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During the procedure described in paragraph 3, when clay particles are placed into water they

The mineral particles found in soil range in size from microscopic clay particles to large boulders. The most abundant particles - sand, silt, and clay - are the focus of examination in studies of soil texture. Texture is the term used to describe the composite sizes of particles in a soil sample, typically several representative handfuls. To measure soil texture, the sand, silt, and clay particles are sorted out by size and weight. The weights of each size are then expressed as a percentage of the sample weight. In the field, soil texture can be estimated by extracting a handful of soil and squeezing the damp soil into three basic shapes; (1) cast, a lump formed by squeezing a sample in a clenched fist; (2) thread, a pencil shape formed by rolling soil between the palms; and (3) ribbon, a flatfish shape formed by squeezing a small sample between the thumb and index finger. The behavioral characteristics of the soil when molded into each of these shapes, if they can be formed at all, provide the basis for a general textural classification. The behavior of the soil in the hand test is determined by the amount of clay in the sample. Clay particles are highly cohesive, and when dampened, behave as a plastic. Therefore the higher the clay content in a sample, the more refined and durable the shapes into which it can be molded. Another method of determining soil texture involves the use of devices called sediment sieves, screens built with a specified mesh size. When the soil is filtered through a group of sieves, each with a different mesh size, the particles become grouped in corresponding size categories. Each category can be weighed to make a textural determination. Although sieves work well for silt, sand, and larger particles, they are not appropriate for clay particles. Clay is far too small to sieve accurately; therefore, in soils with a high proportion of clay, the fine particles are measured on the basis of their settling velocity when suspended in water. Since clays settle so slowly, they are easily segregated from sand and silt. The water can be drawn off and evaporated, leaving a residue of clay, which can be weighed.

1951.txt

The word "fine" in line 24 is closest in meaning to

The mineral particles found in soil range in size from microscopic clay particles to large boulders. The most abundant particles - sand, silt, and clay - are the focus of examination in studies of soil texture. Texture is the term used to describe the composite sizes of particles in a soil sample, typically several representative handfuls. To measure soil texture, the sand, silt, and clay particles are sorted out by size and weight. The weights of each size are then expressed as a percentage of the sample weight. In the field, soil texture can be estimated by extracting a handful of soil and squeezing the damp soil into three basic shapes; (1) cast, a lump formed by squeezing a sample in a clenched fist; (2) thread, a pencil shape formed by rolling soil between the palms; and (3) ribbon, a flatfish shape formed by squeezing a small sample between the thumb and index finger. The behavioral characteristics of the soil when molded into each of these shapes, if they can be formed at all, provide the basis for a general textural classification. The behavior of the soil in the hand test is determined by the amount of clay in the sample. Clay particles are highly cohesive, and when dampened, behave as a plastic. Therefore the higher the clay content in a sample, the more refined and durable the shapes into which it can be molded. Another method of determining soil texture involves the use of devices called sediment sieves, screens built with a specified mesh size. When the soil is filtered through a group of sieves, each with a different mesh size, the particles become grouped in corresponding size categories. Each category can be weighed to make a textural determination. Although sieves work well for silt, sand, and larger particles, they are not appropriate for clay particles. Clay is far too small to sieve accurately; therefore, in soils with a high proportion of clay, the fine particles are measured on the basis of their settling velocity when suspended in water. Since clays settle so slowly, they are easily segregated from sand and silt. The water can be drawn off and evaporated, leaving a residue of clay, which can be weighed.

1951.txt

All of the following words are defined in the passage EXCEPT

The mineral particles found in soil range in size from microscopic clay particles to large boulders. The most abundant particles - sand, silt, and clay - are the focus of examination in studies of soil texture. Texture is the term used to describe the composite sizes of particles in a soil sample, typically several representative handfuls. To measure soil texture, the sand, silt, and clay particles are sorted out by size and weight. The weights of each size are then expressed as a percentage of the sample weight. In the field, soil texture can be estimated by extracting a handful of soil and squeezing the damp soil into three basic shapes; (1) cast, a lump formed by squeezing a sample in a clenched fist; (2) thread, a pencil shape formed by rolling soil between the palms; and (3) ribbon, a flatfish shape formed by squeezing a small sample between the thumb and index finger. The behavioral characteristics of the soil when molded into each of these shapes, if they can be formed at all, provide the basis for a general textural classification. The behavior of the soil in the hand test is determined by the amount of clay in the sample. Clay particles are highly cohesive, and when dampened, behave as a plastic. Therefore the higher the clay content in a sample, the more refined and durable the shapes into which it can be molded. Another method of determining soil texture involves the use of devices called sediment sieves, screens built with a specified mesh size. When the soil is filtered through a group of sieves, each with a different mesh size, the particles become grouped in corresponding size categories. Each category can be weighed to make a textural determination. Although sieves work well for silt, sand, and larger particles, they are not appropriate for clay particles. Clay is far too small to sieve accurately; therefore, in soils with a high proportion of clay, the fine particles are measured on the basis of their settling velocity when suspended in water. Since clays settle so slowly, they are easily segregated from sand and silt. The water can be drawn off and evaporated, leaving a residue of clay, which can be weighed.

1951.txt

The Latino population is changing Arizona's _ .

Latino youths need better education for Arizona to take full advantage of the possibilities their exploding population offers. Arizona's fast-growing Latino population offers che state tremendous promise and a challenge. Even more than the aging of the baby boomers. the Latino boom is fundamentally reorienting the state's economic and social structure. Immigration and natural increase have added 600,000 young Latino residents to the state's population in the past decade.Half of the population younger than 18 in both Phoenix and Tucson cs now Latino. Within 20 years. Latinos will make up half of the homegrown entry-level labor pool in the state's two largest labor markets. What is more, Hispanics are becoming key economic players. Most people don't notice it. but Latinos born in Arizona make up much of their immigrant parents' economic and educational deficits. For example. second-generation Mexican-Americans secure an average of 12 grades of schooling where their parents obtained lessthan nine. That means they erase 70 percent of their parents' lag behind third-generation non-Hispanic Whites in a single generation. A11 of chis hands the state a golden opportunity. At a time when many  states will struggle with labor shortages because of modest population growth. Arizona has a priceless chance m build a populous, hardworking and skilled workforce on which to base future prosperity. The problem is that Arizona and its Latino residents may not be able to seize this opportunity. Far too many of Arizona's Latinos drop out of high school or fail to obtain the basic education needed for more advanced study. As a result,educational deficits areholding back many Latinos-and the state as well. To be sure, construction and low-end service jobs continue to absorb tens of thousands of Latino immigrants with little formal education. But over the long tern. most of Arizona's Latino citizens remain ill-prepared to prosper in an increasingly demanding knowledge economy. For the reason, the educational uplift of Arizona's huge Latino population must move to the center of the state's agenda. After all, the education deficits of Arizona's Latino population will severely cramp the fortunes of hardworking people if they go unaddressed and could well undercut the state's ability to compete in the new economy. At the entry level, slower growth rates may create more competition for low-skill jobs. displacing Latinos from a significant means of support. At the higher end. shortages of Latinos educationally ready to move up will make it that much harder for knowledge-based companies staff high-skill positions.

180.txt

What can be inferred from the third paragraph?

Latino youths need better education for Arizona to take full advantage of the possibilities their exploding population offers. Arizona's fast-growing Latino population offers che state tremendous promise and a challenge. Even more than the aging of the baby boomers. the Latino boom is fundamentally reorienting the state's economic and social structure. Immigration and natural increase have added 600,000 young Latino residents to the state's population in the past decade.Half of the population younger than 18 in both Phoenix and Tucson cs now Latino. Within 20 years. Latinos will make up half of the homegrown entry-level labor pool in the state's two largest labor markets. What is more, Hispanics are becoming key economic players. Most people don't notice it. but Latinos born in Arizona make up much of their immigrant parents' economic and educational deficits. For example. second-generation Mexican-Americans secure an average of 12 grades of schooling where their parents obtained lessthan nine. That means they erase 70 percent of their parents' lag behind third-generation non-Hispanic Whites in a single generation. A11 of chis hands the state a golden opportunity. At a time when many  states will struggle with labor shortages because of modest population growth. Arizona has a priceless chance m build a populous, hardworking and skilled workforce on which to base future prosperity. The problem is that Arizona and its Latino residents may not be able to seize this opportunity. Far too many of Arizona's Latinos drop out of high school or fail to obtain the basic education needed for more advanced study. As a result,educational deficits areholding back many Latinos-and the state as well. To be sure, construction and low-end service jobs continue to absorb tens of thousands of Latino immigrants with little formal education. But over the long tern. most of Arizona's Latino citizens remain ill-prepared to prosper in an increasingly demanding knowledge economy. For the reason, the educational uplift of Arizona's huge Latino population must move to the center of the state's agenda. After all, the education deficits of Arizona's Latino population will severely cramp the fortunes of hardworking people if they go unaddressed and could well undercut the state's ability to compete in the new economy. At the entry level, slower growth rates may create more competition for low-skill jobs. displacing Latinos from a significant means of support. At the higher end. shortages of Latinos educationally ready to move up will make it that much harder for knowledge-based companies staff high-skill positions.

180.txt

"Educational deficits" (Line 7. Para. 4) most probably means that _ .

Latino youths need better education for Arizona to take full advantage of the possibilities their exploding population offers. Arizona's fast-growing Latino population offers che state tremendous promise and a challenge. Even more than the aging of the baby boomers. the Latino boom is fundamentally reorienting the state's economic and social structure. Immigration and natural increase have added 600,000 young Latino residents to the state's population in the past decade.Half of the population younger than 18 in both Phoenix and Tucson cs now Latino. Within 20 years. Latinos will make up half of the homegrown entry-level labor pool in the state's two largest labor markets. What is more, Hispanics are becoming key economic players. Most people don't notice it. but Latinos born in Arizona make up much of their immigrant parents' economic and educational deficits. For example. second-generation Mexican-Americans secure an average of 12 grades of schooling where their parents obtained lessthan nine. That means they erase 70 percent of their parents' lag behind third-generation non-Hispanic Whites in a single generation. A11 of chis hands the state a golden opportunity. At a time when many  states will struggle with labor shortages because of modest population growth. Arizona has a priceless chance m build a populous, hardworking and skilled workforce on which to base future prosperity. The problem is that Arizona and its Latino residents may not be able to seize this opportunity. Far too many of Arizona's Latinos drop out of high school or fail to obtain the basic education needed for more advanced study. As a result,educational deficits areholding back many Latinos-and the state as well. To be sure, construction and low-end service jobs continue to absorb tens of thousands of Latino immigrants with little formal education. But over the long tern. most of Arizona's Latino citizens remain ill-prepared to prosper in an increasingly demanding knowledge economy. For the reason, the educational uplift of Arizona's huge Latino population must move to the center of the state's agenda. After all, the education deficits of Arizona's Latino population will severely cramp the fortunes of hardworking people if they go unaddressed and could well undercut the state's ability to compete in the new economy. At the entry level, slower growth rates may create more competition for low-skill jobs. displacing Latinos from a significant means of support. At the higher end. shortages of Latinos educationally ready to move up will make it that much harder for knowledge-based companies staff high-skill positions.

180.txt

According to the author. Arizona should give highest priority to _ .

Latino youths need better education for Arizona to take full advantage of the possibilities their exploding population offers. Arizona's fast-growing Latino population offers che state tremendous promise and a challenge. Even more than the aging of the baby boomers. the Latino boom is fundamentally reorienting the state's economic and social structure. Immigration and natural increase have added 600,000 young Latino residents to the state's population in the past decade.Half of the population younger than 18 in both Phoenix and Tucson cs now Latino. Within 20 years. Latinos will make up half of the homegrown entry-level labor pool in the state's two largest labor markets. What is more, Hispanics are becoming key economic players. Most people don't notice it. but Latinos born in Arizona make up much of their immigrant parents' economic and educational deficits. For example. second-generation Mexican-Americans secure an average of 12 grades of schooling where their parents obtained lessthan nine. That means they erase 70 percent of their parents' lag behind third-generation non-Hispanic Whites in a single generation. A11 of chis hands the state a golden opportunity. At a time when many  states will struggle with labor shortages because of modest population growth. Arizona has a priceless chance m build a populous, hardworking and skilled workforce on which to base future prosperity. The problem is that Arizona and its Latino residents may not be able to seize this opportunity. Far too many of Arizona's Latinos drop out of high school or fail to obtain the basic education needed for more advanced study. As a result,educational deficits areholding back many Latinos-and the state as well. To be sure, construction and low-end service jobs continue to absorb tens of thousands of Latino immigrants with little formal education. But over the long tern. most of Arizona's Latino citizens remain ill-prepared to prosper in an increasingly demanding knowledge economy. For the reason, the educational uplift of Arizona's huge Latino population must move to the center of the state's agenda. After all, the education deficits of Arizona's Latino population will severely cramp the fortunes of hardworking people if they go unaddressed and could well undercut the state's ability to compete in the new economy. At the entry level, slower growth rates may create more competition for low-skill jobs. displacing Latinos from a significant means of support. At the higher end. shortages of Latinos educationally ready to move up will make it that much harder for knowledge-based companies staff high-skill positions.

180.txt

It is implied that in the long run most Latinos in Arizona will _ .

Latino youths need better education for Arizona to take full advantage of the possibilities their exploding population offers. Arizona's fast-growing Latino population offers che state tremendous promise and a challenge. Even more than the aging of the baby boomers. the Latino boom is fundamentally reorienting the state's economic and social structure. Immigration and natural increase have added 600,000 young Latino residents to the state's population in the past decade.Half of the population younger than 18 in both Phoenix and Tucson cs now Latino. Within 20 years. Latinos will make up half of the homegrown entry-level labor pool in the state's two largest labor markets. What is more, Hispanics are becoming key economic players. Most people don't notice it. but Latinos born in Arizona make up much of their immigrant parents' economic and educational deficits. For example. second-generation Mexican-Americans secure an average of 12 grades of schooling where their parents obtained lessthan nine. That means they erase 70 percent of their parents' lag behind third-generation non-Hispanic Whites in a single generation. A11 of chis hands the state a golden opportunity. At a time when many  states will struggle with labor shortages because of modest population growth. Arizona has a priceless chance m build a populous, hardworking and skilled workforce on which to base future prosperity. The problem is that Arizona and its Latino residents may not be able to seize this opportunity. Far too many of Arizona's Latinos drop out of high school or fail to obtain the basic education needed for more advanced study. As a result,educational deficits areholding back many Latinos-and the state as well. To be sure, construction and low-end service jobs continue to absorb tens of thousands of Latino immigrants with little formal education. But over the long tern. most of Arizona's Latino citizens remain ill-prepared to prosper in an increasingly demanding knowledge economy. For the reason, the educational uplift of Arizona's huge Latino population must move to the center of the state's agenda. After all, the education deficits of Arizona's Latino population will severely cramp the fortunes of hardworking people if they go unaddressed and could well undercut the state's ability to compete in the new economy. At the entry level, slower growth rates may create more competition for low-skill jobs. displacing Latinos from a significant means of support. At the higher end. shortages of Latinos educationally ready to move up will make it that much harder for knowledge-based companies staff high-skill positions.

180.txt

Max Perutz won the Nobel prize though he made a lot of mistakes because _

For a Nobel laureate, the molecular biologist Max Perutz made a lot of mistakes. His science was strewn with assertions that were not supported by the sparse evidence he had gathered. No matter. He was eventually right about the important things-and gentleman enough to concede his errors. With bloody-minded persistence, Perutz mastered the painstaking task of analysing images of haemoglobin, the component of blood that carries oxygen. This was no mean feat: a molecule of haemoglobin consists of thousands of atoms and, at the time, only simple structures of tens of atoms had been mapped. It was for this work that Perutz was awarded the Nobel prize in chemistry in 1962. But his triumphal announcement of the correct structure of haemoglobin was by no means his first solution to the problem: he had previously claimed all sorts of unlikely arrangements, backing down each time a colleague spotted a fatal flaw. Even when he did finally hold the secret to why blood supports life, he did not piece together the evidence to produce the ultimate result. Indeed, Perutz was furious when a junior researcher saw how the final piece fitted and could not resist popping it into its slot, completing what Perutz viewed as his jigsaw puzzle. Nevertheless, it was Perutz who had gathered all the pieces and who ensured, in the end, that they were correctly assembled. Perutz was long the outsider. Of Jewish descent, he was a lapsed Catholic by religion. He left his native Austria in 1936, two years before Hitler annexed it. The outbreak of war saw him expelled to Canada as an enemy alien. On returning to Cambridge, he was not welcomed by his college. It was only after he won the Nobel prize that he felt accepted as an Englishman, despite having been naturalised as a British subject 20 years earlier. As a scientist, too, Perutz was always on the fringe. His field of endeavour, X-ray crystallography, was neither physics nor maths nor chemistry nor biology but a combination of these. As often happens to researchers working in interdisciplinary areas of science, his progress was impeded by an establishment that sought to promote existing subjects. He lived from grant to grant, each lasting a matter of months. Nevertheless, he managed to establish the unit in which James Watson and Francis Crick elucidated the double helix structure of DNA. A decade later, a whole institute was established under him. Georgina Ferry's biography captures not only the scientific advances made by Perutz but also his curious personal qualities. A skinny, sickly and, for much of his life, skint individual, Perutz is an unlikely hero. He was demanding-his diet required him to eat black bananas, even in February-and he was unselfconscious in ensuring that his elaborate needs were met. He was also naive in insisting that scientific reasoning would trump political thought and religious teaching. Ms Ferry portrays his foibles sympathetically. Perutz used to complain that, although he was famous, few people knew what it was he had achieved. By combining scientific with personal anecdotes, her book goes a good way towards redressing that balance.

3526.txt

Which one of the following statements is TURE of Perutz's task of analyzing structure of haemoglobin?

For a Nobel laureate, the molecular biologist Max Perutz made a lot of mistakes. His science was strewn with assertions that were not supported by the sparse evidence he had gathered. No matter. He was eventually right about the important things-and gentleman enough to concede his errors. With bloody-minded persistence, Perutz mastered the painstaking task of analysing images of haemoglobin, the component of blood that carries oxygen. This was no mean feat: a molecule of haemoglobin consists of thousands of atoms and, at the time, only simple structures of tens of atoms had been mapped. It was for this work that Perutz was awarded the Nobel prize in chemistry in 1962. But his triumphal announcement of the correct structure of haemoglobin was by no means his first solution to the problem: he had previously claimed all sorts of unlikely arrangements, backing down each time a colleague spotted a fatal flaw. Even when he did finally hold the secret to why blood supports life, he did not piece together the evidence to produce the ultimate result. Indeed, Perutz was furious when a junior researcher saw how the final piece fitted and could not resist popping it into its slot, completing what Perutz viewed as his jigsaw puzzle. Nevertheless, it was Perutz who had gathered all the pieces and who ensured, in the end, that they were correctly assembled. Perutz was long the outsider. Of Jewish descent, he was a lapsed Catholic by religion. He left his native Austria in 1936, two years before Hitler annexed it. The outbreak of war saw him expelled to Canada as an enemy alien. On returning to Cambridge, he was not welcomed by his college. It was only after he won the Nobel prize that he felt accepted as an Englishman, despite having been naturalised as a British subject 20 years earlier. As a scientist, too, Perutz was always on the fringe. His field of endeavour, X-ray crystallography, was neither physics nor maths nor chemistry nor biology but a combination of these. As often happens to researchers working in interdisciplinary areas of science, his progress was impeded by an establishment that sought to promote existing subjects. He lived from grant to grant, each lasting a matter of months. Nevertheless, he managed to establish the unit in which James Watson and Francis Crick elucidated the double helix structure of DNA. A decade later, a whole institute was established under him. Georgina Ferry's biography captures not only the scientific advances made by Perutz but also his curious personal qualities. A skinny, sickly and, for much of his life, skint individual, Perutz is an unlikely hero. He was demanding-his diet required him to eat black bananas, even in February-and he was unselfconscious in ensuring that his elaborate needs were met. He was also naive in insisting that scientific reasoning would trump political thought and religious teaching. Ms Ferry portrays his foibles sympathetically. Perutz used to complain that, although he was famous, few people knew what it was he had achieved. By combining scientific with personal anecdotes, her book goes a good way towards redressing that balance.

3526.txt

Perutz was very angry with the junior researcher who popped the final piece into its slot because _

For a Nobel laureate, the molecular biologist Max Perutz made a lot of mistakes. His science was strewn with assertions that were not supported by the sparse evidence he had gathered. No matter. He was eventually right about the important things-and gentleman enough to concede his errors. With bloody-minded persistence, Perutz mastered the painstaking task of analysing images of haemoglobin, the component of blood that carries oxygen. This was no mean feat: a molecule of haemoglobin consists of thousands of atoms and, at the time, only simple structures of tens of atoms had been mapped. It was for this work that Perutz was awarded the Nobel prize in chemistry in 1962. But his triumphal announcement of the correct structure of haemoglobin was by no means his first solution to the problem: he had previously claimed all sorts of unlikely arrangements, backing down each time a colleague spotted a fatal flaw. Even when he did finally hold the secret to why blood supports life, he did not piece together the evidence to produce the ultimate result. Indeed, Perutz was furious when a junior researcher saw how the final piece fitted and could not resist popping it into its slot, completing what Perutz viewed as his jigsaw puzzle. Nevertheless, it was Perutz who had gathered all the pieces and who ensured, in the end, that they were correctly assembled. Perutz was long the outsider. Of Jewish descent, he was a lapsed Catholic by religion. He left his native Austria in 1936, two years before Hitler annexed it. The outbreak of war saw him expelled to Canada as an enemy alien. On returning to Cambridge, he was not welcomed by his college. It was only after he won the Nobel prize that he felt accepted as an Englishman, despite having been naturalised as a British subject 20 years earlier. As a scientist, too, Perutz was always on the fringe. His field of endeavour, X-ray crystallography, was neither physics nor maths nor chemistry nor biology but a combination of these. As often happens to researchers working in interdisciplinary areas of science, his progress was impeded by an establishment that sought to promote existing subjects. He lived from grant to grant, each lasting a matter of months. Nevertheless, he managed to establish the unit in which James Watson and Francis Crick elucidated the double helix structure of DNA. A decade later, a whole institute was established under him. Georgina Ferry's biography captures not only the scientific advances made by Perutz but also his curious personal qualities. A skinny, sickly and, for much of his life, skint individual, Perutz is an unlikely hero. He was demanding-his diet required him to eat black bananas, even in February-and he was unselfconscious in ensuring that his elaborate needs were met. He was also naive in insisting that scientific reasoning would trump political thought and religious teaching. Ms Ferry portrays his foibles sympathetically. Perutz used to complain that, although he was famous, few people knew what it was he had achieved. By combining scientific with personal anecdotes, her book goes a good way towards redressing that balance.

3526.txt

Perutz's progress was interrupted by an establishment because _

For a Nobel laureate, the molecular biologist Max Perutz made a lot of mistakes. His science was strewn with assertions that were not supported by the sparse evidence he had gathered. No matter. He was eventually right about the important things-and gentleman enough to concede his errors. With bloody-minded persistence, Perutz mastered the painstaking task of analysing images of haemoglobin, the component of blood that carries oxygen. This was no mean feat: a molecule of haemoglobin consists of thousands of atoms and, at the time, only simple structures of tens of atoms had been mapped. It was for this work that Perutz was awarded the Nobel prize in chemistry in 1962. But his triumphal announcement of the correct structure of haemoglobin was by no means his first solution to the problem: he had previously claimed all sorts of unlikely arrangements, backing down each time a colleague spotted a fatal flaw. Even when he did finally hold the secret to why blood supports life, he did not piece together the evidence to produce the ultimate result. Indeed, Perutz was furious when a junior researcher saw how the final piece fitted and could not resist popping it into its slot, completing what Perutz viewed as his jigsaw puzzle. Nevertheless, it was Perutz who had gathered all the pieces and who ensured, in the end, that they were correctly assembled. Perutz was long the outsider. Of Jewish descent, he was a lapsed Catholic by religion. He left his native Austria in 1936, two years before Hitler annexed it. The outbreak of war saw him expelled to Canada as an enemy alien. On returning to Cambridge, he was not welcomed by his college. It was only after he won the Nobel prize that he felt accepted as an Englishman, despite having been naturalised as a British subject 20 years earlier. As a scientist, too, Perutz was always on the fringe. His field of endeavour, X-ray crystallography, was neither physics nor maths nor chemistry nor biology but a combination of these. As often happens to researchers working in interdisciplinary areas of science, his progress was impeded by an establishment that sought to promote existing subjects. He lived from grant to grant, each lasting a matter of months. Nevertheless, he managed to establish the unit in which James Watson and Francis Crick elucidated the double helix structure of DNA. A decade later, a whole institute was established under him. Georgina Ferry's biography captures not only the scientific advances made by Perutz but also his curious personal qualities. A skinny, sickly and, for much of his life, skint individual, Perutz is an unlikely hero. He was demanding-his diet required him to eat black bananas, even in February-and he was unselfconscious in ensuring that his elaborate needs were met. He was also naive in insisting that scientific reasoning would trump political thought and religious teaching. Ms Ferry portrays his foibles sympathetically. Perutz used to complain that, although he was famous, few people knew what it was he had achieved. By combining scientific with personal anecdotes, her book goes a good way towards redressing that balance.

3526.txt

The word "redressing" (Line 3, Paragraph 7) most probably means _

For a Nobel laureate, the molecular biologist Max Perutz made a lot of mistakes. His science was strewn with assertions that were not supported by the sparse evidence he had gathered. No matter. He was eventually right about the important things-and gentleman enough to concede his errors. With bloody-minded persistence, Perutz mastered the painstaking task of analysing images of haemoglobin, the component of blood that carries oxygen. This was no mean feat: a molecule of haemoglobin consists of thousands of atoms and, at the time, only simple structures of tens of atoms had been mapped. It was for this work that Perutz was awarded the Nobel prize in chemistry in 1962. But his triumphal announcement of the correct structure of haemoglobin was by no means his first solution to the problem: he had previously claimed all sorts of unlikely arrangements, backing down each time a colleague spotted a fatal flaw. Even when he did finally hold the secret to why blood supports life, he did not piece together the evidence to produce the ultimate result. Indeed, Perutz was furious when a junior researcher saw how the final piece fitted and could not resist popping it into its slot, completing what Perutz viewed as his jigsaw puzzle. Nevertheless, it was Perutz who had gathered all the pieces and who ensured, in the end, that they were correctly assembled. Perutz was long the outsider. Of Jewish descent, he was a lapsed Catholic by religion. He left his native Austria in 1936, two years before Hitler annexed it. The outbreak of war saw him expelled to Canada as an enemy alien. On returning to Cambridge, he was not welcomed by his college. It was only after he won the Nobel prize that he felt accepted as an Englishman, despite having been naturalised as a British subject 20 years earlier. As a scientist, too, Perutz was always on the fringe. His field of endeavour, X-ray crystallography, was neither physics nor maths nor chemistry nor biology but a combination of these. As often happens to researchers working in interdisciplinary areas of science, his progress was impeded by an establishment that sought to promote existing subjects. He lived from grant to grant, each lasting a matter of months. Nevertheless, he managed to establish the unit in which James Watson and Francis Crick elucidated the double helix structure of DNA. A decade later, a whole institute was established under him. Georgina Ferry's biography captures not only the scientific advances made by Perutz but also his curious personal qualities. A skinny, sickly and, for much of his life, skint individual, Perutz is an unlikely hero. He was demanding-his diet required him to eat black bananas, even in February-and he was unselfconscious in ensuring that his elaborate needs were met. He was also naive in insisting that scientific reasoning would trump political thought and religious teaching. Ms Ferry portrays his foibles sympathetically. Perutz used to complain that, although he was famous, few people knew what it was he had achieved. By combining scientific with personal anecdotes, her book goes a good way towards redressing that balance.

3526.txt

As to the Arctic apple, which of the following statements is wrong?

Apples have become the latest controversial entry into the genetically modified food debate, following a July 12 New York Times piece written by Andrew Pollack. Okanagan Specialty Fruits, a small British Columbia company, wants to start marketing a non-browning apple, and it has applied for approval in Canada and in the United States. The Arctic apple, available so far in the Golden Delicious and Granny Smith varieties, contains an extra copy of a gene which interferes with the enzymatic activity that causes browning. The enzyme is polyphenol oxidase. According to Neal Carter, founder and president of Okanagan Specialty Fruits, the non-browning Arctic apple is just what consumers are looking for. A whole apple, he tells the Times, is "for many people too big a commitment," and apple slices that have browned just aren't appetizing. (What a burden we bear -to have to eat a whole apple, let alone an unsightly one.) Carter suggests that it is merely a cosmetic change intended to encourage people to eat more apples. But it's more than that, of course. It is intended "to turn the apple into an industrialized product," said Lucy Sharratt, coordinator of the Canadian Biotechnology Action Network, as reported in the Times. In Common Ground, a Canadian monthly magazine dedicated to health, wellness and ecology, Yukon farmer Tom Rudge says, "We should eat real food instead of genetically engineering an apple so companies can slice it, wrap it in plastic and truck it across the country." Organic apple farm er Harry Burton of Salt Spring Island sees it as "an indication of our distancing from nature." As Pollack reports, the U.S. Apple Association opposes the introduction of the Arctic apple, but not out of any objection to genetic engineering. In fact, they declare on their website that "in order to continue discovering new and valuable benefits from apples, U.S. Apple supports advancements from technology and genetics and genomics research." The problem for U.S. Apple, Pollack writes, is that the non-browni ng Arctic apple "could undermine the fruit's image as a healthy and natural food, the one that keeps the doctor away and is as American as, well, apple pie."

558.txt

According to Neal Carter,

Apples have become the latest controversial entry into the genetically modified food debate, following a July 12 New York Times piece written by Andrew Pollack. Okanagan Specialty Fruits, a small British Columbia company, wants to start marketing a non-browning apple, and it has applied for approval in Canada and in the United States. The Arctic apple, available so far in the Golden Delicious and Granny Smith varieties, contains an extra copy of a gene which interferes with the enzymatic activity that causes browning. The enzyme is polyphenol oxidase. According to Neal Carter, founder and president of Okanagan Specialty Fruits, the non-browning Arctic apple is just what consumers are looking for. A whole apple, he tells the Times, is "for many people too big a commitment," and apple slices that have browned just aren't appetizing. (What a burden we bear -to have to eat a whole apple, let alone an unsightly one.) Carter suggests that it is merely a cosmetic change intended to encourage people to eat more apples. But it's more than that, of course. It is intended "to turn the apple into an industrialized product," said Lucy Sharratt, coordinator of the Canadian Biotechnology Action Network, as reported in the Times. In Common Ground, a Canadian monthly magazine dedicated to health, wellness and ecology, Yukon farmer Tom Rudge says, "We should eat real food instead of genetically engineering an apple so companies can slice it, wrap it in plastic and truck it across the country." Organic apple farm er Harry Burton of Salt Spring Island sees it as "an indication of our distancing from nature." As Pollack reports, the U.S. Apple Association opposes the introduction of the Arctic apple, but not out of any objection to genetic engineering. In fact, they declare on their website that "in order to continue discovering new and valuable benefits from apples, U.S. Apple supports advancements from technology and genetics and genomics research." The problem for U.S. Apple, Pollack writes, is that the non-browni ng Arctic apple "could undermine the fruit's image as a healthy and natural food, the one that keeps the doctor away and is as American as, well, apple pie."

558.txt

From what the organic farmers said, we know that it is undesirable to

Apples have become the latest controversial entry into the genetically modified food debate, following a July 12 New York Times piece written by Andrew Pollack. Okanagan Specialty Fruits, a small British Columbia company, wants to start marketing a non-browning apple, and it has applied for approval in Canada and in the United States. The Arctic apple, available so far in the Golden Delicious and Granny Smith varieties, contains an extra copy of a gene which interferes with the enzymatic activity that causes browning. The enzyme is polyphenol oxidase. According to Neal Carter, founder and president of Okanagan Specialty Fruits, the non-browning Arctic apple is just what consumers are looking for. A whole apple, he tells the Times, is "for many people too big a commitment," and apple slices that have browned just aren't appetizing. (What a burden we bear -to have to eat a whole apple, let alone an unsightly one.) Carter suggests that it is merely a cosmetic change intended to encourage people to eat more apples. But it's more than that, of course. It is intended "to turn the apple into an industrialized product," said Lucy Sharratt, coordinator of the Canadian Biotechnology Action Network, as reported in the Times. In Common Ground, a Canadian monthly magazine dedicated to health, wellness and ecology, Yukon farmer Tom Rudge says, "We should eat real food instead of genetically engineering an apple so companies can slice it, wrap it in plastic and truck it across the country." Organic apple farm er Harry Burton of Salt Spring Island sees it as "an indication of our distancing from nature." As Pollack reports, the U.S. Apple Association opposes the introduction of the Arctic apple, but not out of any objection to genetic engineering. In fact, they declare on their website that "in order to continue discovering new and valuable benefits from apples, U.S. Apple supports advancements from technology and genetics and genomics research." The problem for U.S. Apple, Pollack writes, is that the non-browni ng Arctic apple "could undermine the fruit's image as a healthy and natural food, the one that keeps the doctor away and is as American as, well, apple pie."

558.txt

Why is the U.S. Apple Association against the introduction of the Arctic apple?

Apples have become the latest controversial entry into the genetically modified food debate, following a July 12 New York Times piece written by Andrew Pollack. Okanagan Specialty Fruits, a small British Columbia company, wants to start marketing a non-browning apple, and it has applied for approval in Canada and in the United States. The Arctic apple, available so far in the Golden Delicious and Granny Smith varieties, contains an extra copy of a gene which interferes with the enzymatic activity that causes browning. The enzyme is polyphenol oxidase. According to Neal Carter, founder and president of Okanagan Specialty Fruits, the non-browning Arctic apple is just what consumers are looking for. A whole apple, he tells the Times, is "for many people too big a commitment," and apple slices that have browned just aren't appetizing. (What a burden we bear -to have to eat a whole apple, let alone an unsightly one.) Carter suggests that it is merely a cosmetic change intended to encourage people to eat more apples. But it's more than that, of course. It is intended "to turn the apple into an industrialized product," said Lucy Sharratt, coordinator of the Canadian Biotechnology Action Network, as reported in the Times. In Common Ground, a Canadian monthly magazine dedicated to health, wellness and ecology, Yukon farmer Tom Rudge says, "We should eat real food instead of genetically engineering an apple so companies can slice it, wrap it in plastic and truck it across the country." Organic apple farm er Harry Burton of Salt Spring Island sees it as "an indication of our distancing from nature." As Pollack reports, the U.S. Apple Association opposes the introduction of the Arctic apple, but not out of any objection to genetic engineering. In fact, they declare on their website that "in order to continue discovering new and valuable benefits from apples, U.S. Apple supports advancements from technology and genetics and genomics research." The problem for U.S. Apple, Pollack writes, is that the non-browni ng Arctic apple "could undermine the fruit's image as a healthy and natural food, the one that keeps the doctor away and is as American as, well, apple pie."

558.txt

What does the passage mainly discuss?

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following discoveries was made during the first era in the history of nutrition?

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

The word "tempting" in line 12 is closest in meaning to

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

It can be inferred from the passage that medical schools began to teach concepts of nutrition in order to

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

The word "Reckless" in line 18 is closest in meaning to

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

The word 'them" in line 19 refers to

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

Why did vitamin therapy begin losing favor in the 1950's

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

The phrase "concomitant with" in line 21 is closest in meaning to

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

The word "skyrocketing" in line 23 is closest in meaning to

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

The word "extolling" in line 24 is closest in meaning to

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

The paragraph following the passage most probably discusses

The history of clinical nutrition, or the study of the relationship between health and how the body takes in and utilizes food substances, can be divided into four distinct eras: the first began in the nineteenth century and extended into the early twentieth century when it was recognized for the first time that food contained constituents that were essential for human function and that different foods provided different amounts of these essential agents. Near the end of this era, research studies demonstrated that rapid weight loss was associated with nitrogen imbalance and could only be rectified by providing adequate dietary protein associated with certain foods. The second era was initiated in the early decades of the twentieth century and might be called "the vitamin period." Vitamins came to be recognized in foods, and deficiency syndromes were described. As vitamins became recognized as essential food constituents necessary for health, it became tempting to suggest that every disease and condition for which there had been no previous effective treatment might be responsive to vitamin therapy. At that point in time, medical schools started to become more interested in having their curricula integrate nutritional concepts into the basic sciences. Much of the focus of this education was on the recognition of vitamin deficiency symptoms. Herein lay the beginning of what ultimately turned from ignorance to denial of the value of nutritional therapies in medicine. Reckless claims were made for effects of vitamins that went far beyond what could actually be achieved from the use of them. In the third era of nutritional history in the early 1950's to mid-1960s, vitamin therapy began to fall into disrepute. Concomitant with this, nutrition education in medical schools also became less popular. It was just a decade before this that many drug companies had found their vitamin sales skyrocketing and were quick to supply practicing physicians with generous samples of vitamins and literature extolling the virtue of supplementation for a variety of health-related conditions. Expectations as to the success of vitamins in disease control were exaggerated. As is known in retrospect, vitamin and mineral therapies are much less effective when applied to health-crisis conditions than when applied to long-term problems of undernutrition that lead to chronic health problems.

1997.txt

According to the first paragraph, the chances in the business environment in the past decades can be attributed to ________.

In many ways, today's business environment has changed qualitatively since the late 1980s. The end of the Cold War radically altered the very nature of the world's politics and economics. In just a few short years, globalization has started a variety of trends with profound consequences: the opening of markets, true global competition, widespread deregulation (…) of industry, and an abundance of accessible capital. We have experienced both the benefits and risks of a truly global economy, with both Wall Street and Main Street feeling the pains of economic disorder half a world away. At the same time, we have fully entered the Information Age, Starting breakthroughs in information technology have irreversibly altered the ability to conduct business unconstrained by the traditional limitations of time or space. Today, it's almost impossible to imagine a world without intranets, e-mail, and portable computers. With stunning speed, the Internet is profoundly changing the way we work, shop, do business, and communicate. As a consequence, we have truly entered the Post-Industrial economy. We are rapidly shifting from an economy based on manufacturing and commodities to one that places the greatest value on information, services, support, and distribution. That shift, in turn, place an unprecedented premium on "knowledge workers," a new class of wealthy, educated, and mobile people who view themselves as free agents in a seller's market. Beyond the realm of information technology, the accelerated pace of technological change in virtually every industry has created entirely new business, wiped out others, and produced a Pervasive demand for continuous innovation. New product, process, and distribution technologies provide powerful levers for creating competitive value. More companies are learning the importance of destructive technologies-innovations that hold the potential to make a product line, or even an entire business segment, virtually outdated. Another major trend has been the fragmentation of consumer and business markets. There's a growing appreciation that superficially similar groups of customers may have very different preferences in terms of what they want to buy and how they want to buy it. Now, new technology makes it easier, faster, and cheaper to identify and serve targeted micro-markets in ways that were physically impossible or prohibitively expensive in the past. Moreover, the trend feeds on itself, a business's ability to serve sub-markets fuels customers' appetites for more and more specialized offerings.

654.txt

what idea does the author want to convey in the second paragraph?

In many ways, today's business environment has changed qualitatively since the late 1980s. The end of the Cold War radically altered the very nature of the world's politics and economics. In just a few short years, globalization has started a variety of trends with profound consequences: the opening of markets, true global competition, widespread deregulation (…) of industry, and an abundance of accessible capital. We have experienced both the benefits and risks of a truly global economy, with both Wall Street and Main Street feeling the pains of economic disorder half a world away. At the same time, we have fully entered the Information Age, Starting breakthroughs in information technology have irreversibly altered the ability to conduct business unconstrained by the traditional limitations of time or space. Today, it's almost impossible to imagine a world without intranets, e-mail, and portable computers. With stunning speed, the Internet is profoundly changing the way we work, shop, do business, and communicate. As a consequence, we have truly entered the Post-Industrial economy. We are rapidly shifting from an economy based on manufacturing and commodities to one that places the greatest value on information, services, support, and distribution. That shift, in turn, place an unprecedented premium on "knowledge workers," a new class of wealthy, educated, and mobile people who view themselves as free agents in a seller's market. Beyond the realm of information technology, the accelerated pace of technological change in virtually every industry has created entirely new business, wiped out others, and produced a Pervasive demand for continuous innovation. New product, process, and distribution technologies provide powerful levers for creating competitive value. More companies are learning the importance of destructive technologies-innovations that hold the potential to make a product line, or even an entire business segment, virtually outdated. Another major trend has been the fragmentation of consumer and business markets. There's a growing appreciation that superficially similar groups of customers may have very different preferences in terms of what they want to buy and how they want to buy it. Now, new technology makes it easier, faster, and cheaper to identify and serve targeted micro-markets in ways that were physically impossible or prohibitively expensive in the past. Moreover, the trend feeds on itself, a business's ability to serve sub-markets fuels customers' appetites for more and more specialized offerings.

654.txt

If a business wants to thrive in the Post-Industrial economy, ________.

In many ways, today's business environment has changed qualitatively since the late 1980s. The end of the Cold War radically altered the very nature of the world's politics and economics. In just a few short years, globalization has started a variety of trends with profound consequences: the opening of markets, true global competition, widespread deregulation (…) of industry, and an abundance of accessible capital. We have experienced both the benefits and risks of a truly global economy, with both Wall Street and Main Street feeling the pains of economic disorder half a world away. At the same time, we have fully entered the Information Age, Starting breakthroughs in information technology have irreversibly altered the ability to conduct business unconstrained by the traditional limitations of time or space. Today, it's almost impossible to imagine a world without intranets, e-mail, and portable computers. With stunning speed, the Internet is profoundly changing the way we work, shop, do business, and communicate. As a consequence, we have truly entered the Post-Industrial economy. We are rapidly shifting from an economy based on manufacturing and commodities to one that places the greatest value on information, services, support, and distribution. That shift, in turn, place an unprecedented premium on "knowledge workers," a new class of wealthy, educated, and mobile people who view themselves as free agents in a seller's market. Beyond the realm of information technology, the accelerated pace of technological change in virtually every industry has created entirely new business, wiped out others, and produced a Pervasive demand for continuous innovation. New product, process, and distribution technologies provide powerful levers for creating competitive value. More companies are learning the importance of destructive technologies-innovations that hold the potential to make a product line, or even an entire business segment, virtually outdated. Another major trend has been the fragmentation of consumer and business markets. There's a growing appreciation that superficially similar groups of customers may have very different preferences in terms of what they want to buy and how they want to buy it. Now, new technology makes it easier, faster, and cheaper to identify and serve targeted micro-markets in ways that were physically impossible or prohibitively expensive in the past. Moreover, the trend feeds on itself, a business's ability to serve sub-markets fuels customers' appetites for more and more specialized offerings.

654.txt

In the author's view, destructive technologies are innovations which ________.

In many ways, today's business environment has changed qualitatively since the late 1980s. The end of the Cold War radically altered the very nature of the world's politics and economics. In just a few short years, globalization has started a variety of trends with profound consequences: the opening of markets, true global competition, widespread deregulation (…) of industry, and an abundance of accessible capital. We have experienced both the benefits and risks of a truly global economy, with both Wall Street and Main Street feeling the pains of economic disorder half a world away. At the same time, we have fully entered the Information Age, Starting breakthroughs in information technology have irreversibly altered the ability to conduct business unconstrained by the traditional limitations of time or space. Today, it's almost impossible to imagine a world without intranets, e-mail, and portable computers. With stunning speed, the Internet is profoundly changing the way we work, shop, do business, and communicate. As a consequence, we have truly entered the Post-Industrial economy. We are rapidly shifting from an economy based on manufacturing and commodities to one that places the greatest value on information, services, support, and distribution. That shift, in turn, place an unprecedented premium on "knowledge workers," a new class of wealthy, educated, and mobile people who view themselves as free agents in a seller's market. Beyond the realm of information technology, the accelerated pace of technological change in virtually every industry has created entirely new business, wiped out others, and produced a Pervasive demand for continuous innovation. New product, process, and distribution technologies provide powerful levers for creating competitive value. More companies are learning the importance of destructive technologies-innovations that hold the potential to make a product line, or even an entire business segment, virtually outdated. Another major trend has been the fragmentation of consumer and business markets. There's a growing appreciation that superficially similar groups of customers may have very different preferences in terms of what they want to buy and how they want to buy it. Now, new technology makes it easier, faster, and cheaper to identify and serve targeted micro-markets in ways that were physically impossible or prohibitively expensive in the past. Moreover, the trend feeds on itself, a business's ability to serve sub-markets fuels customers' appetites for more and more specialized offerings.

654.txt

With the fragmentation of consumer and business markets ________.

In many ways, today's business environment has changed qualitatively since the late 1980s. The end of the Cold War radically altered the very nature of the world's politics and economics. In just a few short years, globalization has started a variety of trends with profound consequences: the opening of markets, true global competition, widespread deregulation (…) of industry, and an abundance of accessible capital. We have experienced both the benefits and risks of a truly global economy, with both Wall Street and Main Street feeling the pains of economic disorder half a world away. At the same time, we have fully entered the Information Age, Starting breakthroughs in information technology have irreversibly altered the ability to conduct business unconstrained by the traditional limitations of time or space. Today, it's almost impossible to imagine a world without intranets, e-mail, and portable computers. With stunning speed, the Internet is profoundly changing the way we work, shop, do business, and communicate. As a consequence, we have truly entered the Post-Industrial economy. We are rapidly shifting from an economy based on manufacturing and commodities to one that places the greatest value on information, services, support, and distribution. That shift, in turn, place an unprecedented premium on "knowledge workers," a new class of wealthy, educated, and mobile people who view themselves as free agents in a seller's market. Beyond the realm of information technology, the accelerated pace of technological change in virtually every industry has created entirely new business, wiped out others, and produced a Pervasive demand for continuous innovation. New product, process, and distribution technologies provide powerful levers for creating competitive value. More companies are learning the importance of destructive technologies-innovations that hold the potential to make a product line, or even an entire business segment, virtually outdated. Another major trend has been the fragmentation of consumer and business markets. There's a growing appreciation that superficially similar groups of customers may have very different preferences in terms of what they want to buy and how they want to buy it. Now, new technology makes it easier, faster, and cheaper to identify and serve targeted micro-markets in ways that were physically impossible or prohibitively expensive in the past. Moreover, the trend feeds on itself, a business's ability to serve sub-markets fuels customers' appetites for more and more specialized offerings.

654.txt

What are the rules for setting up a new school in Denmark?

In Denmark, parents are allowed to set up a new school if they are dissatisfied with the school in the area where they are living. Although these schools have to follow the national courses, they are allowed a lot of choice in deciding what to teach. Some of these new schools are called "small schools" because usually the number of pupils in them is only sixty, but a school has to have at least twenty-seven pupils. Cooleenbridge School in Ireland, is a small school similar to the ones in Denmark, it was set up by parents who came from Holland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, England and other parts of Ireland. They came because they wanted to live in the countryside and to grow their own food. In June 1986, they decided to start a school. They managed to get an old, disused primary-school building and started with twenty-four children aged from four to twelve. The teachers say, "The important thing in school is doing, not sitting."And so the courses includes yoga, cooking, knitting, kite-making, music, fishing, drama and environmental river studies, as well as reading, writing, maths and science.

993.txt

The writer tells about the Cooleenbridge School in Ireland because _ .

In Denmark, parents are allowed to set up a new school if they are dissatisfied with the school in the area where they are living. Although these schools have to follow the national courses, they are allowed a lot of choice in deciding what to teach. Some of these new schools are called "small schools" because usually the number of pupils in them is only sixty, but a school has to have at least twenty-seven pupils. Cooleenbridge School in Ireland, is a small school similar to the ones in Denmark, it was set up by parents who came from Holland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, England and other parts of Ireland. They came because they wanted to live in the countryside and to grow their own food. In June 1986, they decided to start a school. They managed to get an old, disused primary-school building and started with twenty-four children aged from four to twelve. The teachers say, "The important thing in school is doing, not sitting."And so the courses includes yoga, cooking, knitting, kite-making, music, fishing, drama and environmental river studies, as well as reading, writing, maths and science.

993.txt

What makes this kind of school special?

In Denmark, parents are allowed to set up a new school if they are dissatisfied with the school in the area where they are living. Although these schools have to follow the national courses, they are allowed a lot of choice in deciding what to teach. Some of these new schools are called "small schools" because usually the number of pupils in them is only sixty, but a school has to have at least twenty-seven pupils. Cooleenbridge School in Ireland, is a small school similar to the ones in Denmark, it was set up by parents who came from Holland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, England and other parts of Ireland. They came because they wanted to live in the countryside and to grow their own food. In June 1986, they decided to start a school. They managed to get an old, disused primary-school building and started with twenty-four children aged from four to twelve. The teachers say, "The important thing in school is doing, not sitting."And so the courses includes yoga, cooking, knitting, kite-making, music, fishing, drama and environmental river studies, as well as reading, writing, maths and science.

993.txt

"The important thing in school is doing not sitting." What the teachers say actually means _ .

In Denmark, parents are allowed to set up a new school if they are dissatisfied with the school in the area where they are living. Although these schools have to follow the national courses, they are allowed a lot of choice in deciding what to teach. Some of these new schools are called "small schools" because usually the number of pupils in them is only sixty, but a school has to have at least twenty-seven pupils. Cooleenbridge School in Ireland, is a small school similar to the ones in Denmark, it was set up by parents who came from Holland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, England and other parts of Ireland. They came because they wanted to live in the countryside and to grow their own food. In June 1986, they decided to start a school. They managed to get an old, disused primary-school building and started with twenty-four children aged from four to twelve. The teachers say, "The important thing in school is doing, not sitting."And so the courses includes yoga, cooking, knitting, kite-making, music, fishing, drama and environmental river studies, as well as reading, writing, maths and science.

993.txt

The courses includes _ .

In Denmark, parents are allowed to set up a new school if they are dissatisfied with the school in the area where they are living. Although these schools have to follow the national courses, they are allowed a lot of choice in deciding what to teach. Some of these new schools are called "small schools" because usually the number of pupils in them is only sixty, but a school has to have at least twenty-seven pupils. Cooleenbridge School in Ireland, is a small school similar to the ones in Denmark, it was set up by parents who came from Holland, Germany, Czechoslovakia, England and other parts of Ireland. They came because they wanted to live in the countryside and to grow their own food. In June 1986, they decided to start a school. They managed to get an old, disused primary-school building and started with twenty-four children aged from four to twelve. The teachers say, "The important thing in school is doing, not sitting."And so the courses includes yoga, cooking, knitting, kite-making, music, fishing, drama and environmental river studies, as well as reading, writing, maths and science.

993.txt

What does the author intend to illustrate with Derrick's change of performance in different schools?

A judge flunks Cleveland's use of vouchers for parochial schools. But will that stall the movement? Walter Milancuk's public-school horror story began early, when his son Der rick spent kindergarten in an overcrowded roomful of students who regularly fought in class and cursed the teacher. Milancuk wanted to transfer Derrick, but his salary as a forklift driver couldn't cover private-school tuition. Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program, which granted him close to $1,500 in state funds to help enroll Derrick at St. Stanislaus, a nearby Catholic school. Now Derrick wears a crisp uniform. His reading has improved. And the weekly Mass and Bible study have moved Derrick to say his daily prayers without prompting. Says his dad, "The school is really building his faith." That may prove to be more of a curse than a blessing. Last week a federal judge struck down Cleveland's voucher program, ruling that it violates the constitutional separation of church and state. Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination." The decision is the fourth in recent months to bar the use of vouchers in parochial schools, and voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory. Voucher backers--an unusual coalition of inner-city parents and conservative groups--retort that the judge misread both the Cleveland program and the First Amendment. They point out that Cleveland parents who don't like parochial schools can send their kids to the city's regular public schools, or to public charter schools and magnet schools. Clint Bolick, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, which defended the voucher program, says, "No one can compel a child into the program or into a religious school." Despite its recent setbacks, the voucher movement is gaining ground in state legislatures and some state courts. This fall Florida started the first statewide voucher program. And the Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the use of vouchers in parochial schools in Milwaukee. In the presidential campaign, G.O.P. candidates John McCain and George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals. While Vice President Al Gore launched an ad that calls vouchers a "big mistake," his Democratic opponent Bill Bradley supports them, at least as "experiments." Though the U.S. Supreme Court has refused to hear several school-choice cases, legal experts suspect the more clear-cut Cleveland case might prod it into action. In the meantime, Judge Oliver is allowing Derrick Milancuk and nearly 4,000 other students in the Cleveland voucher program to remain in their schools while his ruling is on appeal.

1143.txt

What can we infer from the second paragraph?

A judge flunks Cleveland's use of vouchers for parochial schools. But will that stall the movement? Walter Milancuk's public-school horror story began early, when his son Der rick spent kindergarten in an overcrowded roomful of students who regularly fought in class and cursed the teacher. Milancuk wanted to transfer Derrick, but his salary as a forklift driver couldn't cover private-school tuition. Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program, which granted him close to $1,500 in state funds to help enroll Derrick at St. Stanislaus, a nearby Catholic school. Now Derrick wears a crisp uniform. His reading has improved. And the weekly Mass and Bible study have moved Derrick to say his daily prayers without prompting. Says his dad, "The school is really building his faith." That may prove to be more of a curse than a blessing. Last week a federal judge struck down Cleveland's voucher program, ruling that it violates the constitutional separation of church and state. Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination." The decision is the fourth in recent months to bar the use of vouchers in parochial schools, and voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory. Voucher backers--an unusual coalition of inner-city parents and conservative groups--retort that the judge misread both the Cleveland program and the First Amendment. They point out that Cleveland parents who don't like parochial schools can send their kids to the city's regular public schools, or to public charter schools and magnet schools. Clint Bolick, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, which defended the voucher program, says, "No one can compel a child into the program or into a religious school." Despite its recent setbacks, the voucher movement is gaining ground in state legislatures and some state courts. This fall Florida started the first statewide voucher program. And the Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the use of vouchers in parochial schools in Milwaukee. In the presidential campaign, G.O.P. candidates John McCain and George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals. While Vice President Al Gore launched an ad that calls vouchers a "big mistake," his Democratic opponent Bill Bradley supports them, at least as "experiments." Though the U.S. Supreme Court has refused to hear several school-choice cases, legal experts suspect the more clear-cut Cleveland case might prod it into action. In the meantime, Judge Oliver is allowing Derrick Milancuk and nearly 4,000 other students in the Cleveland voucher program to remain in their schools while his ruling is on appeal.

1143.txt

What does ¡°advance religion through government-supported religious indoctrination¡± (Line 5, Paragraph 2) mean?

A judge flunks Cleveland's use of vouchers for parochial schools. But will that stall the movement? Walter Milancuk's public-school horror story began early, when his son Der rick spent kindergarten in an overcrowded roomful of students who regularly fought in class and cursed the teacher. Milancuk wanted to transfer Derrick, but his salary as a forklift driver couldn't cover private-school tuition. Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program, which granted him close to $1,500 in state funds to help enroll Derrick at St. Stanislaus, a nearby Catholic school. Now Derrick wears a crisp uniform. His reading has improved. And the weekly Mass and Bible study have moved Derrick to say his daily prayers without prompting. Says his dad, "The school is really building his faith." That may prove to be more of a curse than a blessing. Last week a federal judge struck down Cleveland's voucher program, ruling that it violates the constitutional separation of church and state. Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination." The decision is the fourth in recent months to bar the use of vouchers in parochial schools, and voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory. Voucher backers--an unusual coalition of inner-city parents and conservative groups--retort that the judge misread both the Cleveland program and the First Amendment. They point out that Cleveland parents who don't like parochial schools can send their kids to the city's regular public schools, or to public charter schools and magnet schools. Clint Bolick, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, which defended the voucher program, says, "No one can compel a child into the program or into a religious school." Despite its recent setbacks, the voucher movement is gaining ground in state legislatures and some state courts. This fall Florida started the first statewide voucher program. And the Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the use of vouchers in parochial schools in Milwaukee. In the presidential campaign, G.O.P. candidates John McCain and George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals. While Vice President Al Gore launched an ad that calls vouchers a "big mistake," his Democratic opponent Bill Bradley supports them, at least as "experiments." Though the U.S. Supreme Court has refused to hear several school-choice cases, legal experts suspect the more clear-cut Cleveland case might prod it into action. In the meantime, Judge Oliver is allowing Derrick Milancuk and nearly 4,000 other students in the Cleveland voucher program to remain in their schools while his ruling is on appeal.

1143.txt

The 4th paragraph suggests that _ .

A judge flunks Cleveland's use of vouchers for parochial schools. But will that stall the movement? Walter Milancuk's public-school horror story began early, when his son Der rick spent kindergarten in an overcrowded roomful of students who regularly fought in class and cursed the teacher. Milancuk wanted to transfer Derrick, but his salary as a forklift driver couldn't cover private-school tuition. Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program, which granted him close to $1,500 in state funds to help enroll Derrick at St. Stanislaus, a nearby Catholic school. Now Derrick wears a crisp uniform. His reading has improved. And the weekly Mass and Bible study have moved Derrick to say his daily prayers without prompting. Says his dad, "The school is really building his faith." That may prove to be more of a curse than a blessing. Last week a federal judge struck down Cleveland's voucher program, ruling that it violates the constitutional separation of church and state. Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination." The decision is the fourth in recent months to bar the use of vouchers in parochial schools, and voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory. Voucher backers--an unusual coalition of inner-city parents and conservative groups--retort that the judge misread both the Cleveland program and the First Amendment. They point out that Cleveland parents who don't like parochial schools can send their kids to the city's regular public schools, or to public charter schools and magnet schools. Clint Bolick, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, which defended the voucher program, says, "No one can compel a child into the program or into a religious school." Despite its recent setbacks, the voucher movement is gaining ground in state legislatures and some state courts. This fall Florida started the first statewide voucher program. And the Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the use of vouchers in parochial schools in Milwaukee. In the presidential campaign, G.O.P. candidates John McCain and George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals. While Vice President Al Gore launched an ad that calls vouchers a "big mistake," his Democratic opponent Bill Bradley supports them, at least as "experiments." Though the U.S. Supreme Court has refused to hear several school-choice cases, legal experts suspect the more clear-cut Cleveland case might prod it into action. In the meantime, Judge Oliver is allowing Derrick Milancuk and nearly 4,000 other students in the Cleveland voucher program to remain in their schools while his ruling is on appeal.

1143.txt

Which of the following is true according to the text?

A judge flunks Cleveland's use of vouchers for parochial schools. But will that stall the movement? Walter Milancuk's public-school horror story began early, when his son Der rick spent kindergarten in an overcrowded roomful of students who regularly fought in class and cursed the teacher. Milancuk wanted to transfer Derrick, but his salary as a forklift driver couldn't cover private-school tuition. Yet Milancuk found a way out, thanks to Cleveland's pioneering school-voucher program, which granted him close to $1,500 in state funds to help enroll Derrick at St. Stanislaus, a nearby Catholic school. Now Derrick wears a crisp uniform. His reading has improved. And the weekly Mass and Bible study have moved Derrick to say his daily prayers without prompting. Says his dad, "The school is really building his faith." That may prove to be more of a curse than a blessing. Last week a federal judge struck down Cleveland's voucher program, ruling that it violates the constitutional separation of church and state. Citing Jefferson and Madison, Judge Solomon Oliver Jr. wrote that because four-fifths of the private schools participating in the voucher program are religious, the program robs parents of "genuine choice" between sectarian and secular schools, thus "advancing religion through government-supported religious indoctrination." The decision is the fourth in recent months to bar the use of vouchers in parochial schools, and voucher opponents--mainly teachers' unions and liberal interest groups--see it as a major victory. Voucher backers--an unusual coalition of inner-city parents and conservative groups--retort that the judge misread both the Cleveland program and the First Amendment. They point out that Cleveland parents who don't like parochial schools can send their kids to the city's regular public schools, or to public charter schools and magnet schools. Clint Bolick, a lawyer for the Institute for Justice, which defended the voucher program, says, "No one can compel a child into the program or into a religious school." Despite its recent setbacks, the voucher movement is gaining ground in state legislatures and some state courts. This fall Florida started the first statewide voucher program. And the Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the use of vouchers in parochial schools in Milwaukee. In the presidential campaign, G.O.P. candidates John McCain and George W. Bush are trumpeting voucher proposals. While Vice President Al Gore launched an ad that calls vouchers a "big mistake," his Democratic opponent Bill Bradley supports them, at least as "experiments." Though the U.S. Supreme Court has refused to hear several school-choice cases, legal experts suspect the more clear-cut Cleveland case might prod it into action. In the meantime, Judge Oliver is allowing Derrick Milancuk and nearly 4,000 other students in the Cleveland voucher program to remain in their schools while his ruling is on appeal.

1143.txt

What do we learn about America's education system?

America's education system has become less a ladder of opportunity than a structure to transmit inequality from one generation to the next. That's why school reform is so critical. This is an issue of equality, opportunity and national conscience. It's not just about education, but about poverty and justice. It's true that the main reason inner-city schools do poorly isn't teachers' unions, but poverty. Southern states without strong teachers' , unions have schools at least as awful as those in union states. Some Chicago teachers seem to think that they shouldn't be held accountable until poverty is solved. There're steps we can take that would make some difference, and Mayor Rahm Emanuel is trying some of them-yet the union is resisting. I'd be sympathetic if the union focused solely on higher compensation. Teachers need to be much better paid to attract the best college graduates to the nation's worst schools. But, instead, the Chicago union seems to be using its political capital primarily to protect weak performers. There's solid evidence that there are huge differences in the effectiveness of teachers. The gold standard study by Harvard and Columbia University scholars found that even in high-poverty schools, teachers consistently had a huge positive or negative impact. Get a bottom 1% teacher, and the effect is the same as if a child misses 40% of the school year. Get a teacher from the top 20%, and it's as if a child has gone to school for an extra month or two. The study found that strong teachers in the fourth through eighth grades raised the skills of their students in ways that would last for decades. Just having a strong teacher for one elementary year left pupils a bit less likely to become mothers as teenagers, a bit more likely to go to college and earning more money at age 28. How does one figure out who is a weak teacher? Yes, that's a challenge. But researchers are improving systems to measure a teacher's performance throughout the year, and, with three years of data, ifs usually possible to tell which teachers are failing. Unfortunately, the union in Chicago is insisting that teachers who are laid off-often for being ineffective-should get priority in new hiring. That's an insult to students. Teaching is so important that it should be like other professions, with high pay and good working conditions but few job protections for bottom performers. This isn't a battle between garment workers and greedy bosses. The central figures in the Chicago schools strike are neither strikers nor managers but 350,000 children. Protecting the union demand sacrifices those students, in effect turning a blind eye to the injustice in the education system.

2259.txt

What is chiefly responsible for the undesirable performance of inner-city schools?

America's education system has become less a ladder of opportunity than a structure to transmit inequality from one generation to the next. That's why school reform is so critical. This is an issue of equality, opportunity and national conscience. It's not just about education, but about poverty and justice. It's true that the main reason inner-city schools do poorly isn't teachers' unions, but poverty. Southern states without strong teachers' , unions have schools at least as awful as those in union states. Some Chicago teachers seem to think that they shouldn't be held accountable until poverty is solved. There're steps we can take that would make some difference, and Mayor Rahm Emanuel is trying some of them-yet the union is resisting. I'd be sympathetic if the union focused solely on higher compensation. Teachers need to be much better paid to attract the best college graduates to the nation's worst schools. But, instead, the Chicago union seems to be using its political capital primarily to protect weak performers. There's solid evidence that there are huge differences in the effectiveness of teachers. The gold standard study by Harvard and Columbia University scholars found that even in high-poverty schools, teachers consistently had a huge positive or negative impact. Get a bottom 1% teacher, and the effect is the same as if a child misses 40% of the school year. Get a teacher from the top 20%, and it's as if a child has gone to school for an extra month or two. The study found that strong teachers in the fourth through eighth grades raised the skills of their students in ways that would last for decades. Just having a strong teacher for one elementary year left pupils a bit less likely to become mothers as teenagers, a bit more likely to go to college and earning more money at age 28. How does one figure out who is a weak teacher? Yes, that's a challenge. But researchers are improving systems to measure a teacher's performance throughout the year, and, with three years of data, ifs usually possible to tell which teachers are failing. Unfortunately, the union in Chicago is insisting that teachers who are laid off-often for being ineffective-should get priority in new hiring. That's an insult to students. Teaching is so important that it should be like other professions, with high pay and good working conditions but few job protections for bottom performers. This isn't a battle between garment workers and greedy bosses. The central figures in the Chicago schools strike are neither strikers nor managers but 350,000 children. Protecting the union demand sacrifices those students, in effect turning a blind eye to the injustice in the education system.

2259.txt

What does the author think the union should do to win popular support?

America's education system has become less a ladder of opportunity than a structure to transmit inequality from one generation to the next. That's why school reform is so critical. This is an issue of equality, opportunity and national conscience. It's not just about education, but about poverty and justice. It's true that the main reason inner-city schools do poorly isn't teachers' unions, but poverty. Southern states without strong teachers' , unions have schools at least as awful as those in union states. Some Chicago teachers seem to think that they shouldn't be held accountable until poverty is solved. There're steps we can take that would make some difference, and Mayor Rahm Emanuel is trying some of them-yet the union is resisting. I'd be sympathetic if the union focused solely on higher compensation. Teachers need to be much better paid to attract the best college graduates to the nation's worst schools. But, instead, the Chicago union seems to be using its political capital primarily to protect weak performers. There's solid evidence that there are huge differences in the effectiveness of teachers. The gold standard study by Harvard and Columbia University scholars found that even in high-poverty schools, teachers consistently had a huge positive or negative impact. Get a bottom 1% teacher, and the effect is the same as if a child misses 40% of the school year. Get a teacher from the top 20%, and it's as if a child has gone to school for an extra month or two. The study found that strong teachers in the fourth through eighth grades raised the skills of their students in ways that would last for decades. Just having a strong teacher for one elementary year left pupils a bit less likely to become mothers as teenagers, a bit more likely to go to college and earning more money at age 28. How does one figure out who is a weak teacher? Yes, that's a challenge. But researchers are improving systems to measure a teacher's performance throughout the year, and, with three years of data, ifs usually possible to tell which teachers are failing. Unfortunately, the union in Chicago is insisting that teachers who are laid off-often for being ineffective-should get priority in new hiring. That's an insult to students. Teaching is so important that it should be like other professions, with high pay and good working conditions but few job protections for bottom performers. This isn't a battle between garment workers and greedy bosses. The central figures in the Chicago schools strike are neither strikers nor managers but 350,000 children. Protecting the union demand sacrifices those students, in effect turning a blind eye to the injustice in the education system.

2259.txt

What is the finding of the gold standard study by Harvard and Columbia University scholars?

America's education system has become less a ladder of opportunity than a structure to transmit inequality from one generation to the next. That's why school reform is so critical. This is an issue of equality, opportunity and national conscience. It's not just about education, but about poverty and justice. It's true that the main reason inner-city schools do poorly isn't teachers' unions, but poverty. Southern states without strong teachers' , unions have schools at least as awful as those in union states. Some Chicago teachers seem to think that they shouldn't be held accountable until poverty is solved. There're steps we can take that would make some difference, and Mayor Rahm Emanuel is trying some of them-yet the union is resisting. I'd be sympathetic if the union focused solely on higher compensation. Teachers need to be much better paid to attract the best college graduates to the nation's worst schools. But, instead, the Chicago union seems to be using its political capital primarily to protect weak performers. There's solid evidence that there are huge differences in the effectiveness of teachers. The gold standard study by Harvard and Columbia University scholars found that even in high-poverty schools, teachers consistently had a huge positive or negative impact. Get a bottom 1% teacher, and the effect is the same as if a child misses 40% of the school year. Get a teacher from the top 20%, and it's as if a child has gone to school for an extra month or two. The study found that strong teachers in the fourth through eighth grades raised the skills of their students in ways that would last for decades. Just having a strong teacher for one elementary year left pupils a bit less likely to become mothers as teenagers, a bit more likely to go to college and earning more money at age 28. How does one figure out who is a weak teacher? Yes, that's a challenge. But researchers are improving systems to measure a teacher's performance throughout the year, and, with three years of data, ifs usually possible to tell which teachers are failing. Unfortunately, the union in Chicago is insisting that teachers who are laid off-often for being ineffective-should get priority in new hiring. That's an insult to students. Teaching is so important that it should be like other professions, with high pay and good working conditions but few job protections for bottom performers. This isn't a battle between garment workers and greedy bosses. The central figures in the Chicago schools strike are neither strikers nor managers but 350,000 children. Protecting the union demand sacrifices those students, in effect turning a blind eye to the injustice in the education system.

2259.txt

Why does the author say the Chicago unions demand is an insult to students?

America's education system has become less a ladder of opportunity than a structure to transmit inequality from one generation to the next. That's why school reform is so critical. This is an issue of equality, opportunity and national conscience. It's not just about education, but about poverty and justice. It's true that the main reason inner-city schools do poorly isn't teachers' unions, but poverty. Southern states without strong teachers' , unions have schools at least as awful as those in union states. Some Chicago teachers seem to think that they shouldn't be held accountable until poverty is solved. There're steps we can take that would make some difference, and Mayor Rahm Emanuel is trying some of them-yet the union is resisting. I'd be sympathetic if the union focused solely on higher compensation. Teachers need to be much better paid to attract the best college graduates to the nation's worst schools. But, instead, the Chicago union seems to be using its political capital primarily to protect weak performers. There's solid evidence that there are huge differences in the effectiveness of teachers. The gold standard study by Harvard and Columbia University scholars found that even in high-poverty schools, teachers consistently had a huge positive or negative impact. Get a bottom 1% teacher, and the effect is the same as if a child misses 40% of the school year. Get a teacher from the top 20%, and it's as if a child has gone to school for an extra month or two. The study found that strong teachers in the fourth through eighth grades raised the skills of their students in ways that would last for decades. Just having a strong teacher for one elementary year left pupils a bit less likely to become mothers as teenagers, a bit more likely to go to college and earning more money at age 28. How does one figure out who is a weak teacher? Yes, that's a challenge. But researchers are improving systems to measure a teacher's performance throughout the year, and, with three years of data, ifs usually possible to tell which teachers are failing. Unfortunately, the union in Chicago is insisting that teachers who are laid off-often for being ineffective-should get priority in new hiring. That's an insult to students. Teaching is so important that it should be like other professions, with high pay and good working conditions but few job protections for bottom performers. This isn't a battle between garment workers and greedy bosses. The central figures in the Chicago schools strike are neither strikers nor managers but 350,000 children. Protecting the union demand sacrifices those students, in effect turning a blind eye to the injustice in the education system.

2259.txt

In what way can we make a machine intelligent?

The human brain contains 10 thousand million cells and each of these may have a thousand connections. Such enormous numbers used to discourage us and cause us to dismiss the possibility of making a machine with human-like ability, but now that we have grown used to moving forward at such a pace we can be less sure. Quite soon, in only 10 or 20 years perhaps, we will be able to assemble a machine as complex as the human brain, and if we can we will. It may then take us a long time to render it intelligent by loading in the right software or by altering the architecture but that too will happen. I think it certain that in decades, not centuries, machines of silicon will arise first to rival and then exceed their human ancestors. Once they exceed us they will be capable of their own design. In a real sense they will be able to reproduce themselves. Silicon will have ended carbon's long control. And we will no longer be able to claim ourselves to be the finest intelligence in the known universe. As the intelligence of robots increases to match that of humans and as their cost declines through economies of scale we may use them to expand our frontiers, first on earth through their ability to withstand environments, harmful to ourselves. Thus, deserts may bloom and the ocean beds be mined. Further ahead, by a combination of the great wealth this new age will bring and the technology it will provide, the construction of a vast, man-created world in space, home to thousands or millions of people, will be within our power.

3069.txt

What does the writer think about machines with human-like ability?

The human brain contains 10 thousand million cells and each of these may have a thousand connections. Such enormous numbers used to discourage us and cause us to dismiss the possibility of making a machine with human-like ability, but now that we have grown used to moving forward at such a pace we can be less sure. Quite soon, in only 10 or 20 years perhaps, we will be able to assemble a machine as complex as the human brain, and if we can we will. It may then take us a long time to render it intelligent by loading in the right software or by altering the architecture but that too will happen. I think it certain that in decades, not centuries, machines of silicon will arise first to rival and then exceed their human ancestors. Once they exceed us they will be capable of their own design. In a real sense they will be able to reproduce themselves. Silicon will have ended carbon's long control. And we will no longer be able to claim ourselves to be the finest intelligence in the known universe. As the intelligence of robots increases to match that of humans and as their cost declines through economies of scale we may use them to expand our frontiers, first on earth through their ability to withstand environments, harmful to ourselves. Thus, deserts may bloom and the ocean beds be mined. Further ahead, by a combination of the great wealth this new age will bring and the technology it will provide, the construction of a vast, man-created world in space, home to thousands or millions of people, will be within our power.

3069.txt

The word "carbon" (Line 4, Para. 2) stands for _ .

The human brain contains 10 thousand million cells and each of these may have a thousand connections. Such enormous numbers used to discourage us and cause us to dismiss the possibility of making a machine with human-like ability, but now that we have grown used to moving forward at such a pace we can be less sure. Quite soon, in only 10 or 20 years perhaps, we will be able to assemble a machine as complex as the human brain, and if we can we will. It may then take us a long time to render it intelligent by loading in the right software or by altering the architecture but that too will happen. I think it certain that in decades, not centuries, machines of silicon will arise first to rival and then exceed their human ancestors. Once they exceed us they will be capable of their own design. In a real sense they will be able to reproduce themselves. Silicon will have ended carbon's long control. And we will no longer be able to claim ourselves to be the finest intelligence in the known universe. As the intelligence of robots increases to match that of humans and as their cost declines through economies of scale we may use them to expand our frontiers, first on earth through their ability to withstand environments, harmful to ourselves. Thus, deserts may bloom and the ocean beds be mined. Further ahead, by a combination of the great wealth this new age will bring and the technology it will provide, the construction of a vast, man-created world in space, home to thousands or millions of people, will be within our power.

3069.txt

A robot can be used to expand our frontiers when _ .

The human brain contains 10 thousand million cells and each of these may have a thousand connections. Such enormous numbers used to discourage us and cause us to dismiss the possibility of making a machine with human-like ability, but now that we have grown used to moving forward at such a pace we can be less sure. Quite soon, in only 10 or 20 years perhaps, we will be able to assemble a machine as complex as the human brain, and if we can we will. It may then take us a long time to render it intelligent by loading in the right software or by altering the architecture but that too will happen. I think it certain that in decades, not centuries, machines of silicon will arise first to rival and then exceed their human ancestors. Once they exceed us they will be capable of their own design. In a real sense they will be able to reproduce themselves. Silicon will have ended carbon's long control. And we will no longer be able to claim ourselves to be the finest intelligence in the known universe. As the intelligence of robots increases to match that of humans and as their cost declines through economies of scale we may use them to expand our frontiers, first on earth through their ability to withstand environments, harmful to ourselves. Thus, deserts may bloom and the ocean beds be mined. Further ahead, by a combination of the great wealth this new age will bring and the technology it will provide, the construction of a vast, man-created world in space, home to thousands or millions of people, will be within our power.

3069.txt

It can be inferred from the passage that _ .

The human brain contains 10 thousand million cells and each of these may have a thousand connections. Such enormous numbers used to discourage us and cause us to dismiss the possibility of making a machine with human-like ability, but now that we have grown used to moving forward at such a pace we can be less sure. Quite soon, in only 10 or 20 years perhaps, we will be able to assemble a machine as complex as the human brain, and if we can we will. It may then take us a long time to render it intelligent by loading in the right software or by altering the architecture but that too will happen. I think it certain that in decades, not centuries, machines of silicon will arise first to rival and then exceed their human ancestors. Once they exceed us they will be capable of their own design. In a real sense they will be able to reproduce themselves. Silicon will have ended carbon's long control. And we will no longer be able to claim ourselves to be the finest intelligence in the known universe. As the intelligence of robots increases to match that of humans and as their cost declines through economies of scale we may use them to expand our frontiers, first on earth through their ability to withstand environments, harmful to ourselves. Thus, deserts may bloom and the ocean beds be mined. Further ahead, by a combination of the great wealth this new age will bring and the technology it will provide, the construction of a vast, man-created world in space, home to thousands or millions of people, will be within our power.

3069.txt

The word "liability" (Para. 1. Line 4) most probably means "________".

Beauty has always been regarded as something praiseworthy. Almost everyone thinks attractive people are happier and healthier, have better marriages and have more respectable occupations. Personal consultants give them better advice for finding jobs. Even judges are softer on attractive defendants . But in the executive circle, beauty can become a liability. While attractiveness is a positive factor for a man on his way up the executive ladder, it is harmful to a woman. Handsome male executives were perceived as having more integrity than plainer men; effort and ability were thought to account for their success. Attractive female executives were considered to have less integrity than unattractive ones; their success was attributed not to ability but to factors such as luck. All unattractive women executives were thought to have more integrity and to be more capable than the attractive female executives. Interestingly, though, the rise of the unattractive overnight successes was attributed more to personal relationships and less to ability than was that of attractive overnight successes. Why are attractive women not thought to be able? An attractive woman is perceived to be more feminine and an attractive man more masculine than the less attractive ones. Thus, an attractive woman has an advantage in traditionally female jobs, but an attractive woman in a traditionally masculine position appears to lack the "masculine" qualities required. This is true even in politics. "When the only clue is how he or she looks, people treat men and women differently," says Ann Bowman, who recently published a study on the effects of attractiveness on political candidates. She asked 125 undergraduates to rank two groups of photographs, one of men and one of women, in order of attractiveness. The students were told the photographs were of candidates for political offices. They were asked to rank them again, in the order they would vote for them. The results showed that attractive males utterly defeated unattractive men, but the women who had been ranked most attractive invariably received the fewest votes.

2377.txt

In traditionally female jobs, attractiveness ________.

Beauty has always been regarded as something praiseworthy. Almost everyone thinks attractive people are happier and healthier, have better marriages and have more respectable occupations. Personal consultants give them better advice for finding jobs. Even judges are softer on attractive defendants . But in the executive circle, beauty can become a liability. While attractiveness is a positive factor for a man on his way up the executive ladder, it is harmful to a woman. Handsome male executives were perceived as having more integrity than plainer men; effort and ability were thought to account for their success. Attractive female executives were considered to have less integrity than unattractive ones; their success was attributed not to ability but to factors such as luck. All unattractive women executives were thought to have more integrity and to be more capable than the attractive female executives. Interestingly, though, the rise of the unattractive overnight successes was attributed more to personal relationships and less to ability than was that of attractive overnight successes. Why are attractive women not thought to be able? An attractive woman is perceived to be more feminine and an attractive man more masculine than the less attractive ones. Thus, an attractive woman has an advantage in traditionally female jobs, but an attractive woman in a traditionally masculine position appears to lack the "masculine" qualities required. This is true even in politics. "When the only clue is how he or she looks, people treat men and women differently," says Ann Bowman, who recently published a study on the effects of attractiveness on political candidates. She asked 125 undergraduates to rank two groups of photographs, one of men and one of women, in order of attractiveness. The students were told the photographs were of candidates for political offices. They were asked to rank them again, in the order they would vote for them. The results showed that attractive males utterly defeated unattractive men, but the women who had been ranked most attractive invariably received the fewest votes.

2377.txt

Bowman's experiment reveals that when it comes to politics, attractiveness ________.

Beauty has always been regarded as something praiseworthy. Almost everyone thinks attractive people are happier and healthier, have better marriages and have more respectable occupations. Personal consultants give them better advice for finding jobs. Even judges are softer on attractive defendants . But in the executive circle, beauty can become a liability. While attractiveness is a positive factor for a man on his way up the executive ladder, it is harmful to a woman. Handsome male executives were perceived as having more integrity than plainer men; effort and ability were thought to account for their success. Attractive female executives were considered to have less integrity than unattractive ones; their success was attributed not to ability but to factors such as luck. All unattractive women executives were thought to have more integrity and to be more capable than the attractive female executives. Interestingly, though, the rise of the unattractive overnight successes was attributed more to personal relationships and less to ability than was that of attractive overnight successes. Why are attractive women not thought to be able? An attractive woman is perceived to be more feminine and an attractive man more masculine than the less attractive ones. Thus, an attractive woman has an advantage in traditionally female jobs, but an attractive woman in a traditionally masculine position appears to lack the "masculine" qualities required. This is true even in politics. "When the only clue is how he or she looks, people treat men and women differently," says Ann Bowman, who recently published a study on the effects of attractiveness on political candidates. She asked 125 undergraduates to rank two groups of photographs, one of men and one of women, in order of attractiveness. The students were told the photographs were of candidates for political offices. They were asked to rank them again, in the order they would vote for them. The results showed that attractive males utterly defeated unattractive men, but the women who had been ranked most attractive invariably received the fewest votes.

2377.txt

It can be inferred from the passage that people's views on beauty are often ________.

Beauty has always been regarded as something praiseworthy. Almost everyone thinks attractive people are happier and healthier, have better marriages and have more respectable occupations. Personal consultants give them better advice for finding jobs. Even judges are softer on attractive defendants . But in the executive circle, beauty can become a liability. While attractiveness is a positive factor for a man on his way up the executive ladder, it is harmful to a woman. Handsome male executives were perceived as having more integrity than plainer men; effort and ability were thought to account for their success. Attractive female executives were considered to have less integrity than unattractive ones; their success was attributed not to ability but to factors such as luck. All unattractive women executives were thought to have more integrity and to be more capable than the attractive female executives. Interestingly, though, the rise of the unattractive overnight successes was attributed more to personal relationships and less to ability than was that of attractive overnight successes. Why are attractive women not thought to be able? An attractive woman is perceived to be more feminine and an attractive man more masculine than the less attractive ones. Thus, an attractive woman has an advantage in traditionally female jobs, but an attractive woman in a traditionally masculine position appears to lack the "masculine" qualities required. This is true even in politics. "When the only clue is how he or she looks, people treat men and women differently," says Ann Bowman, who recently published a study on the effects of attractiveness on political candidates. She asked 125 undergraduates to rank two groups of photographs, one of men and one of women, in order of attractiveness. The students were told the photographs were of candidates for political offices. They were asked to rank them again, in the order they would vote for them. The results showed that attractive males utterly defeated unattractive men, but the women who had been ranked most attractive invariably received the fewest votes.

2377.txt

The author writes this passage to ________.

Beauty has always been regarded as something praiseworthy. Almost everyone thinks attractive people are happier and healthier, have better marriages and have more respectable occupations. Personal consultants give them better advice for finding jobs. Even judges are softer on attractive defendants . But in the executive circle, beauty can become a liability. While attractiveness is a positive factor for a man on his way up the executive ladder, it is harmful to a woman. Handsome male executives were perceived as having more integrity than plainer men; effort and ability were thought to account for their success. Attractive female executives were considered to have less integrity than unattractive ones; their success was attributed not to ability but to factors such as luck. All unattractive women executives were thought to have more integrity and to be more capable than the attractive female executives. Interestingly, though, the rise of the unattractive overnight successes was attributed more to personal relationships and less to ability than was that of attractive overnight successes. Why are attractive women not thought to be able? An attractive woman is perceived to be more feminine and an attractive man more masculine than the less attractive ones. Thus, an attractive woman has an advantage in traditionally female jobs, but an attractive woman in a traditionally masculine position appears to lack the "masculine" qualities required. This is true even in politics. "When the only clue is how he or she looks, people treat men and women differently," says Ann Bowman, who recently published a study on the effects of attractiveness on political candidates. She asked 125 undergraduates to rank two groups of photographs, one of men and one of women, in order of attractiveness. The students were told the photographs were of candidates for political offices. They were asked to rank them again, in the order they would vote for them. The results showed that attractive males utterly defeated unattractive men, but the women who had been ranked most attractive invariably received the fewest votes.

2377.txt

What does the author say about immigrants in America?

Many current discussions of immigration issues talk about immigrants in general, as if they were abstract people in an abstract world. But the concrete differences between immigrants from different countries affect whether their coming here is good or bad for the American people. The very thought of formulating immigration laws from the standpoint of what is best for the American people seems to have been forgotten by many who focus on how to solve the problems of illegallymmigration. It is hard to look for "the ideal outcome" on immigration in the abstract. Economics professor Milton Friedman once said, "The best is the enemy of the good," which to me meant that attempts to achieve an unattainable ideal can prevent us from reaching good outcomes that are possible in practice. Too much of our current immigration controversy is conducted in terms of abstract ideals, such as "We are a nation of immigrants." Of course we are a nation of immigrants. But we are also a nation of people who wear shoes. Does it follow that we should admit anybody who wears shoes? The immigrants of today are very different from those who arrived here a hundred years ago. Moreover, the society in which they arrive is different. To me, it is better to build a wall around the welfare state than the country. But the welfare state is already here--and, far from having a wall built around it, the welfare state is expanding in all directions. We do not have a choice between the welfare state and open borders. Anything we try to do as regards immigration laws has to be done in the context of a huge welfare state that is already a major, inescapable fact of life. Among other facts of life utterly ignored by many advocates of de facto amnesty is that the free international movement of people is different from free international trade in goods. Buying cars or cameras from other countries is not the same as admitting people from those countries or any other countries. Unlike inanimate objects, people have cultures and not all cultures are compatible with the culture in this country that has produced such benefits for the American people for so long. Not only the United States, but the Western world in general, has been discovering the hard way that admitting people with incompatible cultures is an irreversible decision with incalculable consequences. If we do not see that after recent terrorist attacks on the streets of Boston and London, when will we see it?"Comprehensive immigration reform" means doing everything all together in a rush, without time to look before we leap, and basing ourselves on abstract notions about abstract people.

1405.txt

What does the author try to say by citing Milton Friedman's remark?

Many current discussions of immigration issues talk about immigrants in general, as if they were abstract people in an abstract world. But the concrete differences between immigrants from different countries affect whether their coming here is good or bad for the American people. The very thought of formulating immigration laws from the standpoint of what is best for the American people seems to have been forgotten by many who focus on how to solve the problems of illegallymmigration. It is hard to look for "the ideal outcome" on immigration in the abstract. Economics professor Milton Friedman once said, "The best is the enemy of the good," which to me meant that attempts to achieve an unattainable ideal can prevent us from reaching good outcomes that are possible in practice. Too much of our current immigration controversy is conducted in terms of abstract ideals, such as "We are a nation of immigrants." Of course we are a nation of immigrants. But we are also a nation of people who wear shoes. Does it follow that we should admit anybody who wears shoes? The immigrants of today are very different from those who arrived here a hundred years ago. Moreover, the society in which they arrive is different. To me, it is better to build a wall around the welfare state than the country. But the welfare state is already here--and, far from having a wall built around it, the welfare state is expanding in all directions. We do not have a choice between the welfare state and open borders. Anything we try to do as regards immigration laws has to be done in the context of a huge welfare state that is already a major, inescapable fact of life. Among other facts of life utterly ignored by many advocates of de facto amnesty is that the free international movement of people is different from free international trade in goods. Buying cars or cameras from other countries is not the same as admitting people from those countries or any other countries. Unlike inanimate objects, people have cultures and not all cultures are compatible with the culture in this country that has produced such benefits for the American people for so long. Not only the United States, but the Western world in general, has been discovering the hard way that admitting people with incompatible cultures is an irreversible decision with incalculable consequences. If we do not see that after recent terrorist attacks on the streets of Boston and London, when will we see it?"Comprehensive immigration reform" means doing everything all together in a rush, without time to look before we leap, and basing ourselves on abstract notions about abstract people.

1405.txt

What is the author's view regarding America's immigration policy?

Many current discussions of immigration issues talk about immigrants in general, as if they were abstract people in an abstract world. But the concrete differences between immigrants from different countries affect whether their coming here is good or bad for the American people. The very thought of formulating immigration laws from the standpoint of what is best for the American people seems to have been forgotten by many who focus on how to solve the problems of illegallymmigration. It is hard to look for "the ideal outcome" on immigration in the abstract. Economics professor Milton Friedman once said, "The best is the enemy of the good," which to me meant that attempts to achieve an unattainable ideal can prevent us from reaching good outcomes that are possible in practice. Too much of our current immigration controversy is conducted in terms of abstract ideals, such as "We are a nation of immigrants." Of course we are a nation of immigrants. But we are also a nation of people who wear shoes. Does it follow that we should admit anybody who wears shoes? The immigrants of today are very different from those who arrived here a hundred years ago. Moreover, the society in which they arrive is different. To me, it is better to build a wall around the welfare state than the country. But the welfare state is already here--and, far from having a wall built around it, the welfare state is expanding in all directions. We do not have a choice between the welfare state and open borders. Anything we try to do as regards immigration laws has to be done in the context of a huge welfare state that is already a major, inescapable fact of life. Among other facts of life utterly ignored by many advocates of de facto amnesty is that the free international movement of people is different from free international trade in goods. Buying cars or cameras from other countries is not the same as admitting people from those countries or any other countries. Unlike inanimate objects, people have cultures and not all cultures are compatible with the culture in this country that has produced such benefits for the American people for so long. Not only the United States, but the Western world in general, has been discovering the hard way that admitting people with incompatible cultures is an irreversible decision with incalculable consequences. If we do not see that after recent terrorist attacks on the streets of Boston and London, when will we see it?"Comprehensive immigration reform" means doing everything all together in a rush, without time to look before we leap, and basing ourselves on abstract notions about abstract people.

1405.txt

What is the author's purpose in citing the recent terrorist attacks on the streets of Boston and London?

Many current discussions of immigration issues talk about immigrants in general, as if they were abstract people in an abstract world. But the concrete differences between immigrants from different countries affect whether their coming here is good or bad for the American people. The very thought of formulating immigration laws from the standpoint of what is best for the American people seems to have been forgotten by many who focus on how to solve the problems of illegallymmigration. It is hard to look for "the ideal outcome" on immigration in the abstract. Economics professor Milton Friedman once said, "The best is the enemy of the good," which to me meant that attempts to achieve an unattainable ideal can prevent us from reaching good outcomes that are possible in practice. Too much of our current immigration controversy is conducted in terms of abstract ideals, such as "We are a nation of immigrants." Of course we are a nation of immigrants. But we are also a nation of people who wear shoes. Does it follow that we should admit anybody who wears shoes? The immigrants of today are very different from those who arrived here a hundred years ago. Moreover, the society in which they arrive is different. To me, it is better to build a wall around the welfare state than the country. But the welfare state is already here--and, far from having a wall built around it, the welfare state is expanding in all directions. We do not have a choice between the welfare state and open borders. Anything we try to do as regards immigration laws has to be done in the context of a huge welfare state that is already a major, inescapable fact of life. Among other facts of life utterly ignored by many advocates of de facto amnesty is that the free international movement of people is different from free international trade in goods. Buying cars or cameras from other countries is not the same as admitting people from those countries or any other countries. Unlike inanimate objects, people have cultures and not all cultures are compatible with the culture in this country that has produced such benefits for the American people for so long. Not only the United States, but the Western world in general, has been discovering the hard way that admitting people with incompatible cultures is an irreversible decision with incalculable consequences. If we do not see that after recent terrorist attacks on the streets of Boston and London, when will we see it?"Comprehensive immigration reform" means doing everything all together in a rush, without time to look before we leap, and basing ourselves on abstract notions about abstract people.

1405.txt

What is the author's attitude towards "comprehensive immigration reform"?

Many current discussions of immigration issues talk about immigrants in general, as if they were abstract people in an abstract world. But the concrete differences between immigrants from different countries affect whether their coming here is good or bad for the American people. The very thought of formulating immigration laws from the standpoint of what is best for the American people seems to have been forgotten by many who focus on how to solve the problems of illegallymmigration. It is hard to look for "the ideal outcome" on immigration in the abstract. Economics professor Milton Friedman once said, "The best is the enemy of the good," which to me meant that attempts to achieve an unattainable ideal can prevent us from reaching good outcomes that are possible in practice. Too much of our current immigration controversy is conducted in terms of abstract ideals, such as "We are a nation of immigrants." Of course we are a nation of immigrants. But we are also a nation of people who wear shoes. Does it follow that we should admit anybody who wears shoes? The immigrants of today are very different from those who arrived here a hundred years ago. Moreover, the society in which they arrive is different. To me, it is better to build a wall around the welfare state than the country. But the welfare state is already here--and, far from having a wall built around it, the welfare state is expanding in all directions. We do not have a choice between the welfare state and open borders. Anything we try to do as regards immigration laws has to be done in the context of a huge welfare state that is already a major, inescapable fact of life. Among other facts of life utterly ignored by many advocates of de facto amnesty is that the free international movement of people is different from free international trade in goods. Buying cars or cameras from other countries is not the same as admitting people from those countries or any other countries. Unlike inanimate objects, people have cultures and not all cultures are compatible with the culture in this country that has produced such benefits for the American people for so long. Not only the United States, but the Western world in general, has been discovering the hard way that admitting people with incompatible cultures is an irreversible decision with incalculable consequences. If we do not see that after recent terrorist attacks on the streets of Boston and London, when will we see it?"Comprehensive immigration reform" means doing everything all together in a rush, without time to look before we leap, and basing ourselves on abstract notions about abstract people.

1405.txt

From the first paragraph, it can be inferred that _

Although close relationships are often wellsprings of health-enhancing support, accumulating evidence indicates that persistent domestic conflict deals a blow to the body-and especially the heart. In one of the latest studies, researchers found that British adults who were in adverse close relationships were 34 percent more likely to suffer coronary problems, ranging from chest pain to deadly heart attacks, than those who weren't. Numerous American studies have produced similar findings. Last year, for example, a long-term analysis of more than 1,000 marriages found that strained matrimonies take a clear toll on physical health over time, hitting the elderly the hardest. Negativity-plagued relationships are toxic in part because of the effects of chronic stress, says Sheldon Cohen, a Carnegie Mellon University psychologist. In addition to damaging the heart, ongoing stress can deplete the immune system-creating openings for colds, cancers, and other maladies-and also lead to depression and risky coping behaviors like excessive drinking. People who endure persistent interpersonal problems are more at risk than those reeling from an isolated blowup, Cohen says. But spouses aren't the only potential source of unrelenting trouble. In the recent British study, 20 percent of adults identified someone other than a romantic partner as the object of their closest relationship, according to the report in the October 8 issue of Archives of Internal Medicine. Fortunately, strategies for minimizing feuds within the family are similar to those that can resolve conflicts with in-laws, coworkers, neighbors, and others, says Redford Williams, a behavioral scientist at Duke University. One technique he recommends is this: Before lashing someone with a sharp-tongued comment, step back and evaluate a brewing dispute. Say it's your turn to host the annual holiday family feast. Frazzled, juggling food prep for 20 people with a maniacal effort to scrub everything clean, you finally feel pleased by your home's facelift. Then the doorbell rings. In strides your 84-year-old aunt, craning her neck to eyeball the surroundings. "Well you certainly don't pay much attention to keeping your house tidy," she barks, flinging her coat over your outstretched arms. "If we did what came naturally, we'd either explode or keep fuming for the rest of the day," Williams says. Instead, he suggests, ask yourself four questions: Is this situation important? After years studying the strain hostility and anger place on the heart, he and his wife, also a doctor, have developed a system called Williams LifeSkills. A 2005 study found that when people with heart disease used Williams's techniques, their anger levels, average blood pressure, and blood pressure elevation when angry all went down; their depression and anxiety diminished; and they reported being more satisfied with family and friends. Nevertheless, the holidays tend to strap everyone with a little extra stress, so make an effort to be on your best behavior, especially if you're prone to conflict, says Williams. But if family fighting's become an annual theme, there might be something wrong. Not all conflict is bad, according to Harvard University lecturer Tal Ben-Shahar, author of the new book Happier: Learn the Secrets to Daily Joy and Lasting Fulfillment. "Negativity is normal, as long as it's outweighed by positivity," he says. "No negativity at all is actually a bad sign" that people may be avoiding serious issues.

3501.txt

Negative close relationship may lead to the following diseases except _

Although close relationships are often wellsprings of health-enhancing support, accumulating evidence indicates that persistent domestic conflict deals a blow to the body-and especially the heart. In one of the latest studies, researchers found that British adults who were in adverse close relationships were 34 percent more likely to suffer coronary problems, ranging from chest pain to deadly heart attacks, than those who weren't. Numerous American studies have produced similar findings. Last year, for example, a long-term analysis of more than 1,000 marriages found that strained matrimonies take a clear toll on physical health over time, hitting the elderly the hardest. Negativity-plagued relationships are toxic in part because of the effects of chronic stress, says Sheldon Cohen, a Carnegie Mellon University psychologist. In addition to damaging the heart, ongoing stress can deplete the immune system-creating openings for colds, cancers, and other maladies-and also lead to depression and risky coping behaviors like excessive drinking. People who endure persistent interpersonal problems are more at risk than those reeling from an isolated blowup, Cohen says. But spouses aren't the only potential source of unrelenting trouble. In the recent British study, 20 percent of adults identified someone other than a romantic partner as the object of their closest relationship, according to the report in the October 8 issue of Archives of Internal Medicine. Fortunately, strategies for minimizing feuds within the family are similar to those that can resolve conflicts with in-laws, coworkers, neighbors, and others, says Redford Williams, a behavioral scientist at Duke University. One technique he recommends is this: Before lashing someone with a sharp-tongued comment, step back and evaluate a brewing dispute. Say it's your turn to host the annual holiday family feast. Frazzled, juggling food prep for 20 people with a maniacal effort to scrub everything clean, you finally feel pleased by your home's facelift. Then the doorbell rings. In strides your 84-year-old aunt, craning her neck to eyeball the surroundings. "Well you certainly don't pay much attention to keeping your house tidy," she barks, flinging her coat over your outstretched arms. "If we did what came naturally, we'd either explode or keep fuming for the rest of the day," Williams says. Instead, he suggests, ask yourself four questions: Is this situation important? After years studying the strain hostility and anger place on the heart, he and his wife, also a doctor, have developed a system called Williams LifeSkills. A 2005 study found that when people with heart disease used Williams's techniques, their anger levels, average blood pressure, and blood pressure elevation when angry all went down; their depression and anxiety diminished; and they reported being more satisfied with family and friends. Nevertheless, the holidays tend to strap everyone with a little extra stress, so make an effort to be on your best behavior, especially if you're prone to conflict, says Williams. But if family fighting's become an annual theme, there might be something wrong. Not all conflict is bad, according to Harvard University lecturer Tal Ben-Shahar, author of the new book Happier: Learn the Secrets to Daily Joy and Lasting Fulfillment. "Negativity is normal, as long as it's outweighed by positivity," he says. "No negativity at all is actually a bad sign" that people may be avoiding serious issues.

3501.txt

By the technique recommended by Redford Williams, the author implies that _

Although close relationships are often wellsprings of health-enhancing support, accumulating evidence indicates that persistent domestic conflict deals a blow to the body-and especially the heart. In one of the latest studies, researchers found that British adults who were in adverse close relationships were 34 percent more likely to suffer coronary problems, ranging from chest pain to deadly heart attacks, than those who weren't. Numerous American studies have produced similar findings. Last year, for example, a long-term analysis of more than 1,000 marriages found that strained matrimonies take a clear toll on physical health over time, hitting the elderly the hardest. Negativity-plagued relationships are toxic in part because of the effects of chronic stress, says Sheldon Cohen, a Carnegie Mellon University psychologist. In addition to damaging the heart, ongoing stress can deplete the immune system-creating openings for colds, cancers, and other maladies-and also lead to depression and risky coping behaviors like excessive drinking. People who endure persistent interpersonal problems are more at risk than those reeling from an isolated blowup, Cohen says. But spouses aren't the only potential source of unrelenting trouble. In the recent British study, 20 percent of adults identified someone other than a romantic partner as the object of their closest relationship, according to the report in the October 8 issue of Archives of Internal Medicine. Fortunately, strategies for minimizing feuds within the family are similar to those that can resolve conflicts with in-laws, coworkers, neighbors, and others, says Redford Williams, a behavioral scientist at Duke University. One technique he recommends is this: Before lashing someone with a sharp-tongued comment, step back and evaluate a brewing dispute. Say it's your turn to host the annual holiday family feast. Frazzled, juggling food prep for 20 people with a maniacal effort to scrub everything clean, you finally feel pleased by your home's facelift. Then the doorbell rings. In strides your 84-year-old aunt, craning her neck to eyeball the surroundings. "Well you certainly don't pay much attention to keeping your house tidy," she barks, flinging her coat over your outstretched arms. "If we did what came naturally, we'd either explode or keep fuming for the rest of the day," Williams says. Instead, he suggests, ask yourself four questions: Is this situation important? After years studying the strain hostility and anger place on the heart, he and his wife, also a doctor, have developed a system called Williams LifeSkills. A 2005 study found that when people with heart disease used Williams's techniques, their anger levels, average blood pressure, and blood pressure elevation when angry all went down; their depression and anxiety diminished; and they reported being more satisfied with family and friends. Nevertheless, the holidays tend to strap everyone with a little extra stress, so make an effort to be on your best behavior, especially if you're prone to conflict, says Williams. But if family fighting's become an annual theme, there might be something wrong. Not all conflict is bad, according to Harvard University lecturer Tal Ben-Shahar, author of the new book Happier: Learn the Secrets to Daily Joy and Lasting Fulfillment. "Negativity is normal, as long as it's outweighed by positivity," he says. "No negativity at all is actually a bad sign" that people may be avoiding serious issues.

3501.txt

The strategy for minimizing conflicts in the family suggested by Redford Williams is that _

Although close relationships are often wellsprings of health-enhancing support, accumulating evidence indicates that persistent domestic conflict deals a blow to the body-and especially the heart. In one of the latest studies, researchers found that British adults who were in adverse close relationships were 34 percent more likely to suffer coronary problems, ranging from chest pain to deadly heart attacks, than those who weren't. Numerous American studies have produced similar findings. Last year, for example, a long-term analysis of more than 1,000 marriages found that strained matrimonies take a clear toll on physical health over time, hitting the elderly the hardest. Negativity-plagued relationships are toxic in part because of the effects of chronic stress, says Sheldon Cohen, a Carnegie Mellon University psychologist. In addition to damaging the heart, ongoing stress can deplete the immune system-creating openings for colds, cancers, and other maladies-and also lead to depression and risky coping behaviors like excessive drinking. People who endure persistent interpersonal problems are more at risk than those reeling from an isolated blowup, Cohen says. But spouses aren't the only potential source of unrelenting trouble. In the recent British study, 20 percent of adults identified someone other than a romantic partner as the object of their closest relationship, according to the report in the October 8 issue of Archives of Internal Medicine. Fortunately, strategies for minimizing feuds within the family are similar to those that can resolve conflicts with in-laws, coworkers, neighbors, and others, says Redford Williams, a behavioral scientist at Duke University. One technique he recommends is this: Before lashing someone with a sharp-tongued comment, step back and evaluate a brewing dispute. Say it's your turn to host the annual holiday family feast. Frazzled, juggling food prep for 20 people with a maniacal effort to scrub everything clean, you finally feel pleased by your home's facelift. Then the doorbell rings. In strides your 84-year-old aunt, craning her neck to eyeball the surroundings. "Well you certainly don't pay much attention to keeping your house tidy," she barks, flinging her coat over your outstretched arms. "If we did what came naturally, we'd either explode or keep fuming for the rest of the day," Williams says. Instead, he suggests, ask yourself four questions: Is this situation important? After years studying the strain hostility and anger place on the heart, he and his wife, also a doctor, have developed a system called Williams LifeSkills. A 2005 study found that when people with heart disease used Williams's techniques, their anger levels, average blood pressure, and blood pressure elevation when angry all went down; their depression and anxiety diminished; and they reported being more satisfied with family and friends. Nevertheless, the holidays tend to strap everyone with a little extra stress, so make an effort to be on your best behavior, especially if you're prone to conflict, says Williams. But if family fighting's become an annual theme, there might be something wrong. Not all conflict is bad, according to Harvard University lecturer Tal Ben-Shahar, author of the new book Happier: Learn the Secrets to Daily Joy and Lasting Fulfillment. "Negativity is normal, as long as it's outweighed by positivity," he says. "No negativity at all is actually a bad sign" that people may be avoiding serious issues.

3501.txt

Which one of the following statements is TRUE of Tal Ben-Shahar's opinions on family conflict?

Although close relationships are often wellsprings of health-enhancing support, accumulating evidence indicates that persistent domestic conflict deals a blow to the body-and especially the heart. In one of the latest studies, researchers found that British adults who were in adverse close relationships were 34 percent more likely to suffer coronary problems, ranging from chest pain to deadly heart attacks, than those who weren't. Numerous American studies have produced similar findings. Last year, for example, a long-term analysis of more than 1,000 marriages found that strained matrimonies take a clear toll on physical health over time, hitting the elderly the hardest. Negativity-plagued relationships are toxic in part because of the effects of chronic stress, says Sheldon Cohen, a Carnegie Mellon University psychologist. In addition to damaging the heart, ongoing stress can deplete the immune system-creating openings for colds, cancers, and other maladies-and also lead to depression and risky coping behaviors like excessive drinking. People who endure persistent interpersonal problems are more at risk than those reeling from an isolated blowup, Cohen says. But spouses aren't the only potential source of unrelenting trouble. In the recent British study, 20 percent of adults identified someone other than a romantic partner as the object of their closest relationship, according to the report in the October 8 issue of Archives of Internal Medicine. Fortunately, strategies for minimizing feuds within the family are similar to those that can resolve conflicts with in-laws, coworkers, neighbors, and others, says Redford Williams, a behavioral scientist at Duke University. One technique he recommends is this: Before lashing someone with a sharp-tongued comment, step back and evaluate a brewing dispute. Say it's your turn to host the annual holiday family feast. Frazzled, juggling food prep for 20 people with a maniacal effort to scrub everything clean, you finally feel pleased by your home's facelift. Then the doorbell rings. In strides your 84-year-old aunt, craning her neck to eyeball the surroundings. "Well you certainly don't pay much attention to keeping your house tidy," she barks, flinging her coat over your outstretched arms. "If we did what came naturally, we'd either explode or keep fuming for the rest of the day," Williams says. Instead, he suggests, ask yourself four questions: Is this situation important? After years studying the strain hostility and anger place on the heart, he and his wife, also a doctor, have developed a system called Williams LifeSkills. A 2005 study found that when people with heart disease used Williams's techniques, their anger levels, average blood pressure, and blood pressure elevation when angry all went down; their depression and anxiety diminished; and they reported being more satisfied with family and friends. Nevertheless, the holidays tend to strap everyone with a little extra stress, so make an effort to be on your best behavior, especially if you're prone to conflict, says Williams. But if family fighting's become an annual theme, there might be something wrong. Not all conflict is bad, according to Harvard University lecturer Tal Ben-Shahar, author of the new book Happier: Learn the Secrets to Daily Joy and Lasting Fulfillment. "Negativity is normal, as long as it's outweighed by positivity," he says. "No negativity at all is actually a bad sign" that people may be avoiding serious issues.

3501.txt

What is the text mainly about?

A study of English learning problems was carried out among a total of 106 foreign students. It shows that most students considered understanding spoken English to be their biggest problem on arrival. This was followed by speaking. Writing increased as a problem as students discovered difficulties in writing papers that they were now expected to hand in. Reading remained as a significant(） problem. The information gained helped us in determining where special attention should be paid in our course. Although many students have chosen to join the course with a reasonable motivation(）, we considered it important to note what seemed to encourage interest. Nearly all the students have experienced some kind of grammar-based English teaching in their own country. To use the same method would be self-defeating because it might reduce motivation, especially if it has failed in the past. Therefore a different method may help because it is different. Variety of activity was also seen as a way of maintaining(） or increasing motivation. Several years ago we had one timetable that operated throughout, but we soon found that both the students and the teachers lost interest by about halfway through the ten weeks. This led us to a major re-think, so finally we brought it into line with the expressed language needs of the students.

3690.txt

Writing became a bigger problem when foreign students _ .

A study of English learning problems was carried out among a total of 106 foreign students. It shows that most students considered understanding spoken English to be their biggest problem on arrival. This was followed by speaking. Writing increased as a problem as students discovered difficulties in writing papers that they were now expected to hand in. Reading remained as a significant(） problem. The information gained helped us in determining where special attention should be paid in our course. Although many students have chosen to join the course with a reasonable motivation(）, we considered it important to note what seemed to encourage interest. Nearly all the students have experienced some kind of grammar-based English teaching in their own country. To use the same method would be self-defeating because it might reduce motivation, especially if it has failed in the past. Therefore a different method may help because it is different. Variety of activity was also seen as a way of maintaining(） or increasing motivation. Several years ago we had one timetable that operated throughout, but we soon found that both the students and the teachers lost interest by about halfway through the ten weeks. This led us to a major re-think, so finally we brought it into line with the expressed language needs of the students.

3690.txt

We may infer from the last two paragraphs that _ .

A study of English learning problems was carried out among a total of 106 foreign students. It shows that most students considered understanding spoken English to be their biggest problem on arrival. This was followed by speaking. Writing increased as a problem as students discovered difficulties in writing papers that they were now expected to hand in. Reading remained as a significant(） problem. The information gained helped us in determining where special attention should be paid in our course. Although many students have chosen to join the course with a reasonable motivation(）, we considered it important to note what seemed to encourage interest. Nearly all the students have experienced some kind of grammar-based English teaching in their own country. To use the same method would be self-defeating because it might reduce motivation, especially if it has failed in the past. Therefore a different method may help because it is different. Variety of activity was also seen as a way of maintaining(） or increasing motivation. Several years ago we had one timetable that operated throughout, but we soon found that both the students and the teachers lost interest by about halfway through the ten weeks. This led us to a major re-think, so finally we brought it into line with the expressed language needs of the students.

3690.txt

What is the main idea of this passage?

In the United States, it is not customary to telephone someone very early in the morning. If you telephone him early in the day, while he is shaving or having breakfast, the time of the call shows that the matter is very important and requires immediate attention. The same meaning is attached to telephone calls made after 11:00 p.m. If someone receives a call during sleeping hours, he assumes it's a matter of life or death. The time chosen for the call communicates its importance. In social life, time plays a very important part. In the U.S.A. guests tend to feel they are not highly regarded if the invitation to a dinner party is extended only three or four days before the party date. But it is not true in all countries. In other areas of the world, it may be considered foolish to make an appointment too far in advance because plans which are made for a date more than a week away tend to be forgotten. The meaning of time differs in different parts of the world. Thus, misunderstandings arise between people from different cultures that treat time differently. Promptness is valued highly in American life, for example. If people are not prompt, they may be regarded as impolite or not fully responsible. In the U.S. no one would think of keeping a business associate waiting for an hour, it would be too impolite. A person who is 5 minutes late, will say a few words of explanation, though perhaps he will not complete the sentence.

701.txt

What does it mean in the passage if you call someone during his or her sleeping hours?

In the United States, it is not customary to telephone someone very early in the morning. If you telephone him early in the day, while he is shaving or having breakfast, the time of the call shows that the matter is very important and requires immediate attention. The same meaning is attached to telephone calls made after 11:00 p.m. If someone receives a call during sleeping hours, he assumes it's a matter of life or death. The time chosen for the call communicates its importance. In social life, time plays a very important part. In the U.S.A. guests tend to feel they are not highly regarded if the invitation to a dinner party is extended only three or four days before the party date. But it is not true in all countries. In other areas of the world, it may be considered foolish to make an appointment too far in advance because plans which are made for a date more than a week away tend to be forgotten. The meaning of time differs in different parts of the world. Thus, misunderstandings arise between people from different cultures that treat time differently. Promptness is valued highly in American life, for example. If people are not prompt, they may be regarded as impolite or not fully responsible. In the U.S. no one would think of keeping a business associate waiting for an hour, it would be too impolite. A person who is 5 minutes late, will say a few words of explanation, though perhaps he will not complete the sentence.

701.txt

Which of the following time is proper if you want to make an appointment with your friend?

In the United States, it is not customary to telephone someone very early in the morning. If you telephone him early in the day, while he is shaving or having breakfast, the time of the call shows that the matter is very important and requires immediate attention. The same meaning is attached to telephone calls made after 11:00 p.m. If someone receives a call during sleeping hours, he assumes it's a matter of life or death. The time chosen for the call communicates its importance. In social life, time plays a very important part. In the U.S.A. guests tend to feel they are not highly regarded if the invitation to a dinner party is extended only three or four days before the party date. But it is not true in all countries. In other areas of the world, it may be considered foolish to make an appointment too far in advance because plans which are made for a date more than a week away tend to be forgotten. The meaning of time differs in different parts of the world. Thus, misunderstandings arise between people from different cultures that treat time differently. Promptness is valued highly in American life, for example. If people are not prompt, they may be regarded as impolite or not fully responsible. In the U.S. no one would think of keeping a business associate waiting for an hour, it would be too impolite. A person who is 5 minutes late, will say a few words of explanation, though perhaps he will not complete the sentence.

701.txt

Which of the following statements is true according to the passage?

In the United States, it is not customary to telephone someone very early in the morning. If you telephone him early in the day, while he is shaving or having breakfast, the time of the call shows that the matter is very important and requires immediate attention. The same meaning is attached to telephone calls made after 11:00 p.m. If someone receives a call during sleeping hours, he assumes it's a matter of life or death. The time chosen for the call communicates its importance. In social life, time plays a very important part. In the U.S.A. guests tend to feel they are not highly regarded if the invitation to a dinner party is extended only three or four days before the party date. But it is not true in all countries. In other areas of the world, it may be considered foolish to make an appointment too far in advance because plans which are made for a date more than a week away tend to be forgotten. The meaning of time differs in different parts of the world. Thus, misunderstandings arise between people from different cultures that treat time differently. Promptness is valued highly in American life, for example. If people are not prompt, they may be regarded as impolite or not fully responsible. In the U.S. no one would think of keeping a business associate waiting for an hour, it would be too impolite. A person who is 5 minutes late, will say a few words of explanation, though perhaps he will not complete the sentence.

701.txt

From the passage we can safely infer that _ .

In the United States, it is not customary to telephone someone very early in the morning. If you telephone him early in the day, while he is shaving or having breakfast, the time of the call shows that the matter is very important and requires immediate attention. The same meaning is attached to telephone calls made after 11:00 p.m. If someone receives a call during sleeping hours, he assumes it's a matter of life or death. The time chosen for the call communicates its importance. In social life, time plays a very important part. In the U.S.A. guests tend to feel they are not highly regarded if the invitation to a dinner party is extended only three or four days before the party date. But it is not true in all countries. In other areas of the world, it may be considered foolish to make an appointment too far in advance because plans which are made for a date more than a week away tend to be forgotten. The meaning of time differs in different parts of the world. Thus, misunderstandings arise between people from different cultures that treat time differently. Promptness is valued highly in American life, for example. If people are not prompt, they may be regarded as impolite or not fully responsible. In the U.S. no one would think of keeping a business associate waiting for an hour, it would be too impolite. A person who is 5 minutes late, will say a few words of explanation, though perhaps he will not complete the sentence.

701.txt

Why does the author mention the Spanish Civil War at the beginning of the passage?

The Ebro Delta, in Spain, famous as a battleground during the Spanish Civil War, is now the setting for a different contest, one that is pitting rice farmers against two enemies: the rice-eating giant apple snail, and rising sea levels. What happens here will have a bearing on the future of European rice production and the overall health of southern European wetlands. Located on the Mediterranean just two hours south of Barcelona, the Ebro Delta produces 120 million kilograms of rice a year, making it one of the continent's most important rice-growing areas. As the sea creeps into these fresh-water marshes, however, rising salinity is hampering rice production. At the same time, this sea-water also kills off the greedy giant apple snail, an introduced pest that feeds on young rice plants. The most promising strategy has become to harness one foe against the other. The battle is currently being waged on land, in greenhouses at the University of Barcelona. Scientists working under the banner "Project Neurice" are seeking varieties of rice that can withstand the increasing salinity without losing the absorbency that makes European rice ideal for traditional Spanish and Italian dishes. "The project has two sides," says Xavier Serrat, Neurice project manager and researcher at the University of Barcelona, "the short-term fight against the snail, and a mid- to long-term fight against climate change. But the snail has given the project greater urgency." Originally from South America, the snails were accidentally introduced into the Ebro Delta by Global Aquatic Technologies, a company that raised the snails for fresh-water aquariums , but failed to prevent their escape. For now, the giant apple snail's presence in Europe is limited to the Ebro Delta. But the snail continues its march to new territory, says Serrat. "The question is not whether it will reach other rice-growing areas of Europe, but when." Over the next year and a half investigators will test the various strains of salt-tolerant rice they've bred. In 2018, farmers will plant the varieties with the most promise in the Ebro Delta and Europe's other two main rice-growing regions-along the Po in Italy, and France's Rhone. A season in the field will help determine which, if any, of the varieties are ready for commercialization. As an EU-funded effort, the search for salt-tolerant varieties of rice is taking place in all three countries. Each team is crossbreeding a local European short-grain rice with a long-grain Asian variety that carries the salt-resistant gene. The scientists are breeding successive generations to arrive at varieties that incorporate salt tolerance but retain about 97 percent of the European rice genome .

2047.txt

What may be the most effective strategy for rice farmers to employ in fighting their enemies?

The Ebro Delta, in Spain, famous as a battleground during the Spanish Civil War, is now the setting for a different contest, one that is pitting rice farmers against two enemies: the rice-eating giant apple snail, and rising sea levels. What happens here will have a bearing on the future of European rice production and the overall health of southern European wetlands. Located on the Mediterranean just two hours south of Barcelona, the Ebro Delta produces 120 million kilograms of rice a year, making it one of the continent's most important rice-growing areas. As the sea creeps into these fresh-water marshes, however, rising salinity is hampering rice production. At the same time, this sea-water also kills off the greedy giant apple snail, an introduced pest that feeds on young rice plants. The most promising strategy has become to harness one foe against the other. The battle is currently being waged on land, in greenhouses at the University of Barcelona. Scientists working under the banner "Project Neurice" are seeking varieties of rice that can withstand the increasing salinity without losing the absorbency that makes European rice ideal for traditional Spanish and Italian dishes. "The project has two sides," says Xavier Serrat, Neurice project manager and researcher at the University of Barcelona, "the short-term fight against the snail, and a mid- to long-term fight against climate change. But the snail has given the project greater urgency." Originally from South America, the snails were accidentally introduced into the Ebro Delta by Global Aquatic Technologies, a company that raised the snails for fresh-water aquariums , but failed to prevent their escape. For now, the giant apple snail's presence in Europe is limited to the Ebro Delta. But the snail continues its march to new territory, says Serrat. "The question is not whether it will reach other rice-growing areas of Europe, but when." Over the next year and a half investigators will test the various strains of salt-tolerant rice they've bred. In 2018, farmers will plant the varieties with the most promise in the Ebro Delta and Europe's other two main rice-growing regions-along the Po in Italy, and France's Rhone. A season in the field will help determine which, if any, of the varieties are ready for commercialization. As an EU-funded effort, the search for salt-tolerant varieties of rice is taking place in all three countries. Each team is crossbreeding a local European short-grain rice with a long-grain Asian variety that carries the salt-resistant gene. The scientists are breeding successive generations to arrive at varieties that incorporate salt tolerance but retain about 97 percent of the European rice genome .

2047.txt

What do we learn about "Project Neurice"?

The Ebro Delta, in Spain, famous as a battleground during the Spanish Civil War, is now the setting for a different contest, one that is pitting rice farmers against two enemies: the rice-eating giant apple snail, and rising sea levels. What happens here will have a bearing on the future of European rice production and the overall health of southern European wetlands. Located on the Mediterranean just two hours south of Barcelona, the Ebro Delta produces 120 million kilograms of rice a year, making it one of the continent's most important rice-growing areas. As the sea creeps into these fresh-water marshes, however, rising salinity is hampering rice production. At the same time, this sea-water also kills off the greedy giant apple snail, an introduced pest that feeds on young rice plants. The most promising strategy has become to harness one foe against the other. The battle is currently being waged on land, in greenhouses at the University of Barcelona. Scientists working under the banner "Project Neurice" are seeking varieties of rice that can withstand the increasing salinity without losing the absorbency that makes European rice ideal for traditional Spanish and Italian dishes. "The project has two sides," says Xavier Serrat, Neurice project manager and researcher at the University of Barcelona, "the short-term fight against the snail, and a mid- to long-term fight against climate change. But the snail has given the project greater urgency." Originally from South America, the snails were accidentally introduced into the Ebro Delta by Global Aquatic Technologies, a company that raised the snails for fresh-water aquariums , but failed to prevent their escape. For now, the giant apple snail's presence in Europe is limited to the Ebro Delta. But the snail continues its march to new territory, says Serrat. "The question is not whether it will reach other rice-growing areas of Europe, but when." Over the next year and a half investigators will test the various strains of salt-tolerant rice they've bred. In 2018, farmers will plant the varieties with the most promise in the Ebro Delta and Europe's other two main rice-growing regions-along the Po in Italy, and France's Rhone. A season in the field will help determine which, if any, of the varieties are ready for commercialization. As an EU-funded effort, the search for salt-tolerant varieties of rice is taking place in all three countries. Each team is crossbreeding a local European short-grain rice with a long-grain Asian variety that carries the salt-resistant gene. The scientists are breeding successive generations to arrive at varieties that incorporate salt tolerance but retain about 97 percent of the European rice genome .

2047.txt

What does Neurice project manager say about the giant apple snail?

The Ebro Delta, in Spain, famous as a battleground during the Spanish Civil War, is now the setting for a different contest, one that is pitting rice farmers against two enemies: the rice-eating giant apple snail, and rising sea levels. What happens here will have a bearing on the future of European rice production and the overall health of southern European wetlands. Located on the Mediterranean just two hours south of Barcelona, the Ebro Delta produces 120 million kilograms of rice a year, making it one of the continent's most important rice-growing areas. As the sea creeps into these fresh-water marshes, however, rising salinity is hampering rice production. At the same time, this sea-water also kills off the greedy giant apple snail, an introduced pest that feeds on young rice plants. The most promising strategy has become to harness one foe against the other. The battle is currently being waged on land, in greenhouses at the University of Barcelona. Scientists working under the banner "Project Neurice" are seeking varieties of rice that can withstand the increasing salinity without losing the absorbency that makes European rice ideal for traditional Spanish and Italian dishes. "The project has two sides," says Xavier Serrat, Neurice project manager and researcher at the University of Barcelona, "the short-term fight against the snail, and a mid- to long-term fight against climate change. But the snail has given the project greater urgency." Originally from South America, the snails were accidentally introduced into the Ebro Delta by Global Aquatic Technologies, a company that raised the snails for fresh-water aquariums , but failed to prevent their escape. For now, the giant apple snail's presence in Europe is limited to the Ebro Delta. But the snail continues its march to new territory, says Serrat. "The question is not whether it will reach other rice-growing areas of Europe, but when." Over the next year and a half investigators will test the various strains of salt-tolerant rice they've bred. In 2018, farmers will plant the varieties with the most promise in the Ebro Delta and Europe's other two main rice-growing regions-along the Po in Italy, and France's Rhone. A season in the field will help determine which, if any, of the varieties are ready for commercialization. As an EU-funded effort, the search for salt-tolerant varieties of rice is taking place in all three countries. Each team is crossbreeding a local European short-grain rice with a long-grain Asian variety that carries the salt-resistant gene. The scientists are breeding successive generations to arrive at varieties that incorporate salt tolerance but retain about 97 percent of the European rice genome .

2047.txt

What is the ultimate goal of the EU-funded program?

The Ebro Delta, in Spain, famous as a battleground during the Spanish Civil War, is now the setting for a different contest, one that is pitting rice farmers against two enemies: the rice-eating giant apple snail, and rising sea levels. What happens here will have a bearing on the future of European rice production and the overall health of southern European wetlands. Located on the Mediterranean just two hours south of Barcelona, the Ebro Delta produces 120 million kilograms of rice a year, making it one of the continent's most important rice-growing areas. As the sea creeps into these fresh-water marshes, however, rising salinity is hampering rice production. At the same time, this sea-water also kills off the greedy giant apple snail, an introduced pest that feeds on young rice plants. The most promising strategy has become to harness one foe against the other. The battle is currently being waged on land, in greenhouses at the University of Barcelona. Scientists working under the banner "Project Neurice" are seeking varieties of rice that can withstand the increasing salinity without losing the absorbency that makes European rice ideal for traditional Spanish and Italian dishes. "The project has two sides," says Xavier Serrat, Neurice project manager and researcher at the University of Barcelona, "the short-term fight against the snail, and a mid- to long-term fight against climate change. But the snail has given the project greater urgency." Originally from South America, the snails were accidentally introduced into the Ebro Delta by Global Aquatic Technologies, a company that raised the snails for fresh-water aquariums , but failed to prevent their escape. For now, the giant apple snail's presence in Europe is limited to the Ebro Delta. But the snail continues its march to new territory, says Serrat. "The question is not whether it will reach other rice-growing areas of Europe, but when." Over the next year and a half investigators will test the various strains of salt-tolerant rice they've bred. In 2018, farmers will plant the varieties with the most promise in the Ebro Delta and Europe's other two main rice-growing regions-along the Po in Italy, and France's Rhone. A season in the field will help determine which, if any, of the varieties are ready for commercialization. As an EU-funded effort, the search for salt-tolerant varieties of rice is taking place in all three countries. Each team is crossbreeding a local European short-grain rice with a long-grain Asian variety that carries the salt-resistant gene. The scientists are breeding successive generations to arrive at varieties that incorporate salt tolerance but retain about 97 percent of the European rice genome .

2047.txt

The author is primarily concerned with _ .

In recent years, teachers of introductory courses in Asian American studies have been facing a dilemma nonexistent a few decades ago, when hardly any texts in that field were available. Today, excellent anthologies and other introductory texts exist, and books on individual Asian Americans are published almost weekly. Even professors who are experts in the field find it difficult to decide which of these to assign to students; non-experts who teach in related areas and are looking for writings for and by Asian American to include in survey courses are in an even worse position. A complicating factor has been the continuing lack of specialized one-volume reference works on Asian Americans, such as biographical dictionaries or desktop encyclopedias. Such works would enable students taking Asian American studies courses (and professors in related fields) to look up basic information on Asian American individuals, institutions, history, and culture without having to wade through mountains of primary source material. In addition, given such works. Asian American studies professors might feel more free to include more challenging Asian American material in their introductory reading lists, since good reference works allow students to acquire on their own the background information necessary to interpret difficult or unfamiliar material.

1785.txt

The "dilemma"(Line 2, Para.1) can best be characterized as being caused by the necessity to make a choice when faced with a _ .

In recent years, teachers of introductory courses in Asian American studies have been facing a dilemma nonexistent a few decades ago, when hardly any texts in that field were available. Today, excellent anthologies and other introductory texts exist, and books on individual Asian Americans are published almost weekly. Even professors who are experts in the field find it difficult to decide which of these to assign to students; non-experts who teach in related areas and are looking for writings for and by Asian American to include in survey courses are in an even worse position. A complicating factor has been the continuing lack of specialized one-volume reference works on Asian Americans, such as biographical dictionaries or desktop encyclopedias. Such works would enable students taking Asian American studies courses (and professors in related fields) to look up basic information on Asian American individuals, institutions, history, and culture without having to wade through mountains of primary source material. In addition, given such works. Asian American studies professors might feel more free to include more challenging Asian American material in their introductory reading lists, since good reference works allow students to acquire on their own the background information necessary to interpret difficult or unfamiliar material.

1785.txt

Biographical dictionaries and desktop encyclopedias are _

In recent years, teachers of introductory courses in Asian American studies have been facing a dilemma nonexistent a few decades ago, when hardly any texts in that field were available. Today, excellent anthologies and other introductory texts exist, and books on individual Asian Americans are published almost weekly. Even professors who are experts in the field find it difficult to decide which of these to assign to students; non-experts who teach in related areas and are looking for writings for and by Asian American to include in survey courses are in an even worse position. A complicating factor has been the continuing lack of specialized one-volume reference works on Asian Americans, such as biographical dictionaries or desktop encyclopedias. Such works would enable students taking Asian American studies courses (and professors in related fields) to look up basic information on Asian American individuals, institutions, history, and culture without having to wade through mountains of primary source material. In addition, given such works. Asian American studies professors might feel more free to include more challenging Asian American material in their introductory reading lists, since good reference works allow students to acquire on their own the background information necessary to interpret difficult or unfamiliar material.

1785.txt

Which of the following is implied about the introductory courses in Asian American studies a few decades ago?

In recent years, teachers of introductory courses in Asian American studies have been facing a dilemma nonexistent a few decades ago, when hardly any texts in that field were available. Today, excellent anthologies and other introductory texts exist, and books on individual Asian Americans are published almost weekly. Even professors who are experts in the field find it difficult to decide which of these to assign to students; non-experts who teach in related areas and are looking for writings for and by Asian American to include in survey courses are in an even worse position. A complicating factor has been the continuing lack of specialized one-volume reference works on Asian Americans, such as biographical dictionaries or desktop encyclopedias. Such works would enable students taking Asian American studies courses (and professors in related fields) to look up basic information on Asian American individuals, institutions, history, and culture without having to wade through mountains of primary source material. In addition, given such works. Asian American studies professors might feel more free to include more challenging Asian American material in their introductory reading lists, since good reference works allow students to acquire on their own the background information necessary to interpret difficult or unfamiliar material.

1785.txt

According to the passage, the existence of good one-volume reference works about Asian Americans could result in _ .

In recent years, teachers of introductory courses in Asian American studies have been facing a dilemma nonexistent a few decades ago, when hardly any texts in that field were available. Today, excellent anthologies and other introductory texts exist, and books on individual Asian Americans are published almost weekly. Even professors who are experts in the field find it difficult to decide which of these to assign to students; non-experts who teach in related areas and are looking for writings for and by Asian American to include in survey courses are in an even worse position. A complicating factor has been the continuing lack of specialized one-volume reference works on Asian Americans, such as biographical dictionaries or desktop encyclopedias. Such works would enable students taking Asian American studies courses (and professors in related fields) to look up basic information on Asian American individuals, institutions, history, and culture without having to wade through mountains of primary source material. In addition, given such works. Asian American studies professors might feel more free to include more challenging Asian American material in their introductory reading lists, since good reference works allow students to acquire on their own the background information necessary to interpret difficult or unfamiliar material.

1785.txt

In the elephant family, there are _ .

The elephant is the biggest four legged animal in the world. It is also, perhaps, the gentlest , but not always! Elephants are like us in some ways. They live for a long time ― fifty or sixty years. They can remember things very well. They never forget great sadness or great happiness. If a female elephant dies, her daughters and her grand daughters are sad for many months. They stay with the dead body. Then they carry a bit of it away with them. They never forget a dead friend. Elephants are like us, but they are also different. They live in families of females. There will be a few young males ― a few " baby boys" . But the females will soon send them away. An elephant family keeps only its daughters, mothers and its great grandmothers. The females stay together for fifty, sixty...a hundred years. The older animals look after the younger ones. The mothers teach their daughters and set a good example. And what happens to male elephants? Well, the young males stay with their mothers for a time. Then they must leave the family. The females just send them away. A male elephant does not often have a friend. He lives apart away from the family,and often away from other male elephants. Sometimes the females call a male elephant. He can visit them then, and stay for a time. But soon his " wife" and sisters send him away again. The females have a very happy family life. What do the male elephants think about it? We don't know.

632.txt

An adult male elephant often _ .

The elephant is the biggest four legged animal in the world. It is also, perhaps, the gentlest , but not always! Elephants are like us in some ways. They live for a long time ― fifty or sixty years. They can remember things very well. They never forget great sadness or great happiness. If a female elephant dies, her daughters and her grand daughters are sad for many months. They stay with the dead body. Then they carry a bit of it away with them. They never forget a dead friend. Elephants are like us, but they are also different. They live in families of females. There will be a few young males ― a few " baby boys" . But the females will soon send them away. An elephant family keeps only its daughters, mothers and its great grandmothers. The females stay together for fifty, sixty...a hundred years. The older animals look after the younger ones. The mothers teach their daughters and set a good example. And what happens to male elephants? Well, the young males stay with their mothers for a time. Then they must leave the family. The females just send them away. A male elephant does not often have a friend. He lives apart away from the family,and often away from other male elephants. Sometimes the females call a male elephant. He can visit them then, and stay for a time. But soon his " wife" and sisters send him away again. The females have a very happy family life. What do the male elephants think about it? We don't know.

632.txt

What would be the best title for the passage?

The elephant is the biggest four legged animal in the world. It is also, perhaps, the gentlest , but not always! Elephants are like us in some ways. They live for a long time ― fifty or sixty years. They can remember things very well. They never forget great sadness or great happiness. If a female elephant dies, her daughters and her grand daughters are sad for many months. They stay with the dead body. Then they carry a bit of it away with them. They never forget a dead friend. Elephants are like us, but they are also different. They live in families of females. There will be a few young males ― a few " baby boys" . But the females will soon send them away. An elephant family keeps only its daughters, mothers and its great grandmothers. The females stay together for fifty, sixty...a hundred years. The older animals look after the younger ones. The mothers teach their daughters and set a good example. And what happens to male elephants? Well, the young males stay with their mothers for a time. Then they must leave the family. The females just send them away. A male elephant does not often have a friend. He lives apart away from the family,and often away from other male elephants. Sometimes the females call a male elephant. He can visit them then, and stay for a time. But soon his " wife" and sisters send him away again. The females have a very happy family life. What do the male elephants think about it? We don't know.

632.txt

From the first two paragraphs we learn that _ .

The need to feed a growing population is putting much pressure on the world‘s supply of water. With 97% of the world's water too salty to be drunk or used in agriculture， the worldwide supply of water needs careful management， especially in agriculture. Although the idea of a water shortage（）seems strange to someone fortunate enough to live in a high rainfall country， many of the world‘s agricultural industries experience constant water shortages. Although dams can be built to store water for agricultural use in dry areas and dry seasons， the costs of water redistribution（）are very high. Not only is there the cost of the engineering itself， but there is also an environmental cost to be considered. Where valleys（）are flooded to create dams， houses are lost and wildlife homes destroyed. Besides， water may flow easily through pipes to fields， but it cannot be transported from one side of the world to the other. Each country must therefore rely on the management of its own water to supply its farming requirements. This is particularly troubling for countries with agricultural industries in areas dependent on irrigation （）. In Texas， farmers' overuse of irrigation water has resulted in a 25% reduction of the water stores. In the Central Valley area of southwestern USA， a huge water engineering project provided water for farming in dry valleys， but much of the water use has been poorly managed. Saudi Arabia‘s attempts to grow wheat in desert areas have seen the pumping of huge quantities of irrigation water from underground reserves. Because there is no rainfall in these areas， such reserves can only decrease， and it is believed that fifty years of pumping will see them run dry.

1025.txt

Which of the following is TRUE？

The need to feed a growing population is putting much pressure on the world‘s supply of water. With 97% of the world's water too salty to be drunk or used in agriculture， the worldwide supply of water needs careful management， especially in agriculture. Although the idea of a water shortage（）seems strange to someone fortunate enough to live in a high rainfall country， many of the world‘s agricultural industries experience constant water shortages. Although dams can be built to store water for agricultural use in dry areas and dry seasons， the costs of water redistribution（）are very high. Not only is there the cost of the engineering itself， but there is also an environmental cost to be considered. Where valleys（）are flooded to create dams， houses are lost and wildlife homes destroyed. Besides， water may flow easily through pipes to fields， but it cannot be transported from one side of the world to the other. Each country must therefore rely on the management of its own water to supply its farming requirements. This is particularly troubling for countries with agricultural industries in areas dependent on irrigation （）. In Texas， farmers' overuse of irrigation water has resulted in a 25% reduction of the water stores. In the Central Valley area of southwestern USA， a huge water engineering project provided water for farming in dry valleys， but much of the water use has been poorly managed. Saudi Arabia‘s attempts to grow wheat in desert areas have seen the pumping of huge quantities of irrigation water from underground reserves. Because there is no rainfall in these areas， such reserves can only decrease， and it is believed that fifty years of pumping will see them run dry.

1025.txt

What is most likely to be discussed in the paragraph that follows？

The need to feed a growing population is putting much pressure on the world‘s supply of water. With 97% of the world's water too salty to be drunk or used in agriculture， the worldwide supply of water needs careful management， especially in agriculture. Although the idea of a water shortage（）seems strange to someone fortunate enough to live in a high rainfall country， many of the world‘s agricultural industries experience constant water shortages. Although dams can be built to store water for agricultural use in dry areas and dry seasons， the costs of water redistribution（）are very high. Not only is there the cost of the engineering itself， but there is also an environmental cost to be considered. Where valleys（）are flooded to create dams， houses are lost and wildlife homes destroyed. Besides， water may flow easily through pipes to fields， but it cannot be transported from one side of the world to the other. Each country must therefore rely on the management of its own water to supply its farming requirements. This is particularly troubling for countries with agricultural industries in areas dependent on irrigation （）. In Texas， farmers' overuse of irrigation water has resulted in a 25% reduction of the water stores. In the Central Valley area of southwestern USA， a huge water engineering project provided water for farming in dry valleys， but much of the water use has been poorly managed. Saudi Arabia‘s attempts to grow wheat in desert areas have seen the pumping of huge quantities of irrigation water from underground reserves. Because there is no rainfall in these areas， such reserves can only decrease， and it is believed that fifty years of pumping will see them run dry.

1025.txt

The text is mainly about _ .

The need to feed a growing population is putting much pressure on the world‘s supply of water. With 97% of the world's water too salty to be drunk or used in agriculture， the worldwide supply of water needs careful management， especially in agriculture. Although the idea of a water shortage（）seems strange to someone fortunate enough to live in a high rainfall country， many of the world‘s agricultural industries experience constant water shortages. Although dams can be built to store water for agricultural use in dry areas and dry seasons， the costs of water redistribution（）are very high. Not only is there the cost of the engineering itself， but there is also an environmental cost to be considered. Where valleys（）are flooded to create dams， houses are lost and wildlife homes destroyed. Besides， water may flow easily through pipes to fields， but it cannot be transported from one side of the world to the other. Each country must therefore rely on the management of its own water to supply its farming requirements. This is particularly troubling for countries with agricultural industries in areas dependent on irrigation （）. In Texas， farmers' overuse of irrigation water has resulted in a 25% reduction of the water stores. In the Central Valley area of southwestern USA， a huge water engineering project provided water for farming in dry valleys， but much of the water use has been poorly managed. Saudi Arabia‘s attempts to grow wheat in desert areas have seen the pumping of huge quantities of irrigation water from underground reserves. Because there is no rainfall in these areas， such reserves can only decrease， and it is believed that fifty years of pumping will see them run dry.

1025.txt

The aim of the study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society is _ .

Why do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations: keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory: those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health. 51. The aim of the study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society is _ . AWhy do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations： keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory： those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health.

2298.txt

What does the author imply about outgoing and sympathetic people?

Why do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations: keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory: those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health. 51. The aim of the study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society is _ . AWhy do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations： keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory： those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health.

2298.txt

What finding of the study might prove somewhat out of our expectation?

Why do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations: keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory: those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health. 51. The aim of the study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society is _ . AWhy do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations： keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory： those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health.

2298.txt

What does the recent study of Norwegian mothers show?

Why do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations: keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory: those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health. 51. The aim of the study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society is _ . AWhy do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations： keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory： those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health.

2298.txt

What can we learn from the findings of the two new studies?

Why do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations: keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory: those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health. 51. The aim of the study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society is _ . AWhy do some people live to be older than others? You know the standard explanations： keeping a moderate diet, engaging in regular exercise, etc. But what effect does your personality have on your longevity?Do some kinds of personalities lead to longer lives? A new study in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society looked at this question by examining the personality characteristics of 246 children of people who had lived to be at least 100. The study shows that those living the longest are more outgoing, more active and less neurotic than other people. Long-living women are also more likely to be sympathetic and cooperative than women with a normal life span. These findings are in agreement with what you would expect from the evolutionary theory： those who like to make friends and help others can gather enough resources to make it through tough times. Interestingly, however, other characteristics that you might consider advantageous had no impact on whether study participants were likely to live longer. Those who were more self-disciplined, for instance, were no more likely to live to be very old. Also, being open to new ideas had no relationship to long life, which might explain all those bad-tempered old people who are fixed in their ways. Whether you can successfully change your personality as an adult is the subject of a longstanding psychological debate. But the new paper suggests that if you want long life, you should strive to be as outgoing as possible. Unfortunately, another recent study shows that your mother's personality may also help determine your longevity. That study looked at nearly 28,000 Norwegian mothers and found that those moms who were more anxious, depressed and angry were more likely to feed their kids unhealthy diets. Patterns of childhood eating can be hard to break when we're adults, which may mean that kids of depressed moms end up dying younger. Personality isn't destiny, and everyone knows that individuals can learn to change. But both studies show that long life isn't just a matter of your physical health but of your mental health.

2298.txt

Which of the following is closest to meaning to the phrase "leveling off"?

Cancer is feared by everyone. And this fear is reaching epidemic proportions. Not the disease itself - there is no such thing as a cancer epidemic. Except for lung cancer, mostly caused by cigarette smoking ,the incidence rates are leveling off, and in the case of some kinds of cancer are decreasing. But the fear of cancer is catching, and the country stands at risk of an anxiety, The earth itself is coming to seem like a huge carcinogen. The ordinary, more or less scientific statement that something between 80 and 90 percent of all cancers are dun to things in the environment is taken to mean that none of us will be safe until the whole environment is "cleaned up." This is not at all the meaning. The 80-percent calculation is based on the unthinkable differences in the incidence of cancer in various societies around the world - for example, the high proportion of liver cancer in Africa and the Far East, stomach cancer in Japan, breast cancer in Western Europe and North America, and the relatively low figures for breast cancer in Japan and parts of Africa and for liver cancer in America. These data indicate there may be special and specific environmental influences, largely based on personal life-style, that determine the incidence of various forms of cancer in different communities - but that is all the data suggest. The overall incidence of cancer, counting up all the cases, is probable roughly the same everywhere.

1516.txt

According to the passage, the incidence of cancer is generally believed _ .

Cancer is feared by everyone. And this fear is reaching epidemic proportions. Not the disease itself - there is no such thing as a cancer epidemic. Except for lung cancer, mostly caused by cigarette smoking ,the incidence rates are leveling off, and in the case of some kinds of cancer are decreasing. But the fear of cancer is catching, and the country stands at risk of an anxiety, The earth itself is coming to seem like a huge carcinogen. The ordinary, more or less scientific statement that something between 80 and 90 percent of all cancers are dun to things in the environment is taken to mean that none of us will be safe until the whole environment is "cleaned up." This is not at all the meaning. The 80-percent calculation is based on the unthinkable differences in the incidence of cancer in various societies around the world - for example, the high proportion of liver cancer in Africa and the Far East, stomach cancer in Japan, breast cancer in Western Europe and North America, and the relatively low figures for breast cancer in Japan and parts of Africa and for liver cancer in America. These data indicate there may be special and specific environmental influences, largely based on personal life-style, that determine the incidence of various forms of cancer in different communities - but that is all the data suggest. The overall incidence of cancer, counting up all the cases, is probable roughly the same everywhere.

1516.txt