach, mae gobaith, a gadewch inni obeithio y bydd yn digwydd, y gwnaiff Llywodraeth y DU ymateb i'w argyfwng bysiau ei hun ac y byddem ni'n gallu elwa o symiau canlyniadol. Ond yn absenoldeb hynny, rydym yn gweithio'n agos gyda'r diwydiant i geisio cael y setliad gorau sy'n bosibl.

No 90-second statements have been submitted this afternoon.

Nid oes unrhyw ddatganiadau 90 eiliad y prynhawn yma.

So, we'll move on to item 5, which is a Member debate under Standing Order 11.21 (iv) on the education maintenance allowance. And I call on Luke Fletcher to move the motion.

Felly, symudwn ymlaen at eitem 5, dadl Aelodau o dan Reol Sefydlog 11.21 (iv) ar lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. A galwaf ar Luke Fletcher i wneud y cynnig.

I will start as I often do when it comes to debating the education maintenance allowance, and praise the Government, and praise the Minister, for continuing to protect it. The fact we have EMA here in Wales, whilst in England they don't, is something we should all be proud of in this place, and it's something we should all be ready to protect. As we all know, the cost of living has had a detrimental impact on so many of our constituents; amongst them are students, particularly students from low-income households. What we've seen since 2004 is a real-terms cut in EMA. The payment has remained the same, the thresholds have remained the same, since 2011, and now, low-income students are feeling the effects of that more than ever. My £30 got me a lot further than the £30 of a student today. Now, this is an important debate to have, because EMA and other support programmes can help us to reach our goals in addressing the skills gaps present throughout our economy. This is an investment not just in the futures of people, but in our communities. I'll give an example: all of us are aware of the skills gap in the construction industry, and I've used the construction industry a number of times. The Construction Industry Training Board tells us that 1,400 students within the education system study a construction course. The CITB are also confident that, if all 1,400 of those students, year on year, completed their course, there would be little to no skills gap in construction. The very fact that we have a gap is a sign that things are not right. This also identifies an issue, by the way, with assessing the retention of students, and that is the lack of data around retention. This, of course, must be resolved, but the crux of our debate around EMA has to be around the retention of students. Of course, I recognise the limitations on the Minister, and I thank him for meeting with me to discuss some of those challenges yesterday, and I hope that his scope for reprioritisation - . And I'm probably coming to the defence of the Minister here - I'm sure he'll be pleased by that - but I would argue, actually, that this goes beyond the education portfolio; this shouldn't just be at his door. What we are talking about here is a social justice issue, what we're also talking about here is an economy and skills issue, and I would hope that Ministers in those portfolios recognise that and will do everything they can to work with the education Minister on this issue. The state of EMA is not only a financial issue. There are practical problems: problems that can be resolved for very little investment, if any at all. Since September, I've dealt with a number of cases on behalf of students who have seen significant delays in receiving their payments. The worst of them was waiting from September to December for a first payment, and whilst of course payments are backdated, during that period nothing was coming in. In some cases, this meant that some students were unable to attend school or college, which then had an effect on their ability to claim EMA in the first place - a vicious circle - and, in instances like this, the effect on attendance needs to be considered. Worryingly, I had one particular case where a personal tutor had taken a dislike to a student and was recording their attendance down in the wrong way and was refusing to rectify that. I've raised consistently the complexity of applying for EMA - another practical issue that puts students off applying for EMA in the first place. This is something that must be addressed. And that is why I also believe that there is a need for a top-down review of EMA, looking at the finances, yes, but also the barriers presented to students and how they can overcome them. The reality is, as well, that we have very little literature in Wales around the effects of EMA. We have fantastic work done by the Bevan Foundation. Unfortunately, a lot of it is now out of date, and that's why my office has tried to do our own little review of EMA, but what we do need, of course, is Government support in trying to do that. I'll conclude, Dirprwy Lywydd, by referencing again the crux of this debate. The crux is the retention of low-income students, not just so that they can realise their own potential, but also benefit our communities. For many of these students, we tell them to see education as a long-term investment, but for so many they can't think in the long term. The long term is tomorrow. Unless we support these students now, we will continue to see an issue with retention, as many have no choice but to seek work. I look forward to contributions from other Members and I look forward to hearing from the Minister. Diolch yn fawr.

Fe ddechreuaf fel rwy'n aml yn ei wneud wrth drafod y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, drwy ganmol y Llywodraeth, a chanmol y Gweinidog, am barhau i'w warchod. Mae'r ffaith bod gennym lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yma yng Nghymru, yn wahanol i Loegr, yn rhywbeth y dylem i gyd fod yn falch ohono yn y lle hwn, ac mae'n rhywbeth y dylem i gyd fod yn barod i'w warchod. Fel y gŵyr pawb ohonom, mae costau byw wedi cael effaith andwyol ar gymaint o'n hetholwyr; yn eu plith mae myfyrwyr, yn enwedig myfyrwyr o aelwydydd incwm isel. Yr hyn a welsom ers 2004 yw toriad mewn termau real yn y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Mae'r taliad wedi aros yr un fath, mae'r trothwyon wedi aros yr un fath, ers 2011, ac erbyn hyn, mae myfyrwyr incwm isel yn teimlo effeithiau hynny'n fwy nag erioed. Roedd fy £30 i yn mynd yn llawer pellach na £30 myfyriwr heddiw. Nawr, mae hon yn ddadl bwysig i'w chael, oherwydd gall lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg a rhaglenni cymorth eraill ein helpu i gyrraedd ein nodau i fynd i'r afael â'r bylchau sgiliau sy'n bresennol yn ein heconomi drwyddi draw. Buddsoddiad yw hwn nid yn unig yn nyfodol pobl, ond yn ein cymunedau. Fe roddaf enghraifft: mae pob un ohonom yn ymwybodol o'r bwlch sgiliau yn y diwydiant adeiladu, ac rwyf wedi defnyddio'r diwydiant adeiladu nifer o weithiau. Mae Bwrdd Hyfforddi'r Diwydiant Adeiladu yn dweud wrthym fod 1,400 o fyfyrwyr o fewn y system addysg yn astudio cwrs adeiladu. Mae'r bwrdd hefyd yn hyderus, pe bai pob un o'r 1,400 myfyriwr, o un flwyddyn i'r llall, yn cwblhau eu cwrs, ni fyddai fawr o fwlch sgiliau yn y diwydiant adeiladu os o gwbl. Mae'r ffaith bod gennym fwlch yn arwydd nad yw pethau'n iawn. Mae hyn hefyd yn nodi problem, gyda llaw, gydag asesu cadw myfyrwyr, sef diffyg data ynghylch cadw myfyrwyr. Rhaid datrys hyn, wrth gwrs, ond mae'n rhaid i graidd ein dadl ynghylch y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ymwneud â chadw myfyrwyr. Wrth gwrs, rwy'n cydnabod y cyfyngiadau ar y Gweinidog, a diolch iddo am gyfarfod â mi i drafod rhai o'r heriau hynny ddoe, a gobeithio y bydd ei allu i ailflaenoriaethu - . Ac mae'n debyg fy mod yn amddiffyn y Gweinidog yma - rwy'n siŵr y bydd yn falch o hynny - ond byddwn i'n dadlau, mewn gwirionedd, fod hyn yn mynd y tu hwnt i'r portffolio addysg; ni ddylai fod yn gyfrifoldeb iddo ef yn unig. Mae'r hyn y siaradwn amdano yma yn fater cyfiawnder cymdeithasol, a mae hefyd yn fater sy'n ymwneud â'r economi a sgiliau, a byddwn yn gobeithio bod Gweinidogion yn y portffolios hynny'n cydnabod hyn ac y byddant yn gwneud popeth yn eu gallu i weithio gyda'r Gweinidog addysg ar y mater hwn. Nid mater ariannol yn unig yw cyflwr y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Ceir problemau ymarferol: problemau y gellir eu datrys heb fawr iawn o fuddsoddiad, os o gwbl. Ers mis Medi, rwyf wedi ymdrin â nifer o achosion ar ran myfyrwyr sydd wedi gweld oedi sylweddol cyn iddynt gael eu taliadau. Yn yr achos gwaethaf, bu'n rhaid aros o fis Medi hyd fis Rhagfyr am daliad cyntaf, ac er bod taliadau'n cael eu hôl-ddyddio, dros y cyfnod hwnnw nid oedd unrhyw beth yn dod i mewn. Mewn rhai achosion, roedd hyn yn golygu nad oedd rhai myfyrwyr yn gallu mynychu'r ysgol neu'r coleg, a chafodd hynny effaith wedyn ar eu gallu i hawlio lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn y lle cyntaf - cylch dieflig - ac mewn achosion fel hyn, mae angen ystyried yr effaith ar bresenoldeb. Yn ofidus, roedd gennyf un achos penodol lle'r oedd tiwtor personol wedi cymryd yn erbyn myfyriwr, yn cofnodi eu presenoldeb yn y ffordd anghywir ac yn gwrthod unioni hynny. Rwyf wedi siarad ar sawl achlysur am gymhlethdod y broses o ymgeisio am lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg - mater ymarferol arall sy'n lladd awydd myfyrwyr i ymgeisio am lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn y lle cyntaf. Mae hyn yn rhywbeth y mae'n rhaid mynd i'r afael ag ef. A dyna pam fy mod hefyd yn credu bod angen adolygiad o'r brig i lawr o'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, gan edrych ar y cyllid, ie, ond hefyd ar y rhwystrau i fyfyrwyr a sut y gallant eu goresgyn. Y gwir amdani, hefyd, yw mai ychydig iawn o lenyddiaeth sydd gennym yng Nghymru ynglŷn ag effeithiau lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Gwnaed gwaith gwych gan Sefydliad Bevan. Yn anffodus, mae llawer ohono wedi dyddio erbyn hyn, a dyna pam mae fy swyddfa wedi ceisio gwneud ein hadolygiad bach ein hunain o'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, ond yr hyn sydd ei angen arnom wrth gwrs yw cefnogaeth y Llywodraeth i geisio gwneud hynny. Rwyf am orffen, Ddirprwy Lywydd, drwy gyfeirio eto at graidd y ddadl hon. Y craidd yw cadw myfyrwyr incwm isel, nid yn unig fel y gallant wireddu eu potensial eu hunain, ond hefyd er mwyn iddynt fod o fudd i'n cymunedau. I lawer o'r myfyrwyr hyn, rydym yn dweud wrthynt am weld addysg fel buddsoddiad hirdymor, ond i gymaint ohonynt, ni allant feddwl yn hirdymor. Y tymor hir yw yfory. Oni bai ein bod yn cefnogi'r myfyrwyr hyn nawr, byddwn yn parhau i weld problem gyda chadw myfyrwyr, gan na fydd gan nifer ohonynt ddewis ond chwilio am waith. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen at gyfraniadau gan Aelodau eraill ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen at glywed gan y Gweinidog. Diolch yn fawr.

I'm speaking today in my capacity as the Chair of the Children, Young People, and Education Committee, and, as a committee, we very much welcome the motion tabled today, and the opportunity it provides for us to debate the EMA. My fellow committee members and I have had a keen interest in the EMA since we first considered it as part of our scrutiny of the Welsh Government's 2022-23 draft budget. Back then, in January 2022, the Minister for Education and Welsh Language told us that extra cost was a key barrier to increasing the £30 a week EMA rate, and, in the Minister's written response to our report, he provided further detail. The Minister wrote that, according to a 2014 Welsh Government review, 80 per cent of students 'stated that they would have enrolled on their course without EMA and that EMA is an essential source of financial support for only the minority of students.' Of course, the 2014 review was out of date at the time of last year's scrutiny of the draft budget. A lot had changed between 2014 and 2022, as we know only too well. By the time we carried out our scrutiny of the 2023-24 draft budget last month, in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis that disproportionately affects children and young people, the 2014 review had become blind to the extent of the financial challenges faced by learners and their families. We applaud the Welsh Government's decision to retain the EMA. However, we are concerned about the extent to which maintaining the EMA rate and threshold since 2011 has eroded the value of the EMA and cut the number of learners eligible to receive it. Consequently, we made three recommendations relating to the EMA in our 2023-24 draft budget report. In the first, we call for the Welsh Government to commission an independent review into the EMA, to report no later than December this year. Twenty per cent of eligible students who contributed to that 2014 Welsh Government review wouldn't have enrolled on their course without the EMA. We don't know what that figure would be today. We also don't know how the EMA impacts on learners' ongoing engagement with their studies once the financial implications of engaging in further studies become clear, or whether it helps them to manage cost-of-living pressures more generally. We believe that policy decisions should be based upon up-to-date and accurate information, and an independent review into the EMA is the best way to get that crucial data. In our second recommendation, we ask that the Welsh Government provide us with an update on the work it committed to undertake in March 2022 to understand what the allowance rate and income thresholds would look like today for the same proportion of learners when compared to 2004, and how much additional budget that would require. We welcomed the Minister's constructive response back in March last year, but unfortunately we are yet to see the outcome of that work. We look forward to reading about it in the Welsh Government's response to our budget report in a few weeks' time. Our third recommendation urges the Welsh Government to reconsider its decision to maintain the EMA. Of course, we know full well that the EMA cannot eradicate child poverty, but, from our committee's work and from the work we undertake in our constituencies and regions, we believe that the EMA can help to insulate some young people and their families from the crushing impacts of the cost-of-living crisis. The EMA is no golden bullet, but it might just be that extra incentive that some young people need to take the next step in their education. For the sake of those young people and their families, we urge the Welsh Government to accept our recommendations and look at this important issue once again. For this reason, I fully welcome this debate and will be supporting the motion. Diolch yn fawr.

Rwy'n siarad heddiw yn rhinwedd fy swydd fel Cadeirydd y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc, ac Addysg, ac fel pwyllgor, rydym yn croesawu'r cynnig a gyflwynwyd heddiw yn fawr, a'r cyfle y mae'n ei roi i ni drafod y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Rwyf fi a fy nghyd-aelodau o'r pwyllgor wedi bod â diddordeb mawr yn y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ers inni ei ystyried yn gyntaf fel rhan o'n gwaith craffu ar gyllideb ddrafft Llywodraeth Cymru yn 2022-23. Yn ôl bryd hynny, ym mis Ionawr 2022, dywedodd y Gweinidog Addysg a'r Gymraeg wrthym fod cost ychwanegol yn rhwystr allweddol i gynyddu cyfradd y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg o £30 yr wythnos, ac yn ymateb ysgrifenedig y Gweinidog i'n hadroddiad, rhoddodd fanylion pellach. Ysgrifennodd y Gweinidog fod adolygiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn 2014 wedi dangos y byddai 80 y cant o fyfyrwyr 'wedi cofrestru ar eu cwrs heb LCA ac mai dim ond i leiafrif o fyfyrwyr yr oedd yr LCA yn ffynhonnell hanfodol o gymorth ariannol.' Wrth gwrs, roedd adolygiad 2014 wedi dyddio adeg craffu ar y gyllideb ddrafft y llynedd. Roedd llawer wedi newid rhwng 2014 a 2022, fel y gwyddom yn iawn. Erbyn inni wneud ein gwaith craffu ar gyllideb ddrafft 2023-24 fis diwethaf, yng nghanol argyfwng costau byw sy'n effeithio'n anghymesur ar blant a phobl ifanc, roedd adolygiad 2014 wedi dod yn ddall i raddau'r heriau ariannol a wynebir gan ddysgwyr a'u teuluoedd. Rydym yn cymeradwyo penderfyniad Llywodraeth Cymru i gadw'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Fodd bynnag, rydym yn pryderu i ba raddau y mae cynnal cyfradd a throthwy lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ers 2011 wedi erydu gwerth y lwfans a thorri nifer y dysgwyr sy'n gymwys i'w dderbyn. O ganlyniad, fe wnaethom dri argymhelliad yn ymwneud â'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn ein hadroddiad ar gyllideb ddrafft 2023-24. Yn yr argymhelliad cyntaf, rydym yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gomisiynu adolygiad annibynnol o'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, i gyflwyno adroddiad cyn mis Rhagfyr eleni. Ni fyddai 20% o'r myfyrwyr cymwys a gyfrannodd at adolygiad Llywodraeth Cymru yn 2014 wedi cofrestru ar eu cwrs heb y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Nid ydym yn gwybod beth fyddai'r ffigur hwnnw heddiw. Nid ydym yn gwybod ychwaith sut mae'r lwfans yn effeithio ar ymwneud parhaus dysgwyr â'u hastudiaethau pan ddaw goblygiadau ariannol gwneud astudiaethau pellach yn glir, neu a yw'n eu helpu i reoli pwysau costau byw yn fwy cyffredinol. Credwn y dylai penderfyniadau polisi fod yn seiliedig ar wybodaeth gyfoes a chywir, ac adolygiad annibynnol o'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yw'r ffordd orau o gael y data hanfodol hwnnw. Yn ein hail argymhelliad, gofynnwn i Lywodraeth Cymru roi diweddariad i ni am y gwaith yr ymrwymodd i'w wneud ym mis Mawrth 2022 ar ddeall sut olwg fyddai ar gyfradd y lwfans a'r trothwyon incwm heddiw ar gyfer yr un gyfran o ddysgwyr wrth gymharu â 2004, a faint o gyllideb ychwanegol y byddai ei hangen ar gyfer hynny. Fe wnaethom groesawu ymateb adeiladol y Gweinidog yn ôl ym mis Mawrth y llynedd, ond yn anffodus rydym eto i weld canlyniad y gwaith hwnnw. Edrychwn ymlaen at ddarllen amdano yn ymateb Llywodraeth Cymru i'n hadroddiad ar y gyllideb ymhen rhai wythnosau. Mae ein trydydd argymhelliad yn annog Llywodraeth Cymru i ailystyried ei phenderfyniad i gynnal y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Wrth gwrs, rydym yn gwybod yn iawn na all y lwfans ddileu tlodi plant, ond o waith ein pwyllgor ac o'r gwaith a wnawn yn ein hetholaethau a'n rhanbarthau, credwn y gall y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg helpu i inswleiddio rhai pobl ifanc a'u teuluoedd rhag effeithiau dinistriol yr argyfwng costau byw. Nid yw'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn ateb i bob dim, ond efallai mai'r cymhelliad ychwanegol hwn sydd ei angen ar rai pobl ifanc i gymryd y cam nesaf yn eu haddysg. Er mwyn y bobl ifanc hynny a'u teuluoedd, rydym yn annog Llywodraeth Cymru i dderbyn ein hargymhellion ac edrych ar y mater pwysig hwn unwaith eto. Am y rheswm hwn, rwy'n croesawu'r ddadl hon yn llawn a byddaf yn cefnogi'r cynnig. Diolch yn fawr.

Thank you, Luke, for introducing this debate on a subject of such importance in terms of anti-poverty measures and in response to the cost-of-living crisis.

Diolch, Luke, am gyflwyno'r ddadl hon ar bwnc sy'n allweddol bwysig fel rhan o fesurau gwrth-dlodi ac wrth gwrs mewn ymateb i'r argyfwng costau byw.

This isn't an issue on which I get countless constituents contacting me, but, for those that do, I know the difference it makes, the difference it makes to their families and to those individuals. In terms of other measures, of course it's not just a responsibility for the Minister for education, as you outlined, rightly so; it is a cross-Government, cross-portfolio responsibility, certainly social justice. We've had a debate about buses in terms of the importance of making public transport affordable. There wouldn't be as much of a need for the EMA and for the rise if public transport costs were free for young people, for instance. So, there are a number of measures that we could look at, so that it's not just about the EMA. My concern, as well as the value, currently - . I of course welcome the fact that we've continued it here in Wales. I dread to think of the situation for those young people were we not in this situation. But, obviously, that £30 doesn't go very far compared to where it used to go. We need to really think about how we ensure that this is no longer a barrier to those young people pursuing education, if we are able to increase, as should happen, in terms of an inflation-linked uplift, which is in this proposal. The issue I also want to focus on, which Luke referenced as well, is access to the EMA for those who are eligible. It is concerning that casework that has come in to me has been linked to not giving the money to students for a particular reason. In the guidance, it says: 'as long as you meet your school or college's attendance, performance and behaviour requirements.' Well, that can be interpreted in a number of different ways. Also, a number of these young people are vulnerable - they have very complex family situations at times, they may be required to care for a parent or care for another family member, which means that they may miss some sessions, which makes them then ineligible for the grant as a whole, meaning that that has a knock-on effect on attendance the following week. I do really think we need to be working with colleges and so on to ensure that these aren't barriers, that if you miss one particular session you're not then penalised, because there should be that compassion and understanding. In the same way, if we miss a session here in the Senedd because of whatever reason, be it because of a family emergency, we don't miss out in terms of our salaries, so why are we penalising the most vulnerable young people? Also, in terms of behaviour requirements, we've had a lot of evidence come through in terms of the impact of COVID on mental health, the lack of access to services and the delays in accessing services. That also has an impact on attendance at times. We've seen some colleges maintain virtual options to join, meaning that that can count towards attendance, and others not. So, it's quite a complex situation, I think. The key thing is ensuring that those that need the EMA receive it, that there isn't a delay in receiving it, and also that we don't put in bureaucratic steps. The truth of the matter is we should be supporting people through the cost-of-living crisis, so that child poverty rates aren't at the levels they are currently. We need to make public transport affordable. But whilst there needs to be solutions that go across Government, this is a key element, and I fully support Luke's proposal. Not having the EMA would penalise those that desperately need it, and not increasing it will just provide a further barrier to those that need it.

Nid yw hon yn broblem y byddaf yn cael etholwyr dirifedi'n cysylltu â mi yn ei chylch, ond i'r rhai sy'n gwneud hynny, rwy'n gwybod am y gwahaniaeth mae'n ei wneud, y gwahaniaeth mae'n ei wneud i'w teuluoedd ac i'r unigolion hynny. O ran mesurau eraill, wrth gwrs nid cyfrifoldeb y Gweinidog addysg yn unig mohono, fel y dywedoch chi, yn gwbl briodol; mae'n gyfrifoldeb trawslywodraethol, traws-bortffolio, a chyfiawnder cymdeithasol yn sicr. Rydym wedi cael dadl ar fysiau a phwysigrwydd gwneud trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn fforddiadwy. Ni fyddai cymaint o angen am y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ac am y cynnydd pe bai costau trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn rhad ac am ddim i bobl ifanc, er enghraifft. Felly, ceir nifer o fesurau y gallem edrych arnynt, ac nid yw'n ymwneud â'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn unig. Fy mhryder i, yn ogystal â'r gwerth, ar hyn o bryd - . Wrth gwrs, rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith ein bod ni wedi ei barhau yma yng Nghymru. Rwy'n arswydo meddwl am y sefyllfa i'r bobl ifanc hynny pe na baem yn y sefyllfa hon. Ond yn amlwg, nid yw £30 yn mynd yn bell iawn o'i gymharu ag o'r blaen. Mae angen inni feddwl o ddifrif ynglŷn â sut y sicrhawn nad yw hyn bellach yn rhwystr i bobl ifanc sydd am gael addysg, os gallwn ei gynyddu yn gysylltiedig â chwyddiant, fel y dylid ei wneud, a dyna sydd yn y cynnig hwn. Mater rwyf am ganolbwyntio arno hefyd, fel y nododd Luke, yw mynediad at y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ar gyfer y rhai sy'n gymwys. Mae'n ofidus fy mod wedi gweld gwaith achos yn gysylltiedig â pheidio â rhoi'r arian i fyfyrwyr am reswm penodol. Yn y canllawiau, mae'n dweud: 'cyn belled â'ch bod yn bodloni gofynion presenoldeb, perfformiad ac ymddygiad eich ysgol neu'ch coleg.' Wel, gellir dehongli hynny mewn nifer o wahanol ffyrdd. Hefyd, mae nifer o'r bobl ifanc hyn yn agored i niwed - mae ganddynt sefyllfaoedd teuluol cymhleth iawn ar adegau, efallai y bydd gofyn iddynt ofalu am riant neu ofalu am aelod arall o'r teulu, sy'n golygu y gallant golli rhai sesiynau, sy'n eu gwneud yn anghymwys wedyn ar gyfer y grant yn ei gyfanrwydd, sy'n golygu bod hynny'n cael sgil-effaith ar bresenoldeb yr wythnos ganlynol. Rwy'n meddwl o ddifrif fod angen inni weithio gyda cholegau ac yn y blaen i sicrhau nad yw'r rhain yn rhwystrau, ac os ydych chi'n colli un sesiwn benodol, na chewch eich cosbi wedyn, oherwydd dylai'r system ddangos tosturi a chydymdeimlad. Yn yr un ffordd, os ydym yn methu sesiwn yma yn y Senedd am ba reswm bynnag, boed yn argyfwng teuluol, nid ydym yn colli cyflog, felly pam ein bod yn cosbi'r bobl ifanc mwyaf bregus? Hefyd, ar ofynion ymddygiad, rydym wedi gweld llawer o dystiolaeth am effaith COVID ar iechyd meddwl, diffyg mynediad at wasanaethau ac oedi cyn cael mynediad at wasanaethau. Mae hynny hefyd yn cael effaith ar bresenoldeb ar adegau. Gwelsom rai colegau'n cynnig opsiynau rhithwir i ymuno, sy'n golygu y gall hynny gyfrif tuag at bresenoldeb, er nad yw colegau eraill yn gwneud hynny. Felly, mae'n sefyllfa eithaf cymhleth, rwy'n credu. Y peth allweddol yw sicrhau bod y rhai sydd angen y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn ei gael, nad oes oedi cyn ei gael, a hefyd nad ydym yn cynnwys camau biwrocrataidd. Y gwir amdani yw y dylem fod yn cefnogi pobl drwy'r argyfwng costau byw, fel nad yw cyfraddau tlodi plant ar y lefelau y maent ar hyn o bryd. Mae angen inni wneud trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn fforddiadwy. Ond er bod angen atebion trawslywodraethol, mae hon yn elfen allweddol, ac rwy'n cefnogi cynnig Luke yn llawn. Byddai peidio â chael y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn cosbi'r rhai sydd ei angen yn ddybryd, a bydd peidio â'i gynyddu ond yn rhwystr pellach i'r rhai sydd ei angen.

I was very pleased to take the opportunity to co-sign this when Luke asked me to. In fact, he had it back by return of e-mail because I believe this is incredibly important. I want to make two points - firstly the importance of EMA and secondly the importance of increasing it in line with inflation. Of course, the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats opposed it when it was introduced by the Labour Westminster Government. The Liberal Democrat education spokesperson, Phil Willis, said: 'There are significantly more important things to do with £20m than give young people a Christmas bonus.' Conservative spokesperson Chris Grayling said: 'This is another blatant example of the government trying to fiddle the figures. Bribing young people to sign up for courses they may not complete, might make ministers' targets look achievable - but they do absolutely nothing to help solve this country'sskills shortage.' I think that tells you what the Conservatives at Westminster and the Liberal Democrats at Westminster think of our young people, and think of people who are less well off. I won't use the word 'poverty' because that's a relative term, but people who are less well off. I rarely talk about it myself - I always feel it's slightly insulting to my parents to do so - but many of us come from backgrounds that were less well off. Not many in this Chamber, but many of us in my constituency and many of my friends. The Westminster Government and the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition took very little time - it only took them until 20 October 2010 - to end the education maintenance allowance scheme in England, because they don't believe in it. They don't believe in helping young people. They don't believe in helping young people whose parents can't afford to send them to public school. This is why we need a more representative Parliament, so that we have people with different life experiences, who understand from their life experience the benefit of EMA-type support. I really want to congratulate the Welsh Government for keeping the EMA when it had been cancelled in England. It would have been so easy to cancel it. There you had a simple saving. It would generate very little noise because the people who get these sorts of payments are not the people who write letters to the Western Mail. They're not the people who go out complaining; they're the people who suffer and have problems. I would like to go through some details from my experience as a college lecturer. Without EMA, many students would not have been able to undertake their studies; many more driven by their family's economic circumstances would, at some stage, have had to drop out. Many of my former students ended up in well-paid ICT jobs, helping both them and the economy. EMA was the difference between unemployment followed by low-skilled and low-paid employment and becoming skilled and well paid. EMA was and is life-changing for many people. It also benefits our economy, increasing the amount of skilled workers. This is investing in young people, investing in our economy and, perhaps, it's one of the best forms of investment in economic development. Bribing companies to bring their branch factories here has failed for as long as I can remember - I'll just mention LG. Was it initially abused? Yes - by students turning up and doing nothing. This was resolved by continuing payments after satisfactory progress had been made. And to reply to Heledd Fychan, from my experience as a college lecturer, any student who attended regularly who had a good reason for not being there who was making good progress was not going to be stopped getting their EMA. I'm speaking on behalf University and College Union members - we would not have done that. According to the Bevan Foundation, increasing the EMA by 10 per cent would add £3 a week for everyone receiving it. Clearly, £3 a week is not much. There is an acknowledgment that learners in further education face just as significant a financial pressure as higher education students, who recently had a 9.4 per cent increase, which, I'd better add, is very much needed and very much supported. To many in this Chamber, £3 is less than a cup of coffee. To EMA students, it can be two or three meals. That's two or three meals out of 14 meals a week. This idea that people have three or four meals a day doesn't run for people who are poor. Crucially, it would establish an important principle of annual uplift, matching the UK Government's uprating of most social security benefits. The Bevan Foundation estimate the cost of an inflation-linked increase will be around £1.7 million. Raising the eligibility to include another 1,000 students would cost £1.1 million. This is obviously affordable from the Welsh Government budget. The Finance Committee discussed this and were in favour of such an uplift unanimously, including the Conservative Member. If anyone doubts its affordability, just check every month how much additional money is released by the Welsh Government to good and deserving recipients: £1 million here, £5 million there, £300,000 - you get them every week or so. My argument is that giving money to EMA students is giving it to good and deserving recipients. Finally, thank you to the Labour Government, which kept the EMA; now is the time to start annual uplifts.

Roeddwn yn falch iawn o fanteisio ar y cyfle i gyd-gyflwyno'r cynnig pan ofynnodd Luke i mi wneud. Yn wir, fe atebais ar unwaith oherwydd rwy'n credu bod hyn yn hynod o bwysig. Rwyf am wneud dau bwynt - yn gyntaf am bwysigrwydd y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ac yn ail, am bwysigrwydd ei gynyddu yn unol â chwyddiant. Wrth gwrs, roedd y Ceidwadwyr a'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol yn gwrthwynebu hynny pan gafodd ei gyflwyno gan Lywodraeth Lafur San Steffan. Dywedodd llefarydd addysg y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol, Phil Willis: 'Mae pethau cryn dipyn pwysicach i'w wneud ag £20m na rhoi bonws Nadolig i bobl ifanc.' Dywedodd llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr, Chris Grayling: 'Dyma enghraifft amlwg arall o'r llywodraeth yn ceisio ffidlo'r ffigurau. Gallai llwgrwobrwyo pobl ifanc i gofrestru ar gyfer cyrsiau nad ydynt yn eu cwblhau o bosibl, wneud i dargedau gweinidogion edrych yn gyraeddadwy - ond nid ydynt yn gwneud dim o gwbl i helpu i ddatrys prinder sgiliau yn y wlad hon.' Rwy'n credu bod hynny'n dweud wrthych beth mae'r Ceidwadwyr yn San Steffan a'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol yn San Steffan yn ei feddwl o'n pobl ifanc ni, ac am bobl sy'n llai cefnog. Ni wnaf ddefnyddio'r gair 'tlodi' oherwydd mae hwnnw'n derm cymharol, ond pobl sy'n llai cefnog. Anaml iawn y byddaf yn siarad amdano fy hun - rwyf bob amser yn teimlo ei fod ychydig yn sarhaus i fy rhieni os gwnaf hynny - ond mae llawer ohonom yn dod o gefndiroedd a oedd yn llai cefnog. Dim llawer yn y Siambr hon, ond llawer ohonom yn fy etholaeth a llawer o fy ffrindiau. Ychydig iawn o amser a gymerodd Llywodraeth San Steffan a chlymblaid y Ceidwadwyr a'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol - dim ond tan 20 Hydref 2010 y cymerodd hi - i ddod â'r cynllun lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg i ben yn Lloegr, oherwydd nad ydynt yn credu ynddo. Nid ydynt yn credu mewn helpu pobl ifanc. Nid ydynt yn credu mewn helpu pobl ifanc nad yw eu rhieni'n gallu fforddio eu hanfon i ysgol fonedd. Dyma pam fod angen Senedd fwy cynrychioliadol, fel bod gennym bobl sydd â phrofiadau bywyd gwahanol, sy'n deall o'u profiad bywyd beth yw budd cymorth megis y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Rwyf am longyfarch Llywodraeth Cymru am gadw'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg pan gafodd ei ddileu yn Lloegr. Byddai wedi bod mor hawdd ei ddileu. Roedd yn ffordd syml o arbed arian. Ychydig iawn o sŵn y byddai wedi ei greu gan nad y bobl sy'n cael y math yma o daliadau yw'r bobl sy'n ysgrifennu llythyrau at y Western Mail. Nid hwy yw'r bobl sy'n mynd allan i gwyno; hwy yw'r bobl sy'n dioddef ac yn cael problemau. Hoffwn fynd drwy rai manylion am fy mhrofiad fel darlithydd coleg. Heb lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, byddai llawer o fyfyrwyr wedi methu ymgymryd â'u hastudiaethau; byddai llawer mwy, oherwydd amgylchiadau economaidd eu teuluoedd, wedi gorfod rhoi'r gorau iddi ar ryw adeg. Cafodd llawer o fy nghyn-fyfyrwyr swyddi TGCh sy'n talu'n dda, gan eu helpu hwy a'r economi. Lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg oedd y gwahaniaeth rhwng diweithdra wedi'i ddilyn gan gyflogaeth sgiliau isel ar gyflogau isel a dod yn fedrus a chael cyflogau da. Roedd, ac mae'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn newid bywyd i lawer o bobl. Mae hefyd o fudd i'n heconomi, drwy gynyddu nifer y gweithwyr medrus. Buddsoddi mewn pobl ifanc yw hyn, buddsoddi yn ein heconomi ac efallai ei fod yn un o'r mathau gorau o fuddsoddiad mewn datblygu economaidd. Mae llwgrwobrwyo cwmnïau i ddod â'u ffatrïoedd cangen yma wedi methu ers cyhyd ag y gallaf gofio - nid oes ond raid sôn am LG. A gâi ei gamddefnyddio ar y dechrau? Câi - gan fyfyrwyr yn dod ac yn gwneud dim. Cafodd hyn ei ddatrys drwy barhau â thaliadau ar ôl i gynnydd boddhaol gael ei wneud. Ac i ymateb i Heledd Fychan, o fy mhrofiad i fel darlithydd coleg, nid oedd unrhyw fyfyriwr a oedd yn mynychu'n rheolaidd a chanddynt reswm da dros beidio â bod yno ac a oedd yn gwneud cynnydd da yn mynd i gael eu rhwystro rhag cael eu lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg. Rwy'n siarad ar ran aelodau'r Brifysgol ac Undeb y Coleg - ni fyddem wedi gwneud hynny. Yn ôl Sefydliad Bevan, byddai cynyddu'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg 10 y cant yn ychwanegu £3 yr wythnos i bawb sy'n ei gael. Yn amlwg, nid yw £3 yr wythnos yn llawer. Ceir cydnabyddiaeth fod dysgwyr mewn addysg bellach yn wynebu pwysau ariannol lawn mor sylweddol â myfyrwyr addysg uwch, a gafodd gynnydd o 9.4 y cant yn ddiweddar, sydd, byddai'n well imi ychwanegu, yn fawr ei angen ac yn cael ei gefnogi'n frwd. I lawer yn y Siambr hon, mae £3 yn llai na phaned o goffi. I fyfyrwyr y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, gall fod yn ddau neu dri phryd o fwyd. Dyna ddau neu dri phryd allan o 14 pryd yr wythnos. Nid yw'r syniad fod pobl yn cael tri neu bedwar pryd y dydd yn wir i bobl sy'n dlawd. Yn allweddol, byddai'n sefydlu egwyddor bwysig o gynnydd blynyddol, gan gyfateb i gynnydd Llywodraeth y DU i'r rhan fwyaf o fudd-daliadau nawdd cymdeithasol. Mae Sefydliad Bevan yn amcangyfrif y bydd cost cynnydd sy'n gysylltiedig â chwyddiant oddeutu £1.7 miliwn. Byddai codi'r cymhwysedd i gynnwys 1,000 o fyfyrwyr eraill yn costio £1.1 miliwn. Mae hyn yn amlwg yn fforddiadwy o gyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru. Bu'r Pwyllgor Cyllid yn trafod hyn ac roeddent yn unfrydol o blaid cynnydd o'r fath, yn cynnwys yr Aelod Ceidwadol. Os oes unrhyw un yn amau ei fforddiadwyedd, edrychwch bob mis ar faint o arian ychwanegol sy'n cael ei ryddhau gan Lywodraeth Cymru i dderbynwyr da a haeddiannol: £1 miliwn yn y fan hon, £5 miliwn yn y fan acw, £300,000 - rydych yn eu cael yn wythnosol bron. Fy nadl i yw bod myfyrwyr lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn dderbynwyr da a haeddiannol. Yn olaf, diolch i'r Llywodraeth Lafur, a gadwodd y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg; nawr yw'r amser i ddechrau ei gynyddu'n flynyddol.

The cost-of-living crisis is going to do exactly what the COVID crisis did. I've heard so many witnesses to inquiries held by both of the committees of which I'm a member - equalities and social justice and children, young people and education - repeat this, or words to that effect, when referring to the undeniable evidence that not only will the impact of this crisis again be deeper in the most deprived areas of Wales, which, of course, will double the death rates of those with less social deprivation, but it's that same inequality and those same vulnerabilities that the cost-of-living crisis is exacerbating. This is why the cost-of-living crisis, in my opinion, has to be seen in the same terms as the COVID crisis. That is why those most vulnerable to potential harm should also be shielded by Government in this crisis. As with COVID, the worst-affected will be those who already suffer socioeconomic disadvantage and groups of people who already face barriers as regards housing, employment opportunities, income gaps, health inequalities and education. Poverty is affecting young people aged 16 plus in a unique way. Rising food costs, transport costs and equipment costs make education less affordable to those from low-income families. Young people from less affluent backgrounds can't turn to their families for financial support and many are experiencing real hardship: no heating, little to eat, some facing homelessness. How are they meant to focus on study? The needs of this group of young people, of course, in my opinion, should be fully addressed in a comprehensive new child poverty strategy, which we have long called for, with measurable targets and outcomes. The Welsh Government, of course, does not have the power to stop bills soaring and can't ensure that the Tory Westminster Government increases benefits so that no-one has to rely on foodbanks or face cutting down on heat. But this motion speaks to one action it can take to help people who are most at risk of the harms of the cost-of-living crisis: young people from low-income families. Without the support they need, of which the EMA should and could form a part, they will be harmed by the consequences of being denied the chance to fulfil their educational potential, as Mike Hedges rightly illustrated, and the opportunity gap that continues to blight our country will deepen. The Welsh Government's response to the calls of anti-poverty campaigners such as the Bevan Foundation to uprate the EMA, both in terms of the allowance and in terms of the eligibility threshold, has been that it is simply not affordable. What really isn't affordable is to limit the potential of our most disadvantaged young people who already have far fewer opportunities than better-off learners to lead prosperous, healthy and fulfilling lives. I urge Members to support this motion.

Mae'r argyfwng costau byw yn mynd i wneud yr union beth a wnaeth argyfwng COVID. Clywais gymaint o dystion i ymchwiliadau a gynhelir gan y ddau bwyllgor rwy'n aelod ohonynt - cydraddoldeb a chyfiawnder cymdeithasol a phlant, pobl ifanc ac addysg - yn ailadrodd hyn, neu eiriau i'r perwyl hwnnw, wrth gyfeirio at y dystiolaeth ddiymwad y bydd effaith yr argyfwng hwn eto'n ddyfnach yn ardaloedd mwyaf difreintiedig Cymru, a fydd, wrth gwrs, yn dyblu cyfraddau marwolaeth y rhai sydd â llai o amddifadedd cymdeithasol, ond mae'r argyfwng costau byw'n gwaethygu yr un anghydraddoldebau a'r un bregusrwydd. Yn fy marn i, dyna pam mae'n rhaid gweld yr argyfwng costau byw yn yr un termau ag argyfwng COVID. Dyna pam y dylai'r rhai sydd fwyaf agored i niwed posibl hefyd gael eu gwarchod gan y Llywodraeth yn yr argyfwng hwn. Fel yn achos COVID, y rhai yr effeithir arnynt waethaf fydd y rhai sydd eisoes yn dioddef anfantais economaidd-gymdeithasol a grwpiau o bobl sydd eisoes yn wynebu rhwystrau mewn perthynas â thai, cyfleoedd cyflogaeth, bylchau incwm, anghydraddoldebau iechyd ac addysg. Mae tlodi'n effeithio ar bobl ifanc 16 oed a hŷn mewn ffordd unigryw. Mae costau bwyd cynyddol, costau trafnidiaeth a chostau offer yn gwneud addysg yn llai fforddiadwy i'r rhai o deuluoedd incwm isel. Nid yw pobl ifanc o gefndiroedd llai cefnog yn gallu troi at eu teuluoedd am gymorth ariannol ac mae nifer yn profi caledi gwirioneddol: dim gwres, fawr ddim i'w fwyta, rhai yn wynebu digartrefedd. Sut mae disgwyl iddynt ganolbwyntio ar astudio? Rwy'n credu y dylid mynd i'r afael yn llawn ag anghenion y grŵp hwn o bobl ifanc mewn strategaeth tlodi plant newydd gynhwysfawr, rhywbeth rydym wedi galw amdani ers amser maith, gyda thargedau a chanlyniadau mesuradwy. Wrth gwrs, nid oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru rym i atal biliau rhag codi'n aruthrol ac ni all sicrhau bod Llywodraeth Dorïaidd San Steffan yn cynyddu budd-daliadau fel nad oes rhaid i unrhyw un ddibynnu ar fanciau bwyd neu orfod cyfyngu ar wresogi. Ond mae'r cynnig hwn yn sôn am un weithred y gall ei chyflawni i helpu'r bobl sydd fwyaf mewn perygl o niwed yn yr argyfwng costau byw: pobl ifanc o deuluoedd incwm isel. Heb y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt, y dylai ac y gallai'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ffurfio rhan ohono, byddant yn cael eu niweidio gan ganlyniadau cael eu hamddifadu o'r cyfle i gyflawni eu potensial addysgol, fel y dangosodd Mike Hedges yn gywir, a bydd y bwlch cyfle sy'n parhau i blagio ein gwlad yn dyfnhau. Ymateb Llywodraeth Cymru i alwadau ymgyrchwyr gwrthdlodi fel Sefydliad Bevan i gynyddu'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, o ran y lwfans ei hun ac o ran y trothwy cymhwysedd, yw nad yw'n fforddiadwy. Yr hyn na allwn fforddio ei wneud mewn gwirionedd yw cyfyngu ar botensial ein pobl ifanc mwyaf difreintiedig sydd eisoes yn cael llawer llai o gyfleoedd na dysgwyr mwy cefnog i fyw bywydau llewyrchus, iach a boddhaus. Rwy'n annog yr Aelodau i gefnogi'r cynnig hwn.

Thanks to Luke Fletcher and other Members for tabling this motion today and giving us the chance to discuss what is a very important issue: how we support our young people so that they can get the most out of their education. It follows on very naturally from last week's debate on the Children, Young People and Education Committee's report into pupil absence, and of course it's very timely when we are all aware of the cost-of-living pressures every person in Wales is facing. As a starting point and as the first part of the motion reminds us, it is of course to be welcomed that the Welsh Government made the decision to retain education maintenance allowance here. That was in stark contrast, of course, to the Cameron-Clegg UK coalition Government. Seemingly, one of their first actions on taking office was to scrap EMA for English students. I'm reminded that Michael Gove was the education Secretary responsible for that, so it's interesting to see that his commitment to levelling down was just as strong back in 2010. Since then, EMA has been used well by young people in Wales. It has provided an additional level of support, enabling them to stay on in school or college, to continue their education or training, to try and maximise their chances and opportunities. And it's important that we remember this isn't just for young people taking A-levels or BTECs, but it's also used to support young people living in Wales taking basic or independent living skills qualifications too. I regularly witnessed the positive impact EMA had when I was teaching. It made a real difference and ensured that eligible young people could stay on to continue and complete their studies and achieve their full potential. Many of those young people in receipt of EMA also had part-time jobs, and these would often be on zero-hour contracts, with pressure from employers to work longer and longer hours, and that of course could have a detrimental impact on their studies. With my pastoral role, that became a familiar pattern year after year. I know from my discussions with schools and colleges in my area that it's still a challenge for those 16 to 18-year-olds, with the need or desire to earn more contrasting with study requirements. EMA provides that source of help so young people who may not be able to rely on family support can focus on their courses. As the motion also reminds us, 2011 saw a positive change to EMA in Wales, where a previous system of banding depending on household income was replaced with a flat rate of £30 for learners. However, as other speakers have mentioned, that's the same flat rate as when EMA was introduced in 2004 and the same flat rate at which it is awarded now. That, I believe, is problematic. By my estimation, in terms of purchasing power, £30 in 2004 is equivalent to just under £59 today, so the value of EMA has been significantly impacted as costs have got higher and higher. Things that EMA was and is used for have become more expensive, so that the payment just won't stretch as far. This will of course have consequences for our young people and the decisions that they make, as I touched on earlier. More and more of our young people will be facing difficult choices and may be making decisions not to continue in education or having to work longer hours in their part-time jobs, which will also have an impact on their studies and on their mental well-being. Others may find that it's not even about having to make a choice at all, finding themselves having to leave education or training completely. Thresholds for household income have simply remained static. With that being the case, I would like to wholeheartedly endorse the suggestion in the second point of the motion. I hope that Welsh Government will consider a review of both the rate of EMA and the threshold at which it's awarded. It's high time that a detailed review of the working of EMA is considered to help build the evidence base so that we can determine what can be done, how we can best support our 16 to 18-year-olds and meet their needs so that they can continue in school or college. We know that there is tremendous pressure on resources, but EMA is a lifeline to many of our young people who are eligible for it. We must focus on giving them the right support so that they can succeed. I look forward to voting in support of this motion today.

Diolch i Luke Fletcher ac Aelodau eraill am gyflwyno'r cynnig hwn heddiw a rhoi cyfle inni drafod mater pwysig iawn: sut mae cynorthwyo ein pobl ifanc i gael y gorau o'u haddysg. Mae'n dilyn ymlaen yn naturiol iawn o'r drafodaeth yr wythnos diwethaf ar adroddiad y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg am absenoldeb disgyblion, ac wrth gwrs mae'n amserol iawn a ninnau i gyd yn ymwybodol o'r pwysau costau byw y mae pob person yng Nghymru yn ei wynebu. Fel man cychwyn ac fel mae rhan gyntaf y cynnig yn ein hatgoffa, mae i'w groesawu wrth gwrs fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gwneud penderfyniad i gadw'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yma. Roedd hynny mewn gwrthgyferbyniad llwyr, wrth gwrs, i Lywodraeth glymblaid Cameron-Clegg. Yn ôl pob golwg, un o'u gweithredoedd cyntaf fel Llywodraeth oedd cael gwared ar y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg i fyfyrwyr Lloegr. Caf fy atgoffa mai Michael Gove oedd yr Ysgrifennydd addysg a oedd yn gyfrifol am hynny, felly mae'n ddiddorol gweld bod ei ymrwymiad i ostwng y gwastad yr un mor gryf yn ôl yn 2010. Ers hynny, mae'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg wedi cael defnydd da gan bobl ifanc Cymru. Mae wedi darparu lefel ychwanegol o gymorth, gan eu galluogi i aros yn yr ysgol neu'r coleg, i barhau â'u haddysg neu hyfforddiant, er mwyn ceisio manteisio i'r eithaf ar eu cyfleoedd. Ac mae'n bwysig ein bod yn cofio nad ar gyfer pobl ifanc sy'n dilyn pynciau Safon Uwch neu BTEC yn unig y mae hwn, caiff ei ddefnyddio hefyd i gynorthwyo pobl ifanc sy'n byw yng Nghymru i fynd ar drywydd cymwysterau sgiliau byw annibynnol neu sgiliau sylfaenol hefyd. Roeddwn yn dyst yn rheolaidd i'r effaith gadarnhaol a gâi'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg pan oeddwn yn dysgu. Fe wnâi wahaniaeth gwirioneddol a sicrhau y gallai pobl ifanc cymwys aros i barhau a chwblhau eu hastudiaethau a chyflawni eu potensial llawn. Roedd gan lawer o'r bobl ifanc a gâi'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg swyddi rhan-amser hefyd, a byddai'r rhain yn aml ar gytundebau dim oriau, gyda phwysau gan gyflogwyr i weithio oriau hirach a hirach, ac fe allai hynny wrth gwrs gael effaith niweidiol ar eu hastudiaethau. Gyda fy rôl fugeiliol, daeth hynny'n batrwm cyfarwydd flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn. Rwy'n gwybod o fy nhrafodaethau gydag ysgolion a cholegau yn fy ardal ei bod yn dal yn her i rai rhwng 16 a 18 oed, gyda'r angen neu'r awydd i ennill mwy yn gwrthdaro yn erbyn gofynion astudio. Mae'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn darparu'r ffynhonnell gymorth honno fel y gall pobl ifanc na allant ddibynnu ar gefnogaeth teulu ganolbwyntio ar eu cyrsiau. Fel y mae'r cynnig yn ein hatgoffa hefyd, gwelodd 2011 newid cadarnhaol i'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yng Nghymru, lle daeth cyfradd sylfaenol o £30 i ddysgwyr i gymryd lle system flaenorol o fandio yn dibynnu ar incwm cartrefi. Fodd bynnag, fel y mae siaradwyr eraill wedi sôn, dyna'r un gyfradd sylfaenol â phan gyflwynwyd y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn 2004 a'r un gyfradd sylfaenol a ddyfernir nawr. Mae hynny'n broblematig y fy marn i. Yn ôl yr hyn rwy'n ei amcangyfrif, o ran pŵer prynu, mae £30 yn 2004 yn cyfateb i ychydig o dan £59 heddiw, felly effeithiwyd yn sylweddol ar werth y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg wrth i gostau fynd yn uwch ac yn uwch. Mae pethau yr oedd, ac y mae'r lwfans yn cael ei ddefnyddio ar eu cyfer wedi mynd yn ddrytach, fel na fydd y taliad yn ymestyn cyn belled. Bydd hyn wrth gwrs yn arwain at ganlyniadau i'n pobl ifanc a'r penderfyniadau a wnânt, fel y soniais yn gynharach. Bydd mwy a mwy o'n pobl ifanc yn wynebu dewisiadau anodd ac efallai y byddant yn gwneud penderfyniadau i beidio â pharhau ym myd addysg neu'n gorfod gweithio oriau hirach yn eu swyddi rhan-amser, a bydd hynny hefyd yn cael effaith ar eu hastudiaethau ac ar eu lles meddyliol. Efallai y bydd eraill yn gweld nad yw hyd yn oed yn galw am wneud dewis o gwbl, ac yn gorfod gadael addysg neu hyfforddiant yn gyfan gwbl. Mae trothwyon ar gyfer incwm aelwydydd wedi aros yn sefydlog. O'r herwydd, hoffwn gymeradwyo'r awgrym yn ail bwynt y cynnig yn gryf. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ystyried adolygiad o gyfradd y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg a'r trothwy ar gyfer ei ddyfarnu. Mae'n hen bryd ystyried adolygiad manwl o'r ffordd y mae'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn gweithio er mwyn helpu i adeiladu'r sylfaen dystiolaeth fel y gallwn benderfynu beth y gellir ei wneud, sut y gallwn gefnogi ein pobl ifanc 16 i 18 oed yn y ffordd orau a diwallu eu hanghenion fel y gallant barhau yn yr ysgol neu'r coleg. Rydym yn gwybod bod pwysau aruthrol ar adnoddau, ond mae lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn achubiaeth i lawer o'n pobl ifanc sy'n gymwys i'w gael. Rhaid canolbwyntio ar roi'r gefnogaeth gywir iddynt er mwyn iddynt lwyddo. Rwy'n edrych ymlaen at bleidleisio o blaid y cynnig hwn heddiw.

Thank you very much to Luke Fletcher for putting forward this motion and to everyone who co-supports it. The EMA has provided vital support to many students in Wales since it was first introduced. It was first introduced as a pilot back in 1999 before it was rolled out across the United Kingdom in 2004-05. Regretfully, the Government in England abolished it as an allowance, but it's a sign of its popularity and its importance that the Welsh Government, the Scottish Government and the Northern Ireland Executive all continued with the scheme. The scheme was thoroughly audited 15 years ago, and the research demonstrates clearly that the number of students in receipt of the allowance was increasing, and that a greater number of students were staying on to undertake their studies. These findings were particularly true of students from more deprived backgrounds. And, this allowance is particularly important for children in care. I have heard of learners who received the allowance and have then go on to study a number of different fields of endeavour. I spoke recently with one girl who received the allowance and went on to study nursing. This is a perfect example of public money being used as an investment in our young people. Thank goodness for the allowance and thank goodness for her. So, there is clear benefit to this vital allowance. But, the need is so much more acute now that we are facing a cost-of-living crisis, which is having a greater impact on the poorest and the most disadvantaged. Now, I recognise that the Government has maintained the grant here in Wales, and I praise it for doing so, but the unfortunate truth is that far too many children are continuing to lose out or are leaving further education for two main reasons related to the EMA, as noted in the motion, namely that it isn't enough, and the financial threshold to access the allowance is far too low. Back in 2010, households had to earn less than £31,000, or £42,000 in today's money, to be able to access the grant. Today, the threshold is almost half that in terms of value, namely £23,000. The evidence that I have seen shows that more learners are seeking support despite being in receipt of the EMA. They need help with the cost of courses, meals and technical equipment. And some counties are refusing to pay for transport to attend post-16 education, so in these cases, the EMA is crucial so that learners can access educational opportunities. Also, due to poverty within the family, many young people use the allowance to cover living costs from one day to the next. They use it to buy food, to pay for transport, to buy uniforms and for support for learning, and so on. Some depend on it because they live independently, to pay their bills, their rent and so on. And, as I mentioned, the funding therefore is insufficient. A number of learners are also having to work to earn enough to pay their living costs. And this in turn, as we've heard, can impact their education. So, once again, I want to conclude by thanking everyone, particularly Luke for tabling this debate. I warmly welcome the commitment that the Government has to continuing and retaining the allowance, but I'll ask the Minister, in his response, if he will change the accessibility threshold, and when he has the opportunity, to increase the allowance further, please. Thank you.

Diolch yn fawr iawn i Luke Fletcher am gyflwyno'r cynnig yma, ac i bawb a'i gefnogodd o. Mae EMA wedi bod yn gymorth hanfodol i nifer fawr o fyfyrwyr yng Nghymru ers iddo gael ei gyflwyno gyntaf. Cafodd ei gyflwyno fel peilot nôl yn 1999 cyn iddo gael ei rolio allan ar draws y Deyrnas Gyfunol yn 2004-05. Mae'n gresyn bod Llywodraeth Lloegr wedi cael gwared ar y lwfans, ond mae'n arwydd o'i boblogrwydd a'i bwysigrwydd wrth i Lywodraeth Cymru, Llywodraeth yr Alban, a Gogledd Iwerddon barhau â'r cynllun. Cafodd y cynllun ei arfarnu'n drwyadl yn ôl 15 mlynedd yn ôl, a'r gwaith ymchwil yn dangos yn glir bod y nifer o ddysgwyr a oedd yn ei dderbyn yn cynyddu, a bod nifer fwy o ddysgwyr yn aros ymlaen i barhau â'u cyrsiau. Roedd y canfyddiadau yma'n arbennig o wir am fyfyrwyr o gefndiroedd mwy difreintiedig. Mae'r lwfans yma'n arbennig o bwysig yn enwedig i blant mewn gofal. Mae gen i ddysgwyr a oedd yn derbyn y grant sydd wedi mynd ymlaen i nifer o feysydd gwahanol. Roeddwn i'n siarad yn ddiweddar efo un merch a oedd wedi derbyn y grant ac wedi mynd ymlaen i nyrsio; dyma ichi enghraifft berffaith o bres cyhoeddus yn cael ei ddefnyddio fel buddsoddiad yn ein pobl ifanc ac yn ein cymunedau. Diolch byth am y grant a diolch byth amdani hi. Felly, mae yna werth amlwg i'r cymhorthdal angenrheidiol yma. Ond, mae'r angen gymaint yn fwy acíwt, rŵan, wrth ein bod ni'n byw mewn argyfwng costau byw sydd yn effeithio ar y mwyaf tlawd a'r mwyaf difreintiedig yn waeth fyth. Rŵan, dwi'n cydnabod ac yn canmol y Llywodraeth am gynnal y grant yma yng Nghymru, ond y gwir anffodus ydy fod llawer gormod o blant yn parhau i golli allan neu yn gadael addysg bellach, a hynny am ddwy brif reswm yn ymwneud â'r EMA, a sydd yn cael eu nodi yn y cynnig: dydy o ddim yn ddigonol, ac mae'r rhicyn ariannol er mwyn cael mynediad i'r grant yn llawer rhy isel. Nôl yn 2010, roedd yn rhaid i aelwyd ennill llai na £31,000, neu £42,000 yng ngwerth y bunt heddiw, er mwyn cyfiawnhau mynediad at y grant. Erbyn heddiw, mae'r rhicyn yn bron i hanner hynny o ran gwerth, sef £23,000. Mae'r dystiolaeth yr wyf i wedi ei gweld yn dangos bod mwy o ddysgwyr yn holi am gymorth er eu bod nhw ar EMA. Mae angen cymorth gyda chostau cwrs, costau cinio ac offer technegol ar y myfyrwyr. Ac mae rhai siroedd yn gwrthod talu am drafnidiaeth i addysg ôl-16, felly yn yr achosion yma, mae'r EMA yn gwbl hanfodol er mwyn i ddysgwyr gael mynediad at eu haddysg. Hefyd, oherwydd tlodi o fewn y teulu mae yna nifer o bobl ifanc yn ei ddefnyddio fel modd o fyw o ddydd i ddydd - yn ei ddefnyddio i brynu bwyd, i deithio, prynu dillad, cymorth i ddysgu, ac yn y blaen. Mae rhai yn dibynnu arno oherwydd eu bod nhw'n gwbl annibynnol efo'u biliau ac efo'u rhent ac yn y blaen. Ac fel y soniais, dydy'r tâl, felly, ddim yn ddigonol; mae'n isel, gyda nifer o ddysgwyr yn gweithio hefyd er mwyn ennill arian i'w helpu i fyw. Mae hyn yn ei dro, fel rydyn ni wedi'i glywed, yn amharu ar eu haddysg. Felly, unwaith eto, dwi am orffen drwy ddiolch i bawb, yn enwedig Luke am gyflwyno'r ddadl yma. Dwi'n croesawu'n gynnes yr ymrwymiad sydd gan y Llywodraeth i barhau â chynnal y lwfans, ond yn gofyn a wnaiff y Gweinidog, yn ei ymateb, edrych i newid y rhicyn mynediad, a phan ddaw'r cyfle, i gynyddu'r lwfans ymhellach. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Thank you, Dirprwy Lywydd. Members will be aware from previous debates and questions on this issue that we as a Government recognise the positive impact that the EMA can have on young people, and we are still committed, in accordance with the programme for government, to maintaining the allowance. Along with our other commitments to young people and with an annual budget of £17 million, the EMA makes it possible for more than 18,000 young people to remain in post-compulsory education annually.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Bydd Aelodau'n gwybod o drafodaethau a chwestiynau blaenorol ar y pwnc hwn ein bod ni fel Llywodraeth yn cydnabod yr effaith bositif y mae'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn gallu ei gael ar bobl ifanc, ac rŷn ni'n dal i ymrwymo yn unol â'r rhaglen lywodraethu i gynnal y lwfans. Ochr yn ochr gyda'n hymrwymiadau eraill i bobl ifanc ac â chyllideb flynyddol o £17 miliwn, mae'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn ei gwneud yn bosib i fwy na 18,000 o bobl ifanc barhau mewn addysg ôl-orfodol bob blwyddyn.

However, Dirprwy Lywydd, I understand the concerns that EMA has not increased for some time, and welcome the views that Members have expressed on where we can further improve our commitment to young people. I appreciate that young people are also very much feeling the financial strain of the current cost-of-living crisis. We are continuing to model what impact potential changes might have, including in terms of current and future financial commitments, and we will all want to ensure that any change would be meaningful and impactful as well as affordable. Despite our current serious financial limitations in considering an increase in the rate of EMA, we have expanded the eligible cohort to include some of the most vulnerable young people in Wales. This includes those impacted by Brexit, family members of those with protected immigration status, and young people fleeing the war in Ukraine. The process remains that all young people can apply for EMA at any point in the academic year and, where their family circumstances change, resulting in a drop in income, we encourage young people to apply for EMA with a current-year income assessment. Our schools and colleges work closely with their learners to ensure that they are receiving the support they're entitled to. We have exemptions to means testing for some our most vulnerable young people. Those in care and foster homes, those on certain benefits, those responsible for a child of their own and those in the youth justice system will all receive the weekly allowance without assessment. To further encourage applications and to simplify the process for young people, the Student Loans Company is developing a new system for applications to be made online and for supporting evidence to be uploaded. We anticipate that this will be ready for the academic year 2023-24 applications. The option for completing a paper application will also remain. As a means-tested grant, the application process does require a lot of information. Where a student may feel overwhelmed or discouraged by the application process, I would encourage them to speak to their learning centre who can help them complete the necessary forms and applications. We are not ourselves aware of any delays to processing of EMA applications, but do understand that incomplete applications may lead to a delay, and I'm grateful for the discussion I've had with Luke Fletcher in relation to some of the practical implications of EMA payment and have committed to work on any practical issues that are capable of being resolved. On the other hand, applications received within 13 weeks of the course start date will receive backdated payments to the start of the course, even if the evidence came in late, while applications received after that can still receive payment from the time they submit their applications. Students do need to have their attendance confirmed - as many Members have referred to in the debate - to the Student Loans Company by their course provider in order for payment to be released. But if they have missed a payment, they should speak to their learning centre. With the consent of the student, in addition to this, my officials can also speak to the Student Loans Company FE team to help progress any difficulties or delays with applications. It is important, in the way that Mike Hedges highlighted in his contribution, for young people to discuss their personal circumstances with their course tutor or their provider's EMA co-ordinator. Non-attendance does not always need to result in non-payment. The EMA scheme does permit discretion for those who are unable to maintain a consistent pattern of attendance, perhaps due to caring responsibilities or factors beyond their control, and we have recently issued a fresh reminder to all learning centres to highlight where that discretion can be applied and to ensure that students understand how they can approach them for additional support where needed. Young people in receipt of EMA can also access a range of additional support. Schools and colleges can offer loan ICT equipment and learning resources, removing the need for their EMA to be spent on essential course items. They may also be able to get free or subsidised transport during their course from their local authority. In addition, over £6 million is being provided to further education institutions for the academic year 2022-23 for the financial contingency fund. This aims to ensure that learners across Wales, including those in receipt of EMA, are not inhibited by financial constraints. For example, eligible learners can receive additional money towards course fees, course materials, childcare costs, food, and other study-related items. I'd like to thank Luke Fletcher for the debate and to the Labour and Plaid Cymru Members who have supported the motion and contributed to this important debate. To conclude, as a Government, we continue to respond to the current crisis with wide-reaching programmes of household support that will cushion our young people and their families on low incomes. The Government will support the motion today, recognising the limitations on our room for action but also the merits of a review. Recognising Jayne Bryant's contribution, I will be writing to the committee shortly in terms that I hope the committee will welcome. In the meantime, we will continue to use every single lever available to us to support our young people and ensure that we do all we can to reflect the principle that money should never be a barrier to accessing education.

Fodd bynnag, Ddirprwy Lywydd, rwy'n deall y pryderon nad yw'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg wedi cynyddu ers peth amser, a chroesawaf y farn y mae Aelodau wedi'i mynegi ynghylch lle gallwn wella ein hymrwymiad i bobl ifanc ymhellach. Rwy'n sylweddoli bod pobl ifanc hefyd yn teimlo straen ariannol yr argyfwng costau byw presennol yn fawr iawn. Rydym yn parhau i fodelu pa effaith y gallai newidiadau posibl ei chael, gan gynnwys o ran ymrwymiadau ariannol presennol ac yn y dyfodol, a bydd pob un ohonom yn awyddus i sicrhau y byddai unrhyw newid yn ystyrlon ac yn effeithiol, yn ogystal â fforddiadwy. Er gwaethaf ein cyfyngiadau ariannol difrifol presennol wrth ystyried cynnydd yng nghyfradd y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, rydym wedi ehangu'r garfan gymwys i gynnwys rhai o'r bobl ifanc fwyaf agored i niwed yng Nghymru. Mae hyn yn cynnwys y rhai yr effeithiwyd arnynt gan Brexit, aelodau teuluol y rhai sydd â statws mewnfudo gwarchodedig, a phobl ifanc sy'n ffoi rhag y rhyfel yn Wcráin. Bydd pob person ifanc yn dal i allu gwneud cais am lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ar unrhyw adeg yn y flwyddyn academaidd, a lle mae eu hamgylchiadau teuluol yn newid, gan arwain at ostyngiad mewn incwm, rydym yn annog pobl ifanc i wneud cais am lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg gydag asesiad incwm y flwyddyn gyfredol. Mae ein hysgolion a'n colegau'n gweithio'n agos gyda'u dysgwyr i sicrhau eu bod yn cael y cymorth y mae ganddynt hawl iddo. Mae gennym esemptiadau i brofion modd ar gyfer rhai o'n pobl ifanc mwyaf agored i niwed. Bydd y rheini mewn cartrefi gofal a chartrefi maeth, y rheini ar fudd-daliadau penodol, y rheini sy'n gyfrifol am eu plentyn eu hunain a'r rheini yn y system cyfiawnder ieuenctid oll yn cael y lwfans wythnosol heb asesiad. Er mwyn annog ceisiadau ymhellach ac i symleiddio'r broses ar gyfer pobl ifanc, mae'r Cwmni Benthyciadau i Fyfyrwyr yn datblygu system newydd ar gyfer ceisiadau i'w gwneud ar-lein ac ar gyfer uwchlwytho tystiolaeth ategol. Rydym yn rhagweld y bydd y system hon yn barod ar gyfer ceisiadau blwyddyn academaidd 2023-24. Bydd yr opsiwn ar gyfer cwblhau cais ar bapur hefyd yn parhau. Fel grant ar sail prawf modd, mae angen llawer o wybodaeth ar y broses ymgeisio. Os yw myfyrwyr yn teimlo eu bod wedi'i gorlethu neu'n digalonni oherwydd y broses ymgeisio, byddwn yn eu hannog i siarad â'u canolfan ddysgu gan y gallant eu helpu i lenwi'r ffurflenni a'r ceisiadau angenrheidiol. Nid ydym yn ymwybodol o unrhyw oedi wrth brosesu ceisiadau am y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, ond rydym yn deall y gall ceisiadau anghyflawn arwain at oedi, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar am y drafodaeth a gefais gyda Luke Fletcher mewn perthynas â rhai o oblygiadau ymarferol talu'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ac ymrwymais i weithio ar unrhyw broblemau ymarferol y gellir eu datrys. Ar y llaw arall, bydd ceisiadau a ddaw i law o fewn 13 wythnos i ddyddiad cychwyn y cwrs yn cael taliadau wedi'u hôl-ddyddio i ddechrau'r cwrs, hyd yn oed os cyflwynwyd y dystiolaeth yn hwyr, tra gall ceisiadau a ddaw i law ar ôl hynny barhau i gael taliadau o'r amser y cyflwynant eu ceisiadau. Mae angen i ddarparwr cyrsiau gadarnhau presenoldeb myfyrwyr - fel y nododd llawer o Aelodau yn y ddadl - i'r Cwmni Benthyciadau i Fyfyrwyr er mwyn i'r taliad gael ei ryddhau. Ond os ydynt wedi methu taliad, dylent siarad â'u canolfan ddysgu. Gyda chaniatâd y myfyriwr, yn ogystal â hyn, gall fy swyddogion hefyd siarad â thîm addysg bellach y Cwmni Benthyciadau i Fyfyrwyr i fynd i'r afael ag unrhyw anawsterau neu oedi gyda cheisiadau. Mae'n bwysig, yn y ffordd y nododd Mike Hedges yn ei gyfraniad, fod pobl ifanc yn trafod eu hamgylchiadau personol gyda thiwtor eu cwrs neu gydlynydd lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg eu darparwr. Nid oes angen i absenoldeb arwain at golli taliad bob amser. Mae'r cynllun lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn caniatáu disgresiwn i'r rheini na allant gynnal patrwm presenoldeb cyson, efallai oherwydd cyfrifoldebau gofalu neu ffactorau y tu hwnt i'w rheolaeth, ac yn ddiweddar, rydym wedi cyhoeddi nodyn atgoffa newydd i bob canolfan ddysgu nodi lle gellir defnyddio'r disgresiwn hwnnw, a sicrhau bod myfyrwyr yn deall sut y gallant droi atynt am gymorth ychwanegol pan fo angen. Gall pobl ifanc sy'n cael y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg hefyd gael mynediad at ystod o gymorth ychwanegol. Gall ysgolion a cholegau gynnig offer TGCh ac adnoddau dysgu ar fenthyg, gan ddileu'r angen i wario eu lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg ar eitemau hanfodol ar gyfer eu cwrs. Efallai y byddant hefyd yn gallu cael cludiant am ddim neu gludiant am bris gostyngol yn ystod eu cwrs gan eu hawdurdod lleol. Yn ogystal, mae dros £6 miliwn yn cael ei ddarparu i sefydliadau addysg bellach ym mlwyddyn academaidd 2022-23 ar gyfer y gronfa ariannol wrth gefn. Y nod yw sicrhau nad yw dysgwyr ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys y rheini sy'n cael y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, yn cael eu rhwystro gan gyfyngiadau ariannol. Er enghraifft, gall dysgwyr cymwys gael arian ychwanegol tuag at ffioedd cyrsiau, deunyddiau cyrsiau, costau gofal plant, bwyd, ac eitemau eraill sy'n gysylltiedig ag astudio. Hoffwn ddiolch i Luke Fletcher am y ddadl ac i'r Aelodau Llafur a Phlaid Cymru sydd wedi cefnogi'r cynnig ac wedi cyfrannu at y ddadl bwysig hon. I gloi, fel Llywodraeth, rydym yn parhau i ymateb i'r argyfwng presennol gyda rhaglenni pellgyrhaeddol o gymorth i aelwydydd a fydd yn cefnogi ein pobl ifanc a'u teuluoedd ar incwm isel. Bydd y Llywodraeth yn cefnogi'r cynnig heddiw, gan gydnabod y cyfyngiadau ar ein gallu i weithredu, a rhinweddau adolygiad hefyd. I gydnabod cyfraniad Jayne Bryant, byddaf yn ysgrifennu at y pwyllgor cyn bo hir mewn termau y gobeithiaf y bydd y pwyllgor yn eu croesawu. Yn y cyfamser, byddwn yn parhau i ddefnyddio pob ffordd sydd ar gael i ni i gefnogi ein pobl ifanc a sicrhau ein bod yn gwneud popeth a allwn i adlewyrchu'r egwyddor na ddylai arian byth fod yn rhwystr rhag cael mynediad at addysg.

Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I suppose I've become quite predictable now in terms of what I ask about in the Chamber. I've been reliably informed that I actually talk about EMA in my sleep, much to the annoyance of my wife. But, you know, when we're out in the community, what I'm often asked is, 'What has the Senedd done for us?' EMA is one of the first things I always point to. It was protected by Government, and I would reiterate again how grateful I am, and how a younger version of me was grateful as well for Welsh Government protecting that. Vikki, I think, raised a very important point. Here's the conflict facing low-income students: 'Do I stay in education, or do I go out and earn?' That was a question I asked myself, and had I chosen the latter, I might not be stood here today now, and that probably would have made the lives of a lot of people a lot easier, but nonetheless, it was EMA, I firmly believe, that got me to this point, amongst other support provided by Welsh Government. In terms of the work that's being done by committees, Jayne referenced the work done by the young people and education committee - really, really fantastic and worthwhile work. There was work done by the Finance Committee; Mike referenced that - again, fantastic work. And my own committee, as well, looked at EMA as part of our scrutiny around the young person's guarantee. There seems to be a consensus forming, and that's why I'm quite glad as well that the Government is willing to support this motion, of course with the caveat that there are limitations, and I'll very much look forward to seeing the Minister's response to Jayne's committee around a top-down review. I am incredibly grateful, as well, that we'll continue to work on the practical elements, and I look forward to sharing some of the information that we've had through my office on the survey of students' experiences, and I know that the Minister is committed to seriously working on this. I think Heledd, as well, was really right in what she said. We aren't flooded with casework relating to EMA, but we are dealing with vulnerable people. We talk about getting young people involved in politics, and Mike is right; we need more people from different backgrounds. I've always advocated for getting more working class people involved in politics. Now, what better way would there be to demonstrate that this place is worth getting involved in than by delivering something like EMA that will have a direct impact on especially students from low-income households but also their families? Fundamentally, I am committed to making this happen. I'm committed to working with the Minister. This isn't, for me, any sort of party political debate. This is something that is personal. I am a direct result of EMA, and I hope that all Members in this Chamber will work cross-party and work with myself and the Minister to make increasing the payments and increasing the thresholds a reality, because God knows, a number of low-income students across Wales need that support, now more than ever.

Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Mae'n debyg y gallwch ragweld erbyn hyn beth rwy'n tueddu i ofyn amdano yn y Siambr. Cefais wybod fy mod yn siarad am y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yn fy nghwsg, er mawr ddiflastod i fy ngwraig. Ond wyddoch chi, pan fyddwn allan yn y gymuned, yr hyn a ofynnir i mi'n aml yw, 'Beth mae'r Senedd wedi'i wneud i ni?', a'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg yw un o'r pethau cyntaf rwy'n cyfeirio atynt bob tro. Cafodd ei ddiogelu gan y Llywodraeth, a charwn ailadrodd eto pa mor ddiolchgar rwyf fi, a pha mor ddiolchgar oedd y fersiwn iau ohonof hefyd i Lywodraeth Cymru am ei ddiogelu. Credaf fod Vikki wedi nodi pwynt pwysig iawn. Dyma'r cyfyng-gyngor sy'n wynebu myfyrwyr incwm isel: 'A wyf yn aros mewn addysg, neu a wyf i'n mynd allan i ennill cyflog?' Dyna'r cwestiwn a ofynnais i mi fy hun, a phe bawn wedi mynd am yr ail ddewis, efallai na fyddwn yn sefyll yma heddiw, ac mae'n debyg y byddai hynny wedi gwneud bywydau llawer o bobl yn llawer haws, ond serch hynny, credaf yn gryf mai'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg a'm galluogodd i gyrraedd y pwynt hwn, ynghyd â chymorth arall a ddarparwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Ar y gwaith a wneir gan bwyllgorau, cyfeiriodd Jayne at y gwaith a wneir gan y pwyllgor pobl ifanc ac addysg - gwaith gwirioneddol wych a gwerth chweil. Gwnaed gwaith gan y Pwyllgor Cyllid; cyfeiriodd Mike at hynny - unwaith eto, gwaith gwych. Ac edrychodd fy mhwyllgor fy hun hefyd ar y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg fel rhan o'n gwaith craffu ar y warant i bobl ifanc. Ymddengys bod consensws yn ffurfio, a dyna pam fy mod yn falch iawn hefyd fod y Llywodraeth yn fodlon cefnogi'r cynnig hwn, gyda'r cafeat, wrth gwrs, fod yna gyfyngiadau, ac edrychaf ymlaen yn fawr at weld ymateb y Gweinidog i bwyllgor Jayne ynghylch adolygiad o'r brig i lawr. Rwy'n hynod ddiolchgar hefyd y byddwn yn parhau i weithio ar yr elfennau ymarferol, ac edrychaf ymlaen at rannu rhywfaint o'r wybodaeth rydym wedi'i chael drwy fy swyddfa ar yr arolwg o brofiadau myfyrwyr, a gwn fod y Gweinidog wedi ymrwymo i weithio o ddifrif ar hyn. Credaf fod Heledd, hefyd, yn llygad ei lle yn yr hyn a ddywedodd. Nid ydym yn cael ein gorlethu â gwaith achos sy'n ymwneud â'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, ond rydym yn ymdrin â phobl agored i niwed. Rydym yn sôn am annog pobl ifanc i gymryd rhan mewn gwleidyddiaeth, ac mae Mike yn iawn; mae arnom angen mwy o bobl o gefndiroedd gwahanol. Rwyf bob amser wedi dadlau dros gael mwy o bobl ddosbarth gweithiol i ymwneud â gwleidyddiaeth. Nawr, pa ffordd well o ddangos bod y lle hwn yn werth ymwneud ag ef na thrwy ddarparu rhywbeth fel lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg a fydd yn cael effaith uniongyrchol ar fyfyrwyr o gartrefi incwm isel yn enwedig, ond hefyd ar eu teuluoedd? Rwy'n gwbl ymrwymedig i wneud i hyn ddigwydd. Rwyf wedi ymrwymo i weithio gyda'r Gweinidog. Nid yw hon, i mi, yn unrhyw fath o ddadl bleidiol wleidyddol. Mae hyn yn rhywbeth personol. Rwy'n ganlyniad uniongyrchol i'r lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd yr holl Aelodau yn y Siambr hon yn gweithio'n drawsbleidiol ac yn gweithio gyda mi a'r Gweinidog i gynyddu'r taliadau a chynyddu'r trothwyon, oherwydd Duw a ŵyr, mae angen y cymorth hwnnw ar nifer o fyfyrwyr incwm isel ledled Cymru, nawr yn fwy nag erioed.

The proposal is to agree the motion. Does any Member object? [ Objection.] Yes. Yes, I hear objection, and therefore I defer voting on this item until voting time.

Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [ Gwrthwynebiad.] Oes. Oes, felly, gohiriaf y bleidlais ar y cynnig tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.

Item 6 this afternoon is the first Welsh Conservatives debate - the invasion of Ukraine and supporting Ukrainian refugees. I call on Mark Isherwood to move the motion.

Eitem 6 y prynhawn yma yw dadl gyntaf y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig - yr ymosodiad ar Wcráin a chefnogi ffoaduriaid o Wcráin. Galwaf ar Mark Isherwood i wneud y cynnig.

Diolch. I'm pleased to move this motion. The twenty-fourth of February 2023 marks the first anniversary of Vladimir Putin's illegal and barbaric invasion of its smaller sovereign neighbour, Ukraine. But this smaller neighbour has the heart of a lion and has roared back, although the impact of ongoing attacks by Russia has been felt hard by the Ukrainian people. All civilised peoples will be horrified that Putin is planning to celebrate this gruesome anniversary by launching another brutal and inhumane offensive. If only the civilised people of Russia could see and hear what horrors Putin and his cronies are perpetrating in their name, as he falsifies the narrative and silences the debate in that great country.

Diolch. Rwy'n falch o wneud y cynnig hwn. Mae'r pedwerydd ar hugain o Chwefror 2023 yn nodi blwyddyn ers ymosodiad anghyfreithlon a barbaraidd Vladimir Putin ar ei gymydog sofran llai o faint, Wcráin. Ond mae gan y cymydog llai hwn galon llew, ac mae wedi rhuo'n ôl, er bod pobl Wcráin wedi teimlo effaith ymosodiadau parhaus gan Rwsia i'r byw. Bydd pob unigolyn gwaraidd yn arswydo bod Putin yn bwriadu dathlu'r achlysur erchyll hwn drwy lansio ymosodiad creulon ac annynol arall. Pe bai pobl waraidd Rwsia ond yn gallu gweld a chlywed yr erchyllterau y mae Putin a'i gyfeillion yn eu cyflawni yn eu henw, wrth iddo ffugio'r naratif a thawelu'r ddadl yn y wlad fawr honno.

According to the latest estimates from Norway, the conflict has wounded or killed 180,000 Russian soldiers and 100,000 Ukrainian troops. Other western sources estimate that the war has caused 150,000 casualties on each side. In late January, the United Nations estimated that 18,000 civilians had been killed or wounded in the fighting, but said the real figure was likely much higher, with western sources stating that 30,000 to 40,000 civilians had lost their lives in the conflict. Ukrainian authorities say at least 400 children have been killed. Kyiv also alleges that Moscow has forcibly deported more than 16,000 children to Russia or areas controlled by Moscow-backed separatists. According to the UN Refugee Agency, more than 8 million Ukrainians have been forced to flee Ukraine since the war broke out - the largest refugee crisis in Europe since the second world war. Neighbouring Poland hosts the largest share of these refugees, with more than 1.5 million of them. More than 5 million people have been displaced inside the country. Landmines are a threat to civilians, and experts warn that de-mining could take decades. According to the European Union's justice commissioner, around 65,000 suspected war crimes have been reported throughout the war. UN investigators have accused Russia of committing war crimes on a massive scale in Ukraine, including bombings, executions, torture and sexual violence. According to the commander in chief of Ukraine's armed forces, the active front line north to south runs along 900 miles of territory. The World Bank, in October, said it expected Ukraine's economy to contract by 35 per cent in 2022, and the Kyiv school of economics stated in November that the war has caused more than £34 billion in economic losses in the agricultural sector, and in January it estimated that it would cost £138 billion to replace all the infrastructure ravaged by this war. President Zelenskyy's visit to the UK last week was a testament to his country's courage, determination and fight, and to the unbreakable friendship between Ukraine and the UK and its nations. Those who have studied events in the 1930s know that we cannot let Putin succeed. As Churchill said, 'An appeaser is one who feeds a crocodile, hoping it will eat him last.' Since 2014, the UK has provided vital training to Ukrainian forces and is now expanding this from soldiers to marines and fighter jet pilots. Ukrainian troops are already being trained in the use of Challenger 2 tanks, which are expected to be sent to Ukraine next month. The UK Government has also announced new sanctions for those who've helped Putin build his wealth and firms that have profited from the war. The UK led the way by donating a squadron of 14 Challenger 2 battle tanks, with armoured recovery and repair vehicles, encouraging the US, Germany and other European allies to send tanks as well, helping Ukraine as it battles to repel and expel Russian forces and Wagner group mercenaries. As the UK steps up support for Ukraine's battle for liberation, it is donating hundreds more armoured and protected vehicles, including Bulldog vehicles, 24 AS90 Howitzer guns, dozens more unmanned aerial drones, hundreds of sophisticated missiles, 100,000 artillery rounds and a £28 million package to help with bridging and mine clearing, alongside other support.

Yn ôl yr amcangyfrifon diweddaraf o Norwy, mae'r gwrthdaro wedi achosi anafiadau neu farwolaethau 180,000 o filwyr Rwsia a 100,000 o filwyr Wcráin. Mae ffynonellau gorllewinol eraill yn amcangyfrif bod y rhyfel wedi achosi 150,000 o golledion ar y ddwy ochr. Ddiwedd mis Ionawr, amcangyfrifodd y Cenhedloedd Unedig fod 18,000 o sifiliaid wedi'u lladd neu eu hanafu yn yr ymladd, ond dywedasant fod y ffigur go iawn yn debygol o fod yn llawer uwch, gyda ffynonellau gorllewinol yn nodi bod 30,000 i 40,000 o sifiliaid wedi marw yn y gwrthdaro. Dywed awdurdodau Wcráin fod o leiaf 400 o blant wedi cael eu lladd. Mae Kyiv hefyd yn honni bod Moscow wedi alltudio mwy na 16,000 o blant yn orfodol i Rwsia neu ardaloedd a reolir gan ymwahanwyr a gefnogir gan Moscow. Yn ôl Asiantaeth Ffoaduriaid y Cenhedloedd Unedig, mae mwy nag 8 miliwn o bobl Wcráin wedi cael eu gorfodi i ffoi o Wcráin ers i'r rhyfel ddechrau - yr argyfwng ffoaduriaid mwyaf yn Ewrop ers yr ail ryfel byd. Mae'r gyfran fwyaf o'r ffoaduriaid hyn yng Ngwlad Pwyl, gyda mwy nag 1.5 miliwn ohonynt yn y wlad honno. Mae mwy na 5 miliwn o bobl wedi'u dadleoli o fewn i'r wlad ei hun. Mae ffrwydron tir yn fygythiad i sifiliaid, ac mae arbenigwyr yn rhybuddio y gallai'r gwaith o gael gwared ar y ffrwydron tir gymryd degawdau. Yn ôl comisiynydd cyfiawnder yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, mae oddeutu 65,000 o honiadau o droseddau rhyfel wedi cael eu hadrodd drwy gydol y rhyfel. Mae ymchwilwyr y Cenhedloedd Unedig wedi cyhuddo Rwsia o gyflawni troseddau rhyfel ar raddfa enfawr yn Wcráin, gan gynnwys bomio, dienyddio, artaith a thrais rhywiol. Yn ôl pennaeth lluoedd arfog Wcráin, mae'r rheng flaen weithredol o'r gogledd i'r de yn ymestyn dros 900 milltir o diriogaeth. Dywedodd Banc y Byd, ym mis Hydref, ei fod yn disgwyl i economi Wcráin grebachu 35 y cant yn 2022, a dywedodd ysgol economeg Kyiv ym mis Tachwedd fod y rhyfel wedi achosi mwy na £34 biliwn mewn colledion economaidd yn y sector amaethyddol, ac ym mis Ionawr, amcangyfrifwyd y byddai'n costio £138 biliwn i adnewyddu'r holl seilwaith a anrheithiwyd gan y rhyfel hwn. Roedd ymweliad yr Arlywydd Zelenskyy â'r DU yr wythnos ddiwethaf yn dyst i ddewrder, penderfynoldeb ac ysbryd ei wlad, ac i'r cyfeillgarwch cadarn rhwng Wcráin a'r DU a'i gwledydd. Mae'r rheini sydd wedi astudio digwyddiadau yn y 1930au yn gwybod na allwn adael i Putin lwyddo. Fel y dywedodd Churchill, 'Dyhuddwr yw un sy'n bwydo crocodeil, gan obeithio y bydd yn ei fwyta ef yn olaf.' Ers 2014, mae'r DU wedi darparu hyfforddiant hanfodol i luoedd Wcráin ac mae bellach yn ehangu hyn o filwyr i fôr-filwyr a pheilotiaid jetiau ymladd. Mae milwyr o Wcráin eisoes yn cael eu hyfforddi i ddefnyddio tanciau Challenger 2, y disgwylir iddynt gael eu hanfon i Wcráin fis nesaf. Mae Llywodraeth y DU hefyd wedi cyhoeddi sancsiynau newydd ar gyfer y rheini sydd wedi helpu Putin i adeiladu ei gyfoeth a chwmnïau sydd wedi elwa o'r rhyfel. Arweiniodd y DU y ffordd drwy roi sgwadron o 14 o danciau brwydro Challenger 2, gyda cherbydau adfer ac atgyweirio arfog, gan annog yr Unol Daleithiau, yr Almaen a chynghreiriaid Ewropeaidd eraill i anfon tanciau hefyd, i helpu Wcráin wrth iddynt frwydro i wthio lluoedd Rwsia a milwyr cyflog grŵp Wagner yn ôl. Wrth i'r DU gynyddu'r cymorth i frwydr Wcráin am ei rhyddid, mae'n rhoi cannoedd yn rhagor o gerbydau arfog a cherbydau amddiffyn, gan gynnwys cerbydau Bulldog, 24 o ynnau Howitzer AS90, dwsinau yn rhagor o ddronau awyr di-griw, cannoedd o daflegrau soffistigedig, 100,000 o rowndiau gynnau mawr a phecyn £28 miliwn i helpu gyda'r gwaith pontio a chael gwared ar ffrwydron tir, ynghyd â chymorth arall.

The UK will deliver £2.3 billion or more of military support for Ukraine's campaign against Russian aggression this year, the same or more than last year, when the UK sent more than 10,800 anti-tank missiles, five air defence systems, 120 armoured vehicles, ammunition, drones and more. Over 1,320 individuals and entities have been sanctioned, and £275 billion-worth of assets frozen, hitting the Russian economy, hobbling Russia's military-industrial complex, and punishing Putin and allies, including 120 oligarchs worth over £140 billion combined. Two hundred and seventeen thousand nine hundred visas have been issued to help Ukrainians come to the UK. On 7 February, this comprised 152,100 issued as part of the Homes for Ukraine scheme and 65,800 issued through the Ukraine family scheme. The UK has also provided £1.5 billion of economic and humanitarian support to help the Ukrainian people, with £1.3 billion to help keep Ukrainian public services running, and around £220 million in humanitarian aid for basic necessities. The latest UK Government figures at 7 February showed that 8,762 visas have been granted to people from Ukraine who have sponsors in Wales, and that 6,437 Ukrainians had arrived in Wales, 53 per cent supported by the Welsh Government and the remainder by Welsh households. There have been additional arrivals under the Ukraine family scheme. The Welsh Government set up its supersponsor scheme to provide accommodation support and care in Wales to 1,000 people from Ukraine. It also removed the need for applicants to be matched to a named person before they're cleared to travel to the UK through the visa system. However, the scheme was temporarily paused to new applications on 10 June last year. The Welsh Government stated that this would allow time for arrangements to be made for the next stage of accommodation, and that all applications made before 10 June 2022 would be processed. It therefore remains unclear how many of the 4,614 issued visas sponsored by the Welsh Government applies to applications made before 10 June 2022, and how many to a supersponsor scheme reopened after the Welsh Government considered that it had made arrangements for the next stage of accommodation. In her humanitarian response statement yesterday, the social justice Minister said that over 1,300 of those Welsh Government has sponsored have now moved into longer term accommodation. In this context, I'll also repeat what I stated when responding to the Minister's statement yesterday: 'It is reported that many Ukrainian refugees in Wales have spoken to the media about the difficulties that many of them are having finding and maintaining housing accommodation. For example, Ukrainian refugees who've had to leave their sponsor homes have been told that welcome centres aren't an option for safe accommodation, and landlords appear reluctant to take on refugee tenants due to concerns over stability of future earnings.' Responding to the Minister three weeks ago, I also referred to the case of the mother and daughter who fled fighting in Ukraine but now face homelessness as their Welsh sponsor pulls out, who cannot afford private rent and who fear they could end up on the streets. I further noted that the Irish Government has announced that it would be delivering 700 modular homes for Ukrainian refugees this year, including 200 accommodating 800 Ukrainian refugees, built by Easter. From 2003, I campaigned with the housing sector, warning the Welsh Government that Wales faced an affordable housing supply crisis unless urgent action was taken. Regrettably, they ignored us, causing the affordable housing supply crisis in Wales today. The Welsh Government should therefore be considering this option, the option of modular housing, when it receives its share of the UK Government's new £150 million fund for Ukrainian housing support. In this context, the humanitarian corridor work of Wrexham's Polish integration support centre, following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, includes proposals for the construction of temporary housing. Further, the focus of Berwyn prison in Wrexham on rehabilitation through work includes the production of eco-friendly modular housing. The Welsh Government's Ukrainian humanitarian response has, to a large extent, been dependent upon engagement with third sector organisations, including Link International, bringing together community and faith groups and third sector organisations, working with north Wales local authorities, in collaboration with other statutory agencies and the Welsh Government; Wrexham's Polish integration support centre, supporting Ukrainian children, older people, disabled people and soldiers; the Red Cross, supporting and housing the families of the pupils that Laura Anne Jones and I met in Denbighshire last Friday; Rotary clubs that have donated over £6 million in cash and kind and given more than 100,000 volunteer hours supporting Ukraine and its people over the last 12 months; the response to the invasion of Ukraine by the Catholic Bishops Conference for England and Wales; and many, many more. We must collectively thank the people of Wales for their kindness, generosity and determination to support our Ukrainian friends. The military, financial and humanitarian aid provided to Ukraine by both the UK and Welsh Governments has been vital in supporting the fight against tyranny. But we can't become complacent now. I therefore call on all Members to support this motion, which calls on the Welsh Government to publish a long-term plan to support Ukrainian refugees in Wales, ensuring Wales can truly be a nation of sanctuary. Diolch yn fawr.

Bydd y DU yn darparu £2.3 biliwn neu fwy o gymorth milwrol i ymgyrch Wcráin yn erbyn ymosodiadau Rwsia eleni, cymaint â'r llynedd neu fwy, pan anfonodd y DU fwy na 10,800 o daflegrau gwrth-danc, pum system amddiffyn awyr, 120 o gerbydau arfog, bwledi, dronau a mwy. Mae sancsiynau wedi'u gosod ar dros 1,320 o unigolion ac endidau, a gwerth £275 biliwn o asedau wedi'u rhewi, gan daro economi Rwsia, cloffi strwythur milwrol ddiwydiannol Rwsia, a chosbi Putin a'i gynghreiriaid, gan gynnwys 120 o oligarchiaid sydd gyda'i gilydd yn werth dros £140 biliwn. Mae 217,900 o fisâu wedi'u rhoi i helpu pobl o Wcráin ddod i'r DU. Ar 7 Chwefror, roedd hyn yn cynnwys 152,100 fisa a roddwyd fel rhan o gynllun Cartrefi i Wcráin, a 65,800 a gyhoeddwyd drwy'r cynllun teuluoedd o Wcráin. Mae'r DU hefyd wedi darparu £1.5 biliwn o gymorth economaidd a dyngarol i helpu pobl Wcráin, gyda £1.3 biliwn i helpu i gynnal gwasanaethau cyhoeddus Wcráin, ac oddeutu £220 miliwn mewn cymorth dyngarol ar gyfer angenrheidiau sylfaenol. Roedd ffigurau diweddaraf Llywodraeth y DU ar 7 Chwefror yn dangos bod 8,762 o fisâu wedi'u rhoi i bobl o Wcráin sydd â noddwyr yng Nghymru, a bod 6,437 o bobl Wcráin wedi cyrraedd Cymru, 53 y cant wedi'u cefnogi gan Lywodraeth Cymru a'r gweddill gan aelwydydd yng Nghymru. Mae rhagor o bobl wedi cyrraedd o dan y cynllun teuluoedd o Wcráin. Sefydlodd Llywodraeth Cymru ei chynllun uwch-noddwyr i ddarparu cymorth llety a gofal yng Nghymru i 1,000 o bobl o Wcráin. Cafodd wared ar yr angen hefyd i ymgeiswyr gael eu paru ag unigolyn penodol cyn iddynt gael caniatâd i deithio i'r DU drwy'r system fisâu. Fodd bynnag, cafodd y cynllun ei oedi dros dro i geisiadau newydd ar 10 Mehefin y llynedd. Dywedodd Llywodraeth Cymru y byddai hyn yn rhoi amser i wneud trefniadau ar gyfer cam nesaf y llety, ac y byddai pob cais a wnaed cyn 10 Mehefin 2022 yn cael ei brosesu. Mae'n dal yn aneglur felly faint o'r 4,614 o fisâu a noddwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru sy'n gysylltiedig â cheisiadau a wnaed cyn 10 Mehefin 2022, a faint sy'n gysylltiedig â chynllun uwch-noddwyr a ailagorwyd ar ôl i Lywodraeth Cymru ystyried ei bod wedi gwneud trefniadau ar gyfer cam nesaf y llety. Yn ei datganiad ar yr ymateb dyngarol ddoe, dywedodd y Gweinidog cyfiawnder cymdeithasol fod dros 1,300 o'r rheini y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u noddi bellach wedi symud i lety mwy hirdymor. Yn y cyd-destun hwn, rwyf am ailadrodd yr hyn a ddywedais wrth ymateb i ddatganiad y Gweinidog ddoe: 'Adroddir bod nifer o ffoaduriaid o Wcráin yng Nghymru wedi siarad â'r cyfryngau am yr anawsterau y mae nifer ohonyn nhw'n eu cael yn dod o hyd i lety a'i gadw. Er enghraifft, dywedwyd wrth ffoaduriaid o Wcráin y bu'n rhaid iddyn nhw adael eu cartrefi nawdd nad yw canolfannau croeso yn opsiwn ar gyfer llety diogel, ac mae'n ymddangos bod landlordiaid yn amharod i dderbyn tenantiaid sy'n ffoaduriaid oherwydd pryderon ynghylch sefydlogrwydd enillion yn y dyfodol.' Wrth ymateb i'r Gweinidog dair wythnos yn ôl, cyfeiriais hefyd at achos y fam a'r ferch a ffodd rhag yr ymladd yn Wcráin ond sydd bellach yn wynebu digartrefedd wrth i'w noddwr yng Nghymru dynnu'n ôl, ac nad ydynt yn gallu fforddio rhent preifat a'u bod yn ofni y gallai fod rhaid iddynt fyw ar y stryd. Sylwais ymhellach fod Llywodraeth Iwerddon wedi cyhoeddi y byddai'n darparu 700 o gartrefi modiwlar ar gyfer ffoaduriaid o Wcráin eleni, gan gynnwys 200 ohonynt i letya 800 o ffoaduriaid o Wcráin, i'w hadeiladu erbyn y Pasg. Ers 2003, rwyf wedi bod yn ymgyrchu gyda'r sector tai, gan rybuddio Llywodraeth Cymru fod Cymru'n wynebu argyfwng cyflenwad tai fforddiadwy oni bai bod camau brys yn cael eu cymryd. Yn anffodus, fe wnaethant ein hanwybyddu, gan achosi'r argyfwng cyflenwad tai fforddiadwy yng Nghymru heddiw. Dylai Llywodraeth Cymru ystyried yr opsiwn hwn felly, sef opsiwn tai modiwlar, pan fydd yn cael ei chyfran o gronfa newydd Llywodraeth y DU o £150 miliwn ar gyfer cymorth tai i bobl Wcráin. Yn y cyd-destun hwn, mae gwaith canolfan gymorth integreiddio Pwylaidd Wrecsam ar goridor dyngarol, yn dilyn ymosodiad Rwsia ar Wcráin, yn cynnwys cynigion ar gyfer adeiladu tai dros dro. Ymhellach, mae ffocws carchar Berwyn yn Wrecsam ar adsefydlu drwy waith yn cynnwys cynhyrchu tai modiwlar ecogyfeillgar. Mae ymateb dyngarol Llywodraeth Cymru i'r sefyllfa yn Wcráin wedi dibynnu i raddau helaeth ar ymgysylltu â sefydliadau'r trydydd sector, gan gynnwys Link International, sy'n dod â grwpiau cymunedol a ffydd a sefydliadau'r trydydd sector ynghyd, gan weithio gydag awdurdodau lleol yng ngogledd Cymru, mewn cydweithrediad ag asiantaethau statudol eraill a Llywodraeth Cymru; canolfan gymorth integreiddio Pwylaidd Wrecsam, sy'n cefnogi plant o Wcráin, pobl hŷn, pobl anabl a milwyr; y Groes Goch, sy'n cefnogi ac yn rhoi cartrefi i deuluoedd y disgyblion y cyfarfu Laura Anne Jones a minnau â hwy yn sir Ddinbych ddydd Gwener diwethaf; clybiau Rotari sydd wedi rhoi dros £6 miliwn mewn arian parod ac mewn nwyddau ac wedi rhoi mwy na 100,000 o oriau gwirfoddol i gefnogi Wcráin a'i phobl dros y 12 mis diwethaf; yr ymateb i'r ymosodiad ar Wcráin gan Gynhadledd Esgobion Catholig Cymru a Lloegr; a llawer iawn mwy. Mae'n rhaid inni ddiolch ar y cyd i bobl Cymru am eu caredigrwydd, eu haelioni a'u penderfynoldeb i gefnogi ein ffrindiau yn Wcráin. Mae'r cymorth milwrol, ariannol a dyngarol a ddarparwyd i Wcráin gan Lywodraethau'r DU a Chymru wedi bod yn hanfodol i gefnogi'r frwydr yn erbyn gormes. Ond ni allwn fod yn hunanfodlon nawr. Galwaf felly ar bob Aelod i gefnogi'r cynnig hwn, sy'n galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gyhoeddi cynllun hirdymor i gefnogi ffoaduriaid o Wcráin yng Nghymru, i sicrhau y gall Cymru fod yn genedl noddfa go iawn. Diolch yn fawr.

I thank the Conservative party for tabling this debate; it's very timely, of course, because next week we will be marking the first anniversary of this invasion. I think, at a time when people seek to create divisions in politics, it's good to have the opportunity to come together as well. I was listening to Mark Isherwood opening the debate, and I noticed there were two words he used that are peppered in my speech as well, in my notes here: the first is 'brutality' and the second is 'generosity'. When you see an international event such as the invasion of Ukraine, you see brutality at its most raw, and we saw this time last year the build-up of forces around Ukraine and the lies of Putin in claiming that they weren't planning an invasion of that country. Since then, we've certainly seen the commissioning of war crimes by Vladimir Putin, and he needs to be held to account for the actions of his soldiers over this last year. But we've also seen him practise brutal repression in his own country, in Russia. I read yesterday of the story of a student who had mentioned on her Instagram that she opposed the war in Ukraine. She wears an electronic tag and is facing years of imprisonment, simply for saying that she opposes the Government on Instagram. It's a brutality that is being visited on Ukraine, but it's also a brutality that has been visited on the people of Russia. We need to be able to say together as a Parliament that we will stand against this brutality, and that we will stand with the generosity of people across Wales and across the international community who have supported the people of Ukraine, who have reached out to the people of Ukraine. Myself and the Counsel General, Mick Antoniw, who has led in an extraordinary, emotional way a response in Wales to this invasion, we stood at the border on the way to Lviv in December, and we stood there for three hours amongst other vehicles full of aid being given by people in other countries to the people of Ukraine. We saw human generosity, human commitment and human solidarity in those trucks and vans and cars, in that snow, waiting to cross the border to give to the people of Ukraine everything that they'd been able to collect in their home countries - generosity in action, generosity of spirit and a generosity of commitment and solidarity. Our minds move, at the moment, to next week's anniversary, and we see again the troops being mobilised on the borders of Ukraine, and we see again that Putin is determined to crush the spirit of the people of Ukraine. So, we will say again that we will stand with the people of Ukraine, and we will say again that we will continue to act in a spirit of solidarity to ensure that the people of Ukraine receive the support that they require, not only to withstand the invasion and the cruelty and the brutality, but also to then rebuild their country afterwards. We've seen, in my time, trying here to help support the people of Ukraine - . We saw what that meant for people in Lviv in December. Tomorrow, we will leave here again to travel to Kyiv next week with more aid, more support. Members on all sides of this Chamber, in all parties represented in this Parliament, have worked together in order to provide the support that is required to deliver that aid and that commitment to the people of Ukraine. And that is a testament, I think, to the power of a parliamentary democracy. We have seen also the importance of the structures of our security, our defence and of our economic prosperity in the west tested as never before. It was important this week to see NATO leaders meeting and recommitting to ensuring that the Ukrainian army has the munitions that it requires to defend its territory. And we need to say in the plan - which I accept the Conservatives have asked for, and I would like to see it as well - that we will support the Welsh defence industry in sustaining the munitions production that is required in order to defend the people of Ukraine. We will continue to argue for the vehicles, the tanks and the weaponry that is required to defend the people of Ukraine. Warm words matter for nothing when you are fighting a dictator. What we need to be able to do is ensure that Ukraine has the bullets and the shells and the munitions to defend its territory as well. Bringing my remarks to a close, Deputy Presiding Officer, war impacts people. It impacts human beings. The images that we saw over the last year on our tv screens have been truly heartbreaking. Mothers and fathers crying over their children. Children crying over their fathers and mothers. Myself and the Counsel General witnessed last December a child saying goodbye to a father in uniform, standing at the bus stop in Lviv in the early morning darkness, in tears, saying goodbye. Images that we have seen before, but images that we saw in black and white, and not images that we expected to see in the harsh technicolour of the twenty-first century. Many of us have spent a lifetime campaigning for peace on this continent, and have witnessed the reality of genocide on this continent in our lifetimes. The lesson that we must learn from Ukraine is that we provide all the support necessary to defend Ukraine, its people, its population. We help and work with Ukraine to rebuild the country afterwards. And then, we hold to account, in international tribunals, the people who have practised this brutality and this war. They then have to accept responsibility for the lives that they have broken and the damage that they have done to Ukraine and our European homeland. Thank you.

Diolch i'r blaid Geidwadol am gyflwyno'r ddadl hon; mae'n amserol iawn, wrth gwrs, oherwydd yr wythnos nesaf, byddwn yn nodi blwyddyn ers cychwyn yr ymosodiad hwn. Ar adeg pan fo pobl yn ceisio creu rhaniadau mewn gwleidyddiaeth, credaf ei bod yn dda cael cyfle i ddod at ein gilydd hefyd. Roeddwn yn gwrando ar Mark Isherwood yn agor y ddadl, a sylwais fod dau air a ddefnyddiodd yn britho fy araith innau hefyd, yn fy nodiadau yma: y cyntaf yw 'creulondeb' a'r ail yw 'haelioni'. Pan welwch ddigwyddiad rhyngwladol fel yr ymosodiad ar Wcráin, rydych yn gweld creulondeb ar ei ffurf fwyaf amrwd, a'r adeg hon y llynedd, gwelsom y lluoedd yn cronni o amgylch Wcráin a chelwyddau Putin wrth iddo honni nad oeddent yn cynllunio i ymosod ar y wlad honno. Ers hynny, rydym yn sicr wedi gweld Vladimir Putin yn comisiynu troseddau rhyfel, ac mae angen iddo gael ei ddwyn i gyfrif am weithredoedd ei filwyr dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf hon. Ond rydym hefyd wedi'i weld ei ormes creulon ar ei wlad ei hun, yn Rwsia. Darllenais ddoe am stori myfyriwr a oedd wedi sôn ar ei chyfrif Instagram ei bod yn gwrthwynebu'r rhyfel yn Wcráin. Mae hi'n gwisgo tag electronig ac yn wynebu blynyddoedd o garchar, dim ond am ddweud ei bod yn gwrthwynebu'r Llywodraeth ar Instagram. Mae'n greulondeb tuag at Wcráin, ond mae hefyd yn greulondeb tuag at bobl Rwsia. Mae angen inni allu dweud gyda'n gilydd fel Senedd y byddwn yn sefyll yn erbyn y creulondeb hwn, ac y byddwn yn cydsefyll gyda haelioni pobl ledled Cymru ac ar draws y gymuned ryngwladol sydd wedi cefnogi pobl Wcráin, ac sydd wedi estyn llaw i bobl Wcráin. Fe fu'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol, Mick Antoniw, sydd wedi arwain ymateb yng Nghymru i'r ymosodiad hwn mewn ffordd anhygoel ac emosiynol, a minnau'n sefyll ar y ffin ar y ffordd i Lviv ym mis Rhagfyr, ac fe wnaethom sefyll yno am dair awr ymhlith cerbydau eraill yn llawn o gymorth a roddwyd gan bobl o wledydd eraill i bobl Wcráin. Gwelsom haelioni dynol, ymrwymiad dynol ac undod dynol yn y tryciau a'r faniau a'r ceir hynny, yn yr eira, yn aros i groesi'r ffin i roi popeth roeddent wedi gallu ei gasglu yn eu gwledydd eu hunain i bobl Wcráin - haelioni gweithredol, haelioni o ran ysbryd a haelioni o ran ymrwymiad ac undod. Rydym yn meddwl nawr am yr wythnos nesaf, sy'n nodi blwyddyn ers cychwyn yr ymosodiad, a gwelwn unwaith eto y milwyr yn cael eu cynnull ar ffiniau Wcráin, a gwelwn eto fod Putin yn benderfynol o chwalu ysbryd pobl Wcráin. Felly, fe ddywedwn eto y byddwn yn cydsefyll gyda phobl Wcráin, a dywedwn eto y byddwn yn parhau i weithredu mewn ysbryd o undod i sicrhau bod pobl Wcráin yn cael y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt, nid yn unig i wrthsefyll yr ymosodiad a'r creulondeb, ond hefyd i ailadeiladu eu gwlad wedyn. Rydym wedi gweld, yn fy amser i yma yn ceisio helpu i gefnogi pobl Wcráin - . Gwelsom beth oedd hynny'n ei olygu i bobl yn Lviv ym mis Rhagfyr. Yfory, byddwn yn gadael eto i deithio i Kyiv yr wythnos nesaf gyda mwy o gymorth, mwy o gefnogaeth. Mae Aelodau ar bob ochr i'r Siambr hon, o bob plaid a gynrychiolir yn y Senedd hon, wedi gweithio gyda'i gilydd er mwyn darparu'r cymorth sydd ei angen i ddarparu'r gefnogaeth honno a'r ymrwymiad hwnnw i bobl Wcráin. Ac mae hynny'n dyst, yn fy marn i, i rym democratiaeth seneddol. Rydym hefyd wedi gweld pwysigrwydd ein strwythurau diogelwch, ein strwythurau amddiffyn a'n ffyniant economaidd yn y gorllewin yn cael eu profi fel erioed o'r blaen. Yr wythnos hon, roedd yn bwysig gweld arweinwyr NATO yn cyfarfod ac yn ailymrwymo i sicrhau bod gan fyddin Wcráin yr arfau rhyfel sydd eu hangen arnynt i amddiffyn eu tiriogaeth. Ac mae angen inni ddweud yn y cynllun - ac rwy'n derbyn bod y Ceidwadwyr wedi gofyn amdano, a hoffwn innau ei weld hefyd - y byddwn yn cefnogi diwydiant amddiffyn Cymru i gynnal y gwaith o gynhyrchu'r arfau rhyfel y mae gofyn amdanynt er mwyn amddiffyn pobl Wcráin. Byddwn yn parhau i ddadlau dros y cerbydau, y tanciau a'r arfau sydd eu hangen i amddiffyn pobl Wcráin. Nid yw geiriau cynnes yn dda i ddim pan fyddwch yn ymladd yn erbyn unben. Yr hyn sydd angen inni allu ei wneud yw sicrhau bod gan Wcráin y bwledi a'r ffrwydron a'r arfau rhyfel i amddiffyn eu tiriogaeth hefyd. I gloi, Ddirprwy Lywydd, mae rhyfel yn effeithio ar bobl. Mae'n effeithio ar fodau dynol. Mae'r lluniau a welsom dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf ar ein sgriniau teledu wedi bod yn wirioneddol dorcalonnus. Mamau a thadau'n crio dros eu plant. Plant yn crio dros eu tadau a'u mamau. Fis Rhagfyr diwethaf, gwelais i a'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol blentyn yn ffarwelio â thad mewn iwnifform, yn sefyll wrth y safle bws yn Lviv yn nhywyllwch ben bore, mewn dagrau, yn ffarwelio. Lluniau rydym wedi'u gweld o'r blaen, ond lluniau a welsom mewn du a gwyn, ac nid lluniau roeddem yn disgwyl eu gweld yn lliwiau llachar yr unfed ganrif ar hugain. Mae llawer ohonom wedi treulio oes yn ymgyrchu dros heddwch ar y cyfandir hwn, ac wedi bod yn dyst i realiti hil-laddiad ar y cyfandir hwn yn ystod ein hoes. Y wers y mae'n rhaid inni ei dysgu o Wcráin yw ein bod yn darparu'r holl gymorth sy'n angenrheidiol i amddiffyn Wcráin, ei phobl, ei phoblogaeth. Rydym yn helpu ac yn gweithio gyda Wcráin i ailadeiladu'r wlad wedyn. Ac yna, rydym yn dwyn i gyfrif, mewn tribiwnlysoedd rhyngwladol, y bobl sydd wedi creu'r creulondeb a'r rhyfel hwn. Yna, mae'n rhaid iddynt dderbyn cyfrifoldeb am y bywydau y maent wedi'u chwalu a'r difrod y maent wedi'i wneud i Wcráin a'n Hewrop ni. Diolch.

First off, I would like to reiterate and endorse the words that have already been spoken, and I would like to put on record our thanks, as Members here in the Senedd, to those of you who have been over to see at first hand the need over there. I think that it's fair to say that the brutality of this horrendous war is borne most painfully of the backs of those defending their homeland, the civilian population and many, many women and children. Many will have been too young to even understand why their lives have been suddenly and brutally uprooted. The warmth and generosity, however, of communities right across the United Kingdom has shown us at our best. Even in my own constituency, across Aberconwy, local people were very quick to want to offer their hand of support, their homes as a roof over the heads of those fleeing Putin's appalling war in Ukraine. They showed that kindness and warmth - the same kindness and warmth that has always been part of the British spirit. However, there are still some issues with the day-to-day settlement and the integration schemes, and it's those that I would like to speak about today, as the shadow Minister for housing, because these accommodation issues do worry me. Many Ukrainian refugees have spoken to news outlets, such as WalesOnline, about the difficulties that many of them have now in finding and maintaining housing accommodation. There are millions of displaced people who are still, to this day, moving from one temporary location to another, unsure when they'll ever return home. Out of the 8 million people who fled Ukraine, 7,000 found themselves in Wales. Half of the refugees in Wales are sponsored by the Welsh Government's supersponsor scheme, and I'm really grateful for that scheme. They've spent the majority of their stays, however, in hotels and similar venues, which quite frankly were never designed for long-term stays. The other half have come via the household Homes for Ukraine sponsorship scheme. Ukrainian refugees who have had to leave their sponsor homes have been told that welcome centres aren't an option for safe accommodation if they arrived in the UK as part of the supersponsor scheme. So, with local authorities advising them to look at the private rental market, some landlords appear reluctant to take on refugee tenants due to concerns over the stability of future earnings. Another Ukrainian refugee talked about the experience, saying, 'in the beginning for me everything was tyrannical and could easily break an ordinary personThe system to some extent offends and humiliates the dignity of a refugee and gives an opportunity to a sponsor.' Some of those sponsors are landlords who, at any time, 'can throw the tenant out on the street or can arrange unbearable conditions and the right to interfere in someone's personal life. It is a system that can implicitly wake up unacceptable human qualities such as swagger, arrogance and other negative aspects' that some Ukrainians are now experiencing. So, I do hope that, in the response, you can actually provide us with some reassurances as to how you have been dealing with this. There is clearly still some lack of joined-up co-ordination regarding the implementation of support and the integration of schemes for Ukrainian refugees. However, the crux of the problem here in Wales is that we simply do not have enough homes. The Welsh Government is achieving less than 50 per cent of the new dwellings target annually, so we need to really look at this. Natural Resources Wales, Welsh Government, health boards and local authorities already own land on which houses could be quickly erected, and I take the point that my colleague Mark Isherwood said earlier about modular housing. The time has come for a home building taskforce to be formed to drive quick projects such as factory-made modular housing on publicly owned land. We have a major housing crisis that is now seeing those refugees stuck in hotels, not homes. It is time for us all to work together to overcome the red tape that is holding back a roof above the head of these most vulnerable individuals. The eyes of the world are watching us and we have to get this right. Thank you.

I ddechrau, hoffwn ailadrodd a chymeradwyo'r geiriau sydd eisoes wedi cael eu llefaru, a hoffwn gofnodi ein diolch, fel Aelodau yma yn y Senedd, i'r rhai ohonoch sydd wedi bod draw i weld yr angen draw yno drosoch eich hunain. Credaf ei bod yn deg dweud mai'r rhai sy'n dioddef creulondeb y rhyfel erchyll hwn yn fwyaf poenus yw'r rhai sy'n amddiffyn eu mamwlad, y boblogaeth sifil a llawer iawn o fenywod a phlant. Bydd llawer wedi bod yn rhy ifanc i ddeall hyd yn oed pam fod eu bywydau wedi cael eu diwreiddio'n sydyn ac yn greulon. Fodd bynnag, mae cynhesrwydd a haelioni cymunedau ar draws y Deyrnas Unedig wedi ein dangos ar ein gorau. Hyd yn oed yn fy etholaeth i, ar draws Aberconwy, roedd pobl leol yn gyflym iawn i fod eisiau cynnig cymorth, eu cartrefi fel to dros bennau'r rheini sy'n ffoi rhag rhyfel erchyll Putin yn Wcráin. Fe wnaethant ddangos y caredigrwydd a'r cynhesrwydd hwnnw - yr un caredigrwydd a chynhesrwydd sydd bob amser wedi bod yn rhan o'r ysbryd Prydeinig. Fodd bynnag, mae rhai problemau o hyd gyda setlo o ddydd i ddydd a'r cynlluniau integreiddio, ac am y rheini yr hoffwn siarad heddiw, fel Gweinidog tai yr wrthblaid, oherwydd mae'r materion llety hyn yn fy mhoeni. Mae llawer o ffoaduriaid Wcreinaidd wedi siarad â chwmnïau newyddion, fel WalesOnline, am yr anawsterau y mae llawer ohonynt yn eu hwynebu nawr i ddod o hyd i dai, ac i allu cadw eu llety. Ceir miliynau o bobl wedi'u dadleoli sy'n dal i fod, hyd heddiw, yn symud o un lleoliad dros dro i'r llall, yn ansicr pryd y byddant yn dychwelyd adref. O'r 8 miliwn o bobl a wnaeth ffoi o Wcráin, daeth 7,000 i Gymru. Mae hanner y ffoaduriaid yng Nghymru yn cael eu noddi gan gynllun uwch-noddwyr Llywodraeth Cymru, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn am y cynllun hwnnw. Maent wedi treulio'r rhan fwyaf o'u harosiadau, fodd bynnag, mewn gwestai a lleoliadau tebyg, na chawsant erioed mo'u cynllunio ar gyfer arosiadau hirdymor a bod yn onest. Mae'r hanner arall wedi dod drwy'r cynllun nawdd Cartrefi i Wcráin. Mae ffoaduriaid Wcreinaidd sydd wedi gorfod gadael eu cartrefi nawdd wedi cael gwybod nad yw canolfannau croeso'n opsiwn fel llety diogel os oeddent wedi cyrraedd y DU fel rhan o'r cynllun uwch-noddwyr. Felly, gydag awdurdodau lleol yn eu cynghori i edrych ar y farchnad rhentu preifat, mae'n ymddangos bod rhai landlordiaid yn amharod i rentu i denantiaid sy'n ffoaduriaid oherwydd pryderon ynghylch sefydlogrwydd enillion yn y dyfodol. Siaradodd ffoadur arall o Wcráin am y profiad, gan ddweud, 'yn y dechrau i mi roedd popeth yn ormesgar a gallai'n hawdd dorri person cyffredin Mae'r system i ryw raddau yn tramgwyddo ac yn bychanu urddas ffoadur ac yn darparu cyfle i noddwr.' Mae rhai o'r noddwyr hynny'n landlordiaid sydd, ar unrhyw adeg, 'yn gallu troi'r tenant allan ar y stryd neu'n gallu trefnu amodau annioddefol, a hawl i ymyrryd ym mywyd personol rhywun. Mae'n system sy'n gallu ennyn nodweddion dynol annerbyniol fel trahauster, haerllugrwydd ac agweddau negyddol eraill' y mae rhai Wcreiniaid bellach yn eu profi. Felly, rwy'n gobeithio, yn yr ymateb, y gallwch roi sicrwydd i ni ynglŷn â sut rydych chi wedi bod yn ymdrin â hyn. Mae'n amlwg fod yna ddiffyg cydlynu cydgysylltiedig o hyd ynghylch gweithredu cymorth ac integreiddio cynlluniau ar gyfer ffoaduriaid Wcreinaidd. Ond craidd y broblem yma yng Nghymru yw nad oes gennym ddigon o gartrefi. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn llwyddo i gyrraedd llai na 50 y cant o'r targed ar gyfer anheddau newydd yn flynyddol, felly mae angen inni edrych ar hyn o ddifrif. Mae Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru, Llywodraeth Cymru, byrddau iechyd ac awdurdodau lleol eisoes yn berchen ar dir y gellid codi tai'n gyflym arno, ac rwy'n cymryd y pwynt a nododd fy nghyd-Aelod Mark Isherwood yn gynharach am dai modiwlar. Mae'r amser wedi dod i ffurfio tasglu adeiladu cartrefi i yrru prosiectau cyflym fel tai modiwlar wedi'u gwneud mewn ffatri ar dir sy'n eiddo cyhoeddus. Mae gennym argyfwng tai mawr sydd bellach yn golygu bod ffoaduriaid yn gaeth mewn gwestai, nid cartrefi. Mae'n bryd i bawb ohonom gydweithio i oresgyn y fiwrocratiaeth sy'n ein dal rhag rhoi to uwchben yr unigolion mwyaf bregus hyn. Mae llygaid y byd yn ein gwylio ac mae'n rhaid inni wneud hyn yn iawn. Diolch.

Plaid Cymru stands in complete solidarity with the people of Ukraine for showing remarkable resilience in the face of Russia's continued brutal attacks. And it disheartens me that, a year on since Putin's illegal and barbaric invasion - as Sioned Williams said yesterday - of Ukraine that the war continues. Horrific war crimes are being committed and the Russian officials leading the war, including Vladimir Putin, should be on trial for war crimes. Putin's illegal war and continued aggression against Ukraine, its sovereignty and territorial integrity demonstrate a complete disregard for the UN charter and the self-determination of other nations. I'd like to emphasise point 3 of the motion in applauding the resilience and strength and bravery of all Ukrainian people in the face of this brutality. And despite this brutality, and whilst Ukraine continues to defend itself against Russia, we must also remember that the country is still playing a key international role. We saw, in response to the devastating earthquake on the Turkey-Syria border, Ukraine not hesitating before sending emergency staff and life-saving machinery to aid in the recovery effort, playing a globally responsible role as a nation. I urge the UK Government and Welsh Government to continue to provide humanitarian and financial aid to Ukraine. And it's saddening to hear that, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, as of 30 January, there were 7,155 civilian deaths, 438 of which were children. Furthermore, 11,662 people are reported to have been injured, and they've specified that the real numbers could be much, much higher. To me, this only emphasises the tragedy of war and the need to find peaceful ways of resolving conflicts. We have to do our utmost to avoid further death and destruction, but, ultimately, the peaceful settlement of the war depends on Russia. We cannot forget that Putin's aim is to destroy the Ukrainian state and to establish a puppet regime, and it's unrealistic to expect negotiations to happen on those terms. Allowing nations to be conquered and subjugated by oppressors is not something we can simply stand by and watch. However, it is crucial that we are clear that any weapons supplied are for Ukrainians to defend themselves, and we must be wary of any risk of escalation into an offensive war. We should be looking at all alternative means to help Ukrainian people at this time. For example, we should further look at continuing and extending sanctions against the Russian economy. These sanctions must also reduce the chance of future campaigns by Russia. The annexation of Crimea in 2014 did result in economic sanctions, but now we know that it wasn't enough to prevent Russia's motivation to invade Ukraine further last year. And I would call on each of us - . We have mentioned already that Wales is a nation of sanctuary, but as was reflected during Sioned Williams's contribution yesterday and the Minister for Social Justice's response, we cannot allow hostility here in Wales to continue. I have been horrified and hugely saddened to see a Facebook page that has been set up - I was sent a link - which is galvanising nothing short of hatred and a proposed protest in Llantwit Major next month. This is not in line with our values as a nation, and I would urge all of us to consider the language that we use and to consider how that is heard by everyone we represent. This is an open Facebook group and, looking at it, the comments are racist, they're xenophobic, they are full of hatred. That's not the society I want Wales to be, and I am saddened. I cannot say to those Ukrainian people who've been through so much, and others - . People don't choose to be here. They would like to be safe in their homes, yet they have been forced to live here and they are trying their best. The hatred they then face when they arrive here, rather than being welcomed, is something that should horrify each of us. And given that we saw the attacks in Liverpool last week, to think that the same group is galvanising a protest here in Wales is something that we must consider carefully in this debate. If Wales is to be a true nation of sanctuary, then it is our responsibility to ensure that it is and to stamp out this hatred.

Mae Plaid Cymru yn sefyll mewn undod llwyr â phobl Wcráin am ddangos gwytnwch rhyfeddol yn wyneb ymosodiadau creulon parhaus Rwsia. Ac mae'n fy nigalonni, flwyddyn ers goresgyniad anghyfreithlon a barbaraidd Putin - fel y dywedodd Sioned Williams ddoe - yn Wcráin fod y rhyfel yn parhau. Mae troseddau rhyfel erchyll yn cael eu cyflawni a dylai swyddogion Rwsia sy'n arwain y rhyfel, gan gynnwys Vladimir Putin, fod ar brawf am droseddau rhyfel. Mae rhyfel anghyfreithlon Putin a pharhad yr ymosodiad ar Wcráin, ei sofraniaeth a'i chyfanrwydd tiriogaethol yn dangos diffyg parch llwyr tuag at siarter y Cenhedloedd Unedig a hunanbenderfyniaeth cenhedloedd eraill. Hoffwn bwysleisio pwynt 3 y cynnig wrth gymeradwyo gwytnwch a chryfder a dewrder holl bobl Wcráin yn wyneb y creulondeb hwn. Ac er gwaethaf y creulondeb, a thra bod Wcráin yn parhau i amddiffyn ei hun yn erbyn Rwsia, rhaid cofio hefyd fod y wlad yn dal i chwarae rhan allweddol yn rhyngwladol. Mewn ymateb i'r daeargryn dinistriol ar ffin Twrci-Syria, ni phetrusodd Wcráin rhag anfon staff brys a pheiriannau achub bywyd i gynorthwyo'r ymdrech achub, gan chwarae rhan gyfrifol yn fyd-eang fel gwlad. Rwy'n annog Llywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth Cymru i barhau i ddarparu cymorth dyngarol ac ariannol i Wcráin. Ac mae'n drist clywed, yn ôl Swyddfa'r Uchel Gomisiynydd Hawliau Dynol, ar 30 Ionawr, fod 7,155 o sifiliaid wedi marw, a 438 ohonynt yn blant. Ar ben hynny, dywedir bod 11,662 o bobl wedi cael eu hanafu, ac maent wedi nodi y gallai'r niferoedd go iawn fod yn llawer iawn uwch. I mi, mae hyn yn pwysleisio trasiedi rhyfel a'r angen i ddod o hyd i ffyrdd heddychlon o ddatrys gwrthdaro. Mae'n rhaid inni wneud ein gorau glas i osgoi marwolaeth a dinistr pellach, ond yn y pen draw, mae dod â'r rhyfel i ben yn heddychlon yn dibynnu ar Rwsia. Ni allwn anghofio mai nod Putin yw dinistrio gwladwriaeth Wcráin a sefydlu cyfundrefn byped, ac mae'n afrealistig disgwyl i drafodaethau ddigwydd ar y telerau hynny. Nid yw caniatáu i wledydd gael eu concro a'u hiselhau gan ormeswyr yn rhywbeth y gallwn adael iddo ddigwydd. Fodd bynnag, mae'n hanfodol ein bod yn glir fod unrhyw arfau'n cael eu cyflenwi er mwyn i Wcreiniaid amddiffyn eu hunain, a rhaid inni fod yn wyliadwrus o unrhyw risg o ddwysáu'n rhyfel ymosodol. Dylem edrych ar bob dull arall i helpu pobl Wcráin ar hyn o bryd. Er enghraifft, dylem edrych ymhellach ar barhau ac ymestyn sancsiynau yn erbyn economi Rwsia. Rhaid i'r sancsiynau hyn hefyd leihau'r perygl o ymgyrchoedd gan Rwsia yn y dyfodol. Fe wnaeth cydfeddiant Crimea yn 2014 arwain at sancsiynau economaidd, ond nawr gwyddom nad oeddent yn ddigon i atal cymhelliad Rwsia i oresgyn Wcráin ymhellach y llynedd. A hoffwn alw ar bob un ohonon - . Rydym eisoes wedi nodi bod Cymru yn genedl noddfa, ond fel y nodwyd yn ystod cyfraniad Sioned Williams ddoe ac ymateb y Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, ni allwn ganiatáu i elyniaeth barhau yma yng Nghymru. Rwyf wedi dychryn ac yn drist iawn o weld tudalen Facebook yn cael ei sefydlu - anfonwyd dolen ataf - sy'n ysgogi casineb a phrotest arfaethedig yn Llanilltud Fawr fis nesaf. Nid yw hyn yn cyd-fynd â'n gwerthoedd fel cenedl, a hoffwn annog pob un ohonom i ystyried yr iaith a ddefnyddiwn ac i ystyried sut y caiff ei chlywed gan bawb a gynrychiolwn. Grŵp Facebook agored yw hwn, ac o edrych arno, mae'r sylwadau'n hiliol, maent yn senoffobig, maent yn llawn casineb. Nid dyna'r gymdeithas rwyf am i Gymru fod, ac rwyf wedi fy nhristau. Ni allaf ddweud wrth y bobl Wcreinaidd sydd wedi bod drwy gymaint, ac eraill - . Nid yw pobl yn dewis bod yma. Hoffent fod yn ddiogel yn eu cartrefi, ond eto maent wedi cael eu gorfodi i fyw yma ac maent yn gwneud eu gorau. Mae'r casineb a wynebant wedyn pan fyddant yn cyrraedd yma, yn hytrach na chael eu croesawu, yn rhywbeth a ddylai ddychryn pob un ohonom. Ac o ystyried yr ymosodiadau a welsom yn Lerpwl yr wythnos diwethaf, mae meddwl bod yr un grŵp yn ysgogi protest yma yng Nghymru yn rhywbeth y mae'n rhaid i ni ei ystyried yn ofalus yn y ddadl hon. Os yw Cymru i fod yn genedl noddfa go iawn, ein cyfrifoldeb ni yw sicrhau ei bod hi, a chael gwared ar y casineb hwn ar unwaith.

I'm grateful to be able to take part in today's extremely important debate on the motion on the invasion of Ukraine and supporting Ukrainian refugees. I'd like to remind Members of my register of interests in relation to trusteeship of charities. Firstly, I want to echo comments made from across the political Chamber today. They show solidarity with the people of Ukraine, along with all those who are providing support as well. And as already outlined today, the scenes unfolding in Ukraine over the last 12 months and longer have been utterly horrific, heartbreaking, with Putin's bloody and barbaric invasion of Ukraine continuing, more families being torn apart and forced to flee their homes for safety. This invasion has rightly appalled the world and united democratic nations in their condemnation of the brutal actions of President Vladimir Putin against one of our European allies. The horrors that we're witnessing in Ukraine take us back to a dark time, a time we thought was firmly in the past on the European continent, but, sadly, is not the case. I want to be able to use my time today to draw Members' attention to point 5 of today's motion. I, too, would like to thank the people of Wales for their response, support and friendship provided to the people of Ukraine. Certainly, taking into account Heledd Fychan's points just then, there are, sadly, pockets of people in Wales who don't share that same support and hand of friendship, but many people across Wales are rightly offering a hand of friendship to people fleeing Ukraine. In my contribution today, I'd like to particularly focus on a group of people and organisations that continue to heavily support Ukrainian refugees. This is our churches and their congregations across Wales, no matter their denomination. Mark Isherwood in opening mentioned a number of faith groups and the work they're carrying out. When we look at churches as a whole, over the past 12 months, through the Welcome Churches network alone, which is an organisation supporting churches to support refugees, over 1,000 churches have welcomed nearly 18,000 refugees across the UK, providing help and support to those who desperately need it. When we talk about support for refugees from Ukraine, we're talking about supporting the whole person. Alun Davies mentioned this in his contribution a few moments ago - it's about that support for people and that whole person includes their faith, in particular during a time of trauma and hardship. This is extremely important for our friends in Ukraine, because around 85 per cent of people in Ukraine identify as having a Christian faith, with nearly one in five in Ukraine attending a church service every single week. So, it's crucially important that their religious freedom, and expression of this, are able to continue whilst they're here in Wales. Ahead of this debate, I'm sure that Members from across the Chamber received a briefing from the Catholic Bishops' Conference of England and Wales regarding the support that they've been providing, which is certainly something we should be welcoming. In particular, in working with the Catholic Church, the Caritas Social Action Network have done a fantastic job in supporting the relocation of refugees across the UK, but also specifically here in Wales. On top of this, we see organisations like CAFOD and others providing practical support on the ground in Ukraine, such as providing meals and other aid as well. I'd like to commend and thank churches and the church more broadly, and other faith groups, for stepping up during this time and ensuring that those who find comfort and solace in faith are being welcomed into church communities with open arms. So many churches are doing this with volunteers quietly and humbly, calling on all of us to welcome the stranger. In closing, Deputy Presiding Officer, I'd like to, again, thank all those who are doing so much in supporting Ukrainian refugees. It's been sobering to hear contributions from across the Chamber so far this afternoon. Now is the time for all of us to continue being united in doing what we can to support our Ukrainian friends, whilst holding Putin and his allies responsible for their barbaric and indiscriminate attacks on innocent Ukrainian civilians. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

Rwy'n ddiolchgar fy mod yn gallu cymryd rhan yn y ddadl hynod bwysig hon heddiw ar y cynnig ar yr ymosodiad ar Wcráin a chefnogi ffoaduriaid o Wcráin. Hoffwn atgoffa Aelodau o fy nghofrestr buddiannau mewn perthynas ag ymddiriedolwyr elusennau. Yn gyntaf, rwyf am adleisio sylwadau a wnaed o bob rhan o'r Siambr wleidyddol heddiw. Maent yn dangos undod gyda phobl Wcráin, ynghyd â phawb sy'n darparu cymorth hefyd. Ac fel yr amlinellwyd eisoes heddiw, mae'r golygfeydd a welsom yn Wcráin dros y 12 mis a mwy diwethaf wedi bod yn gwbl erchyll, yn dorcalonnus, gyda goresgyniad gwaedlyd a barbaraidd Putin ar Wcráin yn parhau, mwy o deuluoedd yn cael eu chwalu a'u gorfodi i ffoi o'u cartrefi er diogelwch. Mae'r goresgyniad hwn wedi brawychu'r byd ac wedi uno cenhedloedd democrataidd yn eu condemniad o weithredoedd creulon yr Arlywydd Vladimir Putin yn erbyn un o'n cynghreiriaid Ewropeaidd. Mae'r erchyllterau a welwn yn Wcráin yn mynd â ni yn ôl i gyfnod tywyll, cyfnod y credem ei fod yn gadarn yn y gorffennol ar gyfandir Ewrop, ond yn anffodus, nid yw hynny'n wir. Rwyf eisiau gallu defnyddio fy amser heddiw i dynnu sylw'r Aelodau at bwynt 5 y cynnig heddiw. Hoffwn innau hefyd ddiolch i bobl Cymru am eu hymateb, am eu cefnogaeth ac am y cyfeillgarwch a ddangoswyd tuag at bobl Wcráin. Yn sicr, o ystyried pwyntiau Heledd Fychan nawr, mae yna bocedi o bobl yng Nghymru nad ydynt yn rhannu'r un gefnogaeth a llaw cyfeillgarwch, ond mae llawer o bobl ledled Cymru yn cynnig llaw cyfeillgarwch yn briodol i bobl sy'n ffoi o Wcráin. Yn fy nghyfraniad heddiw, hoffwn ganolbwyntio'n arbennig ar grŵp o bobl a sefydliadau sy'n parhau i gefnogi ffoaduriaid Wcreinaidd yn gadarn, sef ein heglwysi a'u cynulleidfaoedd ledled Cymru, ni waeth beth fo'u henwad. Soniodd Mark Isherwood wrth agor am nifer o grwpiau ffydd a'r gwaith y maent yn ei gyflawni. Pan edrychwn ar eglwysi yn gyffredinol, dros y 12 mis diwethaf, drwy'r rhwydwaith Welcome Churches yn unig, sef sefydliad sy'n cynorthwyo eglwysi i gefnogi ffoaduriaid, mae dros 1,000 o eglwysi wedi croesawu bron i 18,000 o ffoaduriaid ledled y DU, gan ddarparu cymorth a chefnogaeth i'r rhai sydd gymaint o'u hangen. Pan siaradwn am gefnogaeth i ffoaduriaid o Wcráin, rydym yn siarad am gefnogi'r unigolyn cyfan. Soniodd Alun Davies am hyn yn ei gyfraniad ychydig funudau'n ôl - mae'n ymwneud â chefnogaeth i bobl ac mae'r unigolyn cyfan yn cynnwys ei ffydd, yn enwedig yn ystod cyfnod o drawma a chaledi. Mae hyn yn hynod bwysig i'n ffrindiau yn Wcráin, oherwydd mae tua 85 y cant o bobl yn Wcráin yn nodi bod ganddynt ffydd Gristnogol, gyda bron i un o bob pump yn Wcráin yn mynychu gwasanaeth eglwysig bob wythnos. Felly, mae'n hollbwysig fod eu rhyddid crefyddol, a'u mynegiant ohono, yn gallu parhau tra'u bod yma yng Nghymru. Cyn y ddadl hon, rwy'n siŵr fod aelodau o bob rhan o'r Siambr wedi derbyn briff gan Gynhadledd Esgobion Catholig Cymru a Lloegr ynglŷn â'r gefnogaeth y maent hwy wedi bod yn ei ddarparu, sy'n sicr yn rhywbeth y dylem ei groesawu. Yn fwyaf arbennig, gan weithio gyda'r Eglwys Gatholig, mae Rhwydwaith Gweithredu Cymdeithasol Caritas wedi gwneud gwaith gwych yn cefnogi gwaith adleoli ffoaduriaid ar draws y DU, ond hefyd yn benodol yma yng Nghymru. Ar ben hyn, gwelwn sefydliadau fel CAFOD ac eraill yn cynnig cymorth ymarferol ar lawr gwlad yn Wcráin, fel darparu prydau bwyd a chymorth arall hefyd. Hoffwn ganmol a diolch i eglwysi a'r eglwys yn ehangach, a grwpiau ffydd eraill, am gamu ymlaen yn ystod y cyfnod hwn a sicrhau bod y rhai sy'n cael cysur a noddfa mewn ffydd yn cael eu croesawu i gymunedau eglwysig gyda breichiau agored. Mae cymaint o eglwysi'n gwneud hyn gyda gwirfoddolwyr yn dawel ac yn ostyngedig, gan alw ar bob un ohonom i groesawu'r dieithryn. Wrth gloi, Ddirprwy Lywydd, hoffwn ddiolch i bawb sy'n gwneud cymaint i gefnogi ffoaduriaid o Wcráin. Mae wedi bod yn sobreiddiol clywed cyfraniadau o bob rhan o'r Siambr hyd yma y prynhawn yma. Dyma'r amser i bob un ohonom barhau i fod yn unedig a gwneud yr hyn a allwn i gefnogi ein ffrindiau o Wcráin, gan ddwyn Putin a'i gynghreiriaid i gyfrif am eu hymosodiadau barbaraidd a diwahân ar sifiliaid diniwed Wcráin. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

It's hard to believe that it's been a year since we had our last debate here in the Senedd, which was at the start of the war. It's hard to believe that a year has passed since then. I think it's equally hard to comprehend the brutality and the suffering that has happened in Ukraine since that time. It's the greatest humanitarian crisis in Europe since the second world war, with millions displaced, over 7,000 Ukrainian civilians killed, nearly 500 of whom were children. Whole cities, including Mariupol and Bakhmut, countless villages and towns have been driven to the ground by Russian forces. There have been hundreds of thousands of casualties on both the Ukrainian and Russian sides. But we must not forget that Ukraine is a sovereign state, which has forged its own democratic path since its independence from the Soviet Union over 30 years ago. It has a right to self-determination. It's therefore our duty, from one democratically elected Parliament to another, to support those innocent civilians caught up in this barbaric and pointless war. I think all of us here are humbled by the bravery of ordinary citizens in defending their country. It's also been a week since the historic London declaration was signed by the UK Government and the Ukrainian Government. This reaffirmed the UK's commitment to helping remove Russian forces from Ukrainian territory and to support Ukraine's recovery and long-term future, including work to repair damage to energy supplies and working together to help Ukraine's grain reach world markets again. The declaration formalises a strategic plan to help the Ukrainian Government and its people back on their feet in the long term. I'm very proud of both the UK Government and Welsh Government's actions so far to help Ukrainian people win back their country, from organising international sanctions to training Ukrainian troops to committing £4.6 billion in military support over two years to providing nearly 0.25 million visas for Ukrainians seeking to come to the UK and £1.3 billion in fiscal support. It's clear that we're ready to face down these aggressors together. I'm also proud that so many Welsh people have opened their homes, as we've discussed already, to refugees, but I think there's more we can do here to keep that welcome warm as we approach the one-year anniversary of the conflict. I'm concerned to learn that half of the Ukrainian refugees who are sponsored by the Welsh Government supersponsor scheme have spent the majority of their time here in hotels or other venues that weren't designed for long-term stays. Ukrainian refugees who've found it difficult to leave their sponsor homes have found it even more difficult to find suitable accommodation, as they claim landlords are reluctant to take them on because of a lack of stability and their earnings. Actually, one Ukrainian refugee got in touch with me earlier today with exactly that problem: they were worried about leaving the hotel they'd been staying in, they were worried about potentially moving from one location to another and the impact that might have on their child's school, because they've just enrolled in a school in Wales, which was really welcome. But, actually, if they get moved to a different location, they may have to uproot and change all over again, which is a real worry for them as well. So, while the initial will has been there, we have to go that bit further to ensure those Ukrainians who have made this journey to Wales are supported throughout the conflict, so in the end they can either choose to stay here, if that's they want to do, or return home once it's safe to do so. Here, the Welsh Government can support councils to prepare for large groups of people when it comes to freeing up housing and providing education and healthcare so there is as little disruption as possible for families staying here. There's also the possibility of working with private landlords and housing associations to free up suitable accommodation in the long term. We therefore agree there's a need for the Welsh Government to draw up a long-term plan, as we don't know when, unfortunately, the end is in sight for this conflict, and we don't know how long it will take to help rebuild Ukraine in the future. But to end with a positive note, I've a great example of a community partnership with Ukrainian refugees in Swansea. Some months ago, Ukrainian refugees volunteered to tidy up and begin a project in the courtyard of the burns and plastics unit at Morriston Hospital. The resilience, this community spirit and the desire to give back is something that we should remember and we should support, especially when these refugees left their homeland with very little. Because for every act of evil in this world - and this war has highlighted some of the most evil things imaginable - we mustn't forget that there are exponentially more acts of kindness that showcase the very best of human spirit, and there is no country, I think, that exhibits that more in the world than what we've seen from Ukrainians over the last year. I'm grateful to contribute to this debate. Sláva Ukrayíni.

Mae'n anodd credu ei bod hi wedi bod yn flwyddyn ers inni gael ein dadl olaf yma yn y Senedd, ar ddechrau'r rhyfel. Mae'n anodd credu bod blwyddyn wedi mynd heibio ers hynny. Rwy'n meddwl ei bod yr un mor anodd deall y creulondeb a'r dioddefaint sydd wedi digwydd yn Wcráin ers hynny. Dyma'r argyfwng hiwmanitaraidd mwyaf yn Ewrop ers yr ail ryfel byd, gyda miliynau wedi'u dadleoli, dros 7,000 o sifiliaid Wcráin wedi'u lladd, bron i 500 ohonynt yn blant. Mae dinasoedd cyfan, gan gynnwys Mariupol a Bakhmut, pentrefi a threfi dirifedi wedi cael eu chwalu i'r llawr gan luoedd Rwsia. Cafwyd cannoedd o filoedd o farwolaethau ac anafiadau ar ochr Wcráin a Rwsia. Ond rhaid inni beidio ag anghofio bod Wcráin yn wladwriaeth sofran, sydd wedi creu ei llwybr democrataidd ei hun ers iddi ddod yn annibynnol oddi wrth yr Undeb Sofietaidd dros 30 mlynedd yn ôl. Mae ganddi hawl i hunanbenderfyniaeth. Ein dyletswydd ni felly, o un Senedd a etholwyd yn ddemocrataidd i'r llall, yw cefnogi'r sifiliaid diniwed a ddaliwyd yn y rhyfel barbaraidd a dibwrpas hwn. Rwy'n credu bod pob un ohonom yma'n teimlo'n ostyngedig iawn wrth weld dewrder dinasyddion cyffredin yn amddiffyn eu gwlad. Mae hefyd wedi bod yn wythnos ers i ddatganiad hanesyddol Llundain gael ei arwyddo gan Lywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth Wcráin. Fe wnaeth ailddatgan ymrwymiad y DU i helpu i dynnu lluoedd Rwsia o diriogaeth Wcráin a chefnogi adferiad a dyfodol hirdymor Wcráin, gan gynnwys gwaith i atgyweirio difrod i gyflenwadau ynni a gweithio gyda'n gilydd i helpu i sicrhau bod grawn Wcráin yn cyrraedd marchnadoedd y byd unwaith eto. Mae'r datganiad yn ffurfioli cynllun strategol i helpu Llywodraeth Wcráin a'i phobl yn ôl ar eu traed yn y tymor hir. Rwy'n falch iawn o weithredoedd Llywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth Cymru hyd yma i helpu pobl Wcráin i ennill eu gwlad yn ôl, o drefnu sancsiynau rhyngwladol i hyfforddi milwyr Wcráin i ymrwymo £4.6 biliwn mewn cymorth milwrol dros ddwy flynedd i ddarparu bron i 0.25 miliwn o fisas i Wcreiniaid sy'n ceisio dod i'r DU a £1.3 biliwn mewn cefnogaeth gyllidol. Mae'n amlwg ein bod yn barod i wynebu'r ymosodwyr hyn gyda'n gilydd. Rwyf hefyd yn falch fod cymaint o Gymry wedi agor eu cartrefi i ffoaduriaid, fel y nodwyd gennym yn barod, ond rwy'n meddwl bod mwy y gallwn ei wneud yma i gadw'r croeso'n gynnes wrth inni nesáu at flwyddyn ers i'r gwrthdaro ddechrau. Rwy'n pryderu wrth glywed bod hanner y ffoaduriaid o Wcráin sy'n cael eu noddi gan gynllun uwch-noddwyr Llywodraeth Cymru wedi treulio'r rhan fwyaf o'u hamser yma mewn gwestai neu leoliadau eraill na chawsant eu cynllunio ar gyfer aros ynddynt yn hirdymor. Mae ffoaduriaid Wcreinaidd sydd wedi ei chael hi'n anodd gadael eu cartrefi nawdd wedi ei chael hi'n anos fyth dod o hyd i lety addas, gan eu bod yn honni bod landlordiaid yn amharod i adael iddynt rentu oherwydd diffyg sefydlogrwydd a'u henillion. Mewn gwirionedd, fe gysylltodd un ffoadur o Wcráin â mi yn gynharach heddiw gyda'r union broblem honno: roeddent yn poeni am adael y gwesty roeddent wedi bod yn aros ynddo, roeddent yn poeni y gallent orfod symud o un lleoliad i'r llall a'r effaith y gallai hynny ei chael ar addysg eu plentyn, am eu bod newydd gofrestru mewn ysgol yng Nghymru, rhywbeth a oedd i'w groesawu'n fawr. Ond mewn gwirionedd, os cânt eu symud i leoliad gwahanol, efallai y bydd yn rhaid iddynt ddadwreiddio a newid unwaith eto, sy'n bryder gwirioneddol iddynt. Felly, er bod yr ewyllys yno ar y dechrau, mae'n rhaid inni fynd ychydig pellach i sicrhau bod yr Wcreiniaid sydd wedi gwneud y daith hon i Gymru yn cael eu cefnogi drwy gydol y rhyfel, fel y gallant naill ai ddewis aros yma yn y diwedd, os mai dyna y dymunant ei wneud, neu ddychwelyd adref pan fydd hi'n ddiogel iddynt wneud hynny. Yma, gall Llywodraeth Cymru gynorthwyo cynghorau i baratoi ar gyfer grwpiau mawr o bobl drwy ryddhau tai a darparu addysg a gofal iechyd fel bod cyn lleied o aflonyddu â phosibl i deuluoedd sy'n aros yma. Mae posibilrwydd hefyd o weithio gyda landlordiaid preifat a chymdeithasau tai i ryddhau llety addas yn y tymor hir. Rydym yn cytuno felly fod angen i Lywodraeth Cymru lunio cynllun hirdymor, gan nad ydym yn gwybod pryd y gwelwn ddiwedd ar y rhyfel, yn anffodus, ac ni wyddom pa mor hir y bydd yn ei gymryd i helpu i ailadeiladu Wcráin yn y dyfodol. Ond i orffen ar nodyn cadarnhaol, mae gennyf enghraifft wych o bartneriaeth gymunedol gyda ffoaduriaid Wcreinaidd yn Abertawe. Rai misoedd yn ôl, fe wnaeth ffoaduriaid o Wcráin wirfoddoli i dacluso a dechrau prosiect ym muarth yr uned blastig a llosgiadau yn Ysbyty Treforys. Mae'r gwytnwch, yr ysbryd cymunedol hwn a'r awydd i roi rhywbeth yn ôl yn rhywbeth y dylem ei gofio ac y dylem ei gefnogi, yn enwedig o ystyried bod y ffoaduriaid hyn wedi gadael eu mamwlad heb fawr ddim. Oherwydd am bob gweithred o ddrygioni yn y byd hwn - ac mae'r rhyfel hwn wedi tynnu sylw at rai o'r pethau mwyaf anfad y gallwch eu dychmygu - rhaid inni beidio ag anghofio bod llawer iawn mwy o weithredoedd o garedigrwydd sy'n arddangos y gorau o'r ysbryd dynol, ac nid oes unrhyw wlad, yn fy marn i, yn arddangos hynny'n fwy yn y byd na'r hyn a welsom gan Wcreiniaid dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf. Rwy'n ddiolchgar am gael cyfrannu yn y ddadl hon. Sláva Ukrayíni.

Thank you for the opportunity to make a contribution to this debate. Can I also start by reiterating my thanks to the Welsh people and to this Senedd for the overwhelming support for Ukraine and the recognition that this is not just a war for Ukrainians, that it's a war to defend the rule of law, democracy and international law? Can I express my thanks also for the incredible support for Ukrainian families who have had to seek refuge here, for the welcome that they've received throughout Wales, and in particular to the work of the Minister for Social Justice, Jane Hutt, who I think has added real meaning to the reputation of Wales as a nation of sanctuary, not just for Ukrainians but for all refugees and for all people who have had to flee their homeland. Next week will be an emotional one for me. It will be the anniversary of the Russian invasion of a sovereign independent state one year ago. It was almost one year ago that the leader of Plaid Cymru and I were in Kyiv to show solidarity and support for the Ukrainian people. Since then, we all see now day in and day out the impact of that invasion: some 15 million people internally or externally displaced; tens of thousands of civilians killed, murdered, tortured, raped, bombed; looting, the destruction of civic infrastructure, the like and scale of which we've not seen since the second world war; the 6,000 stolen children who've been dispersed to filtration camps for re-education, the youngest of which is four months old. The war is also a war of genocide of the Ukrainian nation. I have with me today my father's alien card from when he was a refugee in this country. Until 1960, he had to register with the police. I recall the sergeant who use to visit on a weekly basis. In the card, the nationality is shown as 'uncertain' - 'U' it's marked, uncertain - and this was because he would only describe himself as Ukrainian, but, of course, Ukrainian was not recognised legally. So, he went without any identification of his nationality other than his own description. Were Putin to succeed, there are some 44 million people who would also lose their national identity, who would go down as a 'U' - in fact, they wouldn't go down as a 'U', they'd go down as an 'R', as Russian, their language and culture destroyed. That's why I say this is also a war of genocide and of cultural annihilation. Ukraine may be one step, then there are the Baltics, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Georgia and, of course, Poland. Next week, myself and Alun Davies, on behalf of all the political parties of this Senedd and on behalf of the Welsh people, will be delivering supplies and a vehicle to a Ukrainian battalion and to the Ukrainian miners union, many of whom's members are fighting on the front line and many of whom have already suffered. It is part of Wales's contribution to the solidarity campaign and part of our historic and international responsibility to support oppressed peoples all over the world - in Syria, Afghanistan, Palestine, Uyghur people in China, and sadly many other places. We support Ukraine and democracy in Europe with our material and financial support. Ukrainians support the same democracy with their lives. I'm convinced Ukraine will win. Слава Україні! Героям слава! Glory to Ukraine and glory to our heroes.

Diolch am y cyfle i wneud cyfraniad yn y ddadl hon. A gaf fi hefyd ddechrau drwy ailadrodd fy niolch i'r Cymry ac i'r Senedd hon am y gefnogaeth ysgubol i Wcráin a'r gydnabyddiaeth nad rhyfel i Wcreiniaid yn unig yw hwn, ei fod yn rhyfel i amddiffyn rheolaeth y gyfraith, democratiaeth a chyfraith ryngwladol? A gaf fi fynegi fy niolch hefyd am y gefnogaeth anhygoel i deuluoedd o Wcráin sydd wedi gorfod ceisio lloches yma, am y croeso a gawsant ledled Cymru, ac yn arbennig am waith y Gweinidog Cyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, Jane Hutt, sydd yn fy marn i, wedi ychwanegu gwir ystyr i enw da Cymru fel cenedl noddfa, nid yn unig i Wcreiniaid ond i bob ffoadur ac i bawb sydd wedi gorfod ffoi o'u mamwlad. Bydd yr wythnos nesaf yn un emosiynol i mi. Bydd yn flwyddyn ers ymosodiad Rwsia ar wladwriaeth annibynnol sofran. Bron i flwyddyn yn ôl yr aeth arweinydd Plaid Cymru a minnau i Kyiv i ddangos undod a chefnogaeth i bobl Wcráin. Ers hynny, rydym i gyd yn gweld bellach effaith y goresgyniad hwnnw ddydd ar ôl dydd: tua 15 miliwn o bobl wedi'u dadleoli'n fewnol neu'n allanol; degau o filoedd o sifiliaid wedi'u lladd, wedi'u llofruddio, eu harteithio, eu treisio, eu bomio; ysbeilio, dinistrio seilwaith dinesig, mewn modd ac a'r raddfa nad ydym wedi'i weld ers yr ail ryfel byd; y 6,000 o blant a gipiwyd sydd wedi'u gwasgaru i wersylloedd hidlo ar gyfer eu hailaddysgu, gyda'r ieuengaf ohonynt yn bedwar mis oed. Mae'r rhyfel hefyd yn rhyfel o hil-laddiad cenedl Wcráin. Mae gennyf gyda mi heddiw gerdyn estron fy nhad o'r adeg pan oedd yn ffoadur yn y wlad hon. Hyd at 1960, bu'n rhaid iddo gofrestru gyda'r heddlu. Rwy'n cofio'r sarjant a arferai ymweld yn wythnosol. Ar y cerdyn, mae ei genedligrwydd wedi'i nodi fel 'ansicr' - 'U' yw'r nod, 'uncertain' - a hynny oherwydd mai fel Wcreiniad y byddai'n disgrifio ei hun, ond wrth gwrs, nid oedd Wcreiniaid yn cael eu cydnabod yn gyfreithiol. Felly, aeth heb unrhyw ddynodiad o'i genedligrwydd ar wahân i'w ddisgrifiad ei hun. Pe bai Putin yn llwyddo, mae yna oddeutu 44 miliwn o bobl a fyddai hefyd yn colli eu hunaniaeth genedlaethol, a fyddai'n cael eu nodi fel 'U' - mewn gwirionedd, ni fyddent yn cael eu nodi fel 'U', byddent yn cael eu nodi fel 'R', fel Rwsiaid, a'u hiaith a'u diwylliant wedi eu dinistrio. Dyna pam rwy'n dweud bod hwn hefyd yn rhyfel o hil-laddiad ac o ddifodi diwylliannol. Un cam yw Wcráin, wedyn mae'r gwledydd Baltig, Estonia, Latfia, Lithwania, Georgia, a Gwlad Pwyl wrth gwrs. Yr wythnos nesaf, byddaf fi ac Alun Davies, ar ran holl bleidiau gwleidyddol y Senedd hon ac ar ran pobl Cymru, yn dosbarthu cyflenwadau a cherbyd i fataliwn Wcreinaidd ac i undeb glowyr Wcráin, sydd â nifer o'i aelodau'n brwydro ar y rheng flaen a nifer ohonynt eisoes wedi dioddef. Mae'n rhan o gyfraniad Cymru i'r ymgyrch unedig a rhan o'n cyfrifoldeb hanesyddol a rhyngwladol i gefnogi pobloedd gorthrymedig ledled y byd - yn Syria, Affganistan, Palesteina, pobl Uyghur yn Tsieina, ac mewn llawer o lefydd eraill yn anffodus. Rydym yn cefnogi Wcráin a democratiaeth yn Ewrop gyda'n cymorth materol ac ariannol. Mae Wcreiniaid yn cefnogi'r un ddemocratiaeth â'u bywydau. Rwy'n argyhoeddedig y bydd Wcráin yn ennill. Слава Україні! Героям слава! Gogoniant i Wcráin a gogoniant i'n harwyr.

Can I add Moldova to that list, Counsel General? We've met with the Moldovan ambassador, and that's clearly another country under threat.

A gaf fi ychwanegu Moldofa at y rhestr honno, Gwnsler Cyffredinol? Rydym wedi cyfarfod â llysgennad Moldofa, ac mae honno'n amlwg yn wlad arall dan fygythiad.

Diolch yn fawr, Dirprwy Lywydd. Can I start - and I'm sure the Welsh Conservatives and indeed the whole Chamber would want me to start - by thanking Mick Antoniw, the Counsel General, for his contribution to this debate today? I thank him for his courage and commitment and for sharing his personal and family experience, as we've stood together with Mick, I think across this whole Chamber, witnessing the response and the way in which he has guided us in our response to the horrific invasion of Ukraine by Putin nearly a year ago. This motion that you've tabled is important today, and I thank the Welsh Conservatives for tabling it for debate. But I think we all across this Chamber are once again thanking all of those in Wales who are playing such an important role in this humanitarian response, and who played that role over the past year. I think, Dirprwy Lywydd, point 1 of the motion expresses the fundamental truth that all the pain and suffering of the Ukrainian people over the past 12 months is the result of Putin's illegal invasion. The Siambr has been united and resolute in calling attention to the fact, and I welcome that it's been expressed here again, as we did yesterday on the steps of the Senedd. Each of us has been shocked by the brutality of what we've seen and heard from Ukraine since the invasion began. None of us will forget the massacre of Bucha, the use of nuclear power plants as a shield, the use of prisoners as combatants, and many other atrocities we've seen. We will continue to encourage our Ukrainian guests to consider engaging with the International Criminal Court war crimes investigation to ensure that those responsible are called to account. Whilst it's clear to the Welsh public and much of the world at large that Putin has attacked a sovereign nation, the deeper historic injustices and continuous aggression directed towards Ukraine are not as well understood. That's why we commemorated Holodomor in November last year, and we will continue to raise awareness during 2023. We will remember the victims and encourage greater solidarity with Ukrainians who are now finding sanctuary here in Wales. Despite all the suffering of those in Ukraine and trauma experienced by Ukrainians who we have welcomed into our communities, one thing has characterised their struggle more than any other, and that's bravery. As the First Minister noted when we commemorated Holodomor in November, rather than break their resolve, this war has made giants of Ukrainian people in the eyes of the world.

Diolch yn fawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd. A gaf fi ddechrau - ac rwy'n siŵr y byddai'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig a'r Siambr gyfan yn wir am i mi ddechrau - drwy ddiolch i Mick Antoniw, y Cwnsler Cyffredinol, am ei gyfraniad i'r ddadl hon heddiw? Diolch iddo am ei ddewrder a'i ymrwymiad ac am rannu ei brofiad personol a theuluol, wrth inni sefyll gyda'n gilydd gyda Mick, ar draws y Siambr gyfan rwy'n credu, yn dyst i'r ymateb a'r ffordd y mae wedi ein harwain yn ein hymateb i'r ymosodiad erchyll ar Wcráin gan Putin bron i flwyddyn yn ôl. Mae'r cynnig yma rydych wedi'i gyflwyno yn bwysig heddiw, a diolch i'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig am ei gyflwyno i'w drafod. Ond rwy'n credu ein bod ni i gyd ar draws y Siambr hon unwaith eto yn diolch i bawb yng Nghymru sy'n chwarae rhan mor bwysig yn yr ymateb dyngarol hwn, ac sydd wedi chwarae'r rhan honno dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf. Ddirprwy Lywydd, rwy'n credu bod pwynt 1 y cynnig yn mynegi'r gwirionedd sylfaenol fod holl boen a dioddefaint pobl Wcráin dros y 12 mis diwethaf yn ganlyniad i oresgyniad anghyfreithlon Putin. Mae'r Siambr wedi ei huno ac yn tynnu sylw'n gadarn at y ffaith, ac rwy'n croesawu ei fod wedi cael ei fynegi yma eto, fel y gwnaethom ddoe ar risiau'r Senedd. Mae pob un ohonom wedi cael ein syfrdanu gan greulondeb yr hyn a welsom ac a glywsom o Wcráin ers dechrau'r goresgyniad. Ni fydd yr un ohonom yn anghofio cyflafan Bucha, y defnydd o bwerdai niwclear fel tarian, y defnydd o garcharorion fel ymladdwyr, a llawer o erchyllterau eraill. Byddwn yn parhau i annog ein gwesteion Wcreinaidd i ystyried ymgysylltu ag ymchwiliad troseddau rhyfel y Llys Troseddol Rhyngwladol i sicrhau bod y rhai sy'n gyfrifol yn cael eu dwyn i gyfrif. Er ei bod yn amlwg i'r cyhoedd yng Nghymru a llawer o'r byd yn gyffredinol fod Putin wedi ymosod ar genedl sofran, nid yw'r anghyfiawnderau hanesyddol dyfnach a'r ymddygiad ymosodol parhaus a gyfeiriwyd tuag at Wcráin wedi eu deall cystal. Dyna pam ein bod wedi coffáu Holodomor ym mis Tachwedd y llynedd, a byddwn yn parhau i godi ymwybyddiaeth yn ystod 2023. Byddwn yn cofio'r dioddefwyr ac yn annog mwy o undod gydag Wcreiniaid sydd bellach yn cael noddfa yma yng Nghymru. Er gwaethaf holl ddioddefaint pobl Wcráin a'r trawma a brofwyd gan Wcreiniaid a groesawyd i'n cymunedau, mae un peth wedi nodweddu eu brwydr yn fwy na dim arall, sef dewrder. Fel y nododd y Prif Weinidog pan wnaethom goffáu Holodomor ym mis Tachwedd, yn hytrach na thorri eu penderfynoldeb, mae'r rhyfel hwn wedi gwneud cewri o bobl Wcráin yn llygaid y byd.

The international community has demonstrated remarkable solidarity in military, financial and humanitarian aid provided to Ukraine. The UK and Welsh Governments have worked hard to ensure that support is given to Ukraine to the best of our ability, despite the profound cost-of-living crisis that we are experiencing. We've been proud to provide financial support via the Disasters Emergency Committee to provide equipment where required, to open the supersponsor via route to help Ukrainian citizens get to safety more quickly. And, yes, we will be with you and thinking of you, Mike Antoniw MS our Counsel General, Alun Davies, and you partner [ Inaudible.] Thomas, who will be taking this equipment - the journey you're undertaking to deliver vital equipment to Ukraine, with cross-party support. So, the people of Wales have been unwavering in their support for nearly 7,000 who we have welcomed over the last year, as well as for the Ukrainian community members who already called Wales home, and those living and fighting in Ukraine. We are a compassionate people, providing amazing support, as has been expressed today. And, Dirprwy Lywydd, the Welsh Government set up that supersponsor route because we wanted to reduce the safeguarding risks and reduce barriers for people from Ukraine - mostly women and children, who are fleeing this deadly conflict and searching sanctuary. And you remember, over a year ago, we initially committed to support 1,000 Ukrainians through the supersponsor route, but we've now welcomed over 3,000 Ukrainians to Wales, and a further 1,500 have visas, which we've sponsored. They're yet to arrive, but I will say again today that we will receive them with a warm welcome when they arrive. And I think it is important to recognise that this about how we then move forward to provide that support in our welcome centres, which has been so important. Those welcome centres have been crucial in terms of the support we've provided for settling into life in Wales: translation services for those who don't speak English; opportunities to start learning English and Welsh; health services available; children enrolling in local schools; advice available to help people find their way in a new country; help with money, benefits and access to work. And also, of course, after that initial period in our welcome centres' initial accommodation, supporting arrivals into longer term accommodation. And this is why I just want to say again - and, of course, I had the opportunity to update Members yesterday in my statement - securing longer term accommodation is key to the provision of support for those displaced by the crisis in Ukraine. It involves a mixture of accommodation, including individual hosting, the private rented sector and other forms of good-quality transitional accommodation. And that does include modular housing, proposals and plans that have come from local authorities across Wales, including my own local authority, the Vale of Glamorgan council. And I think it is important again to say in this debate that, this is as a result of the transitional accommodation capital programme, and that is an important programme that has also been increased from £65 million to £89 million for this financial year, with support from Plaid Cymru, to ensure that we can provide that immediate good-quality housing at pace - that transitional accommodation. And you will see this being provided across Wales in partnership with our local authorities, housing associations and working in very close conjunction with our social landlords as well. Our long-term plan to support Ukrainians in Wales will follow the principles set down in our 'Nation of Sanctuary' plan, but I would say that we do need some answers to questions that only the UK Government can answer. And I did say, as I said yesterday, that it is important that we press and that we get your support for asking the UK Minister, Felicity Buchan, to develop a route to settlement for Ukrainians who wish to stay long term, and we know that we need to do that in partnership with the Scottish Government as well, following the delivery of our long-term vision. Deputy Llywydd, I have invited Senedd Members from all parties to the event to mark the invasion of Ukraine by Putin on 27 February, to meet guests, hosts and partners from local government and the third sector across Wales. The UK Government has also just announced a minute's silence at 11 o'clock on 24 February, which we will observe. Deputy Llywydd, we're making a strong stand together this afternoon to honour and support the brave people of Ukraine. Sláva Ukrayíni, heróiam sláva.

Mae'r gymuned ryngwladol wedi dangos undod rhyfeddol mewn perthynas â'r cymorth milwrol, ariannol a dyngarol a roddwyd i Wcráin. Mae Llywodraethau'r DU a Chymru wedi gweithio'n galed i sicrhau bod cymorth yn cael ei roi i Wcráin hyd eithaf ein gallu, er gwaethaf yr argyfwng costau byw difrifol rydym ynddo. Rydym wedi bod yn falch o ddarparu cymorth ariannol drwy'r Pwyllgor Argyfwng Trychinebau i ddarparu offer lle bo angen, i agor y llwybr uwch-noddwyr i helpu dinasyddion Wcráin i gyrraedd diogelwch yn gyflymach. A byddwn gyda chi ac yn meddwl amdanoch, Mike Antoniw AS, ein Cwnsler Cyffredinol, Alun Davies, a'ch partner [ Anghlywadwy.] Thomas, a fydd yn mynd â'r offer hwn - y daith rydych yn mynd arni i ddarparu offer hanfodol i Wcráin, gyda chefnogaeth drawsbleidiol. Felly, mae pobl Cymru wedi bod yn ddiwyro yn eu cefnogaeth i'r bron i 7,000 o bobl rydym wedi'u croesawu dros y flwyddyn ddiwethaf, yn ogystal ag i'r aelodau o'r gymuned Wcreinaidd a oedd eisoes yn galw Cymru'n gartref, a'r rheini sy'n byw ac yn ymladd yn Wcráin. Rydym yn bobl dosturiol sy'n darparu cymorth anhygoel, fel y mynegwyd heddiw. A Ddirprwy Lywydd, sefydlodd Llywodraeth Cymru y llwybr uwch-noddwyr am ein bod am leihau'r risgiau diogelu a lleihau'r rhwystrau i Wcreiniad - menywod a phlant yn bennaf, sy'n ffoi rhag y gwrthdaro angheuol hwn ac yn ceisio noddfa. A dros flwyddyn yn ôl, fe gofiwch inni ymrwymo, i ddechrau, i gefnogi 1,000 o Wcreiniad drwy'r llwybr uwch-noddwyr, ond rydym bellach wedi croesawu dros 3,000 o Wcreiniad i Gymru, ac mae gan 1,500 arall fisâu wedi'u noddi gennym. Nid ydynt wedi cyrraedd eto, ond fe ddywedaf eto heddiw y byddwn yn rhoi croeso cynnes iddynt pan fyddant yn cyrraedd. A chredaf ei bod yn bwysig cydnabod bod hyn yn ymwneud â sut rydym yn mynd ati wedyn i ddarparu'r cymorth hwnnw yn ein canolfannau croeso, sydd wedi bod mor bwysig. Mae'r canolfannau croeso hynny wedi bod yn hollbwysig o ran y cymorth rydym wedi'i ddarparu ar gyfer ymgartrefu yng Nghymru: gwasanaethau cyfieithu i'r rheini nad ydynt yn siarad Saesneg; cyfleoedd i ddechrau dysgu Saesneg a Chymraeg; y gwasanaethau iechyd sydd ar gael; plant yn cofrestru mewn ysgolion lleol; y cyngor sydd ar gael i helpu pobl i ddod o hyd i'w ffordd mewn gwlad newydd; cymorth gydag arian, budd-daliadau a mynediad at waith. A hefyd, wrth gwrs, ar ôl y cyfnod cychwynnol hwnnw yn llety cychwynnol ein canolfannau croeso, cynorthwyo'r bobl sy'n cyrraedd i gael llety mwy hirdymor. A dyma pam fy mod am ddweud eto - ac wrth gwrs, cefais gyfle i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau ddoe yn fy natganiad - fod sicrhau llety mwy hirdymor yn allweddol i ddarparu cymorth i'r rheini sydd wedi'u dadleoli gan yr argyfwng yn Wcráin. Mae'n cynnwys cymysgedd o lety, gan gynnwys llety gan unigolion, y sector rhentu preifat a mathau eraill o lety trosiannol o ansawdd da. Ac mae hynny'n cynnwys tai modiwlar, cynigion a chynlluniau a gyflwynwyd gan awdurdodau lleol ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys fy awdurdod lleol fy hun, cyngor Bro Morgannwg. A chredaf ei bod yn bwysig dweud eto yn y ddadl hon fod hyn o ganlyniad i'r rhaglen gyfalaf llety trosiannol, rhaglen bwysig sydd hefyd wedi'i chynyddu o £65 miliwn i £89 miliwn ar gyfer y flwyddyn ariannol hon, gyda chefnogaeth gan Blaid Cymru, i sicrhau y gallwn ddarparu'r tai o ansawdd da hynny ar unwaith - y llety trosiannol hwnnw. Ac fe welwch hyn yn cael ei ddarparu ledled Cymru mewn partneriaeth â'n hawdurdodau lleol, cymdeithasau tai a chan weithio'n agos iawn ar y cyd â'n landlordiaid cymdeithasol hefyd. Bydd ein cynllun hirdymor i gefnogi Wcreiniad yng Nghymru yn dilyn yr egwyddorion a nodir yn ein cynllun 'Cenedl Noddfa', ond byddwn yn dweud bod angen rhai atebion arnom i gwestiynau na all ond Llywodraeth y DU eu hateb. Ac fel y dywedais ddoe, mae'n bwysig ein bod yn pwyso a'n bod yn cael eich cefnogaeth i ofyn i Weinidog y DU, Felicity Buchan, ddatblygu llwybr tuag at ymgartrefu ar gyfer Wcreiniad sy'n dymuno aros yn hirdymor, a gwyddom fod angen inni wneud hynny mewn partneriaeth â Llywodraeth yr Alban hefyd, ar ôl cyflwyno ein gweledigaeth hirdymor. Ddirprwy Lywydd, rwyf wedi gwahodd Aelodau o'r Senedd o bob plaid i'r digwyddiad i nodi ymosodiad Putin ar Wcráin ar 27 Chwefror, i gyfarfod â gwesteion, gwesteiwyr a phartneriaid o lywodraeth leol a'r trydydd sector ledled Cymru. Mae Llywodraeth y DU hefyd newydd gyhoeddi munud o dawelwch am 11 o'r gloch ar 24 Chwefror, a byddwn yn nodi hynny. Ddirprwy Lywydd, rydym yn gwneud safiad cryf gyda'n gilydd y prynhawn yma i anrhydeddu a chefnogi pobl ddewr Wcráin. Sláva Ukrayíni, heróiam sláva.

Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer, and can I thank everyone who's contributed to today's debate, and especially Mick, obviously, who has such strong personal connections to Ukraine? I would just like to say that we never want to see that 'U' again. You have a country called Ukraine. You should never have to have a document that would say 'unidentified' or 'no fixed abode'. You do have a country that has international recognised borders, and that's why the United Kingdom has stood shoulder to shoulder with the Ukrainian people, and that's why the President of Ukraine came here last week, along with the rest of Europe that he visited, to show that strength of support and appreciation for the Ukrainian people in their hour of need. As we come towards the year's anniversary, which is a week on Friday, many of us thought that we would never see it run this long and that, ultimately, some sort of common-sense approach would appease Putin and he would withdraw back to those international borders, and ultimately, Ukraine could carry on being a nation state - a proud nation state. But the comments that Alun Davies made about saying 'brutality', 'generosity', and also, I would add, 'solidarity', are typical of what this debate should be about. Mark Isherwood highlighted in his opening remarks the comments around the brutality, about the deaths, about the destruction of property. We've heard about children being taken out of the country of Ukraine into camps - camps. This is Europe we're talking about. For many people in the modern era when we're talking about Ukraine, they have images of European football championships being played there and going there on holidays. And also, from an agricultural point of view, I have much understanding of the great agricultural potential that Ukraine has, as Tom Giffard touched on about the food supply that is provided. Sam Rowlands touched on the community support that obviously has been offered the length and breadth of this country, and also the rest of the UK and the rest of the world as well, which is greatly appreciated when you think of the mass movement of people - 7 million, 8 million, 10 million people and more are in transit and being displaced because of this conflict. Let's not forget, we haven't seen anything like that since the second world war. Some of us with a long enough memory would remember the brutality of the Balkans crisis and what went on there, and that was a terrible and damning indictment of diplomacy's failure, but this is of a different magnitude altogether. And it has been said in this Chamber that not all Russians are guilty here. They're a state captured by Putin and Putin's cronies around him. This isn't about being against the Russian people. This is about the regime that Putin leads and the dictatorship that he operates within the borders of Russia. And Heledd Fychan touching on, sadly, that example in Llantwit Major of the Facebook page. We must always root out that level of hate and that level of poison that does exist in a very small amount of people's minds, but overcome that with the generosity of spirit that we have shown as politicians, but also as a country as a whole we have done that. But also, the Minister's response. I pay tribute to what the Minister has done in her role in social justice, but also highlighting - the point that Janet Finch-Saunders raised - about the need for housing, which I know the Minister is conscious of, but it is, because sadly this war is ongoing and people's displacement is longer than any of us would like to see, going to be with us for many years to come, if not decades to come. And when people are thinking about schooling and putting their roots down in communities, they do need that ability to call a place home, because that is going to be critical about bringing balance back into people's lives. So, my points today are around the brutality - we've heard about that in this debate; the generosity - we've heard that in this debate today, the generosity of the Welsh and the British people; and above all, the solidarity of how we all stand with the Ukrainian people as we come up to that 12-month anniversary. We all want this war to come to an end, but by standing shoulder to shoulder with the Ukrainian people and saying that it is our firm commitment that we want to see the international borders of the Ukraine respected, we will overcome, we will triumph, and ultimately, the Ukrainian people will have that place called home: the Ukrainian nation state. Thank you.

Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd, ac a gaf fi ddiolch i bawb sydd wedi cyfrannu at y ddadl heddiw, ac yn enwedig Mick, yn amlwg, sydd â chysylltiadau personol mor gryf ag Wcráin? Hoffwn ddweud nad ydym byth am weld yr 'U' honno eto. Mae gennych wlad o'r enw Wcráin. Ni ddylai fod yn rhaid i chi byth gael dogfen a fyddai'n dweud 'anhysbys' neu 'heb gartref sefydlog'. Mae gennych wlad a chanddi ffiniau a gydnabyddir yn rhyngwladol, a dyna pam fod y Deyrnas Unedig wedi cydsefyll â phobl Wcráin, a dyna pam y daeth Arlywydd Wcráin yma yr wythnos diwethaf, wrth ymweld â gweddill Ewrop, i ddangos cryfder y gefnogaeth a'r gwerthfawrogiad o bobl Wcráin yn eu hawr gyfyng. Wrth inni agosáu at flwyddyn ers dechrau'r ymosodiad, wythnos i ddydd Gwener, roedd llawer ohonom yn meddwl na fyddem byth yn ei weld yn para mor hir, ac yn y pen draw, y byddai rhyw synnwyr cyffredin yn tawelu Putin ac y byddai'n parchu'r ffiniau rhyngwladol hynny, ac yn y pen draw, y gallai Wcráin barhau i fod yn genedl-wladwriaeth - yn genedl-wladwriaeth falch. Ond mae'r sylwadau a wnaeth Alun Davies ynglŷn â 'chreulondeb', 'haelioni', a hefyd, byddwn yn ychwanegu 'undod', yn nodweddiadol o'r hyn y dylai'r ddadl hon ymwneud ag ef. Tynnodd Mark Isherwood sylw yn ei sylwadau agoriadol at y sylwadau ynghylch y creulondeb, y marwolaethau, y dinistr i eiddo. Clywsom am blant yn gorfod mynd o wlad Wcráin i wersylloedd - gwersylloedd. Rydym yn sôn am Ewrop. I lawer o bobl yn yr oes fodern, pan soniwn am Wcráin, maent yn meddwl am luniau o bencampwriaethau pêl-droed Ewropeaidd yn cael eu chwarae yno, a mynd yno ar wyliau. A hefyd, o safbwynt amaethyddol, mae gennyf ddealltwriaeth dda o'r potensial amaethyddol sylweddol sydd gan Wcráin, fel y crybwyllodd Tom Giffard am y cyflenwad bwyd sy'n cael ei ddarparu. Cyfeiriodd Sam Rowlands at y cymorth cymunedol sy'n amlwg wedi'i gynnig ledled y wlad hon, a hefyd yng ngweddill y DU a gweddill y byd hefyd, sy'n cael ei werthfawrogi'n fawr pan feddyliwch am symudiad torfol pobl - mae 7 miliwn, 8 miliwn, 10 miliwn a mwy o bobl yn symud ac yn cael eu dadleoli oherwydd y gwrthdaro hwn. Gadewch inni beidio ag anghofio, nid ydym wedi gweld unrhyw beth o'r fath ers yr ail ryfel byd. Byddai rhai ohonom sydd â chof digon hir yn cofio creulondeb argyfwng y Balcanau a'r hyn a ddigwyddodd yno, ac roedd hynny'n enghraifft ofnadwy a damniol o fethiant diplomyddiaeth, ond mae hyn ar raddfa hollol wahanol. Ac mae wedi'i ddweud yn y Siambr hon nad yw pob Rwsiad yn euog. Maent yn wladwriaeth sydd wedi'i chaethiwo gan Putin a'i ffrindiau. Nid oes a wnelo hyn â bod yn erbyn pobl Rwsia. Mae hyn yn ymwneud â'r gyfundrefn y mae Putin yn ei harwain a'r unbennaeth y mae'n ei gweithredu o fewn ffiniau Rwsia. A soniodd Heledd Fychan am yr enghraifft ddigalon honno yn Llanilltud Fawr a'r dudalen Facebook. Mae'n rhaid inni bob amser gael gwared ar y lefel honno o gasineb a'r lefel honno o wenwyn sy'n bodoli ym meddyliau ychydig iawn o bobl, a threchu hynny gyda'r ysbryd hael rydym wedi'i ddangos fel gwleidyddion, ond hefyd fel gwlad gyfan. Ond hefyd, ymateb y Gweinidog. Rwy'n talu teyrnged i'r hyn y mae'r Gweinidog wedi'i wneud yn ei rôl ym maes cyfiawnder cymdeithasol, ond gan dynnu sylw hefyd - y pwynt a wnaeth Janet Finch-Saunders - at yr angen am dai, y gwn fod y Gweinidog yn ymwybodol ohono, ond oherwydd bod y rhyfel hwn yn parhau, yn anffodus, a bydd pobl wedi'u dadleoli am amser hirach nag yr hoffai unrhyw un ohonom ei weld, bydd hynny gyda ni am flynyddoedd lawer i ddod, os nad degawdau i ddod. A phan fydd pobl yn meddwl am addysg ac ymgartrefu mewn cymunedau, mae angen iddynt allu galw lle'n gartref, gan y bydd hynny'n hollbwysig er mwyn dod â chydbwysedd yn ôl i fywydau pobl. Felly, mae fy mhwyntiau heddiw yn ymwneud â'r creulondeb - rydym wedi clywed am hynny yn y ddadl hon; yr haelioni - rydym wedi clywed am hynny yn y ddadl hon heddiw, haelioni pobl Cymru a Phrydain; ac yn anad dim, yr undod o ran sut rydym oll yn cydsefyll gyda phobl Wcráin wrth inni nesáu at 12 mis ers dechrau'r ymosodiad. Mae pob un ohonom am i'r rhyfel ddod i ben, ond drwy gydsefyll gyda phobl Wcráin a dweud mai ein hymrwymiad cadarn yw ein bod am weld ffiniau rhyngwladol Wcráin yn cael eu parchu, fe wnawn lwyddo, fe wnawn ennill, ac yn y pen draw, bydd gan bobl Wcráin le i'w alw'n gartref: cenedl-wladwriaeth Wcráin. Diolch.

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? I don't hear any objection. Therefore, the motion is agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.

Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? Dwi ddim yn clywed gwrthwynebiad. Felly, derbynnir y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.

Item 7 this afternoon is the second Welsh Conservatives' debate on habilitation training for sight-impaired children. I call on Altaf Hussain to move the motion.

Eitem 7 y prynhawn yma yw ail ddadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ar hyfforddiant sefydlu ar gyfer plant â nam ar eu golwg. Galwaf ar Altaf Hussain i wneud y cynnig.