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It can be inferred from the passage that the writer's opinion about the relationship between cancer and environment is_ .

Cancer is feared by everyone. And this fear is reaching epidemic proportions. Not the disease itself - there is no such thing as a cancer epidemic. Except for lung cancer, mostly caused by cigarette smoking ,the incidence rates are leveling off, and in the case of some kinds of cancer are decreasing. But the fear of cancer is catching, and the country stands at risk of an anxiety, The earth itself is coming to seem like a huge carcinogen. The ordinary, more or less scientific statement that something between 80 and 90 percent of all cancers are dun to things in the environment is taken to mean that none of us will be safe until the whole environment is "cleaned up." This is not at all the meaning. The 80-percent calculation is based on the unthinkable differences in the incidence of cancer in various societies around the world - for example, the high proportion of liver cancer in Africa and the Far East, stomach cancer in Japan, breast cancer in Western Europe and North America, and the relatively low figures for breast cancer in Japan and parts of Africa and for liver cancer in America. These data indicate there may be special and specific environmental influences, largely based on personal life-style, that determine the incidence of various forms of cancer in different communities - but that is all the data suggest. The overall incidence of cancer, counting up all the cases, is probable roughly the same everywhere.

1516.txt

According to the passage, the writer seems to feel that_ .

Cancer is feared by everyone. And this fear is reaching epidemic proportions. Not the disease itself - there is no such thing as a cancer epidemic. Except for lung cancer, mostly caused by cigarette smoking ,the incidence rates are leveling off, and in the case of some kinds of cancer are decreasing. But the fear of cancer is catching, and the country stands at risk of an anxiety, The earth itself is coming to seem like a huge carcinogen. The ordinary, more or less scientific statement that something between 80 and 90 percent of all cancers are dun to things in the environment is taken to mean that none of us will be safe until the whole environment is "cleaned up." This is not at all the meaning. The 80-percent calculation is based on the unthinkable differences in the incidence of cancer in various societies around the world - for example, the high proportion of liver cancer in Africa and the Far East, stomach cancer in Japan, breast cancer in Western Europe and North America, and the relatively low figures for breast cancer in Japan and parts of Africa and for liver cancer in America. These data indicate there may be special and specific environmental influences, largely based on personal life-style, that determine the incidence of various forms of cancer in different communities - but that is all the data suggest. The overall incidence of cancer, counting up all the cases, is probable roughly the same everywhere.

1516.txt

Which of the following would be the best TITLE for the passage?

Cancer is feared by everyone. And this fear is reaching epidemic proportions. Not the disease itself - there is no such thing as a cancer epidemic. Except for lung cancer, mostly caused by cigarette smoking ,the incidence rates are leveling off, and in the case of some kinds of cancer are decreasing. But the fear of cancer is catching, and the country stands at risk of an anxiety, The earth itself is coming to seem like a huge carcinogen. The ordinary, more or less scientific statement that something between 80 and 90 percent of all cancers are dun to things in the environment is taken to mean that none of us will be safe until the whole environment is "cleaned up." This is not at all the meaning. The 80-percent calculation is based on the unthinkable differences in the incidence of cancer in various societies around the world - for example, the high proportion of liver cancer in Africa and the Far East, stomach cancer in Japan, breast cancer in Western Europe and North America, and the relatively low figures for breast cancer in Japan and parts of Africa and for liver cancer in America. These data indicate there may be special and specific environmental influences, largely based on personal life-style, that determine the incidence of various forms of cancer in different communities - but that is all the data suggest. The overall incidence of cancer, counting up all the cases, is probable roughly the same everywhere.

1516.txt

It is the belief of Frito-Lay's head of global marking that _ .

Just five one-hundredths of an inch thick, light golden in color and with a perfect "saddle curl," the Lay's potato chip seems an unlikely weapon for global domination. But its maker. Frito-Lay. Thinks otherwise. "Potato chips are a snack food for the world," said Salman Amin, the company's head of global marketing. Amin believes there is no corner of the world that can resist the charms of a Frito-Lay potato chip. Frito-Lay is the biggest snack maker in America, owned by PepsiCo. And accounts for over half of the parent company's $3 billion annual profits. But the U.S. snack food market is largely saturated, and to grow, the company has to look overseas. Its strategy rests on two beliefs: first a global product offers economies of scale with which local brands cannot compete. And second, consumers in the 21st century are drawn to "global" as a concept. "Global" does not mean products that are consciously identified as American, but ones than consumes-especially young people-see as part of a modem, innovative world in which people are linked across cultures by shared beliefs and tastes. Potato chips are an American invention, but most Chinese, for instance, do not know than Frito-Lay is an American company. Instead, Riskey, the company's research and development head, would hope they associate the brand with the new world of global communications and business. With brand perception a crucial factor, Riskey ordered a redesign of the Frito-Lay logo . The logo, along with the company's long-held marketing image of the "irresistibility" of its chips, would help facilitate the company's global expansion. The executives acknowledge that they try to swing national eating habits to a food created in America, but they deny that amounts to economic imperialism. Rater, they see Frito-Lay as spreading the benefits of free enterprise across the world. "We're making products in those countries, we're adapting them to the tastes of those countries, building businesses and employing people and changing lives," said Steve Reinemund, PepsiCo's chief executive.

1316.txt

What do we learn about Frito-Lay from Paragraph 2?

Just five one-hundredths of an inch thick, light golden in color and with a perfect "saddle curl," the Lay's potato chip seems an unlikely weapon for global domination. But its maker. Frito-Lay. Thinks otherwise. "Potato chips are a snack food for the world," said Salman Amin, the company's head of global marketing. Amin believes there is no corner of the world that can resist the charms of a Frito-Lay potato chip. Frito-Lay is the biggest snack maker in America, owned by PepsiCo. And accounts for over half of the parent company's $3 billion annual profits. But the U.S. snack food market is largely saturated, and to grow, the company has to look overseas. Its strategy rests on two beliefs: first a global product offers economies of scale with which local brands cannot compete. And second, consumers in the 21st century are drawn to "global" as a concept. "Global" does not mean products that are consciously identified as American, but ones than consumes-especially young people-see as part of a modem, innovative world in which people are linked across cultures by shared beliefs and tastes. Potato chips are an American invention, but most Chinese, for instance, do not know than Frito-Lay is an American company. Instead, Riskey, the company's research and development head, would hope they associate the brand with the new world of global communications and business. With brand perception a crucial factor, Riskey ordered a redesign of the Frito-Lay logo . The logo, along with the company's long-held marketing image of the "irresistibility" of its chips, would help facilitate the company's global expansion. The executives acknowledge that they try to swing national eating habits to a food created in America, but they deny that amounts to economic imperialism. Rater, they see Frito-Lay as spreading the benefits of free enterprise across the world. "We're making products in those countries, we're adapting them to the tastes of those countries, building businesses and employing people and changing lives," said Steve Reinemund, PepsiCo's chief executive.

1316.txt

One of the assumptions on which Frito-Lay bases its development strategy is that _ .

Just five one-hundredths of an inch thick, light golden in color and with a perfect "saddle curl," the Lay's potato chip seems an unlikely weapon for global domination. But its maker. Frito-Lay. Thinks otherwise. "Potato chips are a snack food for the world," said Salman Amin, the company's head of global marketing. Amin believes there is no corner of the world that can resist the charms of a Frito-Lay potato chip. Frito-Lay is the biggest snack maker in America, owned by PepsiCo. And accounts for over half of the parent company's $3 billion annual profits. But the U.S. snack food market is largely saturated, and to grow, the company has to look overseas. Its strategy rests on two beliefs: first a global product offers economies of scale with which local brands cannot compete. And second, consumers in the 21st century are drawn to "global" as a concept. "Global" does not mean products that are consciously identified as American, but ones than consumes-especially young people-see as part of a modem, innovative world in which people are linked across cultures by shared beliefs and tastes. Potato chips are an American invention, but most Chinese, for instance, do not know than Frito-Lay is an American company. Instead, Riskey, the company's research and development head, would hope they associate the brand with the new world of global communications and business. With brand perception a crucial factor, Riskey ordered a redesign of the Frito-Lay logo . The logo, along with the company's long-held marketing image of the "irresistibility" of its chips, would help facilitate the company's global expansion. The executives acknowledge that they try to swing national eating habits to a food created in America, but they deny that amounts to economic imperialism. Rater, they see Frito-Lay as spreading the benefits of free enterprise across the world. "We're making products in those countries, we're adapting them to the tastes of those countries, building businesses and employing people and changing lives," said Steve Reinemund, PepsiCo's chief executive.

1316.txt

Why did Riskey have the Frito-Lay logo redesigned?

Just five one-hundredths of an inch thick, light golden in color and with a perfect "saddle curl," the Lay's potato chip seems an unlikely weapon for global domination. But its maker. Frito-Lay. Thinks otherwise. "Potato chips are a snack food for the world," said Salman Amin, the company's head of global marketing. Amin believes there is no corner of the world that can resist the charms of a Frito-Lay potato chip. Frito-Lay is the biggest snack maker in America, owned by PepsiCo. And accounts for over half of the parent company's $3 billion annual profits. But the U.S. snack food market is largely saturated, and to grow, the company has to look overseas. Its strategy rests on two beliefs: first a global product offers economies of scale with which local brands cannot compete. And second, consumers in the 21st century are drawn to "global" as a concept. "Global" does not mean products that are consciously identified as American, but ones than consumes-especially young people-see as part of a modem, innovative world in which people are linked across cultures by shared beliefs and tastes. Potato chips are an American invention, but most Chinese, for instance, do not know than Frito-Lay is an American company. Instead, Riskey, the company's research and development head, would hope they associate the brand with the new world of global communications and business. With brand perception a crucial factor, Riskey ordered a redesign of the Frito-Lay logo . The logo, along with the company's long-held marketing image of the "irresistibility" of its chips, would help facilitate the company's global expansion. The executives acknowledge that they try to swing national eating habits to a food created in America, but they deny that amounts to economic imperialism. Rater, they see Frito-Lay as spreading the benefits of free enterprise across the world. "We're making products in those countries, we're adapting them to the tastes of those countries, building businesses and employing people and changing lives," said Steve Reinemund, PepsiCo's chief executive.

1316.txt

Frito-Lay's executives claim that the promoting of American food in the international market _ .

Just five one-hundredths of an inch thick, light golden in color and with a perfect "saddle curl," the Lay's potato chip seems an unlikely weapon for global domination. But its maker. Frito-Lay. Thinks otherwise. "Potato chips are a snack food for the world," said Salman Amin, the company's head of global marketing. Amin believes there is no corner of the world that can resist the charms of a Frito-Lay potato chip. Frito-Lay is the biggest snack maker in America, owned by PepsiCo. And accounts for over half of the parent company's $3 billion annual profits. But the U.S. snack food market is largely saturated, and to grow, the company has to look overseas. Its strategy rests on two beliefs: first a global product offers economies of scale with which local brands cannot compete. And second, consumers in the 21st century are drawn to "global" as a concept. "Global" does not mean products that are consciously identified as American, but ones than consumes-especially young people-see as part of a modem, innovative world in which people are linked across cultures by shared beliefs and tastes. Potato chips are an American invention, but most Chinese, for instance, do not know than Frito-Lay is an American company. Instead, Riskey, the company's research and development head, would hope they associate the brand with the new world of global communications and business. With brand perception a crucial factor, Riskey ordered a redesign of the Frito-Lay logo . The logo, along with the company's long-held marketing image of the "irresistibility" of its chips, would help facilitate the company's global expansion. The executives acknowledge that they try to swing national eating habits to a food created in America, but they deny that amounts to economic imperialism. Rater, they see Frito-Lay as spreading the benefits of free enterprise across the world. "We're making products in those countries, we're adapting them to the tastes of those countries, building businesses and employing people and changing lives," said Steve Reinemund, PepsiCo's chief executive.

1316.txt

The passage is mainly about _ .

A lot of animals are afraid during an eclipse1 of the sun. Birds stop singing. Sometimes people too are afraid. Astronomers2 know the dates of eclipses and they are not afraid. The old astronomers of Babylon and Egypt had no telescopes3; but the sky in those countries is usually clear, and so they could watch the stars easily. They studied everything in the sky and they also noticed both total and partial eclipses. Because they knew the dates of eclipses, they had great power. People believed that the sky was important. They believed that an eclipse could kill a man. About 2500 years ago there was a very long war. One battle followed another, and the end never came. During one of the battles, there was a partial eclipse of the sun. The day got very dark, and the soldiers on both sides were filled with fear. They believed that the gods were angry. So they stopped fighting, and ended their long war. The sun is a star. It appears to be bigger than any other star. That is because it is near us; but the other stars are far away. The sun shines because it is very hot, but the moon shines because it reflects the sun's light. It is like a big mirror. If we visited the moon, we should see the earth. It is also like a mirror and it reflects the light of the sun. Does the sun ever get dark during the day? It does so when the moon hides it. Sometimes the moon goes in front of the sun. We can watch its edge when it slowly crosses the sun's disc5. Everything gets darker and darker; then, at last, we cannot see any part of the sun's disc. The moon is hiding it completely. That is a total eclipse of the sun; sometimes only part of the sun's disc is hidden; that is not a total eclipse. It is a partial eclipse of the sun.

898.txt

We can conclude from the passage that _ .

A lot of animals are afraid during an eclipse1 of the sun. Birds stop singing. Sometimes people too are afraid. Astronomers2 know the dates of eclipses and they are not afraid. The old astronomers of Babylon and Egypt had no telescopes3; but the sky in those countries is usually clear, and so they could watch the stars easily. They studied everything in the sky and they also noticed both total and partial eclipses. Because they knew the dates of eclipses, they had great power. People believed that the sky was important. They believed that an eclipse could kill a man. About 2500 years ago there was a very long war. One battle followed another, and the end never came. During one of the battles, there was a partial eclipse of the sun. The day got very dark, and the soldiers on both sides were filled with fear. They believed that the gods were angry. So they stopped fighting, and ended their long war. The sun is a star. It appears to be bigger than any other star. That is because it is near us; but the other stars are far away. The sun shines because it is very hot, but the moon shines because it reflects the sun's light. It is like a big mirror. If we visited the moon, we should see the earth. It is also like a mirror and it reflects the light of the sun. Does the sun ever get dark during the day? It does so when the moon hides it. Sometimes the moon goes in front of the sun. We can watch its edge when it slowly crosses the sun's disc5. Everything gets darker and darker; then, at last, we cannot see any part of the sun's disc. The moon is hiding it completely. That is a total eclipse of the sun; sometimes only part of the sun's disc is hidden; that is not a total eclipse. It is a partial eclipse of the sun.

898.txt

The war mentioned in the third paragraph ended because _ .

A lot of animals are afraid during an eclipse1 of the sun. Birds stop singing. Sometimes people too are afraid. Astronomers2 know the dates of eclipses and they are not afraid. The old astronomers of Babylon and Egypt had no telescopes3; but the sky in those countries is usually clear, and so they could watch the stars easily. They studied everything in the sky and they also noticed both total and partial eclipses. Because they knew the dates of eclipses, they had great power. People believed that the sky was important. They believed that an eclipse could kill a man. About 2500 years ago there was a very long war. One battle followed another, and the end never came. During one of the battles, there was a partial eclipse of the sun. The day got very dark, and the soldiers on both sides were filled with fear. They believed that the gods were angry. So they stopped fighting, and ended their long war. The sun is a star. It appears to be bigger than any other star. That is because it is near us; but the other stars are far away. The sun shines because it is very hot, but the moon shines because it reflects the sun's light. It is like a big mirror. If we visited the moon, we should see the earth. It is also like a mirror and it reflects the light of the sun. Does the sun ever get dark during the day? It does so when the moon hides it. Sometimes the moon goes in front of the sun. We can watch its edge when it slowly crosses the sun's disc5. Everything gets darker and darker; then, at last, we cannot see any part of the sun's disc. The moon is hiding it completely. That is a total eclipse of the sun; sometimes only part of the sun's disc is hidden; that is not a total eclipse. It is a partial eclipse of the sun.

898.txt

Which of the following statements is TRUE?

A lot of animals are afraid during an eclipse1 of the sun. Birds stop singing. Sometimes people too are afraid. Astronomers2 know the dates of eclipses and they are not afraid. The old astronomers of Babylon and Egypt had no telescopes3; but the sky in those countries is usually clear, and so they could watch the stars easily. They studied everything in the sky and they also noticed both total and partial eclipses. Because they knew the dates of eclipses, they had great power. People believed that the sky was important. They believed that an eclipse could kill a man. About 2500 years ago there was a very long war. One battle followed another, and the end never came. During one of the battles, there was a partial eclipse of the sun. The day got very dark, and the soldiers on both sides were filled with fear. They believed that the gods were angry. So they stopped fighting, and ended their long war. The sun is a star. It appears to be bigger than any other star. That is because it is near us; but the other stars are far away. The sun shines because it is very hot, but the moon shines because it reflects the sun's light. It is like a big mirror. If we visited the moon, we should see the earth. It is also like a mirror and it reflects the light of the sun. Does the sun ever get dark during the day? It does so when the moon hides it. Sometimes the moon goes in front of the sun. We can watch its edge when it slowly crosses the sun's disc5. Everything gets darker and darker; then, at last, we cannot see any part of the sun's disc. The moon is hiding it completely. That is a total eclipse of the sun; sometimes only part of the sun's disc is hidden; that is not a total eclipse. It is a partial eclipse of the sun.

898.txt

It can be concluded that an eclipse of the sun happens because _ .

A lot of animals are afraid during an eclipse1 of the sun. Birds stop singing. Sometimes people too are afraid. Astronomers2 know the dates of eclipses and they are not afraid. The old astronomers of Babylon and Egypt had no telescopes3; but the sky in those countries is usually clear, and so they could watch the stars easily. They studied everything in the sky and they also noticed both total and partial eclipses. Because they knew the dates of eclipses, they had great power. People believed that the sky was important. They believed that an eclipse could kill a man. About 2500 years ago there was a very long war. One battle followed another, and the end never came. During one of the battles, there was a partial eclipse of the sun. The day got very dark, and the soldiers on both sides were filled with fear. They believed that the gods were angry. So they stopped fighting, and ended their long war. The sun is a star. It appears to be bigger than any other star. That is because it is near us; but the other stars are far away. The sun shines because it is very hot, but the moon shines because it reflects the sun's light. It is like a big mirror. If we visited the moon, we should see the earth. It is also like a mirror and it reflects the light of the sun. Does the sun ever get dark during the day? It does so when the moon hides it. Sometimes the moon goes in front of the sun. We can watch its edge when it slowly crosses the sun's disc5. Everything gets darker and darker; then, at last, we cannot see any part of the sun's disc. The moon is hiding it completely. That is a total eclipse of the sun; sometimes only part of the sun's disc is hidden; that is not a total eclipse. It is a partial eclipse of the sun.

898.txt

We learn from the passage that navigation computers ________.

Navigation computers, now sold by most car-makers, cost $2,000 and up. No surprise, then, that they are most often found in luxury cars, like Lexus, BMW and Audi. But it is a developing technology-meaning prices should eventually drop-and the market does seem to be growing. Even at current prices, a navigation computer is impressive. It can guide you from point to point in most major cities with precise turn-by-turn directions-spoken by a clear human-sounding voice, and written on a screen in front of the driver. The computer works with an antenna that takes signals from no fewer than three of the 24 global positioning system (GPS) satellites. By measuring the time required for a signal to travel between the satellites and the antenna, the car's location can be pinned down within 100 meters. The satellite signals, along with inputs on speed from a wheel-speed sensor and direction from a meter, determine the car's position even as it moves. This information is combined with a map database. Streets, landmarks and points of interest are included. Most systems are basically identical. The differences come in hardware-the way the computer accepts the driver's request for directions and the way it presents the driving instructions. On most systems, a driver enters a desired address, motorway junction or point of interest via a touch screen or disc. But the Lexus screen goes a step further: you can point to any spot on the map screen and get directions to it. BMW's system offers a set of cross hairs that can be moved across the map (you have several choices of map scale) to pick a point you'd like to get to. Audi's screen can be switched to TV reception. Even the voices that recite the directions can differ, with better systems like BMW's and Lexus's having a wider vocabulary. The instructions are available in French, German, Spanish, Dutch and Italian, as well as English. The driver can also choose parameters for determining the route: fastest, shortest or no freeways , for example.

3920.txt

With a navigation computer, a driver will easily find the best route to his destination ________.

Navigation computers, now sold by most car-makers, cost $2,000 and up. No surprise, then, that they are most often found in luxury cars, like Lexus, BMW and Audi. But it is a developing technology-meaning prices should eventually drop-and the market does seem to be growing. Even at current prices, a navigation computer is impressive. It can guide you from point to point in most major cities with precise turn-by-turn directions-spoken by a clear human-sounding voice, and written on a screen in front of the driver. The computer works with an antenna that takes signals from no fewer than three of the 24 global positioning system (GPS) satellites. By measuring the time required for a signal to travel between the satellites and the antenna, the car's location can be pinned down within 100 meters. The satellite signals, along with inputs on speed from a wheel-speed sensor and direction from a meter, determine the car's position even as it moves. This information is combined with a map database. Streets, landmarks and points of interest are included. Most systems are basically identical. The differences come in hardware-the way the computer accepts the driver's request for directions and the way it presents the driving instructions. On most systems, a driver enters a desired address, motorway junction or point of interest via a touch screen or disc. But the Lexus screen goes a step further: you can point to any spot on the map screen and get directions to it. BMW's system offers a set of cross hairs that can be moved across the map (you have several choices of map scale) to pick a point you'd like to get to. Audi's screen can be switched to TV reception. Even the voices that recite the directions can differ, with better systems like BMW's and Lexus's having a wider vocabulary. The instructions are available in French, German, Spanish, Dutch and Italian, as well as English. The driver can also choose parameters for determining the route: fastest, shortest or no freeways , for example.

3920.txt

Despite their varied designs, navigation computers used in cars ________.

Navigation computers, now sold by most car-makers, cost $2,000 and up. No surprise, then, that they are most often found in luxury cars, like Lexus, BMW and Audi. But it is a developing technology-meaning prices should eventually drop-and the market does seem to be growing. Even at current prices, a navigation computer is impressive. It can guide you from point to point in most major cities with precise turn-by-turn directions-spoken by a clear human-sounding voice, and written on a screen in front of the driver. The computer works with an antenna that takes signals from no fewer than three of the 24 global positioning system (GPS) satellites. By measuring the time required for a signal to travel between the satellites and the antenna, the car's location can be pinned down within 100 meters. The satellite signals, along with inputs on speed from a wheel-speed sensor and direction from a meter, determine the car's position even as it moves. This information is combined with a map database. Streets, landmarks and points of interest are included. Most systems are basically identical. The differences come in hardware-the way the computer accepts the driver's request for directions and the way it presents the driving instructions. On most systems, a driver enters a desired address, motorway junction or point of interest via a touch screen or disc. But the Lexus screen goes a step further: you can point to any spot on the map screen and get directions to it. BMW's system offers a set of cross hairs that can be moved across the map (you have several choices of map scale) to pick a point you'd like to get to. Audi's screen can be switched to TV reception. Even the voices that recite the directions can differ, with better systems like BMW's and Lexus's having a wider vocabulary. The instructions are available in French, German, Spanish, Dutch and Italian, as well as English. The driver can also choose parameters for determining the route: fastest, shortest or no freeways , for example.

3920.txt

The navigation computer functions ________.

Navigation computers, now sold by most car-makers, cost $2,000 and up. No surprise, then, that they are most often found in luxury cars, like Lexus, BMW and Audi. But it is a developing technology-meaning prices should eventually drop-and the market does seem to be growing. Even at current prices, a navigation computer is impressive. It can guide you from point to point in most major cities with precise turn-by-turn directions-spoken by a clear human-sounding voice, and written on a screen in front of the driver. The computer works with an antenna that takes signals from no fewer than three of the 24 global positioning system (GPS) satellites. By measuring the time required for a signal to travel between the satellites and the antenna, the car's location can be pinned down within 100 meters. The satellite signals, along with inputs on speed from a wheel-speed sensor and direction from a meter, determine the car's position even as it moves. This information is combined with a map database. Streets, landmarks and points of interest are included. Most systems are basically identical. The differences come in hardware-the way the computer accepts the driver's request for directions and the way it presents the driving instructions. On most systems, a driver enters a desired address, motorway junction or point of interest via a touch screen or disc. But the Lexus screen goes a step further: you can point to any spot on the map screen and get directions to it. BMW's system offers a set of cross hairs that can be moved across the map (you have several choices of map scale) to pick a point you'd like to get to. Audi's screen can be switched to TV reception. Even the voices that recite the directions can differ, with better systems like BMW's and Lexus's having a wider vocabulary. The instructions are available in French, German, Spanish, Dutch and Italian, as well as English. The driver can also choose parameters for determining the route: fastest, shortest or no freeways , for example.

3920.txt

The navigation systems in cars like Lexus, BMW and Audi are mentioned to show ________.

Navigation computers, now sold by most car-makers, cost $2,000 and up. No surprise, then, that they are most often found in luxury cars, like Lexus, BMW and Audi. But it is a developing technology-meaning prices should eventually drop-and the market does seem to be growing. Even at current prices, a navigation computer is impressive. It can guide you from point to point in most major cities with precise turn-by-turn directions-spoken by a clear human-sounding voice, and written on a screen in front of the driver. The computer works with an antenna that takes signals from no fewer than three of the 24 global positioning system (GPS) satellites. By measuring the time required for a signal to travel between the satellites and the antenna, the car's location can be pinned down within 100 meters. The satellite signals, along with inputs on speed from a wheel-speed sensor and direction from a meter, determine the car's position even as it moves. This information is combined with a map database. Streets, landmarks and points of interest are included. Most systems are basically identical. The differences come in hardware-the way the computer accepts the driver's request for directions and the way it presents the driving instructions. On most systems, a driver enters a desired address, motorway junction or point of interest via a touch screen or disc. But the Lexus screen goes a step further: you can point to any spot on the map screen and get directions to it. BMW's system offers a set of cross hairs that can be moved across the map (you have several choices of map scale) to pick a point you'd like to get to. Audi's screen can be switched to TV reception. Even the voices that recite the directions can differ, with better systems like BMW's and Lexus's having a wider vocabulary. The instructions are available in French, German, Spanish, Dutch and Italian, as well as English. The driver can also choose parameters for determining the route: fastest, shortest or no freeways , for example.

3920.txt

What was the old bucket ashamed of?

There was a gardener who looked after his garden with great care. To water his flowers, he used two buckers. One was a shiny and new bucket. The other was a very old and dilapidated one, which had seen many years of service, but was now past its best. Every morning, the gardener would fill up the two buckets. Then he would carry them along the path, one on each side, to the flowerbeds. The new bucket was very proud of itself. It could carry a full bucket of water without a single drop spilled . The old bucket felt very ashamed because of its holes: before it reached the flowerbeds, much water had leaked along the path. Sometimes the new bucket would say, "See how capable I am! How good it is that the gardener has me to water the flowers every day! I don't know why he still bothers with you. What a waste of space you are!" And all that the old bucket could say was, "I know I'm not very useful, but I can only do my best. I'm happy that the gardener still finds a little bit of use in me, at least." One day, the gardener heard that kind or conversation. After watering the flowers as usual, he said, "You both have done your work very well. Now I am going to carry you back. I want you to look carefully along the path." Then the two buckets did so. All along the path, they noticed, on the side where the new bucket was carried, there was just bare earth; on the onther side where the old bucket was carried, there was a joyous row of wild flowers, leading all the way to the garden.

2569.txt

The new bucket made conversations with the old one mainly to _ .

There was a gardener who looked after his garden with great care. To water his flowers, he used two buckers. One was a shiny and new bucket. The other was a very old and dilapidated one, which had seen many years of service, but was now past its best. Every morning, the gardener would fill up the two buckets. Then he would carry them along the path, one on each side, to the flowerbeds. The new bucket was very proud of itself. It could carry a full bucket of water without a single drop spilled . The old bucket felt very ashamed because of its holes: before it reached the flowerbeds, much water had leaked along the path. Sometimes the new bucket would say, "See how capable I am! How good it is that the gardener has me to water the flowers every day! I don't know why he still bothers with you. What a waste of space you are!" And all that the old bucket could say was, "I know I'm not very useful, but I can only do my best. I'm happy that the gardener still finds a little bit of use in me, at least." One day, the gardener heard that kind or conversation. After watering the flowers as usual, he said, "You both have done your work very well. Now I am going to carry you back. I want you to look carefully along the path." Then the two buckets did so. All along the path, they noticed, on the side where the new bucket was carried, there was just bare earth; on the onther side where the old bucket was carried, there was a joyous row of wild flowers, leading all the way to the garden.

2569.txt

Why was the old bucket still kept by the gardener?

There was a gardener who looked after his garden with great care. To water his flowers, he used two buckers. One was a shiny and new bucket. The other was a very old and dilapidated one, which had seen many years of service, but was now past its best. Every morning, the gardener would fill up the two buckets. Then he would carry them along the path, one on each side, to the flowerbeds. The new bucket was very proud of itself. It could carry a full bucket of water without a single drop spilled . The old bucket felt very ashamed because of its holes: before it reached the flowerbeds, much water had leaked along the path. Sometimes the new bucket would say, "See how capable I am! How good it is that the gardener has me to water the flowers every day! I don't know why he still bothers with you. What a waste of space you are!" And all that the old bucket could say was, "I know I'm not very useful, but I can only do my best. I'm happy that the gardener still finds a little bit of use in me, at least." One day, the gardener heard that kind or conversation. After watering the flowers as usual, he said, "You both have done your work very well. Now I am going to carry you back. I want you to look carefully along the path." Then the two buckets did so. All along the path, they noticed, on the side where the new bucket was carried, there was just bare earth; on the onther side where the old bucket was carried, there was a joyous row of wild flowers, leading all the way to the garden.

2569.txt

Which aspect of butterflies does the passage mainly discuss?

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

The word "consequence" in line 2 is closest in meaning to

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

Butterflies are a good example for communicating information about conservation issues because they

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

The word "striking" in line 8 is closest in meaning to

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

The word "exceed" in line 11 is closest in meaning to

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

All of the following are mentioned as being important parts of a general theory of diversity EXCEPT

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

The author mentions tropical Asia in lines 19 as an example of a location where

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

Which of the following is NOT well understood by biologists?

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

The word "generated" in line 26 is closest in meaning to

Butterflies are among the most extensively studied insects - it is estimated that 90 percent of the world's species have scientific names. As a consequence, they are perhaps the best group of insects for examining patterns of terrestrial biotic diversity and distribution. Butterflies also have a favorable image with the general public. Hence, they are an excellent group for communicating information on science and conservation issues such as diversity. Perhaps the aspect of butterfly diversity that has received the most attention over the past century is the striking difference in species richness between tropical and temperate regions. For example, in 1875 one biologist pointed out the diversity of butterflies in the Amazon when he mentioned that about 700 species were found within an hour's walk, whereas the total number found on the British islands did not exceed 66, and the whole of Europe supported only 321. This early comparison of tropical and temperate butterfly richness has been well confirmed. A general theory of diversity would have to predict not only this difference between temperate and tropical zones, but also patterns within each region, and how these patterns vary among different animal and plant groups. However, for butterflies, variation of species richness within temperate or tropical regions, rather man between them, is poorly understood. Indeed, comparisons of numbers of species among the Amazon basin, tropical Asia, and Africa are still mostly "personal communication" citations, even for vertebrates. In other words, unlike comparison between temperate and tropical areas, these patterns are still in the documentation phase. In documenting geographical variation in butterfly diversity, some arbitrary, practical decisions are made. Diversity, number of species, and species richness are used synonymously; little is known about the evenness of butterfly distribution. The New World butterflies make up the preponderance of examples because they are the most familiar species. It is hoped that by focusing on them, the errors generated by imperfect and incomplete taxonomy will be minimized.

1908.txt

A particular mention made of Stapledon's book in the opening paragraph _ .

Olaf Stapledon wrote a book called First and LastMen, in which he looked millions of years ahead. Hetold of different men and of strange civilizations, broken up by long "dark ages" in between. In hisview, what is called the present time is no more thana moment in human history and we are just the FirstMen. In 2,000 million years from now there will bethe Eighteenth or Last Men. However, most of our ideas about the future are really very short-sighted. Perhaps we can seesome possibilities for the next fifty years. But the next hundred? The next thousand? The nextmillion? That's much more difficult. When men and women lived by hunting 50,000 years ago, how could they even begin to picturemodern life? Yet to men of 50,000 years from now, we may seem as primitive in ourideas as the Stone-Age hunters do to us. Perhaps they will spend their days gollocking to makenew spundels, or struggling with their ballalators through the cribe. These words, which I havejust made up, have to stand for things and ideas that we simply can't think of. So why bother even to try imagining life far in the future? Here are two reasons. First, unlesswe remember how short our own lives are compared with the whole human history, we are likelyto think our own interests are much more important than they really are. If we make the eartha poor place to live because we are careless or greedy or quarrelsome, ourgrandchildren will not bother to think of excuses for us. Second, by trying to escape from present interests and imagine life far in the future, we mayarrive at quite fresh ideas that we can use ourselves. For example, if we imagine that in thefuture men may give up farming, we can think of trying it now. So set you imagination freewhen you think about the future.

2352.txt

The text discusses men and women 50,000 years ago and 50,000 years from nowin order to show that _ .

Olaf Stapledon wrote a book called First and LastMen, in which he looked millions of years ahead. Hetold of different men and of strange civilizations, broken up by long "dark ages" in between. In hisview, what is called the present time is no more thana moment in human history and we are just the FirstMen. In 2,000 million years from now there will bethe Eighteenth or Last Men. However, most of our ideas about the future are really very short-sighted. Perhaps we can seesome possibilities for the next fifty years. But the next hundred? The next thousand? The nextmillion? That's much more difficult. When men and women lived by hunting 50,000 years ago, how could they even begin to picturemodern life? Yet to men of 50,000 years from now, we may seem as primitive in ourideas as the Stone-Age hunters do to us. Perhaps they will spend their days gollocking to makenew spundels, or struggling with their ballalators through the cribe. These words, which I havejust made up, have to stand for things and ideas that we simply can't think of. So why bother even to try imagining life far in the future? Here are two reasons. First, unlesswe remember how short our own lives are compared with the whole human history, we are likelyto think our own interests are much more important than they really are. If we make the eartha poor place to live because we are careless or greedy or quarrelsome, ourgrandchildren will not bother to think of excuses for us. Second, by trying to escape from present interests and imagine life far in the future, we mayarrive at quite fresh ideas that we can use ourselves. For example, if we imagine that in thefuture men may give up farming, we can think of trying it now. So set you imagination freewhen you think about the future.

2352.txt

Spundels and ballalators are used in the text to refer to _ .

Olaf Stapledon wrote a book called First and LastMen, in which he looked millions of years ahead. Hetold of different men and of strange civilizations, broken up by long "dark ages" in between. In hisview, what is called the present time is no more thana moment in human history and we are just the FirstMen. In 2,000 million years from now there will bethe Eighteenth or Last Men. However, most of our ideas about the future are really very short-sighted. Perhaps we can seesome possibilities for the next fifty years. But the next hundred? The next thousand? The nextmillion? That's much more difficult. When men and women lived by hunting 50,000 years ago, how could they even begin to picturemodern life? Yet to men of 50,000 years from now, we may seem as primitive in ourideas as the Stone-Age hunters do to us. Perhaps they will spend their days gollocking to makenew spundels, or struggling with their ballalators through the cribe. These words, which I havejust made up, have to stand for things and ideas that we simply can't think of. So why bother even to try imagining life far in the future? Here are two reasons. First, unlesswe remember how short our own lives are compared with the whole human history, we are likelyto think our own interests are much more important than they really are. If we make the eartha poor place to live because we are careless or greedy or quarrelsome, ourgrandchildren will not bother to think of excuses for us. Second, by trying to escape from present interests and imagine life far in the future, we mayarrive at quite fresh ideas that we can use ourselves. For example, if we imagine that in thefuture men may give up farming, we can think of trying it now. So set you imagination freewhen you think about the future.

2352.txt

According to the writer of the text, imagining the future will _ .

Olaf Stapledon wrote a book called First and LastMen, in which he looked millions of years ahead. Hetold of different men and of strange civilizations, broken up by long "dark ages" in between. In hisview, what is called the present time is no more thana moment in human history and we are just the FirstMen. In 2,000 million years from now there will bethe Eighteenth or Last Men. However, most of our ideas about the future are really very short-sighted. Perhaps we can seesome possibilities for the next fifty years. But the next hundred? The next thousand? The nextmillion? That's much more difficult. When men and women lived by hunting 50,000 years ago, how could they even begin to picturemodern life? Yet to men of 50,000 years from now, we may seem as primitive in ourideas as the Stone-Age hunters do to us. Perhaps they will spend their days gollocking to makenew spundels, or struggling with their ballalators through the cribe. These words, which I havejust made up, have to stand for things and ideas that we simply can't think of. So why bother even to try imagining life far in the future? Here are two reasons. First, unlesswe remember how short our own lives are compared with the whole human history, we are likelyto think our own interests are much more important than they really are. If we make the eartha poor place to live because we are careless or greedy or quarrelsome, ourgrandchildren will not bother to think of excuses for us. Second, by trying to escape from present interests and imagine life far in the future, we mayarrive at quite fresh ideas that we can use ourselves. For example, if we imagine that in thefuture men may give up farming, we can think of trying it now. So set you imagination freewhen you think about the future.

2352.txt

By saying " Newspapers like...their own doom" (Lines 3-4,Para,1),the author indicates that newspapers _ .

Whatever happened to the death of newspaper? A year ago the end seemed near. The recession threatened to remove the advertising and readers that had not already fled to the internet. Newspapers like the San Francisco Chronicle were chronicling their own doom. America's Federal Trade commission launched a round of talks about how to save newspapers. Should they become charitable corporations? Should the state subsidize them? It will hold another meeting soon. But the discussions now seem out of date. In much of the world there is little sign of crisis. German and Brazilian papers shrugged off the recession. Even American newspapers, which inhabit the most troubled corner of the global industry, have not only survived but often returned to profit. Not the 20% profit margins that were routine a few years ago, but profit all the same. It has not been much fun. Many papers stayed afloat by pushing journalists overboard. The American Society of News Editors reckons that 13,500 newsroom jobs have gone since 2007. Readers are paying more for slimmer products. Some papers even had the nerve to refuse delivery to distant suburbs. Yet these desperate measures have proved the right ones and, sadly for many journalists, they can be pushed further. Newspapers are becoming more balanced businesses, with a healthier mix of revenues from readers and advertisers. American papers have long been highly unusual in their reliance on ads. Fully 87% of their revenues came from advertising in 2008, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD. In Japan the proportion is 35%. Not surprisingly, Japanese newspapers are much more stable. The whirlwind that swept through newsrooms harmed everybody, but much of the damage has been concentrated in areas where newspaper are least distinctive. Car and film reviewers have gone. So have science and general business reporters. Foreign bureaus have been savagely cut off. Newspapers are less complete as a result. But completeness is no longer a virtue in the newspaper business.

3883.txt

Some newspapers refused delivery to distant suburbs probably because _

Whatever happened to the death of newspaper? A year ago the end seemed near. The recession threatened to remove the advertising and readers that had not already fled to the internet. Newspapers like the San Francisco Chronicle were chronicling their own doom. America's Federal Trade commission launched a round of talks about how to save newspapers. Should they become charitable corporations? Should the state subsidize them? It will hold another meeting soon. But the discussions now seem out of date. In much of the world there is little sign of crisis. German and Brazilian papers shrugged off the recession. Even American newspapers, which inhabit the most troubled corner of the global industry, have not only survived but often returned to profit. Not the 20% profit margins that were routine a few years ago, but profit all the same. It has not been much fun. Many papers stayed afloat by pushing journalists overboard. The American Society of News Editors reckons that 13,500 newsroom jobs have gone since 2007. Readers are paying more for slimmer products. Some papers even had the nerve to refuse delivery to distant suburbs. Yet these desperate measures have proved the right ones and, sadly for many journalists, they can be pushed further. Newspapers are becoming more balanced businesses, with a healthier mix of revenues from readers and advertisers. American papers have long been highly unusual in their reliance on ads. Fully 87% of their revenues came from advertising in 2008, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD. In Japan the proportion is 35%. Not surprisingly, Japanese newspapers are much more stable. The whirlwind that swept through newsrooms harmed everybody, but much of the damage has been concentrated in areas where newspaper are least distinctive. Car and film reviewers have gone. So have science and general business reporters. Foreign bureaus have been savagely cut off. Newspapers are less complete as a result. But completeness is no longer a virtue in the newspaper business.

3883.txt

Compared with their American counterparts, Japanese newspapers are much more stable because they_

Whatever happened to the death of newspaper? A year ago the end seemed near. The recession threatened to remove the advertising and readers that had not already fled to the internet. Newspapers like the San Francisco Chronicle were chronicling their own doom. America's Federal Trade commission launched a round of talks about how to save newspapers. Should they become charitable corporations? Should the state subsidize them? It will hold another meeting soon. But the discussions now seem out of date. In much of the world there is little sign of crisis. German and Brazilian papers shrugged off the recession. Even American newspapers, which inhabit the most troubled corner of the global industry, have not only survived but often returned to profit. Not the 20% profit margins that were routine a few years ago, but profit all the same. It has not been much fun. Many papers stayed afloat by pushing journalists overboard. The American Society of News Editors reckons that 13,500 newsroom jobs have gone since 2007. Readers are paying more for slimmer products. Some papers even had the nerve to refuse delivery to distant suburbs. Yet these desperate measures have proved the right ones and, sadly for many journalists, they can be pushed further. Newspapers are becoming more balanced businesses, with a healthier mix of revenues from readers and advertisers. American papers have long been highly unusual in their reliance on ads. Fully 87% of their revenues came from advertising in 2008, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD. In Japan the proportion is 35%. Not surprisingly, Japanese newspapers are much more stable. The whirlwind that swept through newsrooms harmed everybody, but much of the damage has been concentrated in areas where newspaper are least distinctive. Car and film reviewers have gone. So have science and general business reporters. Foreign bureaus have been savagely cut off. Newspapers are less complete as a result. But completeness is no longer a virtue in the newspaper business.

3883.txt

What can be inferred from the last paragraph about the current newspaper business?

Whatever happened to the death of newspaper? A year ago the end seemed near. The recession threatened to remove the advertising and readers that had not already fled to the internet. Newspapers like the San Francisco Chronicle were chronicling their own doom. America's Federal Trade commission launched a round of talks about how to save newspapers. Should they become charitable corporations? Should the state subsidize them? It will hold another meeting soon. But the discussions now seem out of date. In much of the world there is little sign of crisis. German and Brazilian papers shrugged off the recession. Even American newspapers, which inhabit the most troubled corner of the global industry, have not only survived but often returned to profit. Not the 20% profit margins that were routine a few years ago, but profit all the same. It has not been much fun. Many papers stayed afloat by pushing journalists overboard. The American Society of News Editors reckons that 13,500 newsroom jobs have gone since 2007. Readers are paying more for slimmer products. Some papers even had the nerve to refuse delivery to distant suburbs. Yet these desperate measures have proved the right ones and, sadly for many journalists, they can be pushed further. Newspapers are becoming more balanced businesses, with a healthier mix of revenues from readers and advertisers. American papers have long been highly unusual in their reliance on ads. Fully 87% of their revenues came from advertising in 2008, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD. In Japan the proportion is 35%. Not surprisingly, Japanese newspapers are much more stable. The whirlwind that swept through newsrooms harmed everybody, but much of the damage has been concentrated in areas where newspaper are least distinctive. Car and film reviewers have gone. So have science and general business reporters. Foreign bureaus have been savagely cut off. Newspapers are less complete as a result. But completeness is no longer a virtue in the newspaper business.

3883.txt

The most appropriate title for this text would be _ .

Whatever happened to the death of newspaper? A year ago the end seemed near. The recession threatened to remove the advertising and readers that had not already fled to the internet. Newspapers like the San Francisco Chronicle were chronicling their own doom. America's Federal Trade commission launched a round of talks about how to save newspapers. Should they become charitable corporations? Should the state subsidize them? It will hold another meeting soon. But the discussions now seem out of date. In much of the world there is little sign of crisis. German and Brazilian papers shrugged off the recession. Even American newspapers, which inhabit the most troubled corner of the global industry, have not only survived but often returned to profit. Not the 20% profit margins that were routine a few years ago, but profit all the same. It has not been much fun. Many papers stayed afloat by pushing journalists overboard. The American Society of News Editors reckons that 13,500 newsroom jobs have gone since 2007. Readers are paying more for slimmer products. Some papers even had the nerve to refuse delivery to distant suburbs. Yet these desperate measures have proved the right ones and, sadly for many journalists, they can be pushed further. Newspapers are becoming more balanced businesses, with a healthier mix of revenues from readers and advertisers. American papers have long been highly unusual in their reliance on ads. Fully 87% of their revenues came from advertising in 2008, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD. In Japan the proportion is 35%. Not surprisingly, Japanese newspapers are much more stable. The whirlwind that swept through newsrooms harmed everybody, but much of the damage has been concentrated in areas where newspaper are least distinctive. Car and film reviewers have gone. So have science and general business reporters. Foreign bureaus have been savagely cut off. Newspapers are less complete as a result. But completeness is no longer a virtue in the newspaper business.

3883.txt

According to the author, the shrinkage in the manufacturing labor force demonstrates_ .

In the last 12 years total employment in the United States grew faster than at any time in the peacetime history of any country - from 82 to 110 million between 1973 and 1985 - that is, by a full one third. The entire growth, however, was in manufacturing, and especially in no - blue-collar jobs… This trend is the same in all developed countries, and is, indeed, even more pronounced in Japan. It is therefore highly probable that in 25 years developed countries such as the United States and Japan will employ no larger a proportion of the labor force I n manufacturing than developed countries now employ in farming - at most, 10 percent. Today the United States employs around 18 million people in blue-collar jobs in manufacturing industries. By 2010, the number is likely to be no more than 12 million. In some major industries the drop will be even sharper. It is quite unrealistic, for instance, to expect that the American automobile industry will employ more than one -third of its present blue-collar force 25 years hence, even though production might be 50 percent higher. If a company, an industry or a country does not in the next quarter century sharply increase manufacturing production and at the same time sharply reduce the blue-collar work force, it cannot hope to remain competitive - or even to remain "developed." The attempt to preserve such blue - collar jobs is actually a prescription for unemployment… This is not a conclusion that American politicians, labor leaders or indeed the general public can easily understand or accept. What confuses the issue even more it that the United States is experiencing several separate and different shifts in the manufacturing economy. One is the acceleration of the substitution of knowledge and capital for manual labor. Where we spoke of mechanization a few decades ago, we now speak of "robotization " or "automation." This is actually more a change in terminology than a change in reality. When Henry Ford introduced the assembly line in 1909, he cut the number of man - hours required to produce a motor car by some 80 percent in two or three years -far more than anyone expects to result from even the most complete robotization. But there is no doubt that we are facing a new, sharp acceleration in the replacement of manual workers by machines -that is, by the products of knowledge.

1786.txt

According to the author, in coming 25years, a developed country or industry, in order t remain competitive, ought to _ .

In the last 12 years total employment in the United States grew faster than at any time in the peacetime history of any country - from 82 to 110 million between 1973 and 1985 - that is, by a full one third. The entire growth, however, was in manufacturing, and especially in no - blue-collar jobs… This trend is the same in all developed countries, and is, indeed, even more pronounced in Japan. It is therefore highly probable that in 25 years developed countries such as the United States and Japan will employ no larger a proportion of the labor force I n manufacturing than developed countries now employ in farming - at most, 10 percent. Today the United States employs around 18 million people in blue-collar jobs in manufacturing industries. By 2010, the number is likely to be no more than 12 million. In some major industries the drop will be even sharper. It is quite unrealistic, for instance, to expect that the American automobile industry will employ more than one -third of its present blue-collar force 25 years hence, even though production might be 50 percent higher. If a company, an industry or a country does not in the next quarter century sharply increase manufacturing production and at the same time sharply reduce the blue-collar work force, it cannot hope to remain competitive - or even to remain "developed." The attempt to preserve such blue - collar jobs is actually a prescription for unemployment… This is not a conclusion that American politicians, labor leaders or indeed the general public can easily understand or accept. What confuses the issue even more it that the United States is experiencing several separate and different shifts in the manufacturing economy. One is the acceleration of the substitution of knowledge and capital for manual labor. Where we spoke of mechanization a few decades ago, we now speak of "robotization " or "automation." This is actually more a change in terminology than a change in reality. When Henry Ford introduced the assembly line in 1909, he cut the number of man - hours required to produce a motor car by some 80 percent in two or three years -far more than anyone expects to result from even the most complete robotization. But there is no doubt that we are facing a new, sharp acceleration in the replacement of manual workers by machines -that is, by the products of knowledge.

1786.txt

American politicians and labor leaders tend to dislike_ .

In the last 12 years total employment in the United States grew faster than at any time in the peacetime history of any country - from 82 to 110 million between 1973 and 1985 - that is, by a full one third. The entire growth, however, was in manufacturing, and especially in no - blue-collar jobs… This trend is the same in all developed countries, and is, indeed, even more pronounced in Japan. It is therefore highly probable that in 25 years developed countries such as the United States and Japan will employ no larger a proportion of the labor force I n manufacturing than developed countries now employ in farming - at most, 10 percent. Today the United States employs around 18 million people in blue-collar jobs in manufacturing industries. By 2010, the number is likely to be no more than 12 million. In some major industries the drop will be even sharper. It is quite unrealistic, for instance, to expect that the American automobile industry will employ more than one -third of its present blue-collar force 25 years hence, even though production might be 50 percent higher. If a company, an industry or a country does not in the next quarter century sharply increase manufacturing production and at the same time sharply reduce the blue-collar work force, it cannot hope to remain competitive - or even to remain "developed." The attempt to preserve such blue - collar jobs is actually a prescription for unemployment… This is not a conclusion that American politicians, labor leaders or indeed the general public can easily understand or accept. What confuses the issue even more it that the United States is experiencing several separate and different shifts in the manufacturing economy. One is the acceleration of the substitution of knowledge and capital for manual labor. Where we spoke of mechanization a few decades ago, we now speak of "robotization " or "automation." This is actually more a change in terminology than a change in reality. When Henry Ford introduced the assembly line in 1909, he cut the number of man - hours required to produce a motor car by some 80 percent in two or three years -far more than anyone expects to result from even the most complete robotization. But there is no doubt that we are facing a new, sharp acceleration in the replacement of manual workers by machines -that is, by the products of knowledge.

1786.txt

The word "prescription" in "a prescription for unemployment" may be the equivalent to _

In the last 12 years total employment in the United States grew faster than at any time in the peacetime history of any country - from 82 to 110 million between 1973 and 1985 - that is, by a full one third. The entire growth, however, was in manufacturing, and especially in no - blue-collar jobs… This trend is the same in all developed countries, and is, indeed, even more pronounced in Japan. It is therefore highly probable that in 25 years developed countries such as the United States and Japan will employ no larger a proportion of the labor force I n manufacturing than developed countries now employ in farming - at most, 10 percent. Today the United States employs around 18 million people in blue-collar jobs in manufacturing industries. By 2010, the number is likely to be no more than 12 million. In some major industries the drop will be even sharper. It is quite unrealistic, for instance, to expect that the American automobile industry will employ more than one -third of its present blue-collar force 25 years hence, even though production might be 50 percent higher. If a company, an industry or a country does not in the next quarter century sharply increase manufacturing production and at the same time sharply reduce the blue-collar work force, it cannot hope to remain competitive - or even to remain "developed." The attempt to preserve such blue - collar jobs is actually a prescription for unemployment… This is not a conclusion that American politicians, labor leaders or indeed the general public can easily understand or accept. What confuses the issue even more it that the United States is experiencing several separate and different shifts in the manufacturing economy. One is the acceleration of the substitution of knowledge and capital for manual labor. Where we spoke of mechanization a few decades ago, we now speak of "robotization " or "automation." This is actually more a change in terminology than a change in reality. When Henry Ford introduced the assembly line in 1909, he cut the number of man - hours required to produce a motor car by some 80 percent in two or three years -far more than anyone expects to result from even the most complete robotization. But there is no doubt that we are facing a new, sharp acceleration in the replacement of manual workers by machines -that is, by the products of knowledge.

1786.txt

This passage may have been excepted from _

In the last 12 years total employment in the United States grew faster than at any time in the peacetime history of any country - from 82 to 110 million between 1973 and 1985 - that is, by a full one third. The entire growth, however, was in manufacturing, and especially in no - blue-collar jobs… This trend is the same in all developed countries, and is, indeed, even more pronounced in Japan. It is therefore highly probable that in 25 years developed countries such as the United States and Japan will employ no larger a proportion of the labor force I n manufacturing than developed countries now employ in farming - at most, 10 percent. Today the United States employs around 18 million people in blue-collar jobs in manufacturing industries. By 2010, the number is likely to be no more than 12 million. In some major industries the drop will be even sharper. It is quite unrealistic, for instance, to expect that the American automobile industry will employ more than one -third of its present blue-collar force 25 years hence, even though production might be 50 percent higher. If a company, an industry or a country does not in the next quarter century sharply increase manufacturing production and at the same time sharply reduce the blue-collar work force, it cannot hope to remain competitive - or even to remain "developed." The attempt to preserve such blue - collar jobs is actually a prescription for unemployment… This is not a conclusion that American politicians, labor leaders or indeed the general public can easily understand or accept. What confuses the issue even more it that the United States is experiencing several separate and different shifts in the manufacturing economy. One is the acceleration of the substitution of knowledge and capital for manual labor. Where we spoke of mechanization a few decades ago, we now speak of "robotization " or "automation." This is actually more a change in terminology than a change in reality. When Henry Ford introduced the assembly line in 1909, he cut the number of man - hours required to produce a motor car by some 80 percent in two or three years -far more than anyone expects to result from even the most complete robotization. But there is no doubt that we are facing a new, sharp acceleration in the replacement of manual workers by machines -that is, by the products of knowledge.

1786.txt

What did the ELF do to Shearer Lumber Products?

Islamic terrorism may be a distant threat for Shearer Lumber Products, a timber company based in Idaho. But eco-terrorism is a very real one. In November, the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), an underground organization, gave warning that it had"spiked"trees in the Nez Perce national forest to protest against logging. Spiking involves hiding metal bars in tree trunks, thereby potentially crippling chain saws and hurting people. More such attacks are expected. How do they fit into America's war on terrorism? The nation's forests have seen a sharp increase in violent incidents-equipment vandalized, people intimidated-over the past ten years. Shearer now carefully inspects every tree before cutting and has been using metal detectors to check every trunk being processed. Yet Ihor Mereszczak, of the Nez Perce Forest Service, says it has been hard to get the FBI's attention, and investigations have got nowhere. The ELF is only one thread in a web of underground radical environmentalists. Its aim is to inflict as much financial pain as possible on organizations or people who, by its lights, are exploiting the environment. The ELF, though made up of anonymous cells, nonetheless operates a website offering tips on how to cause fires with electric timers. Until recently, it also had a public spokesman. Together with the Animal Liberation Front (ALF), which operates along the same lines, the ELF is estimated to be responsible for over $45m-worth of damage in North America over the past few years. In 1998, it caused fires that did $12m-worth of damage in Vail, Colorado, to make the point that the ski resort's expansion was threatening places where lynxes live. Earlier this year, the ELF burned down the offices of a lumber company in Oregon. Since September 11th, the ALF and ELF have claimed responsibility for starting a fire at a primate research center in New Mexico, releasing mink from an Iowa fur farm, and firebombing a federal corral for wild horses in California. Are they terrorists? The two groups reject the label, claiming to take all precautions against harming "animals, whether humans or not". But earlier this year Louis Freeh, the FBI's boss, listed both organizations among the most active domestic terrorist groups. Scott McInnis, the Republican congressman whose district includes Vail, argues it is only a matter of time before somebody gets hurt, and he now expects the FBI to put in more resources. The House subcommittee on forests, which Mr McInnis heads, will hold a hearing on eco-terrorism in February. But he has annoyed some mainstream green groups by asking them to denounce the ELF's and ALF's methods. Greenpeace, for instance, says that its disapproval is self-evident, and resents being asked to express it. Mr. McInnis still wants their answer by December 1st, but the war on eco-terrorism is off to a rocky start.

1068.txt

We can infer from the passage that _ .

Islamic terrorism may be a distant threat for Shearer Lumber Products, a timber company based in Idaho. But eco-terrorism is a very real one. In November, the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), an underground organization, gave warning that it had"spiked"trees in the Nez Perce national forest to protest against logging. Spiking involves hiding metal bars in tree trunks, thereby potentially crippling chain saws and hurting people. More such attacks are expected. How do they fit into America's war on terrorism? The nation's forests have seen a sharp increase in violent incidents-equipment vandalized, people intimidated-over the past ten years. Shearer now carefully inspects every tree before cutting and has been using metal detectors to check every trunk being processed. Yet Ihor Mereszczak, of the Nez Perce Forest Service, says it has been hard to get the FBI's attention, and investigations have got nowhere. The ELF is only one thread in a web of underground radical environmentalists. Its aim is to inflict as much financial pain as possible on organizations or people who, by its lights, are exploiting the environment. The ELF, though made up of anonymous cells, nonetheless operates a website offering tips on how to cause fires with electric timers. Until recently, it also had a public spokesman. Together with the Animal Liberation Front (ALF), which operates along the same lines, the ELF is estimated to be responsible for over $45m-worth of damage in North America over the past few years. In 1998, it caused fires that did $12m-worth of damage in Vail, Colorado, to make the point that the ski resort's expansion was threatening places where lynxes live. Earlier this year, the ELF burned down the offices of a lumber company in Oregon. Since September 11th, the ALF and ELF have claimed responsibility for starting a fire at a primate research center in New Mexico, releasing mink from an Iowa fur farm, and firebombing a federal corral for wild horses in California. Are they terrorists? The two groups reject the label, claiming to take all precautions against harming "animals, whether humans or not". But earlier this year Louis Freeh, the FBI's boss, listed both organizations among the most active domestic terrorist groups. Scott McInnis, the Republican congressman whose district includes Vail, argues it is only a matter of time before somebody gets hurt, and he now expects the FBI to put in more resources. The House subcommittee on forests, which Mr McInnis heads, will hold a hearing on eco-terrorism in February. But he has annoyed some mainstream green groups by asking them to denounce the ELF's and ALF's methods. Greenpeace, for instance, says that its disapproval is self-evident, and resents being asked to express it. Mr. McInnis still wants their answer by December 1st, but the war on eco-terrorism is off to a rocky start.

1068.txt

According to ELF, all of the following are environmentally harmful except _ .

Islamic terrorism may be a distant threat for Shearer Lumber Products, a timber company based in Idaho. But eco-terrorism is a very real one. In November, the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), an underground organization, gave warning that it had"spiked"trees in the Nez Perce national forest to protest against logging. Spiking involves hiding metal bars in tree trunks, thereby potentially crippling chain saws and hurting people. More such attacks are expected. How do they fit into America's war on terrorism? The nation's forests have seen a sharp increase in violent incidents-equipment vandalized, people intimidated-over the past ten years. Shearer now carefully inspects every tree before cutting and has been using metal detectors to check every trunk being processed. Yet Ihor Mereszczak, of the Nez Perce Forest Service, says it has been hard to get the FBI's attention, and investigations have got nowhere. The ELF is only one thread in a web of underground radical environmentalists. Its aim is to inflict as much financial pain as possible on organizations or people who, by its lights, are exploiting the environment. The ELF, though made up of anonymous cells, nonetheless operates a website offering tips on how to cause fires with electric timers. Until recently, it also had a public spokesman. Together with the Animal Liberation Front (ALF), which operates along the same lines, the ELF is estimated to be responsible for over $45m-worth of damage in North America over the past few years. In 1998, it caused fires that did $12m-worth of damage in Vail, Colorado, to make the point that the ski resort's expansion was threatening places where lynxes live. Earlier this year, the ELF burned down the offices of a lumber company in Oregon. Since September 11th, the ALF and ELF have claimed responsibility for starting a fire at a primate research center in New Mexico, releasing mink from an Iowa fur farm, and firebombing a federal corral for wild horses in California. Are they terrorists? The two groups reject the label, claiming to take all precautions against harming "animals, whether humans or not". But earlier this year Louis Freeh, the FBI's boss, listed both organizations among the most active domestic terrorist groups. Scott McInnis, the Republican congressman whose district includes Vail, argues it is only a matter of time before somebody gets hurt, and he now expects the FBI to put in more resources. The House subcommittee on forests, which Mr McInnis heads, will hold a hearing on eco-terrorism in February. But he has annoyed some mainstream green groups by asking them to denounce the ELF's and ALF's methods. Greenpeace, for instance, says that its disapproval is self-evident, and resents being asked to express it. Mr. McInnis still wants their answer by December 1st, but the war on eco-terrorism is off to a rocky start.

1068.txt

It is true of radical environmentalists that they _ .

Islamic terrorism may be a distant threat for Shearer Lumber Products, a timber company based in Idaho. But eco-terrorism is a very real one. In November, the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), an underground organization, gave warning that it had"spiked"trees in the Nez Perce national forest to protest against logging. Spiking involves hiding metal bars in tree trunks, thereby potentially crippling chain saws and hurting people. More such attacks are expected. How do they fit into America's war on terrorism? The nation's forests have seen a sharp increase in violent incidents-equipment vandalized, people intimidated-over the past ten years. Shearer now carefully inspects every tree before cutting and has been using metal detectors to check every trunk being processed. Yet Ihor Mereszczak, of the Nez Perce Forest Service, says it has been hard to get the FBI's attention, and investigations have got nowhere. The ELF is only one thread in a web of underground radical environmentalists. Its aim is to inflict as much financial pain as possible on organizations or people who, by its lights, are exploiting the environment. The ELF, though made up of anonymous cells, nonetheless operates a website offering tips on how to cause fires with electric timers. Until recently, it also had a public spokesman. Together with the Animal Liberation Front (ALF), which operates along the same lines, the ELF is estimated to be responsible for over $45m-worth of damage in North America over the past few years. In 1998, it caused fires that did $12m-worth of damage in Vail, Colorado, to make the point that the ski resort's expansion was threatening places where lynxes live. Earlier this year, the ELF burned down the offices of a lumber company in Oregon. Since September 11th, the ALF and ELF have claimed responsibility for starting a fire at a primate research center in New Mexico, releasing mink from an Iowa fur farm, and firebombing a federal corral for wild horses in California. Are they terrorists? The two groups reject the label, claiming to take all precautions against harming "animals, whether humans or not". But earlier this year Louis Freeh, the FBI's boss, listed both organizations among the most active domestic terrorist groups. Scott McInnis, the Republican congressman whose district includes Vail, argues it is only a matter of time before somebody gets hurt, and he now expects the FBI to put in more resources. The House subcommittee on forests, which Mr McInnis heads, will hold a hearing on eco-terrorism in February. But he has annoyed some mainstream green groups by asking them to denounce the ELF's and ALF's methods. Greenpeace, for instance, says that its disapproval is self-evident, and resents being asked to express it. Mr. McInnis still wants their answer by December 1st, but the war on eco-terrorism is off to a rocky start.

1068.txt

The best title for the text may be _ .

Islamic terrorism may be a distant threat for Shearer Lumber Products, a timber company based in Idaho. But eco-terrorism is a very real one. In November, the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), an underground organization, gave warning that it had"spiked"trees in the Nez Perce national forest to protest against logging. Spiking involves hiding metal bars in tree trunks, thereby potentially crippling chain saws and hurting people. More such attacks are expected. How do they fit into America's war on terrorism? The nation's forests have seen a sharp increase in violent incidents-equipment vandalized, people intimidated-over the past ten years. Shearer now carefully inspects every tree before cutting and has been using metal detectors to check every trunk being processed. Yet Ihor Mereszczak, of the Nez Perce Forest Service, says it has been hard to get the FBI's attention, and investigations have got nowhere. The ELF is only one thread in a web of underground radical environmentalists. Its aim is to inflict as much financial pain as possible on organizations or people who, by its lights, are exploiting the environment. The ELF, though made up of anonymous cells, nonetheless operates a website offering tips on how to cause fires with electric timers. Until recently, it also had a public spokesman. Together with the Animal Liberation Front (ALF), which operates along the same lines, the ELF is estimated to be responsible for over $45m-worth of damage in North America over the past few years. In 1998, it caused fires that did $12m-worth of damage in Vail, Colorado, to make the point that the ski resort's expansion was threatening places where lynxes live. Earlier this year, the ELF burned down the offices of a lumber company in Oregon. Since September 11th, the ALF and ELF have claimed responsibility for starting a fire at a primate research center in New Mexico, releasing mink from an Iowa fur farm, and firebombing a federal corral for wild horses in California. Are they terrorists? The two groups reject the label, claiming to take all precautions against harming "animals, whether humans or not". But earlier this year Louis Freeh, the FBI's boss, listed both organizations among the most active domestic terrorist groups. Scott McInnis, the Republican congressman whose district includes Vail, argues it is only a matter of time before somebody gets hurt, and he now expects the FBI to put in more resources. The House subcommittee on forests, which Mr McInnis heads, will hold a hearing on eco-terrorism in February. But he has annoyed some mainstream green groups by asking them to denounce the ELF's and ALF's methods. Greenpeace, for instance, says that its disapproval is self-evident, and resents being asked to express it. Mr. McInnis still wants their answer by December 1st, but the war on eco-terrorism is off to a rocky start.

1068.txt

We learn from Paragraph I that the pet sold at the shop may _ .

We have met the enemy and he is ours We bought him at a pet shop. When monkey-pox, a disease usually found in the African rain forest suddenly turns up in children in the American.Midwest it's hard not to wonder of the disease that comes from foreign animals is homing in on human beings. "Most of the infections we think of as human infections started in other animals " says Stephen Morse director of the Center for Public Health Preparedness at Columbia University. It's not just that we're going to where the animals are; we're also bringing them closer to us Popular foreign pets have brought a whole new disease to this country A strange illness killed Isaksen's pets and she now thinks that keeping foreign pets is a bad idea "I don't think it's fair to have them as pets when we have such a limited knowledge of them "says Isaksen "Laws allowing these animals to be brought in from deep forest areas without stricter control need changing "says Peter Schantz Monkey-pox may be the wake-up call. Researchers believe infected animals may infect their owners. We know very little about these new diseases A new bugmay be kind at first. But it may develop into something harmfulMonkey-pox doesn't look a major infectious disease But is not impossible to pass the disease from person to person

3508.txt

Why did Isaksen advise people not to have foreign pets?

We have met the enemy and he is ours We bought him at a pet shop. When monkey-pox, a disease usually found in the African rain forest suddenly turns up in children in the American.Midwest it's hard not to wonder of the disease that comes from foreign animals is homing in on human beings. "Most of the infections we think of as human infections started in other animals " says Stephen Morse director of the Center for Public Health Preparedness at Columbia University. It's not just that we're going to where the animals are; we're also bringing them closer to us Popular foreign pets have brought a whole new disease to this country A strange illness killed Isaksen's pets and she now thinks that keeping foreign pets is a bad idea "I don't think it's fair to have them as pets when we have such a limited knowledge of them "says Isaksen "Laws allowing these animals to be brought in from deep forest areas without stricter control need changing "says Peter Schantz Monkey-pox may be the wake-up call. Researchers believe infected animals may infect their owners. We know very little about these new diseases A new bugmay be kind at first. But it may develop into something harmfulMonkey-pox doesn't look a major infectious disease But is not impossible to pass the disease from person to person

3508.txt

What does she phrase "the wake-up call" in paragraph 3 most probably mean?

We have met the enemy and he is ours We bought him at a pet shop. When monkey-pox, a disease usually found in the African rain forest suddenly turns up in children in the American.Midwest it's hard not to wonder of the disease that comes from foreign animals is homing in on human beings. "Most of the infections we think of as human infections started in other animals " says Stephen Morse director of the Center for Public Health Preparedness at Columbia University. It's not just that we're going to where the animals are; we're also bringing them closer to us Popular foreign pets have brought a whole new disease to this country A strange illness killed Isaksen's pets and she now thinks that keeping foreign pets is a bad idea "I don't think it's fair to have them as pets when we have such a limited knowledge of them "says Isaksen "Laws allowing these animals to be brought in from deep forest areas without stricter control need changing "says Peter Schantz Monkey-pox may be the wake-up call. Researchers believe infected animals may infect their owners. We know very little about these new diseases A new bugmay be kind at first. But it may develop into something harmfulMonkey-pox doesn't look a major infectious disease But is not impossible to pass the disease from person to person

3508.txt

The text suggests that in the future we.

We have met the enemy and he is ours We bought him at a pet shop. When monkey-pox, a disease usually found in the African rain forest suddenly turns up in children in the American.Midwest it's hard not to wonder of the disease that comes from foreign animals is homing in on human beings. "Most of the infections we think of as human infections started in other animals " says Stephen Morse director of the Center for Public Health Preparedness at Columbia University. It's not just that we're going to where the animals are; we're also bringing them closer to us Popular foreign pets have brought a whole new disease to this country A strange illness killed Isaksen's pets and she now thinks that keeping foreign pets is a bad idea "I don't think it's fair to have them as pets when we have such a limited knowledge of them "says Isaksen "Laws allowing these animals to be brought in from deep forest areas without stricter control need changing "says Peter Schantz Monkey-pox may be the wake-up call. Researchers believe infected animals may infect their owners. We know very little about these new diseases A new bugmay be kind at first. But it may develop into something harmfulMonkey-pox doesn't look a major infectious disease But is not impossible to pass the disease from person to person

3508.txt

The man said he wanted to buy a pearl for _ .

A well-dressed man enforced a famous jewelryshop. He explained that he wished to buy a pearl forhis wife‘s birthday. The price didn‘t matter. Sincebusiness had been very good for him that year. Afterexamining a nice black one that cost $5000, he paidfor the pearl in cash, shook hands with the jeweler,and left. A few days later the man returned and said that his wife liked the pear so much that shewanted another one just like it. It had to be exactly the same size and quality, s she wanted apair of earrings made, ―Can you give me any advice on how to get such a pearl?‖ said theman. The jeweler regretfully replied, ―I would say it‘s exactly impossible to find one exactlylike that pearl.‖ The rich man insisted that the jeweler advertise in the newspapers, offering $ 25,000 for the matching pearl. Many people answered the advertisement but nobody had apearl that was just right. Just when the jeweler had given up hope, a little old lady came into his store. To his greatsurprise, she pulled the perfect pearl from her purse. ―I don‘t like to part with it,‖ she saidsadly, ―I inherited it from my mother, and my mother inherited it from hers. But I really needthe money.‖ The jeweler was quick to pay her before she changed her mind. Then he called therich man‘s hotel to tell him the good news. The man, however, was nowhere to be found.

2557.txt

He paid $ 5,000 for the black pearl without bargaining because _ .

A well-dressed man enforced a famous jewelryshop. He explained that he wished to buy a pearl forhis wife‘s birthday. The price didn‘t matter. Sincebusiness had been very good for him that year. Afterexamining a nice black one that cost $5000, he paidfor the pearl in cash, shook hands with the jeweler,and left. A few days later the man returned and said that his wife liked the pear so much that shewanted another one just like it. It had to be exactly the same size and quality, s she wanted apair of earrings made, ―Can you give me any advice on how to get such a pearl?‖ said theman. The jeweler regretfully replied, ―I would say it‘s exactly impossible to find one exactlylike that pearl.‖ The rich man insisted that the jeweler advertise in the newspapers, offering $ 25,000 for the matching pearl. Many people answered the advertisement but nobody had apearl that was just right. Just when the jeweler had given up hope, a little old lady came into his store. To his greatsurprise, she pulled the perfect pearl from her purse. ―I don‘t like to part with it,‖ she saidsadly, ―I inherited it from my mother, and my mother inherited it from hers. But I really needthe money.‖ The jeweler was quick to pay her before she changed her mind. Then he called therich man‘s hotel to tell him the good news. The man, however, was nowhere to be found.

2557.txt

He told the jeweler to get him another pearl that must be _ .

A well-dressed man enforced a famous jewelryshop. He explained that he wished to buy a pearl forhis wife‘s birthday. The price didn‘t matter. Sincebusiness had been very good for him that year. Afterexamining a nice black one that cost $5000, he paidfor the pearl in cash, shook hands with the jeweler,and left. A few days later the man returned and said that his wife liked the pear so much that shewanted another one just like it. It had to be exactly the same size and quality, s she wanted apair of earrings made, ―Can you give me any advice on how to get such a pearl?‖ said theman. The jeweler regretfully replied, ―I would say it‘s exactly impossible to find one exactlylike that pearl.‖ The rich man insisted that the jeweler advertise in the newspapers, offering $ 25,000 for the matching pearl. Many people answered the advertisement but nobody had apearl that was just right. Just when the jeweler had given up hope, a little old lady came into his store. To his greatsurprise, she pulled the perfect pearl from her purse. ―I don‘t like to part with it,‖ she saidsadly, ―I inherited it from my mother, and my mother inherited it from hers. But I really needthe money.‖ The jeweler was quick to pay her before she changed her mind. Then he called therich man‘s hotel to tell him the good news. The man, however, was nowhere to be found.

2557.txt

Many people answered the advertisement because they wanted _ .

A well-dressed man enforced a famous jewelryshop. He explained that he wished to buy a pearl forhis wife‘s birthday. The price didn‘t matter. Sincebusiness had been very good for him that year. Afterexamining a nice black one that cost $5000, he paidfor the pearl in cash, shook hands with the jeweler,and left. A few days later the man returned and said that his wife liked the pear so much that shewanted another one just like it. It had to be exactly the same size and quality, s she wanted apair of earrings made, ―Can you give me any advice on how to get such a pearl?‖ said theman. The jeweler regretfully replied, ―I would say it‘s exactly impossible to find one exactlylike that pearl.‖ The rich man insisted that the jeweler advertise in the newspapers, offering $ 25,000 for the matching pearl. Many people answered the advertisement but nobody had apearl that was just right. Just when the jeweler had given up hope, a little old lady came into his store. To his greatsurprise, she pulled the perfect pearl from her purse. ―I don‘t like to part with it,‖ she saidsadly, ―I inherited it from my mother, and my mother inherited it from hers. But I really needthe money.‖ The jeweler was quick to pay her before she changed her mind. Then he called therich man‘s hotel to tell him the good news. The man, however, was nowhere to be found.

2557.txt

The jeweler couldn‘t find the man anywhere because _ .

A well-dressed man enforced a famous jewelryshop. He explained that he wished to buy a pearl forhis wife‘s birthday. The price didn‘t matter. Sincebusiness had been very good for him that year. Afterexamining a nice black one that cost $5000, he paidfor the pearl in cash, shook hands with the jeweler,and left. A few days later the man returned and said that his wife liked the pear so much that shewanted another one just like it. It had to be exactly the same size and quality, s she wanted apair of earrings made, ―Can you give me any advice on how to get such a pearl?‖ said theman. The jeweler regretfully replied, ―I would say it‘s exactly impossible to find one exactlylike that pearl.‖ The rich man insisted that the jeweler advertise in the newspapers, offering $ 25,000 for the matching pearl. Many people answered the advertisement but nobody had apearl that was just right. Just when the jeweler had given up hope, a little old lady came into his store. To his greatsurprise, she pulled the perfect pearl from her purse. ―I don‘t like to part with it,‖ she saidsadly, ―I inherited it from my mother, and my mother inherited it from hers. But I really needthe money.‖ The jeweler was quick to pay her before she changed her mind. Then he called therich man‘s hotel to tell him the good news. The man, however, was nowhere to be found.

2557.txt

The reason why many production processes were taken over by the marketplace was that ________.

The relationship between the home and market economies has gone through two distinct stages. Early industrialization began the process of transferring some production processes (e.g. clothmaking, sewing and canning foods) from the home to the marketplace. Although the home economy could still produce these goods, the processes were laborious and the market economy was usually more efficient. Soon, the more important second stage was evident-the marketplace began producing goods and services that had never been produced by the home economy, and the home economy was unable to produce them (e.g. Electricity and electrical appliances, the automobile, advanced education, sophisticated medical care). In the second stage, the question of whether the home economy was less efficient in producing these new goods and services was irrelevant; if the family were to enjoy these fruits of industrialization, they would have to be obtained in the marketplace. The traditional ways of taking care of these needs in the home, such as in nursing the sick, became socially unacceptable (and, in most serious cases, probably less successful). Just as the appearance of the automobile made the use of the horse-drawn carriage illegal and then impractical, and the appearance of television changed the radio from a source of entertainment to a source of background music, so most of the fruits of economic growth did not increase the options available to the home economy to either produce the goods or services or purchase them in the market. Growth brought with it increased variety in consumer goods, but not increased flexibility for the home economy in obtaining these goods and services. Instead, economic growth brought with it increased consumer reliance on the marketplace. In order to consume these new goods and services, the family had to enter the marketplace as wage earners and consumers. The neoclassical model that views the family as deciding whether to produce goods and services directly or to purchase them in the marketplace is basically a model of the first stage. It cannot accurately be applied to the second (and current) stage.

2460.txt

It can be seen from the passage that in the second stage ________.

The relationship between the home and market economies has gone through two distinct stages. Early industrialization began the process of transferring some production processes (e.g. clothmaking, sewing and canning foods) from the home to the marketplace. Although the home economy could still produce these goods, the processes were laborious and the market economy was usually more efficient. Soon, the more important second stage was evident-the marketplace began producing goods and services that had never been produced by the home economy, and the home economy was unable to produce them (e.g. Electricity and electrical appliances, the automobile, advanced education, sophisticated medical care). In the second stage, the question of whether the home economy was less efficient in producing these new goods and services was irrelevant; if the family were to enjoy these fruits of industrialization, they would have to be obtained in the marketplace. The traditional ways of taking care of these needs in the home, such as in nursing the sick, became socially unacceptable (and, in most serious cases, probably less successful). Just as the appearance of the automobile made the use of the horse-drawn carriage illegal and then impractical, and the appearance of television changed the radio from a source of entertainment to a source of background music, so most of the fruits of economic growth did not increase the options available to the home economy to either produce the goods or services or purchase them in the market. Growth brought with it increased variety in consumer goods, but not increased flexibility for the home economy in obtaining these goods and services. Instead, economic growth brought with it increased consumer reliance on the marketplace. In order to consume these new goods and services, the family had to enter the marketplace as wage earners and consumers. The neoclassical model that views the family as deciding whether to produce goods and services directly or to purchase them in the marketplace is basically a model of the first stage. It cannot accurately be applied to the second (and current) stage.

2460.txt

During the second stage, if the family wanted to consume new goods and services, they had to enter the marketplace ________.

The relationship between the home and market economies has gone through two distinct stages. Early industrialization began the process of transferring some production processes (e.g. clothmaking, sewing and canning foods) from the home to the marketplace. Although the home economy could still produce these goods, the processes were laborious and the market economy was usually more efficient. Soon, the more important second stage was evident-the marketplace began producing goods and services that had never been produced by the home economy, and the home economy was unable to produce them (e.g. Electricity and electrical appliances, the automobile, advanced education, sophisticated medical care). In the second stage, the question of whether the home economy was less efficient in producing these new goods and services was irrelevant; if the family were to enjoy these fruits of industrialization, they would have to be obtained in the marketplace. The traditional ways of taking care of these needs in the home, such as in nursing the sick, became socially unacceptable (and, in most serious cases, probably less successful). Just as the appearance of the automobile made the use of the horse-drawn carriage illegal and then impractical, and the appearance of television changed the radio from a source of entertainment to a source of background music, so most of the fruits of economic growth did not increase the options available to the home economy to either produce the goods or services or purchase them in the market. Growth brought with it increased variety in consumer goods, but not increased flexibility for the home economy in obtaining these goods and services. Instead, economic growth brought with it increased consumer reliance on the marketplace. In order to consume these new goods and services, the family had to enter the marketplace as wage earners and consumers. The neoclassical model that views the family as deciding whether to produce goods and services directly or to purchase them in the marketplace is basically a model of the first stage. It cannot accurately be applied to the second (and current) stage.

2460.txt

Economic growth did not make it more flexible for the home economy to obtain the new goods and services because ________.

The relationship between the home and market economies has gone through two distinct stages. Early industrialization began the process of transferring some production processes (e.g. clothmaking, sewing and canning foods) from the home to the marketplace. Although the home economy could still produce these goods, the processes were laborious and the market economy was usually more efficient. Soon, the more important second stage was evident-the marketplace began producing goods and services that had never been produced by the home economy, and the home economy was unable to produce them (e.g. Electricity and electrical appliances, the automobile, advanced education, sophisticated medical care). In the second stage, the question of whether the home economy was less efficient in producing these new goods and services was irrelevant; if the family were to enjoy these fruits of industrialization, they would have to be obtained in the marketplace. The traditional ways of taking care of these needs in the home, such as in nursing the sick, became socially unacceptable (and, in most serious cases, probably less successful). Just as the appearance of the automobile made the use of the horse-drawn carriage illegal and then impractical, and the appearance of television changed the radio from a source of entertainment to a source of background music, so most of the fruits of economic growth did not increase the options available to the home economy to either produce the goods or services or purchase them in the market. Growth brought with it increased variety in consumer goods, but not increased flexibility for the home economy in obtaining these goods and services. Instead, economic growth brought with it increased consumer reliance on the marketplace. In order to consume these new goods and services, the family had to enter the marketplace as wage earners and consumers. The neoclassical model that views the family as deciding whether to produce goods and services directly or to purchase them in the marketplace is basically a model of the first stage. It cannot accurately be applied to the second (and current) stage.

2460.txt

The neoclassical model is basically a model of the first stage, because at this stage ________.

The relationship between the home and market economies has gone through two distinct stages. Early industrialization began the process of transferring some production processes (e.g. clothmaking, sewing and canning foods) from the home to the marketplace. Although the home economy could still produce these goods, the processes were laborious and the market economy was usually more efficient. Soon, the more important second stage was evident-the marketplace began producing goods and services that had never been produced by the home economy, and the home economy was unable to produce them (e.g. Electricity and electrical appliances, the automobile, advanced education, sophisticated medical care). In the second stage, the question of whether the home economy was less efficient in producing these new goods and services was irrelevant; if the family were to enjoy these fruits of industrialization, they would have to be obtained in the marketplace. The traditional ways of taking care of these needs in the home, such as in nursing the sick, became socially unacceptable (and, in most serious cases, probably less successful). Just as the appearance of the automobile made the use of the horse-drawn carriage illegal and then impractical, and the appearance of television changed the radio from a source of entertainment to a source of background music, so most of the fruits of economic growth did not increase the options available to the home economy to either produce the goods or services or purchase them in the market. Growth brought with it increased variety in consumer goods, but not increased flexibility for the home economy in obtaining these goods and services. Instead, economic growth brought with it increased consumer reliance on the marketplace. In order to consume these new goods and services, the family had to enter the marketplace as wage earners and consumers. The neoclassical model that views the family as deciding whether to produce goods and services directly or to purchase them in the marketplace is basically a model of the first stage. It cannot accurately be applied to the second (and current) stage.

2460.txt

The proposal to lay a telegraph cable from Europe to America made oceanographic studies take on ______.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had tobe answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured.mote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask whatlay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, afact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition, which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2821.txt

It was ______ that asked Maury for help in oceanographic studies.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had tobe answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured.mote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask whatlay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, afact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition, which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2821.txt

The aim of the voyages Maury was responsible for in the 1840s was ______.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had tobe answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured.mote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask whatlay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, afact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition, which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2821.txt

"Defied" in the 5th paragraph probably means "______".

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had tobe answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured.mote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask whatlay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, afact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition, which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2821.txt

This passage is mainly about ______.

Oceanography has been defined as "The application of all sciences to the study of the sea". Before the nineteen century, scientists with an interest in the sea were few and far between. Certainly Newton considered some theoretical aspects of it in his writings, but he was reluctant to go to sea to further his work. For most people the sea was remote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask what lay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had tobe answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured.mote, and with the exception of early intercontinental travelers or others who earned a living from the sea, there was little reason to ask many questions about it, let alone to ask whatlay beneath the surface. The first time that question "What is at the bottom of the oceans?" had to be answered with any commercial consequence was when the laying of a telegraph cable from Europe to America was proposed. The engineers had to know the depth profileof the route to estimate the length of cable that had to be manufactured. It was to Maury of the US Navy that the Atlantic Telegraph Company turned, in 1853, for information on this matter. In the 1840s, Maury had been responsible for encouraging voyages during which soundings were taken to investigate the depths of the North Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Later, some of his findings aroused much popular interest in his book The Physical Geography of the Sea. The cable was laid, but not until 1866 was the connection made permanent and reliable. At the early attempts, the cable failed and when it was taken out for repairs it was found to be covered in living growths, afact which defied contemporary scientific opinion that there was no life in the deeper parts of the sea. Within a few years oceanography was under way. In 1872 Thomson led a scientific expedition, which lasted for four years and brought home thousands of samples from the sea. Their classification and analysis occupied scientists for years and led to a five-volume report, the last volume being published in 1895.

2821.txt

In the long run, the most difficult problem caused by population growth on earth will probably be the lack of _ .

If the population of the earth goes on increasing at its present rate, there will eventually not be enough resources left to sustain life on the planet. By the middle of the 21st century, if present trends continue, we will have used up all the oil that drives our cars, for example. Even if scientists develop new ways of feeding the human race, the crowded conditions on earth will make it necessary for us to look for open space somewhere else. But none of the other planets in our solar system are capable of supporting life at present. One possible solution to the problem, however, has recently been suggested by an American scientist, Professor Carl Sagan. Sagan believes that before the earth's resources are completely exhausted it will be possible to change the atmosphere of Venus and so create a new world almost as large as earth itself. The difficulty is that Venus is much hotter than the earth and there is only a tiny amount of water there. Sagan proposes that algae organisms, which can live in extremely hot or cold atmospheres and at the same time produce oxygen, should be bred in conditions similar to those on Venus. As soon as this has been done, the algae will be placed in small rockets. Spaceships will then fly to Venus and fire the rockets into the atmosphere. In a fairly short time, the algae will break down the carbon dioxide into oxygen and carbon. When the algae have done their work, the atmosphere will become cooler, but before man can set foot on Venus it will be necessary for the oxygen to produce rain. The surface of the planet will still be too hot for men to land on it but the rain will eventually fall and in a few years something like earth will be reproduced on Venus.

2437.txt

Carl Sagan believes that Venus might be colonized from earth because _ .

If the population of the earth goes on increasing at its present rate, there will eventually not be enough resources left to sustain life on the planet. By the middle of the 21st century, if present trends continue, we will have used up all the oil that drives our cars, for example. Even if scientists develop new ways of feeding the human race, the crowded conditions on earth will make it necessary for us to look for open space somewhere else. But none of the other planets in our solar system are capable of supporting life at present. One possible solution to the problem, however, has recently been suggested by an American scientist, Professor Carl Sagan. Sagan believes that before the earth's resources are completely exhausted it will be possible to change the atmosphere of Venus and so create a new world almost as large as earth itself. The difficulty is that Venus is much hotter than the earth and there is only a tiny amount of water there. Sagan proposes that algae organisms, which can live in extremely hot or cold atmospheres and at the same time produce oxygen, should be bred in conditions similar to those on Venus. As soon as this has been done, the algae will be placed in small rockets. Spaceships will then fly to Venus and fire the rockets into the atmosphere. In a fairly short time, the algae will break down the carbon dioxide into oxygen and carbon. When the algae have done their work, the atmosphere will become cooler, but before man can set foot on Venus it will be necessary for the oxygen to produce rain. The surface of the planet will still be too hot for men to land on it but the rain will eventually fall and in a few years something like earth will be reproduced on Venus.

2437.txt

On Venus there is a lot of _ .

If the population of the earth goes on increasing at its present rate, there will eventually not be enough resources left to sustain life on the planet. By the middle of the 21st century, if present trends continue, we will have used up all the oil that drives our cars, for example. Even if scientists develop new ways of feeding the human race, the crowded conditions on earth will make it necessary for us to look for open space somewhere else. But none of the other planets in our solar system are capable of supporting life at present. One possible solution to the problem, however, has recently been suggested by an American scientist, Professor Carl Sagan. Sagan believes that before the earth's resources are completely exhausted it will be possible to change the atmosphere of Venus and so create a new world almost as large as earth itself. The difficulty is that Venus is much hotter than the earth and there is only a tiny amount of water there. Sagan proposes that algae organisms, which can live in extremely hot or cold atmospheres and at the same time produce oxygen, should be bred in conditions similar to those on Venus. As soon as this has been done, the algae will be placed in small rockets. Spaceships will then fly to Venus and fire the rockets into the atmosphere. In a fairly short time, the algae will break down the carbon dioxide into oxygen and carbon. When the algae have done their work, the atmosphere will become cooler, but before man can set foot on Venus it will be necessary for the oxygen to produce rain. The surface of the planet will still be too hot for men to land on it but the rain will eventually fall and in a few years something like earth will be reproduced on Venus.

2437.txt

Algae are plants that can _ .

If the population of the earth goes on increasing at its present rate, there will eventually not be enough resources left to sustain life on the planet. By the middle of the 21st century, if present trends continue, we will have used up all the oil that drives our cars, for example. Even if scientists develop new ways of feeding the human race, the crowded conditions on earth will make it necessary for us to look for open space somewhere else. But none of the other planets in our solar system are capable of supporting life at present. One possible solution to the problem, however, has recently been suggested by an American scientist, Professor Carl Sagan. Sagan believes that before the earth's resources are completely exhausted it will be possible to change the atmosphere of Venus and so create a new world almost as large as earth itself. The difficulty is that Venus is much hotter than the earth and there is only a tiny amount of water there. Sagan proposes that algae organisms, which can live in extremely hot or cold atmospheres and at the same time produce oxygen, should be bred in conditions similar to those on Venus. As soon as this has been done, the algae will be placed in small rockets. Spaceships will then fly to Venus and fire the rockets into the atmosphere. In a fairly short time, the algae will break down the carbon dioxide into oxygen and carbon. When the algae have done their work, the atmosphere will become cooler, but before man can set foot on Venus it will be necessary for the oxygen to produce rain. The surface of the planet will still be too hot for men to land on it but the rain will eventually fall and in a few years something like earth will be reproduced on Venus.

2437.txt

Man can eventually land on Venus only when _ .

If the population of the earth goes on increasing at its present rate, there will eventually not be enough resources left to sustain life on the planet. By the middle of the 21st century, if present trends continue, we will have used up all the oil that drives our cars, for example. Even if scientists develop new ways of feeding the human race, the crowded conditions on earth will make it necessary for us to look for open space somewhere else. But none of the other planets in our solar system are capable of supporting life at present. One possible solution to the problem, however, has recently been suggested by an American scientist, Professor Carl Sagan. Sagan believes that before the earth's resources are completely exhausted it will be possible to change the atmosphere of Venus and so create a new world almost as large as earth itself. The difficulty is that Venus is much hotter than the earth and there is only a tiny amount of water there. Sagan proposes that algae organisms, which can live in extremely hot or cold atmospheres and at the same time produce oxygen, should be bred in conditions similar to those on Venus. As soon as this has been done, the algae will be placed in small rockets. Spaceships will then fly to Venus and fire the rockets into the atmosphere. In a fairly short time, the algae will break down the carbon dioxide into oxygen and carbon. When the algae have done their work, the atmosphere will become cooler, but before man can set foot on Venus it will be necessary for the oxygen to produce rain. The surface of the planet will still be too hot for men to land on it but the rain will eventually fall and in a few years something like earth will be reproduced on Venus.

2437.txt

The first paragraph tells us that the author ________.

Looking back on my childhood, I am convinced that naturalists are born and not made. Although we were all brought up in the same way, my brothers and sisters soon abandoned their pressed flowers and insects. Unlike them, I had no ear for music and languages. I was not an early reader and I could not do mental arithmetic. Before world I we spent our summer holidays in Hungary. I have only the dim memory of the house we lived in, of my room and my toys. Nor do I recall clearly the large family of grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins who gathered next door. But I do have a crystal-clear memory of the dogs, the farm animals, the local birds and, above all the insects. I am a naturalist, not a scientist. I have a strong love of the natural world, and my enthusiasm has led me into varied investigations. I love discussing my favorite topics and enjoy burning the midnight oil while reading about other people's observations and discoveries. Then something happens that brings these observations together in my conscious mind. Suddenly you fancy you see the answer to the riddle , because it all seems to fit together. This has resulted in my publishing 300 papers and books, which some might honour with the title of scientific research. But curiosity, a keen eye, a good memory and enjoyment of the animal and plant world do not make a scientist: one of the outstanding and essential qualities require is self-discipline, quality I lack. A scientist requires not only self-discipline but all training, determination and a goal. A scientist, up to a point, can be made. A naturalist is born. If you can combine the two, you get the best of both worlds.

3088.txt

The author can't remember his relatives clearly because ________.

Looking back on my childhood, I am convinced that naturalists are born and not made. Although we were all brought up in the same way, my brothers and sisters soon abandoned their pressed flowers and insects. Unlike them, I had no ear for music and languages. I was not an early reader and I could not do mental arithmetic. Before world I we spent our summer holidays in Hungary. I have only the dim memory of the house we lived in, of my room and my toys. Nor do I recall clearly the large family of grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins who gathered next door. But I do have a crystal-clear memory of the dogs, the farm animals, the local birds and, above all the insects. I am a naturalist, not a scientist. I have a strong love of the natural world, and my enthusiasm has led me into varied investigations. I love discussing my favorite topics and enjoy burning the midnight oil while reading about other people's observations and discoveries. Then something happens that brings these observations together in my conscious mind. Suddenly you fancy you see the answer to the riddle , because it all seems to fit together. This has resulted in my publishing 300 papers and books, which some might honour with the title of scientific research. But curiosity, a keen eye, a good memory and enjoyment of the animal and plant world do not make a scientist: one of the outstanding and essential qualities require is self-discipline, quality I lack. A scientist requires not only self-discipline but all training, determination and a goal. A scientist, up to a point, can be made. A naturalist is born. If you can combine the two, you get the best of both worlds.

3088.txt

It can be inferred from the passage that the author was ________.

Looking back on my childhood, I am convinced that naturalists are born and not made. Although we were all brought up in the same way, my brothers and sisters soon abandoned their pressed flowers and insects. Unlike them, I had no ear for music and languages. I was not an early reader and I could not do mental arithmetic. Before world I we spent our summer holidays in Hungary. I have only the dim memory of the house we lived in, of my room and my toys. Nor do I recall clearly the large family of grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins who gathered next door. But I do have a crystal-clear memory of the dogs, the farm animals, the local birds and, above all the insects. I am a naturalist, not a scientist. I have a strong love of the natural world, and my enthusiasm has led me into varied investigations. I love discussing my favorite topics and enjoy burning the midnight oil while reading about other people's observations and discoveries. Then something happens that brings these observations together in my conscious mind. Suddenly you fancy you see the answer to the riddle , because it all seems to fit together. This has resulted in my publishing 300 papers and books, which some might honour with the title of scientific research. But curiosity, a keen eye, a good memory and enjoyment of the animal and plant world do not make a scientist: one of the outstanding and essential qualities require is self-discipline, quality I lack. A scientist requires not only self-discipline but all training, determination and a goal. A scientist, up to a point, can be made. A naturalist is born. If you can combine the two, you get the best of both worlds.

3088.txt

The author says that he is a naturalist rather than a scientist probably because he thinks he ________.

Looking back on my childhood, I am convinced that naturalists are born and not made. Although we were all brought up in the same way, my brothers and sisters soon abandoned their pressed flowers and insects. Unlike them, I had no ear for music and languages. I was not an early reader and I could not do mental arithmetic. Before world I we spent our summer holidays in Hungary. I have only the dim memory of the house we lived in, of my room and my toys. Nor do I recall clearly the large family of grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins who gathered next door. But I do have a crystal-clear memory of the dogs, the farm animals, the local birds and, above all the insects. I am a naturalist, not a scientist. I have a strong love of the natural world, and my enthusiasm has led me into varied investigations. I love discussing my favorite topics and enjoy burning the midnight oil while reading about other people's observations and discoveries. Then something happens that brings these observations together in my conscious mind. Suddenly you fancy you see the answer to the riddle , because it all seems to fit together. This has resulted in my publishing 300 papers and books, which some might honour with the title of scientific research. But curiosity, a keen eye, a good memory and enjoyment of the animal and plant world do not make a scientist: one of the outstanding and essential qualities require is self-discipline, quality I lack. A scientist requires not only self-discipline but all training, determination and a goal. A scientist, up to a point, can be made. A naturalist is born. If you can combine the two, you get the best of both worlds.

3088.txt

According to the author, a born naturalist should first of all be ________.

Looking back on my childhood, I am convinced that naturalists are born and not made. Although we were all brought up in the same way, my brothers and sisters soon abandoned their pressed flowers and insects. Unlike them, I had no ear for music and languages. I was not an early reader and I could not do mental arithmetic. Before world I we spent our summer holidays in Hungary. I have only the dim memory of the house we lived in, of my room and my toys. Nor do I recall clearly the large family of grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins who gathered next door. But I do have a crystal-clear memory of the dogs, the farm animals, the local birds and, above all the insects. I am a naturalist, not a scientist. I have a strong love of the natural world, and my enthusiasm has led me into varied investigations. I love discussing my favorite topics and enjoy burning the midnight oil while reading about other people's observations and discoveries. Then something happens that brings these observations together in my conscious mind. Suddenly you fancy you see the answer to the riddle , because it all seems to fit together. This has resulted in my publishing 300 papers and books, which some might honour with the title of scientific research. But curiosity, a keen eye, a good memory and enjoyment of the animal and plant world do not make a scientist: one of the outstanding and essential qualities require is self-discipline, quality I lack. A scientist requires not only self-discipline but all training, determination and a goal. A scientist, up to a point, can be made. A naturalist is born. If you can combine the two, you get the best of both worlds.

3088.txt

The main task of a public speech course is to _.

Learning how to write is like taking a course in public speaking. I'd ask whether anyone in class had ever taken such a course. Invariably a few hands would go up. ―What did you learn in that course?‖ I'd ask. ―Well, the main thing was learning how to face an audienc e… not to be inhibited (;)…not to be nervous…‖ Exactly, when you take a course in public speaking nowadays, you don't hear much about grammar and vocabulary. Instead, you're taught how not to be afraid or embarrassed, how to speak without a prepared script, how to reach out to the live audience before you. Public speaking is a matter of overcoming your longstanding nervous inhibitions. It is the same in writing. (81) The point of the whole thing is to overcome your nervous inhibitions, to break through the invisible barrier that separates you from the person who'll read what you wrote. You must learn to sit in front of your typewriter or dictating machine and reach out to the person at the other end of the line. Of course, in public speaking, with the audience right in front of you, the problem is easier. You can look at them and talk to them directly. In writing, you're alone. It needs an effort of your experience or imagination to take hold of that other person and talk to him or her. But that effort is necessary or at least it's necessary until you've reached the point when you quite naturally and unconsciously―talk on paper.‖

2171.txt

Learning how to write is similar to learning how to speak in public in that a writer should _.

Learning how to write is like taking a course in public speaking. I'd ask whether anyone in class had ever taken such a course. Invariably a few hands would go up. ―What did you learn in that course?‖ I'd ask. ―Well, the main thing was learning how to face an audienc e… not to be inhibited (;)…not to be nervous…‖ Exactly, when you take a course in public speaking nowadays, you don't hear much about grammar and vocabulary. Instead, you're taught how not to be afraid or embarrassed, how to speak without a prepared script, how to reach out to the live audience before you. Public speaking is a matter of overcoming your longstanding nervous inhibitions. It is the same in writing. (81) The point of the whole thing is to overcome your nervous inhibitions, to break through the invisible barrier that separates you from the person who'll read what you wrote. You must learn to sit in front of your typewriter or dictating machine and reach out to the person at the other end of the line. Of course, in public speaking, with the audience right in front of you, the problem is easier. You can look at them and talk to them directly. In writing, you're alone. It needs an effort of your experience or imagination to take hold of that other person and talk to him or her. But that effort is necessary or at least it's necessary until you've reached the point when you quite naturally and unconsciously―talk on paper.‖

2171.txt

In the author's opinion_.

Learning how to write is like taking a course in public speaking. I'd ask whether anyone in class had ever taken such a course. Invariably a few hands would go up. ―What did you learn in that course?‖ I'd ask. ―Well, the main thing was learning how to face an audienc e… not to be inhibited (;)…not to be nervous…‖ Exactly, when you take a course in public speaking nowadays, you don't hear much about grammar and vocabulary. Instead, you're taught how not to be afraid or embarrassed, how to speak without a prepared script, how to reach out to the live audience before you. Public speaking is a matter of overcoming your longstanding nervous inhibitions. It is the same in writing. (81) The point of the whole thing is to overcome your nervous inhibitions, to break through the invisible barrier that separates you from the person who'll read what you wrote. You must learn to sit in front of your typewriter or dictating machine and reach out to the person at the other end of the line. Of course, in public speaking, with the audience right in front of you, the problem is easier. You can look at them and talk to them directly. In writing, you're alone. It needs an effort of your experience or imagination to take hold of that other person and talk to him or her. But that effort is necessary or at least it's necessary until you've reached the point when you quite naturally and unconsciously―talk on paper.‖

2171.txt

Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the passage?

Learning how to write is like taking a course in public speaking. I'd ask whether anyone in class had ever taken such a course. Invariably a few hands would go up. ―What did you learn in that course?‖ I'd ask. ―Well, the main thing was learning how to face an audienc e… not to be inhibited (;)…not to be nervous…‖ Exactly, when you take a course in public speaking nowadays, you don't hear much about grammar and vocabulary. Instead, you're taught how not to be afraid or embarrassed, how to speak without a prepared script, how to reach out to the live audience before you. Public speaking is a matter of overcoming your longstanding nervous inhibitions. It is the same in writing. (81) The point of the whole thing is to overcome your nervous inhibitions, to break through the invisible barrier that separates you from the person who'll read what you wrote. You must learn to sit in front of your typewriter or dictating machine and reach out to the person at the other end of the line. Of course, in public speaking, with the audience right in front of you, the problem is easier. You can look at them and talk to them directly. In writing, you're alone. It needs an effort of your experience or imagination to take hold of that other person and talk to him or her. But that effort is necessary or at least it's necessary until you've reached the point when you quite naturally and unconsciously―talk on paper.‖

2171.txt

This selection is mainly about learning how to _ .

Learning how to write is like taking a course in public speaking. I'd ask whether anyone in class had ever taken such a course. Invariably a few hands would go up. ―What did you learn in that course?‖ I'd ask. ―Well, the main thing was learning how to face an audienc e… not to be inhibited (;)…not to be nervous…‖ Exactly, when you take a course in public speaking nowadays, you don't hear much about grammar and vocabulary. Instead, you're taught how not to be afraid or embarrassed, how to speak without a prepared script, how to reach out to the live audience before you. Public speaking is a matter of overcoming your longstanding nervous inhibitions. It is the same in writing. (81) The point of the whole thing is to overcome your nervous inhibitions, to break through the invisible barrier that separates you from the person who'll read what you wrote. You must learn to sit in front of your typewriter or dictating machine and reach out to the person at the other end of the line. Of course, in public speaking, with the audience right in front of you, the problem is easier. You can look at them and talk to them directly. In writing, you're alone. It needs an effort of your experience or imagination to take hold of that other person and talk to him or her. But that effort is necessary or at least it's necessary until you've reached the point when you quite naturally and unconsciously―talk on paper.‖

2171.txt

What question does the example in the movie raise?

In the beginning of the movie I, Robot, a robot has to decide whom to save after two cars plunge into the water-Del Spooner or a child. Even though Spooner screams "Save her! Save her!" the robot rescues him because it calculates that he has a 45 percent chance of survival compared to Sarah's 11 percent. The robot's decision and its calculated approach raise an important question: would humans make the same choice? And which choice would we want our robotic counterparts to make? Isaac Asimov evaded the whole notion of morality in devising his three laws of robotics, which hold that 1. Robots cannot harm humans or allow humans to come to harm; 2. Robots must obey humans, except where the order would conflict with law 1; and 3. Robots must act in self-preservation, unless doing so conflicts with laws 1 or 2. These laws are programmed into Asimov's robots-they don't have to think, judge, or value. They don't have to like humans or believe that hurting them is wrong or bad. They simply don't do it. The robot who rescues Spooner's life in I, Robot follows Asimov's zeroth law: robots cannot harm humanity (as opposed to individual humans) or allow humanity to come to harm-an expansion of the first law that allows robots to determine what's in the greater good. Under the first law, a robot could not harm a dangerous gunman, but under the zeroth law, a robot could kill the gunman to save others. Whether it's possible to program a robot with safeguards such as Asimov's laws is debatable. A word such as "harm" is vague (what about emotional harm? Is replacing a human employee harm?), and abstract concepts present coding problems. The robots in Asimov's fiction expose complications and loopholes in the three laws, and even when the laws work, robots still have to assess situations. Assessing situations can be complicated. A robot has to identify the players, conditions, and possible outcomes for various scenarios. It's doubtful that a computer program can do that-at least, not without some undesirable results. A roboticist at the Bristol Robotics Laboratory programmed a robot to save human proxies called "H-bots" from danger. When one H-bot headed for danger, the robot successfully pushed it out of the way. But when two H-bots became imperiled, the robot chocked 42 percent of the time, unable to decide which to save and letting them both "die." The experiment highlights the importance of morality: without it, how can a robot decide whom to save or what's best for humanity, especially if it can't calculate survival odds?

2010.txt

What does the author think of Asimov's three laws of robotics?

In the beginning of the movie I, Robot, a robot has to decide whom to save after two cars plunge into the water-Del Spooner or a child. Even though Spooner screams "Save her! Save her!" the robot rescues him because it calculates that he has a 45 percent chance of survival compared to Sarah's 11 percent. The robot's decision and its calculated approach raise an important question: would humans make the same choice? And which choice would we want our robotic counterparts to make? Isaac Asimov evaded the whole notion of morality in devising his three laws of robotics, which hold that 1. Robots cannot harm humans or allow humans to come to harm; 2. Robots must obey humans, except where the order would conflict with law 1; and 3. Robots must act in self-preservation, unless doing so conflicts with laws 1 or 2. These laws are programmed into Asimov's robots-they don't have to think, judge, or value. They don't have to like humans or believe that hurting them is wrong or bad. They simply don't do it. The robot who rescues Spooner's life in I, Robot follows Asimov's zeroth law: robots cannot harm humanity (as opposed to individual humans) or allow humanity to come to harm-an expansion of the first law that allows robots to determine what's in the greater good. Under the first law, a robot could not harm a dangerous gunman, but under the zeroth law, a robot could kill the gunman to save others. Whether it's possible to program a robot with safeguards such as Asimov's laws is debatable. A word such as "harm" is vague (what about emotional harm? Is replacing a human employee harm?), and abstract concepts present coding problems. The robots in Asimov's fiction expose complications and loopholes in the three laws, and even when the laws work, robots still have to assess situations. Assessing situations can be complicated. A robot has to identify the players, conditions, and possible outcomes for various scenarios. It's doubtful that a computer program can do that-at least, not without some undesirable results. A roboticist at the Bristol Robotics Laboratory programmed a robot to save human proxies called "H-bots" from danger. When one H-bot headed for danger, the robot successfully pushed it out of the way. But when two H-bots became imperiled, the robot chocked 42 percent of the time, unable to decide which to save and letting them both "die." The experiment highlights the importance of morality: without it, how can a robot decide whom to save or what's best for humanity, especially if it can't calculate survival odds?

2010.txt

What does the author say about Asimov's robots?

In the beginning of the movie I, Robot, a robot has to decide whom to save after two cars plunge into the water-Del Spooner or a child. Even though Spooner screams "Save her! Save her!" the robot rescues him because it calculates that he has a 45 percent chance of survival compared to Sarah's 11 percent. The robot's decision and its calculated approach raise an important question: would humans make the same choice? And which choice would we want our robotic counterparts to make? Isaac Asimov evaded the whole notion of morality in devising his three laws of robotics, which hold that 1. Robots cannot harm humans or allow humans to come to harm; 2. Robots must obey humans, except where the order would conflict with law 1; and 3. Robots must act in self-preservation, unless doing so conflicts with laws 1 or 2. These laws are programmed into Asimov's robots-they don't have to think, judge, or value. They don't have to like humans or believe that hurting them is wrong or bad. They simply don't do it. The robot who rescues Spooner's life in I, Robot follows Asimov's zeroth law: robots cannot harm humanity (as opposed to individual humans) or allow humanity to come to harm-an expansion of the first law that allows robots to determine what's in the greater good. Under the first law, a robot could not harm a dangerous gunman, but under the zeroth law, a robot could kill the gunman to save others. Whether it's possible to program a robot with safeguards such as Asimov's laws is debatable. A word such as "harm" is vague (what about emotional harm? Is replacing a human employee harm?), and abstract concepts present coding problems. The robots in Asimov's fiction expose complications and loopholes in the three laws, and even when the laws work, robots still have to assess situations. Assessing situations can be complicated. A robot has to identify the players, conditions, and possible outcomes for various scenarios. It's doubtful that a computer program can do that-at least, not without some undesirable results. A roboticist at the Bristol Robotics Laboratory programmed a robot to save human proxies called "H-bots" from danger. When one H-bot headed for danger, the robot successfully pushed it out of the way. But when two H-bots became imperiled, the robot chocked 42 percent of the time, unable to decide which to save and letting them both "die." The experiment highlights the importance of morality: without it, how can a robot decide whom to save or what's best for humanity, especially if it can't calculate survival odds?

2010.txt

What does the author want to say by mentioning the word "harm" in Asimov's laws?

In the beginning of the movie I, Robot, a robot has to decide whom to save after two cars plunge into the water-Del Spooner or a child. Even though Spooner screams "Save her! Save her!" the robot rescues him because it calculates that he has a 45 percent chance of survival compared to Sarah's 11 percent. The robot's decision and its calculated approach raise an important question: would humans make the same choice? And which choice would we want our robotic counterparts to make? Isaac Asimov evaded the whole notion of morality in devising his three laws of robotics, which hold that 1. Robots cannot harm humans or allow humans to come to harm; 2. Robots must obey humans, except where the order would conflict with law 1; and 3. Robots must act in self-preservation, unless doing so conflicts with laws 1 or 2. These laws are programmed into Asimov's robots-they don't have to think, judge, or value. They don't have to like humans or believe that hurting them is wrong or bad. They simply don't do it. The robot who rescues Spooner's life in I, Robot follows Asimov's zeroth law: robots cannot harm humanity (as opposed to individual humans) or allow humanity to come to harm-an expansion of the first law that allows robots to determine what's in the greater good. Under the first law, a robot could not harm a dangerous gunman, but under the zeroth law, a robot could kill the gunman to save others. Whether it's possible to program a robot with safeguards such as Asimov's laws is debatable. A word such as "harm" is vague (what about emotional harm? Is replacing a human employee harm?), and abstract concepts present coding problems. The robots in Asimov's fiction expose complications and loopholes in the three laws, and even when the laws work, robots still have to assess situations. Assessing situations can be complicated. A robot has to identify the players, conditions, and possible outcomes for various scenarios. It's doubtful that a computer program can do that-at least, not without some undesirable results. A roboticist at the Bristol Robotics Laboratory programmed a robot to save human proxies called "H-bots" from danger. When one H-bot headed for danger, the robot successfully pushed it out of the way. But when two H-bots became imperiled, the robot chocked 42 percent of the time, unable to decide which to save and letting them both "die." The experiment highlights the importance of morality: without it, how can a robot decide whom to save or what's best for humanity, especially if it can't calculate survival odds?

2010.txt

What has the roboticist at the Bristol Robotics Laboratory found in his experiment?

In the beginning of the movie I, Robot, a robot has to decide whom to save after two cars plunge into the water-Del Spooner or a child. Even though Spooner screams "Save her! Save her!" the robot rescues him because it calculates that he has a 45 percent chance of survival compared to Sarah's 11 percent. The robot's decision and its calculated approach raise an important question: would humans make the same choice? And which choice would we want our robotic counterparts to make? Isaac Asimov evaded the whole notion of morality in devising his three laws of robotics, which hold that 1. Robots cannot harm humans or allow humans to come to harm; 2. Robots must obey humans, except where the order would conflict with law 1; and 3. Robots must act in self-preservation, unless doing so conflicts with laws 1 or 2. These laws are programmed into Asimov's robots-they don't have to think, judge, or value. They don't have to like humans or believe that hurting them is wrong or bad. They simply don't do it. The robot who rescues Spooner's life in I, Robot follows Asimov's zeroth law: robots cannot harm humanity (as opposed to individual humans) or allow humanity to come to harm-an expansion of the first law that allows robots to determine what's in the greater good. Under the first law, a robot could not harm a dangerous gunman, but under the zeroth law, a robot could kill the gunman to save others. Whether it's possible to program a robot with safeguards such as Asimov's laws is debatable. A word such as "harm" is vague (what about emotional harm? Is replacing a human employee harm?), and abstract concepts present coding problems. The robots in Asimov's fiction expose complications and loopholes in the three laws, and even when the laws work, robots still have to assess situations. Assessing situations can be complicated. A robot has to identify the players, conditions, and possible outcomes for various scenarios. It's doubtful that a computer program can do that-at least, not without some undesirable results. A roboticist at the Bristol Robotics Laboratory programmed a robot to save human proxies called "H-bots" from danger. When one H-bot headed for danger, the robot successfully pushed it out of the way. But when two H-bots became imperiled, the robot chocked 42 percent of the time, unable to decide which to save and letting them both "die." The experiment highlights the importance of morality: without it, how can a robot decide whom to save or what's best for humanity, especially if it can't calculate survival odds?

2010.txt

The author says that the world population is growing because _ .

A growing world population and the discoveries of science may alter this pattern of distribution in the future. As men slowly learn to master diseases, control floods, prevent famines, and stop wars, fewer people die every year; and in consequence the population of the world is steadily increasing. In 1925 there were about 2,000 million people in the world; by the end of the century there may well be over 4,000 million. When numbers rise the extra mouths must be fed. New lands must be brought under cultivation, or land already farmed made to yield larger crops. In some areas the accessible land is so intensively cultivated that it will be difficult to make it provide more food. In some areas the population is so dense that the land is parceled out in units too tiny to allow for much improvement in farming methods. Were a large part of this farming population drawn off into industrial occupations, the land might be farmed much more productively by modern methods. There is now a race for science, technology, and industry to keep the output of food rising faster than the number of people to be fed. New strains of crops are being developed which will thrive in unfavorable climates: there are now farms beyond the Arctic Circle in Siberia and North America; irrigation and dry-farming methods bring arid lands under the plough, dams hold back the waters of great rivers to ensure water for the fields in all seasons and to provide electric power for new industries; industrial chemistry provides fertilizers to suit particular soils; aeroplanes spray crops to destroy locusts and many plant diseases. Every year some new means is devised to increase or to protect the food of the world.

746.txt

The author says that in densely populated areas the land might be more productively farmed if _ .

A growing world population and the discoveries of science may alter this pattern of distribution in the future. As men slowly learn to master diseases, control floods, prevent famines, and stop wars, fewer people die every year; and in consequence the population of the world is steadily increasing. In 1925 there were about 2,000 million people in the world; by the end of the century there may well be over 4,000 million. When numbers rise the extra mouths must be fed. New lands must be brought under cultivation, or land already farmed made to yield larger crops. In some areas the accessible land is so intensively cultivated that it will be difficult to make it provide more food. In some areas the population is so dense that the land is parceled out in units too tiny to allow for much improvement in farming methods. Were a large part of this farming population drawn off into industrial occupations, the land might be farmed much more productively by modern methods. There is now a race for science, technology, and industry to keep the output of food rising faster than the number of people to be fed. New strains of crops are being developed which will thrive in unfavorable climates: there are now farms beyond the Arctic Circle in Siberia and North America; irrigation and dry-farming methods bring arid lands under the plough, dams hold back the waters of great rivers to ensure water for the fields in all seasons and to provide electric power for new industries; industrial chemistry provides fertilizers to suit particular soils; aeroplanes spray crops to destroy locusts and many plant diseases. Every year some new means is devised to increase or to protect the food of the world.

746.txt

We are told that there are now farms beyond the Arctic Circle. This has been made possible by _ .

A growing world population and the discoveries of science may alter this pattern of distribution in the future. As men slowly learn to master diseases, control floods, prevent famines, and stop wars, fewer people die every year; and in consequence the population of the world is steadily increasing. In 1925 there were about 2,000 million people in the world; by the end of the century there may well be over 4,000 million. When numbers rise the extra mouths must be fed. New lands must be brought under cultivation, or land already farmed made to yield larger crops. In some areas the accessible land is so intensively cultivated that it will be difficult to make it provide more food. In some areas the population is so dense that the land is parceled out in units too tiny to allow for much improvement in farming methods. Were a large part of this farming population drawn off into industrial occupations, the land might be farmed much more productively by modern methods. There is now a race for science, technology, and industry to keep the output of food rising faster than the number of people to be fed. New strains of crops are being developed which will thrive in unfavorable climates: there are now farms beyond the Arctic Circle in Siberia and North America; irrigation and dry-farming methods bring arid lands under the plough, dams hold back the waters of great rivers to ensure water for the fields in all seasons and to provide electric power for new industries; industrial chemistry provides fertilizers to suit particular soils; aeroplanes spray crops to destroy locusts and many plant diseases. Every year some new means is devised to increase or to protect the food of the world.

746.txt

Which of these words is nearest in meaning to the word "strains"?

A growing world population and the discoveries of science may alter this pattern of distribution in the future. As men slowly learn to master diseases, control floods, prevent famines, and stop wars, fewer people die every year; and in consequence the population of the world is steadily increasing. In 1925 there were about 2,000 million people in the world; by the end of the century there may well be over 4,000 million. When numbers rise the extra mouths must be fed. New lands must be brought under cultivation, or land already farmed made to yield larger crops. In some areas the accessible land is so intensively cultivated that it will be difficult to make it provide more food. In some areas the population is so dense that the land is parceled out in units too tiny to allow for much improvement in farming methods. Were a large part of this farming population drawn off into industrial occupations, the land might be farmed much more productively by modern methods. There is now a race for science, technology, and industry to keep the output of food rising faster than the number of people to be fed. New strains of crops are being developed which will thrive in unfavorable climates: there are now farms beyond the Arctic Circle in Siberia and North America; irrigation and dry-farming methods bring arid lands under the plough, dams hold back the waters of great rivers to ensure water for the fields in all seasons and to provide electric power for new industries; industrial chemistry provides fertilizers to suit particular soils; aeroplanes spray crops to destroy locusts and many plant diseases. Every year some new means is devised to increase or to protect the food of the world.

746.txt

The author's main purpose is to _ .

A growing world population and the discoveries of science may alter this pattern of distribution in the future. As men slowly learn to master diseases, control floods, prevent famines, and stop wars, fewer people die every year; and in consequence the population of the world is steadily increasing. In 1925 there were about 2,000 million people in the world; by the end of the century there may well be over 4,000 million. When numbers rise the extra mouths must be fed. New lands must be brought under cultivation, or land already farmed made to yield larger crops. In some areas the accessible land is so intensively cultivated that it will be difficult to make it provide more food. In some areas the population is so dense that the land is parceled out in units too tiny to allow for much improvement in farming methods. Were a large part of this farming population drawn off into industrial occupations, the land might be farmed much more productively by modern methods. There is now a race for science, technology, and industry to keep the output of food rising faster than the number of people to be fed. New strains of crops are being developed which will thrive in unfavorable climates: there are now farms beyond the Arctic Circle in Siberia and North America; irrigation and dry-farming methods bring arid lands under the plough, dams hold back the waters of great rivers to ensure water for the fields in all seasons and to provide electric power for new industries; industrial chemistry provides fertilizers to suit particular soils; aeroplanes spray crops to destroy locusts and many plant diseases. Every year some new means is devised to increase or to protect the food of the world.

746.txt

The word "modifying" in line 4 is closest in meaning to

The geology of the Earth's surface is dominated by the particular properties of water. Present on Earth in solid, liquid, and gaseous states, water is exceptionally reactive. It dissolves, transports, and precipitates many chemical compounds and is constantly modifying the face of the Earth. Evaporated from the oceans, water vapor forms clouds, some of which are transported by wind over the continents. Condensation from the clouds provides the essential agent of continental erosion: rain. Precipitated onto the ground, the water trickles down to form brooks, streams, and rivers, constituting what are called the hydrographic network. This immense polarized network channels the water toward a single receptacle: an ocean. Gravity dominates this entire step in the cycle because water tends to minimize its potential energy by running from high altitudes toward the reference point, that is, sea level. The rate at which a molecule of water passes though the cycle is not random but is a measure of the relative size of the various reservoirs. If we define residence time as the average time for a water molecule to pass through one of the three reservoirs - atmosphere, continent, and ocean - we see that the times are very different. A water molecule stays, on average, eleven days in the atmosphere, one hundred years on a continent and forty thousand years in the ocean. This last figure shows the importance of the ocean as the principal reservoir of the hydrosphere but also the rapidity of water transport on the continents. A vast chemical separation process takes places during the flow of water over the continents. Soluble ions such as calcium, sodium, potassium, and some magnesium are dissolved and transported. Insoluble ions such as aluminum, iron, and silicon stay where they are and form the thin, fertile skin of soil on which vegetation can grow. Sometimes soils are destroyed and transported mechanically during flooding. The erosion of the continents thus results from two closely linked and interdependent processes, chemical erosion and mechanical erosion. Their respective interactions and efficiency depend on different factors.

2131.txt

The word "which" in line 5 refers to

The geology of the Earth's surface is dominated by the particular properties of water. Present on Earth in solid, liquid, and gaseous states, water is exceptionally reactive. It dissolves, transports, and precipitates many chemical compounds and is constantly modifying the face of the Earth. Evaporated from the oceans, water vapor forms clouds, some of which are transported by wind over the continents. Condensation from the clouds provides the essential agent of continental erosion: rain. Precipitated onto the ground, the water trickles down to form brooks, streams, and rivers, constituting what are called the hydrographic network. This immense polarized network channels the water toward a single receptacle: an ocean. Gravity dominates this entire step in the cycle because water tends to minimize its potential energy by running from high altitudes toward the reference point, that is, sea level. The rate at which a molecule of water passes though the cycle is not random but is a measure of the relative size of the various reservoirs. If we define residence time as the average time for a water molecule to pass through one of the three reservoirs - atmosphere, continent, and ocean - we see that the times are very different. A water molecule stays, on average, eleven days in the atmosphere, one hundred years on a continent and forty thousand years in the ocean. This last figure shows the importance of the ocean as the principal reservoir of the hydrosphere but also the rapidity of water transport on the continents. A vast chemical separation process takes places during the flow of water over the continents. Soluble ions such as calcium, sodium, potassium, and some magnesium are dissolved and transported. Insoluble ions such as aluminum, iron, and silicon stay where they are and form the thin, fertile skin of soil on which vegetation can grow. Sometimes soils are destroyed and transported mechanically during flooding. The erosion of the continents thus results from two closely linked and interdependent processes, chemical erosion and mechanical erosion. Their respective interactions and efficiency depend on different factors.

2131.txt

According to the passage , clouds are primarily formed by water

The geology of the Earth's surface is dominated by the particular properties of water. Present on Earth in solid, liquid, and gaseous states, water is exceptionally reactive. It dissolves, transports, and precipitates many chemical compounds and is constantly modifying the face of the Earth. Evaporated from the oceans, water vapor forms clouds, some of which are transported by wind over the continents. Condensation from the clouds provides the essential agent of continental erosion: rain. Precipitated onto the ground, the water trickles down to form brooks, streams, and rivers, constituting what are called the hydrographic network. This immense polarized network channels the water toward a single receptacle: an ocean. Gravity dominates this entire step in the cycle because water tends to minimize its potential energy by running from high altitudes toward the reference point, that is, sea level. The rate at which a molecule of water passes though the cycle is not random but is a measure of the relative size of the various reservoirs. If we define residence time as the average time for a water molecule to pass through one of the three reservoirs - atmosphere, continent, and ocean - we see that the times are very different. A water molecule stays, on average, eleven days in the atmosphere, one hundred years on a continent and forty thousand years in the ocean. This last figure shows the importance of the ocean as the principal reservoir of the hydrosphere but also the rapidity of water transport on the continents. A vast chemical separation process takes places during the flow of water over the continents. Soluble ions such as calcium, sodium, potassium, and some magnesium are dissolved and transported. Insoluble ions such as aluminum, iron, and silicon stay where they are and form the thin, fertile skin of soil on which vegetation can grow. Sometimes soils are destroyed and transported mechanically during flooding. The erosion of the continents thus results from two closely linked and interdependent processes, chemical erosion and mechanical erosion. Their respective interactions and efficiency depend on different factors.

2131.txt

The passage suggests that the purpose of the "hydrographic network" (line 8) is to

The geology of the Earth's surface is dominated by the particular properties of water. Present on Earth in solid, liquid, and gaseous states, water is exceptionally reactive. It dissolves, transports, and precipitates many chemical compounds and is constantly modifying the face of the Earth. Evaporated from the oceans, water vapor forms clouds, some of which are transported by wind over the continents. Condensation from the clouds provides the essential agent of continental erosion: rain. Precipitated onto the ground, the water trickles down to form brooks, streams, and rivers, constituting what are called the hydrographic network. This immense polarized network channels the water toward a single receptacle: an ocean. Gravity dominates this entire step in the cycle because water tends to minimize its potential energy by running from high altitudes toward the reference point, that is, sea level. The rate at which a molecule of water passes though the cycle is not random but is a measure of the relative size of the various reservoirs. If we define residence time as the average time for a water molecule to pass through one of the three reservoirs - atmosphere, continent, and ocean - we see that the times are very different. A water molecule stays, on average, eleven days in the atmosphere, one hundred years on a continent and forty thousand years in the ocean. This last figure shows the importance of the ocean as the principal reservoir of the hydrosphere but also the rapidity of water transport on the continents. A vast chemical separation process takes places during the flow of water over the continents. Soluble ions such as calcium, sodium, potassium, and some magnesium are dissolved and transported. Insoluble ions such as aluminum, iron, and silicon stay where they are and form the thin, fertile skin of soil on which vegetation can grow. Sometimes soils are destroyed and transported mechanically during flooding. The erosion of the continents thus results from two closely linked and interdependent processes, chemical erosion and mechanical erosion. Their respective interactions and efficiency depend on different factors.

2131.txt

What determines the rate at which a molecule of water moves through the cycle, as discussed in the third paragraph?

The geology of the Earth's surface is dominated by the particular properties of water. Present on Earth in solid, liquid, and gaseous states, water is exceptionally reactive. It dissolves, transports, and precipitates many chemical compounds and is constantly modifying the face of the Earth. Evaporated from the oceans, water vapor forms clouds, some of which are transported by wind over the continents. Condensation from the clouds provides the essential agent of continental erosion: rain. Precipitated onto the ground, the water trickles down to form brooks, streams, and rivers, constituting what are called the hydrographic network. This immense polarized network channels the water toward a single receptacle: an ocean. Gravity dominates this entire step in the cycle because water tends to minimize its potential energy by running from high altitudes toward the reference point, that is, sea level. The rate at which a molecule of water passes though the cycle is not random but is a measure of the relative size of the various reservoirs. If we define residence time as the average time for a water molecule to pass through one of the three reservoirs - atmosphere, continent, and ocean - we see that the times are very different. A water molecule stays, on average, eleven days in the atmosphere, one hundred years on a continent and forty thousand years in the ocean. This last figure shows the importance of the ocean as the principal reservoir of the hydrosphere but also the rapidity of water transport on the continents. A vast chemical separation process takes places during the flow of water over the continents. Soluble ions such as calcium, sodium, potassium, and some magnesium are dissolved and transported. Insoluble ions such as aluminum, iron, and silicon stay where they are and form the thin, fertile skin of soil on which vegetation can grow. Sometimes soils are destroyed and transported mechanically during flooding. The erosion of the continents thus results from two closely linked and interdependent processes, chemical erosion and mechanical erosion. Their respective interactions and efficiency depend on different factors.

2131.txt

The word "rapidity" in line 19 is closest in meaning to

The geology of the Earth's surface is dominated by the particular properties of water. Present on Earth in solid, liquid, and gaseous states, water is exceptionally reactive. It dissolves, transports, and precipitates many chemical compounds and is constantly modifying the face of the Earth. Evaporated from the oceans, water vapor forms clouds, some of which are transported by wind over the continents. Condensation from the clouds provides the essential agent of continental erosion: rain. Precipitated onto the ground, the water trickles down to form brooks, streams, and rivers, constituting what are called the hydrographic network. This immense polarized network channels the water toward a single receptacle: an ocean. Gravity dominates this entire step in the cycle because water tends to minimize its potential energy by running from high altitudes toward the reference point, that is, sea level. The rate at which a molecule of water passes though the cycle is not random but is a measure of the relative size of the various reservoirs. If we define residence time as the average time for a water molecule to pass through one of the three reservoirs - atmosphere, continent, and ocean - we see that the times are very different. A water molecule stays, on average, eleven days in the atmosphere, one hundred years on a continent and forty thousand years in the ocean. This last figure shows the importance of the ocean as the principal reservoir of the hydrosphere but also the rapidity of water transport on the continents. A vast chemical separation process takes places during the flow of water over the continents. Soluble ions such as calcium, sodium, potassium, and some magnesium are dissolved and transported. Insoluble ions such as aluminum, iron, and silicon stay where they are and form the thin, fertile skin of soil on which vegetation can grow. Sometimes soils are destroyed and transported mechanically during flooding. The erosion of the continents thus results from two closely linked and interdependent processes, chemical erosion and mechanical erosion. Their respective interactions and efficiency depend on different factors.

2131.txt

The word "they" in line 24 refers to

The geology of the Earth's surface is dominated by the particular properties of water. Present on Earth in solid, liquid, and gaseous states, water is exceptionally reactive. It dissolves, transports, and precipitates many chemical compounds and is constantly modifying the face of the Earth. Evaporated from the oceans, water vapor forms clouds, some of which are transported by wind over the continents. Condensation from the clouds provides the essential agent of continental erosion: rain. Precipitated onto the ground, the water trickles down to form brooks, streams, and rivers, constituting what are called the hydrographic network. This immense polarized network channels the water toward a single receptacle: an ocean. Gravity dominates this entire step in the cycle because water tends to minimize its potential energy by running from high altitudes toward the reference point, that is, sea level. The rate at which a molecule of water passes though the cycle is not random but is a measure of the relative size of the various reservoirs. If we define residence time as the average time for a water molecule to pass through one of the three reservoirs - atmosphere, continent, and ocean - we see that the times are very different. A water molecule stays, on average, eleven days in the atmosphere, one hundred years on a continent and forty thousand years in the ocean. This last figure shows the importance of the ocean as the principal reservoir of the hydrosphere but also the rapidity of water transport on the continents. A vast chemical separation process takes places during the flow of water over the continents. Soluble ions such as calcium, sodium, potassium, and some magnesium are dissolved and transported. Insoluble ions such as aluminum, iron, and silicon stay where they are and form the thin, fertile skin of soil on which vegetation can grow. Sometimes soils are destroyed and transported mechanically during flooding. The erosion of the continents thus results from two closely linked and interdependent processes, chemical erosion and mechanical erosion. Their respective interactions and efficiency depend on different factors.

2131.txt